_relentlessly, a narrative as old as time drives forward to a climax as old as man--and points a finger as grim as death._ [illustration] the beginning by henry hasse illustrated by finlay in the purely cerebral sense, there was no particular point-of-sequence at which gral could have been said to know. the very causality of his existence was a succession of brute obedience to brute awareness, for it was only thus that one survived. there was the _danger-sense_ on those days when the great-toothed cats roamed the valley, and the males-who-will-bring remained huddled and sullen in the caves above the great ledge; there was the _hunger-sense_ when provender was low, and gor-wah drove them out with grunts and gibes to hunt the wild-dogs and lizards and lesser beasts; and not infrequently there was the other sense, the _not-hunger_, when the bring had been exceptional and there was somnolence after the gorging. gral could not remember when he had experienced the latter, for it was the dictate of gor-wah, the old one, that who did not bring did not eat--not until the others had gorged. gral was small, and weakest of all the males. not often did he bring. _once_ on a spurious moment he had scaled the valley-rim, and came out upon the huge plain where it was rumored the little three-toed horses roamed. and he had seen them, he had seen them! he pursued, armed only with blunt shaft and a few of the throw-stones such as otah used; but he was less swift than the tiny horses, and his throw-stones fell wide, and it was rumored that here roamed the long-tusked shaggy ones that were larger than the very caves ... trembling, gral had retraced his way, to arrive at the ledge and meekly await gor-wah's word that he could partake of the sinews that night. _... point of sequence. causality in action. an atom is dissected, a belly rumbles in hunger, a star blooms into brief nova; a bird wheels in futile escape, an ice-flow impacts, an equation is expressed in awesome mushrooming shape. these are multitudinous, apocalyptic. they are timeless and equal. these are things whereby suns wheel or blossom or die, a tribe vanishes, a civilization climbs or a world decays._ or an earlier sun, hot and soft-stroking against leaves. or a pleistocene man, smallest of all the males, whose supine acceptance had devolved into laziness.... gral would not have called it laziness; his crude synapses could not have contained the thought, much less given it relevance. even later--as gral-the-bringer--his only point of relevance was to the place where the great thing happened. the place was a small rocky cleft above the river, not easily accessible.... gral found it one day because he dearly loved to climb, though all to be found here were the lizards, stringy and without substance. but this day he found more. it was _warmth_, a warmth immeasurably more satisfying than the caves-above-the-ledge. here for perhaps an hour the late sun stroked directly in, soft and containing, setting the narrow walls aglow with bright-brushed patterns. to gral it was an hour apart. he gathered leaves and placed them here, and here he paused in the lateness of each day though his bring was frugal and his belly would rumble that night. but to _that_ he was accustomed, and this was pleasurable. * * * * * it was the time of the thaw. gral huddled in his place and welcomed the stroking warmth. he was weary, his forage had been fruitless, his throw-stones wasted ... would he never master them as otah and the others? he had confronted a wild-dog and pinned it snarling against rock, he had employed his shaft and got it fairly into flesh, only to have the beast slip off the smooth point and escape. smooth points--they were useless! briefly, his mind groped with that but could not sustain it. so gral burrowed into the leaves, his anger diminished as he watched with drowsy delight the sun-patterns stroking. and his eyes must have closed, half closed.... it was no snarl that brought him back--it was a tread, soft-shod and cautious, very close. the snarl came an instant later, deep-throated with anger and meaning. another had found this place, this warmth, these leaves that were fine for burrowing. gral came erect and stared into the visage of obe the great bear; just six feet away he saw the great head that swayed with deceptive gentleness, the amber eyes burning, the twinned mountainous muscle of shoulders ... and in that quick moment gral saw something else. obe stood directly astride the pointed shaft which gral had left too far distant. gral did not breathe. he did not move. only his hand crept slowly, but already he knew his throw-stones were gone. once more obe snarled, and gral saw those great shoulder muscles slide. his hand encountered the wall, groped desperately; then his fingers found something--a stick, a root, some gnarled thing that protruded.... in one rearing flow of motion, obe launched out in a mighty reach. gral caught part of that sweeping blow; stunned, he managed to gain footing, and now both his hands were on the protruding object. he wrenched and the thing came free, seeming strange and heavy in his hands. obe was upon him again, the great paws ready to crush ... pure terror sent gral stumbling back, but it was a different instinct that brought his arms once up and then down in a great arc.... once only. he felt a wondrous impact that jarred him to the shoulders--and then it was a miracle. obe was no longer upon him. obe lay half sprawled, roaring with rage, and from obe's massive head came the crimson life-stuff! gral did not question. avoiding the destructive paws, he leaped in and away, and then in, all the while employing the thing in his hand until obe's life-stuff had run its course in crimson ruin. * * * acceptance came slowly, as gral sagged in weariness against the wall. he could not believe this thing! timorously, he approached the great carcass and prodded with his foot. then he accepted. now things were happening inside him--a great turmoil, a throbbing within his chest. gral straightened; he brought his arms quickly up and around, and the thing-that-slew felt wondrous in the arc. even better than the throw-stones! it was like--he struggled for the meaning--like an extension of one's self! one threw the stone and yet retained it! but alas, it was not a stone at all, gral discovered. he placed the gnarled thing in sunlight and crouched to survey it. this thing-that-slew was but a length of rotting root, frozen at the end with clay and encrusted ice. and already the ice was shattered. the sun did the rest, as gral watched in despair; soon there was only soft melting mud and a gnarled stick that would never slay again. for a long time gral crouched there, trying to understand. dimly he perceived, but his mind would not reach. he scowled angrily and flung the useless stick away. there was a thing inside him he did not like, a strange new thing that gnawed and nagged and brought anger again. it was anger at being robbed of a priceless thing--but the gnawing went deeper. wearily, he rose. he began his trek back to the great ledge, to make announcement that his bring this day would be obe. * * * * * otah came, and lak and one other, and together they brought obe back. no one made remark on the slaying; it was enough that obe was here! and when gral came forward at the gorging to take the bringer's share, he merely took and retired, disdaining the great show of prowess and exaggeration which the others used to demonstrate their kill. but he saw that gor-wah, the old one, was pleased. even otah the thrower-of-stones looked at him with envy; it was not often they had obe the great bear; only twice before had it happened, and both times it was otah who brought. gral gorged voluptuously that night. this too was new to his experience, and this he liked. but newer still was the thing he did not like, the thing that continued to gnaw and nag and would not let him sleep. and next morning, with the valley still gray and murky before the dawn and damp with bitter cold, gral was gone in advance of the others. he clambered down to the river and there he pursued his way--far along toward the place where it widened into shallows. no thought of bringing today! instead he searched. he searched the rocky shallows as the sun came shafting, and he was still searching later as it climbed high. he found the place at last, where the stones were plentiful and of proper size. there he paused; the thing was still angry and prodding within him; gral could not have known that this "thing-that-prodded" was not anger but a churning impatience, a burning nameless need--that he was in very truth a prototype, the first in the realm of pure research! but he applied it, knowing remotely what he must do. it was long; it was irksome; he ached all through with the effort but still he persisted. until at last, from all the stones in the shallows, he had gathered a dozen that pleased him. these he seized eagerly. he spread them out; he examined; he grunted and grimaced and paused in perplexity. it was difficult to choose when each might do! but he chose, weighing each in his hand before discarding, until finally _one_ remained. he grunted his pleasure, knowing purpose now. the vines! again he selected carefully. _tight_, said the thing-that-prodded, _it must be tight or you will have only a throw-stone_. and so began the long task of arranging stone to shaft, as he brought the vine round and round again. it was crude; his fingers were clumsy and unaccustomed; the vine tangled and tore, and there was no way of fastening. but with each failure he found new ways, until at last it was done. it was done! a thing of extended strength and weight, at once so wondrous that gral could only place it before him and stare. he felt a pulsing at his throat, his thoughts went leaping. obe the great bear! now he could bring obe many times! even otah the thrower-of-stones would be in awe! gral lifted the thing of his creation ... and just a little way distant, his glance caught the bole of a tree. _now this will be obe the great bear_ ... then gral leapt forward, arm outflung in the arc he remembered. truly and without effort the weight went to the mark. it made impact that jarred him from arm to shoulder, but this he did not mind because his weapon's edge brought a great gaping wound to the weathered bole. _... the first sound of isolate words across a wire. the initial shock of mushroom-shape above an atoll. the fierce clutch of a weighted shaft newly fashioned ... man stands always_ for a moment _in awe of what man has wrought._ * * * for a moment only. and so gral stood stark in his moment of awe, truly frightened as he visioned what such a blow might have done to obe. but gral was truly man, truly prototype; for the time of one deep breath he felt it, then awe and fright were gone as he exulted. once more he brought the shaft _up_ in smooth swing and _down_ in the arc.... alas for gral--alas for research. alas for all the effort and application and the prodding-thing within. it was gral's destiny yet to know that a mere day's effort was only the beginning. for his second mighty swing did not reach the bole-bark. it reached nothing but air. he felt a sudden lightness as the stone fled from shaft, and he was left holding a stick trailing vines at the end. undaunted, he tried again, and again it happened--the stone went plummeting. a third time he tried, and a fourth. he chose the more pliant vines and strove to make them stay, sought a new way to fasten. the stone would not stay. gral mourned, and from the mourning came anger and then a bitterness that rose to blind him. for the rest of that day he tried--he could not have counted the times. a factor was missing--dimly he knew that. the sun was dull red along the valley when he desisted; his hands were raw and bleeding, and seeing that, a sound rose in his throat like grating gravel. grimly, he buried his stone there beneath the bole and made his way back to the great ledge. his share of obe would last yet a day or two. the thought of food was only fleeting, because the anger was still inside him, larger now, demanding now ... that thing-that-prodded. * * * * * obe was gone at last, both gral's share and all the rest. three days were gone and gral did not try to bring again. but each day he went from the ledge in advance of the others, he went in a hunger he did not heed--to the place of the buried stone. on the third day he thought that otah followed, keeping discreetly behind; but he could not be sure. this was not otah's usual direction. and later, on the far shore across the shallows he saw one of kurho's tribe from far end. it was not often that kurho's people foraged this far, and gral could not say how long the man must have stood there bold and brazen. when next he looked up, the fellow was gone. ordinarily he would have reported this to gor-wah, but the incident was soon forgotten. he continued doggedly with shaft and stone. it was something wild and febrile that drove him now, and he could not have wondered at his own incredible quixotism--he was a million years removed from that! but inevitably his synapses took hold, the neuronic links grooved, and to gral one thought emerged: _the vines would never do_. and so he came to know where the missing factor lay. he knew it dully and was helpless. more than helpless, he was hungry. it came with a great gnawing need. on the fifth day it was _otah_ who noticed, and more out of contempt than pity tossed him the remnants of a wild-dog he had brought: the portion was little more than stripped bones and sinew, but gral accepted without question, crawled to his place on the ledge and partially assuaged his hunger.... _the ways of discovery are most wondrous--yet who will dare to say they take precedence over the wondrous ways of the stomach? and the ways are ironic; is it not conceivable that the two should align in devious fruition?_ for gral found answer, not in his groping hands, but tangled about his clumsy feet! * * * the sun came high and hot. gral emerged from his sleep-place on the ledge, faint and hungry but knowing he must try yet again. he took a step, his feet tangled, and growling deep he reached down and tore at a tough twining substance. sinews. sinews stripped bare by his own hunger, all that otah and others had tossed him these past days; they were taut and clinging now, unresilient, like the vines of the young trees and yet strangely unlike. _unlike!_ gral stared, as his throat went pulsing. he reached out and touched; one had twined about a rock, was now so fast that his fingers could not cause it to move. for a long time he crouched, perplexed, growling deep as his fingers explored. he glanced up at the sun, and then back, and with that glance two things came together with searing shock.... for the very first time, man--a pleistocene man--had made a clear cerebral distinction of cause and effect. gral arose. there was a wild new urgency. quickly he searched and he found, across all the great ledge, sinews from the gorging which the sun had not yet touched. some among the tribe stared with immobile contempt, thinking gral the scavenger was yet hungry. but gral gathered quickly, and departed, and was soon at the far place by the great bole, where he retrieved his stone and set feverishly to work. indeed it was not like the vines! it was easy now, but he was doubly thorough; he made his fingers be strong as he followed the pattern he knew so well. the sinews held, they held! his part done at last, he went out from the trees and placed his shaft where the sun's hot stroke could reach. and this was perhaps hardest of all--the waiting. most of that day he crouched and waited and watched, as the sun's work was done; that great bright orb, his ally; he had known times when it was beneficent and times when it was cruel, but now in his need gral's thoughts were kindly. soon it became as if his own kind thoughts and the sun's hot strength were one. the thing-that-prodded now was different, now it outpoured, gracious to meet his need. he could not have known that this was prayer! and so, by degree and small degree gral saw the sinews grasp and tighten. * * * not until the sun was low, at valley's far end, did he dare reach out and take his shaft and put it to test. but already he knew! the stone held, and it held, and would continue to hold after many tries. he had fashioned a thing and it was wondrous--his own sole possession--a weapon beyond anything the valley-people had dreamed of--and it was his alone. a stirring of vague alarm made him pause. he growled deep. the thing-that-prodded churned in a new way, a cunning way, and once again gral was prototype. this thing must be kept secret! not yet would he share--not until he became known as gral-the-bringer! _... he could not have known. could not have known that this thing he wrought spelled at once beginning and end: that no such shocking departure remains long sole-possessed, either shaft or fire or mushroom-shape: that with each great thing of man's devising comes question and doubt and challenge and often disaster...._ or knowing, would not have cared. [illustration] * * * * * so now he was known as gral-the-bringer! he went alone each day, taking throw-stones which he discarded in favor of his new weapon from its place of hiding. he brought the wild-dogs for a time, but soon he disdained them. three times more he brought obe the great bear, but would not demonstrate his method of kill. sometimes he scaled the valley-rim to the great plain, where he slew the three-toed horses whose flesh was sweet and different. and each time at the gorging otah watched him--watched sometimes sullen and brooding, sometimes with secret knowing. and then came a day when _otah_ brought obe the bear. three times in as many days he brought obe, and on the third time he brought back also the shaft-with-stone, bearing it boldly to make sure that gral and all the others saw. with half snarl and half wail, gral leaped to seize it. otah might have crushed him with a blow, but otah waited, looking at him fully. gral's snarl died in his throat. this was not the weapon he had hidden, but another! otah had found and copied. "see this!" otah grunted. "i slew obe with this!" and he demonstrated to all the tribe. he was still angry, facing gral, but he gave credit. "_gral_ used it first. gral is greatest among us! but if gral can use, otah can use--we will all use!" he turned to gor-wah the old one, and said in the language of monosyllable and gesture: "we must have council!" there was council, and the truth was out. gral held back nothing in his telling. gor-wah listened and nodded and grunted, his brow furrowed and he growled deep in his throat. "a weapon of great magic," gor-wah pronounced, and he prodded with his fingers at it, almost afraid to touch. "arh-h-h!" echoed the males. "a weapon of great magic!" "let us have many such," otah repeated with growl and gesture. "the tribe of gor-wah will be greatest in all the valley!" again gor-wah grunted, shook his head slowly. "the tribe of gor-wah seeks only food and peace. this we have. we do well without such a weapon." "arh-h," echoed the males. "we do well without." gral felt helpless, listening. all attention was now upon otah and the old one. "but we will use only for food and peace," otah pursued sullenly. "such was my meaning!" gor-wah rose, trembling. "meaning? i will give you meaning. kurho's tribe at far end! already they have taken the lesser tribes. each year they come in bold insolence, and only the river separates; in time they mean to take the whole valley. kurho has declared it!" he spread his hands. "never again will we know peace, if kurho learns the way of such a weapon!" there was pause, a restless unease. and again it was otah who growled boldly, touching the weapon: "such is the reason for many of these. let us make them, and none will dare to come!" "none will dare!" echoed the council. but there were both those who said it strong, and those who said in doubt. now it was plain that even gor-wah was in doubt. he was old and he had known this time would come, the time when another took the tribe, and that one would be otah. but now he stood straight and made pronouncement. "i say no! the risk is too great. you, otah--and you, gral--you will destroy this weapon. it must not be used again!" * * * * * of course it was never done. otah also knew that he must take the tribe, and they looked to him now. soon lok had the weapon, then mai-ak and most of the others, as day by day gral instructed them in the making. but they used with caution! otah reminded them always of the old one's words, though none of the far end tribe had been seen near the river for many days now. until mai-ak returned from a journey, to announce he had encountered one of kurho's tribe. "we exchanged insults. i invited him to come close," mai-ak explained with amusing gesture, "but the fellow would not. he saw my weapon! i think he would have given all his throw-stones to possess it!" otah was not pleased. he would have admonished, except that mai-ak told a story well; besides, mai-ak was a great hunter. but there came another such day, and then others. first lok reported and then mai-ak again. the reports became frequent. kurho's men were forever near, watching in silence this new weapon in the hands of the gor-wah tribe across the river. and then mai-ak brought a message ... there had been another encounter, no insults this time but rather a sullen understanding. kurho was aware of the new weapon; it made his own people uneasy and restless; such a thing at loose in the valley could only spell threat to all peoples! but, if it was to be, then what the tribe of gor-wah devised kurho's tribe would also devise. they would devise more and better! otah listened, growled in anger. "kurho says this? kurho, who has boasted that he will take the whole valley?" then he paused and considered sensibly. "mai-ak, take answer. you will say that we go in peace. say that never do we intend to cross the river. and say also"--otah paused, groping--"say also that we shall be ready for any who do choose to cross!" the old one nodded approval, but no one saw; and no one saw the dark furrow of doubt like a shadow of doom across his face. "kurho speaks big," sneered a young one, new in council. "we have heard it before, always it is kurho's tribe who is greatest in every deed...." he spat in contempt. * * * days were gone, endless days without incident. but the reports came in--a mere trickle at first, and then in great tide. kurho's tribe had indeed devised. their weapon had been observed! dak returned one day in high excitement, stumbling across the ledge from a long day's journey. "kurho has devised better! we bring obe the bear, but they have now slain the great-toothed one. i saw it, i swear! they slew him easily!" he gasped for breath, then gained his feet and gave them eloquent gesture of what he had seen. there could be no doubt. kurho now had a weapon much more facile, more deadly. otah accepted grimly. now it was he who must prove! he went to work at once, he and gral, devising a weapon to meet the threat--more sharp-edged and deadly, of greater length and balance. it took days. and days more to seek out the place of the great-toothed ones. not one but _three_ were slain, and it was made certain the word reached kurho. but now otah knew. he knew and was helpless. a frightful thing had been launched and there could be no turning; nothing now but the constant fear, the trap without end, the perilous thing above all their heads ... and the waiting. kurho also waited. true, one thing remained to temper the distrust: sporadic communication had been established, a thing new and yet heavy with pretense, which again like a serpent at its tail spelled mutual distrust. but it was there, begrudging, and all the smaller tribes knew of it too--those scattered ones who were little more than clans. all the peoples of the valley watched and waited, aware of this thing between the two great tribes of kurho and otah. "it is better that we should talk, even endlessly, than to use such weapons tribe against tribe!" such was otah's word to those who grumbled and those who feared, and there was much to indicate that such was kurho's feeling too. indeed it appeared to be so! for the first time, kurho relaxed his borders at far end. occasionally the otah tribesmen were permitted to enter, welcomed without suspicion--a thing unprecedented! similarly, select members from the kurho tribe were accepted beyond the river; they displayed certain prowesses new to the otah tribe, for in many ways these were a strange and fantastic people. it seemed to be a beginning. word went out in secret and still other word returned, in which mai-ak played a great part. and so, after scores of days it was done: there would be a time of understanding; kurho, himself, would cross the river to go in person among otah's people! when this was done, otah would also cross the river to observe the things at far end! but now growlings arose which even otah could not contain. kurho should not be welcomed! kurho must not be trusted! was not this the man who already had suppressed the minor tribes? had he not flaunted his aim of one day taking the whole valley? nevertheless, kurho came. he came in all his boast and arrogance. the time was not festive--he was made to feel that--but what kurho felt he did not show. extravagant point was made that he should see all that he wished! across all the great series of ledges he was taken, both high and low and length and breadth, to observe the abundance and well-being and extent of the otah tribe. through all the near valley he was shown, even to the places of great hunting, that he might see how the tribe of otah prospered in the bringing. through it all, kurho made a token show of interest; he twice lost his temper in boast against boast, but he was more often a blunt enigma. he saw much and said little. those times when he did speak, so extravagant were his grunt and gesture that much was lost. when kurho departed at last for far end, he had implanted a feeling of frustration and one thing more--the disturbing thought that not all of his own boasts were idle! * * * and now came the time for otah to cross. it was done so quietly that not many knew he was gone, but soon the reports came: otah had been received with great clamor and curiosity by the kurho people, and accorded much honor! aside from that, the result was much the same, as otah saw much and said little and did not once lose his temper. kurho persisted in his boast and claim, and it was rumored that the two leaders had gone so far as to discuss the weapons! rumor was true. otah returned from far end and immediately called council, even as kurho was calling council. little had been gained, little proven; the perilous thing was still there, that monstrous means of death that might come in a moment of temper or reprisal to either tribe. alas, such weapons were not easily relinquished--and who would be first? plainly, the way would now be slow and heavy with suspicion, but a method to abate such a threat must soon be formulated. on _that_ otah and kurho were agreed! * * * * * so the two great leaders agreed, and were patient, and twice more there were meetings. so engrossed they became and even enamored, that they were only dimly aware-- others in the valley, those so scattered and isolate as to be considered only clans, had long watched and waited--and yearned. neither the long-shaft weapon nor the way of making were longer secret--so why should they not also have? inevitably the reports trickled in. a lone clansman had been observed near the river, employing one of the weapons crudely devised but efficient. some days later, one from the high-plateau was seen skulking the valley with such a weapon. those lone ones, who barely subsisted in the barren places beyond river and cave, nor foraged afield--discreet and fleeting at first but with increased daring as the days went on. and so fixed were otah and kurho that such reports were tolerated. there could be no threat here! true, the way of the making was no longer secret. true, such clan-people had long been despised and neglected and left to their own grubbing hunger--but was it not recognized, especially now, that the tribes of otah and kurho would determine the fate of all? _they erred--both otah and kurho. neither would determine, nor would preponderance of weapons determine. it was not yet perceived that such clan-people were not tribe-people, and thus could not know the meaning of council, nor weigh consequence, nor realize in their new-found cleverness that a single arrogant act would trigger the first and final avalanche...._ it came. it came on a day when a lone and hungry clansman found himself a full day's journey beyond the river; he was not of otah's tribe nor any tribe, nor did he know that the two he faced were of kurho's tribe. in the dispute over the bring, so emboldened was he by his weapon newly-fashioned that he used it quick and surely. he did not again look at the two bodies! taking up his bring, the lone one departed quite leisurely, without even the good sense to flee in horror of the consequence. consequence came. it came soon, before the sun was scarcely down. it came swiftly without question or council, as word reached far end that two had been slain. throughout the night it came in divergent attack, as kurho deployed a token force near the river and sent his real strength high to the north, across the valley-rim and down upon otah's people. it was at once attack and reprisal and reason! and for otah it was reason! for many weeks past, in test and maneuver of the long-shafts he had looked to the north. now couriers brought the alarm swiftly, and within minutes his forces were launched--fearless ones who knew each foot of terrain by day or night. otah led one contingent and mai-ak the other, strategy being to stem kurho's strength high upon the valley-rim, deplete the enemy and then join force to hunt down any who sifted through. it was good strategy, the only strategy--and for a time it went well. within the hour kurho's forces were scattered, as attack and counter-attack surged and slashed in wild eruption of the long-shafts. just as eruptive were the neuro-emotives, as each in his primal way must have known that _this_ was the long awaitment, _this_ was the grim finality in kurho's boast and otah's boast of weapons. a few sifted through, but were quickly brought down as otah's drifting rear-guard deployed to their assignments. it became evident early that otah's tribe was more proficient in the long-shafts! alas, mere proficiency would not prevail against force of numbers. well within the hour otah knew it, knew with a raging despair that time was not with him, he had deployed too late with too little. now he knew with consuming clarity, that despite the lulling pretense kurho's boasts of strength had not been idle boasts! this was otah's last bitter thought, and then he was too occupied for cerebral indulgence. for the next minutes he wielded truer than any! men came and fell, and others leaped and fell, skulls shattered, the life-stuff spurting, before otah's shaft went spinning away in shattered ruin; he leaped to seize another, employed it in great sweeping swaths against those who still came. two went down, but two came to fill the gap. in perfect unison, one parried as the other wielded truly to the mark.... it cannot be said, with surety, that otah in that ultimate moment felt pain. it is fairly certain that both finitely and cosmically the initial numbing shock did register; and it may be assumed that he jolted rather horribly at the splintering bite of bone into brain. _but who can say he did not reach a point-of-prescience, that his neuro-thalamics did not leap to span the eons, and gape in horror, in that precise and endless time just before his brains spewed in a gush of gray and gore, to cerebrate no more?_ * * * * * a matter of minutes, now. both kurho and mai-ak knew it. the latter had glimpsed otah's destruction, and with wild abandon sought to rally his men into the area. there was no longer an area. there was clash and groan and rush and retreat, there was dark endless rock and a darker sky, from which the very stars seemed to recoil in darkest wonderment at man's senseless assault. the valley-rim yawned, and there mai-ak made his stand and made it well. he was unaware that kurho was no more--that the man of boast was at this very moment a quivering, protoplasmic lump splattered across a dark crevice. a random weapon in a frantic hand had proved to be no respecter of person. nor did it matter! decimated as they were, enough of the enemy got through. once propelled in the insane purpose there could be no stopping, as they descended upon otah's people who huddled in the caves.... for weeks, they had been told that when it came it would be from above, sudden and savage without defense or recourse. few had believed, or bothered to plot the route to safety. would not these issues be resolved? had not their caves been always safe and secure? now there was no time for belief or wonder. within minutes none of otah's tribe were alive, neither women nor children. gor-wah the old one remained, having failed in his exhortations; now he stood quite still, erect and waiting, with arms outflung as the weapons came swarming, and when that final blow fell the expression upon his mouth might have been a grimace or might have been a smile.... nor did the others escape, those at far end who also huddled and waited and would not believe. their caves at the valley-floor were even less secure. whether it was blinding hate or the bitter dregs of expediency, for mai-ak and his remnants there was only one recourse now. it had been deeply ingrained! grimly they pursued the way, automaton-like, unresponsive now to horror or any emotive. and once again, within the hour the weapons fell. it was swift and it was thorough. methodical. merciless. complete. * * * * * it will not be said here when emotive-response returned. does one return from a horror all-encompassing, or seek to requite the unrequited? does one yearn for a way that is no more when deadening shock has wiped it out? the season of thaw came, and again the great cold and once more the thaw. both obe the bear and the great saber-cats were at large across the valley, and for those few who remained the bring was not easy now. there was more dangerous prey! lone clansman encountered clansman across his path, and there was furtive slinking. each went silently alone and returned alone to his place of hiding. bellies growled, but none dared use his weapon except in secret. perhaps a few, some isolate few remembered that time of chaos a season ago--but it was fleeting recall at best, as somatic responses rose to blot it out. it was not to be forever! one thing remained, unasked and unbeknownst, grooved with synaptic permanence in their burgeoning brains. _this was neither beginning nor end: for though otah's tribe was gone, bellies still growled. kurho's tribe was no more, but the weapons yet remained._ _there could be no beginning or end--for would not new things come, means and methods and ways of devising so long as man remained? was not this the way?_ such were mai-ak's thoughts at the time of the next thaw; when he felt the thing-that-prodded that would not let him be, and his anger became stubborn resolve; when day after day he bent the young saplings, and found a way at last to fasten the sinew. when he pulled, finally, pulled with all his strength, and with great gloating saw his shaft go outward to a distance never yet conceived.... the end transcriber's note: this etext was first published in _amazing stories_ may . extensive research did not uncover any evidence that the u.s. copyright on this publication was renewed. minor spelling and typographical errors have been corrected without note. the tribal names lok, lak and dak, although possible typesetting errors, remain as printed. [illustration: stonehenge from the south-east] rough stone monuments and their builders by t. eric peet formerly scholar of queen's college, oxford; lately craven fellow in the university of oxford and pelham student at the british school of rome harper & brothers london and new york albemarle street, w. _published october, _. preface the aim of this volume is to enable those who are interested in stonehenge and other great stone monuments of england to learn something of the similar buildings which exist in different parts of the world, of the men who constructed them, and of the great archæological system of which they form a part. it is hoped that to the archæologist it may be useful as a complete though brief sketch of our present knowledge of the megalithic monuments, and as a short treatment of the problems which arise in connection with them. to british readers it is unnecessary to give any justification for the comparatively full treatment accorded to the monuments of great britain and ireland. malta and sardinia may perhaps seem to occupy more than their due share of space, but the usurpation is justified by the magnificence and the intrinsic interest of their megalithic buildings. being of singularly complicated types and remarkably well preserved they naturally tell us much more of their builders than do the simpler monuments of other larger and now more important countries. in these two islands, moreover, research has in the last few years been extremely active, and it is felt that the accounts here given of them will contain some material new even to the archæologist. in order to assist those readers who may wish to follow out the subject in greater detail a short bibliography has been added to the book. for the figures and photographs with which this volume is illustrated i have to thank many archæological societies and individual scholars. plate iii and part of plate ii i owe to the kindness of dr. zammit, director of the museum of valletta, while the other part of plate ii is from a photograph kindly lent to me by dr. ashby. i have to thank the society of antiquaries for figures and , the reale accademia dei lincei for figures and , and the société préhistorique de france, through dr. marcel baudouin, for figure . i am indebted to the royal irish academy for figure , to the committee of the british school of rome for figure , and to dr. albert mayr and the akademie der wissenschaften in munich for the plan of mnaidra. professors montelius, siret and cartailhac i have to thank not only for permission to reproduce illustrations from their works, but also for their kind interest in my volume. figure i owe to my friend dr. randall maciver. the frontispiece and plate i are fine photographs by messrs. the graphotone co., ltd. in conclusion, i must not forget to thank canon f.f. grensted for much help with regard to the astronomical problems connected with stonehenge. t. eric peet. liverpool, _august th,_ . contents chapter page i. introduction ii. stonehenge and other great stone monuments in england and wales iii. megalithic monuments in scotland and ireland iv. the scandinavian megalithic area v. france, spain and portugal vi. italy and its islands vii. africa, malta, and the smaller. mediterranean islands viii. the dolmens of asia ix. the builders of the megalithic monuments, their habits, customs, religion, etc x. who were the builders, and whence did they come? bibliography index list of illustrations plates stonehenge from the south-east _frontispiece_ facing page i. stonehenge from the south-west ii. mnaidra, doorway of room h. the _nuraghe_ of madrone in sardinia iii. temple of mnaidra, malta. apse of chief room figure page . plan of stonehenge . avebury and kennet avenue . plans of english long barrows . horned tumulus, caithness . plans of three dolmen-types . type-plan of simple corridor-tomb . type-plan of wedge-shaped tomb . corridor-tomb at new grange, ireland . corridor-tomb at ottagården, sweden . plan of la pierre aux fées, oise, france . chambered mound at fontenay-le-marmion, normandy . plan of la grotte des fées, arles, france . the so-called dolmen-deity, petit morin, france . plan of corridor-tomb at los millares, spain . section and plan of a _talayot_, majorca . section and plan of the _nau_ d'es tudons . elevation, section and plan of a sardinian _nuraghe_ . plan of giant's tomb at muraguada, sardinia . plan of stone circle at the senâm, algeria . plan of the sese grande, pantelleria . plan of the sanctuary of mnaidra, malta . dolmen with holed stone at ala safat rough stone monuments chapter i introduction to the south of salisbury plain, about two miles west of the small country town of amesbury, lies the great stone circle of stonehenge. for centuries it has been an object of wonder and admiration, and even to-day it is one of the sights of our country. perhaps, however, few of those who have heard of stonehenge or even of those who have visited it are aware that it is but a unit in a vast crowd of megalithic monuments which, in space, extends from the west of europe to india, and, in time, covers possibly more than a thousand years. what exactly is a megalithic monument? strictly speaking, it is a building made of very large stones. this definition would, of course, include numbers of buildings of the present day and of the medieval and classical periods, while many of the egyptian pyramids and temples would at once suggest themselves as excellent examples of this type of building. the archæologist, however, uses the term in a much more limited sense. he confines it to a series of tombs and buildings constructed in western asia, in north africa, and in certain parts of europe, towards the end of the neolithic period and during part of the copper and bronze ages which followed it. the structures are usually, though not quite invariably, made of large blocks of unworked or slightly worked stone, and they conform to certain definite types. the best known of these types are as follows: firstly, the menhir, which is a tall, rough pillar of stone with its base fixed into the earth. secondly, the trilithon, which consists of a pair of tall stones set at a short distance apart supporting a third stone laid across the top. thirdly, the dolmen, which is a single slab of stone supported by several others arranged in such a way as to enclose a space or chamber beneath it. some english writers apply the term cromlech to such a structure, quite incorrectly. both menhir and dolmen are breton words, these two types of megalithic monument being particularly frequent in brittany. menhir is derived from the breton _men_, a stone, and _hir_, long; similarly dolmen is from _dol_, a table, and _men_, a stone. some archæologists also apply the word dolmen to rectangular chambers roofed with more than one slab. we have carefully avoided this practice, always classing such chambers as corridor-tombs of an elementary type. fourthly, we have the corridor-tomb (_ganggrab_), which usually consists of a chamber entered by a gallery or corridor. in cases where the chamber is no wider than, and hence indistinguishable from the corridor, the tomb becomes a long rectangular gallery, and answers to the french _allée couverte_ in the strict sense. fifthly, we come to the _alignement_, in which a series of menhirs is arranged in open lines on some definite system. we shall find a famous example of this at morbihan in brittany. sixthly, there is the cromlech (from _crom_, curve, and _lec'h_, a stone), which consists of a number of menhirs arranged to enclose a space, circular, elliptical or, in rare cases, rectangular. these are the chief types of megalithic monument, but there are others which, though clearly belonging to the same class of structure, show special forms and are more complicated. they are in many cases developments of one or more of the simple types, and will be treated specially in their proper places. such monuments are the _nuraghi_ of sardinia and the 'temples' of malta and gozo. finally, the rock-hewn sepulchre is often classed with the megalithic monuments, and it is therefore frequently mentioned in the following pages. this is justified by the fact that it generally occurs in connection with megalithic structures. the exact relation in which it stands to them will be fully discussed in the last chapter. we have now to consider what may be called the architectural methods of the megalithic builders, for although in dealing with such primitive monuments it would perhaps be exaggeration to speak of a style, yet there were certain principles which were as carefully and as invariably observed as were in later days those of the doric or the gothic styles in the countries where they took root. the first and most important principle, that on which the whole of the megalithic construction may be said to be based, is the use of the orthostatic block, i.e. the block set up on its edge. it is clear that in this way each block or slab is made to provide the maximum of wall area at the expense of the thickness of the wall. naturally, in districts where the rock is of a slabby nature blocks of a more or less uniform thickness lay ready to the builders' hand, and the appearance of the structure was much more finished than it would be in places where the rock had a less regular fracture or where shapeless boulders had to be relied on. the orthostatic slabs were often deeply sunk into the ground where this consisted of earth or soft rock; of the latter case there are good examples at stonehenge, where the rock is a soft chalk. when the ground had an uneven surface of hard rock, the slabs were set upright on it and small stones wedged in beneath them to make them stand firm. occasionally, as at mnaidra and hagiar kim, a course of horizontal blocks set at the foot of the uprights served to keep them more securely in position. with the upright block technique went hand in hand the roofing of narrow spaces by means of horizontal slabs laid across the top of the uprights. the second principle of megalithic architecture was the use of more or less coursed masonry set without mortar, each block lying on its side and not on its edge. it is quite possible that this principle is less ancient in origin than that of the orthostatic slab, for it usually occurs in structures of a more advanced type. thus in simple and primitive types of building such as the dolmen it is most rare to find dry masonry, but in the advanced corridor-tombs of ireland, the giants' graves and _nuraghi_ of sardinia, and in the 'temples' of malta this technique is largely used, often in combination with the upright slab system. indeed, this combination is quite typical of the best megalithic work: a series of uprights is first set in position, and over this are laid several horizontal courses of rather smaller stones. we must note that the dry masonry which we are describing is still strictly megalithic, as the blocks used are never small and often of enormous size. buildings in which this system is used are occasionally roofed with slabs, but more often corbelling is employed. at a certain height each succeeding course in the wall begins to project inwards over the last, so that the walls, as it were, lean together and finally meet to form a false barrel-vault or a false dome, according as the structure is rectangular or round. occasionally, when the building was wide, it was impossible to corbel the walls sufficiently to make them meet. in this case they were corbelled as far as possible and the open space still left was covered with long flat slabs. it has often been commented on as a matter of wonder that a people living in the stone age, or at the best possessing a few simple tools of metal, should have been able to move and place in position such enormous blocks of stone. with modern cranes and traction engines all would be simple, but it might have been thought that in the stone age such building would be impossible. thus, for instance, in the 'temple' of hagiar kim in malta, there is one block of stone which measures feet by , and must weigh many tons. in reality there is little that is marvellous in the moving and setting up of these blocks, for the tools needed are ready to the hand of every savage; but there is something to wonder at and to admire in the patience displayed and in the organization necessary to carry out such vast pieces of labour. great, indeed, must have been the power of the cult which could combine the force of hundreds and even thousands of individuals for long periods of time in the construction of the great megalithic temples. perhaps slave labour played a part in the work, but in any case it is clear that we are in the presence of strongly organized governments backed by a powerful religion which required the building of temples for the gods and vast tombs for the dead. let us consider for a moment what was the procedure in building a simple megalithic monument. it was fourfold, for it involved the finding and possibly the quarrying of the stones, the moving of them to the desired spot, the erection of the uprights in their places, and the placing of the cover-slab or slabs on top of them. with regard to the first step it is probable that in most cases the place chosen for a tomb or cemetery was one in which numbers of great stones lay on the surface ready to hand. by this means labour was greatly economized. on the other hand, there are certainly cases where the stones were brought long distances in order to be used. thus, in charente in france there is at la perotte a block weighing nearly tons which must have travelled over miles. we have no evidence as to whether stones were ever actually quarried. if they were, the means used must have been the stone axe, fire, and water. it was not usual in the older and simpler dolmens to dress the stones in any way, though in the later and more complicated structures well-worked blocks were often used. the required stones having been found it was now necessary to move them to the spot. this could be done in two ways. the first and simpler is that which we see pictured on egyptian monuments, such as the tomb of tahutihotep at el bersheh. a rough road of beams is laid in the required direction, and wooden rollers are placed under the stone on this road. large numbers of men or oxen then drag the stone along by means of ropes attached to it. other labourers assist the work from behind with levers, and replace the rollers in front of the stone as fast as they pass out behind. those who have seen the modern arabs in excavation work move huge blocks with wooden levers and palm-leaf rope will realize that for the building of the dolmens little was needed except numbers and time. the other method of moving the stones is as follows: a gentle slope of hard earth covered with wet clay is built with its higher extremity close beside the block to be moved. as many men as there is room for stand on each side of the block, and with levers resting on beams or stones as fulcra, raise the stone vertically as far as possible. other men then fill up the space beneath it with earth and stones. the process is next repeated with higher fulcra, until the stone is level with the top of the clay slope, on to which it is then slipped. with a little help it now slides down the inclined plane to the bottom. here a fresh slope is built, and the whole procedure is gone through again. the method can even be used on a slight uphill gradient. it requires less dragging and more vertical raising than the other, and would thus be more useful where oxen were unobtainable. when the stones were once on the spot it is not hard to imagine how they were set upright with levers and ropes. the placing of the cover-slab was, however, a more complicated matter. the method employed was probably to build a slope of earth leading up from one side to the already erected uprights and almost covering them. up this the slab could be moved by means of rollers, ropes, and levers, until it was in position over the uprights. the slope could then be removed. if the dolmen was to be partly or wholly covered with a mound, as some certainly were, it would not even be necessary to remove the slope. roughly speaking, the extension of megalithic monuments is from spain to japan and from sweden to algeria. these are naturally merely limits, and it must not be supposed that the regions which lie between them all contain megalithic monuments. more exactly, we find them in asia, in japan, corea, india, persia, syria, and palestine. in africa we have them along the whole of the north coast, from tripoli to morocco; inland they are not recorded, except for one possible example in egypt and several in the soudan. in europe the distribution of dolmens and other megalithic monuments is wide. they occur in the caucasus and the crimea, and quite lately examples have been recorded in bulgaria. there are none in greece, and only a few in italy, in the extreme south-east corner. the islands, however, which lie around and to the south of italy afford many examples: corsica, sardinia, malta, gozo, pantelleria, and lampedusa are strongholds of the megalithic civilization, and it is possible that sicily should be included in the list. moving westward we find innumerable examples in the spanish peninsula and in france. to the north we find them frequent in the british isles, sweden, denmark, and north germany; they are rarer in holland and belgium. two examples have been reported from switzerland. it is only to be expected that these great megalithic monuments of a prehistoric age should excite the wonder and stimulate the imagination of those who see them. in all countries and at all times they have been centres of story and legend, and even at the present day many strange beliefs concerning them are to be found among the peasantry who live around them. salomon reinach has written a remarkable essay on this question, and the following examples are mainly drawn from the collection he has there made. the names given to the monuments often show clearly the ideas with which they are associated in the minds of the peasants. thus the penrith circle is locally known as "meg and her daughters," a dolmen in berkshire is called "wayland the smith's cave," while in one of the orkney isles is a menhir named "odin's stone." in france many are connected with gargantua, whose name, the origin of which is doubtful, stands clearly for a giant. thus we find a rock called the "chair of gargantua," a menhir called "gargantua's little finger," and an _allée couverte_ called "gargantua's tomb." names indicating connections with fairies, virgins, witches, dwarfs, devils, saints, druids, and even historical persons are frequent. dolmens are often "houses of dwarfs," a name perhaps suggested or at least helped by the small holes cut in some of them; they are "huts" or "caves of fairies," they are "kitchens" or "forges of the devil," while menhirs are called his arrows, and cromlechs his cauldrons. in france we have stones of various saints, while in england many monuments are connected with king arthur. a dolmen in wales is his quoit; the circle at penrith is his round table, and that of caermarthen is his park. both in england and france we find stones and altars "of the druids"; in the pyrenees, in spain, and in africa there are "graves of the gentiles" or "tombs of idolaters"; in arles (france) the _allées couvertes_ are called "prisons" or "shops of the saracens," and the dolmens of the eastern pyrenees are locally known as "huts of the moors." dolmens in india are often "stones of the monkeys," and in france there are "wolves' altars," "wolves' houses," and "wolves' tables." passing now to more definite beliefs connected with megalithic monuments, we may notice that from quite early times they have been--as indeed they often are still--regarded with fear and respect, and even worshipped. in certain parts of france peasants are afraid to shelter under the dolmens, and never think of approaching them by night. in early christian days there must have been a cult of the menhir, for the councils of arles (a.d. ), of tours (a.d. ), and of nantes (a.d. ) all condemn the cult of trees, springs, and _stones_. in a.d. charlemagne attempted to suppress stone-worship, and to destroy the stones themselves. in spain, where, as in france, megalithic monuments are common, the councils of toledo in a.d. and condemned the "worshippers of stones." moreover there are many cases in which a monument itself bears traces of having been the centre of a cult in early or medieval times. the best example is perhaps the dolmen of saint-germain-sur-vienne, which was transformed into a chapel about the twelfth century. similar transformations have been made in spain. in many cases, too, crosses have been placed or engraved on menhirs in order to "christianize" them. remarkable powers and virtues have been attributed to many of the monuments. one of the dolmens of finistère is said to cure rheumatism in anyone who rubs against the loftiest of its stones, and another heals fever patients who sleep under it. stones with holes pierced in them are believed to be peculiarly effective, and it suffices to pass the diseased limb or, when possible, the invalid himself through the hole. oaths sworn in or near a megalithic monument have a peculiar sanctity. in scotland as late as the year a.d. "john off erwyne and will bernardson swor on the hirdmane stein before oure lorde ye erie off orknay and the gentiless off the cuntre." many of the monuments are endowed by the credulous with life. the menhir du champ dolent sinks an inch every hundred years. others say that a piece of it is eaten by the moon each night, and that when it is completely devoured the last judgment will take place. the stones of carnac bathe in the sea once a year, and many of those of the périgord leap three times each day at noon. we have already remarked on the connection of the monuments with dwarfs, giants, and mythical personages. there is an excellent example in our own country in berkshire. here when a horse has cast a shoe the rider must leave it in front of the dolmen called "the cave of wayland the smith," placing at the same time a coin on the cover-stone. he must then retire for a suitable period, after which he returns to find the horse shod and the money gone. chapter ii stonehenge and other great stone monuments in england and wales stonehenge, the most famous of our english megalithic monuments, has excited the attention of the historian and the legend-lover since early times. according to some of the medieval historians it was erected by aurelius ambrosius to the memory of a number of british chiefs whom hengist and his saxons treacherously murdered in a.d. . others add that ambrosius himself was buried there. giraldus cambrensis, who wrote in the twelfth century, mingles these accounts with myth. he says, "there was in ireland, in ancient times, a pile of stones worthy of admiration called the giants' dance, because giants from the remotest part of africa brought them to ireland, and in the plains of kildare, not far from the castle of naas, miraculously set them up.... these stones (according to the british history) aurelius ambrosius, king of the britons, procured merlin by supernatural means to bring from ireland to britain." from the present ruined state of stonehenge it is not possible to state with certainty what was the original arrangement, but it is probable that it was approximately as follows (see frontispiece): [illustration: fig. . plan of stonehenge in . (after _archæologia_.) the dotted stones are of porphyritic diabase.] there was an outer circle of about thirty worked upright stones of square section (fig. i). on each pair of these rested a horizontal block, but only five now remain in position. these 'lintels' probably formed a continuous architrave (pl. i). the diameter of this outer circle is about - / feet, inner measurement. the stones used are sarsens or blocks of sandstone, such as are to be found lying about in many parts of the district round stonehenge. [illustration: plate i. stonehenge from the south-west photo graphotone co. to face p. ] well within this circle stood the five huge trilithons (_a-e_), arranged in the form of a horseshoe with its open side to the north-east. each trilithon, as the name implies, consists of three stones, two of which are uprights, the third being laid horizontally across the top. the height of the trilithons varies from to - / feet, the lowest being the two that stand at the open end of the horseshoe, and the highest that which is at the apex. here again all the stones are sarsens and all are carefully worked. on the top end of each upright of the trilithons is an accurately cut tenon which dovetails into two mortices cut one at each end of the lower surface of the horizontal block. each upright of the outer circle had a double tenon, and the lintels, besides being morticed to take these tenons, were also dovetailed each into its two neighbours. within the horseshoe and close up to it stand the famous blue-stones, now twelve in number, but originally perhaps more. these stones are not so high as the trilithons, the tallest reaching only - / feet. they are nearly all of porphyritic diabase. it has often been asserted that these blue-stones must have been brought to stonehenge from a distance, as they do not occur anywhere in the district. some have suggested that they came from wales or cornwall, or even by sea from ireland. now, the recent excavations have shown that the blue-stones were brought to stonehenge in a rough state, and that all the trimming was done on the spot where they were erected. it seems unlikely that if they had been brought from a distance the rough trimming should not have been done on the spot where they were found, in order to decrease their weight for transport. it is therefore possible that the stones were erratic blocks found near stonehenge. within the horseshoe, and near its apex, lies the famous "altar stone" (a), a block measuring about feet by . between the horseshoe and the outer circle another circle of diabase stones is sometimes said to have existed, but very little of it now remains. the whole building is surrounded by a rampart of earth several feet high, forming a circle about feet in diameter. an avenue still feet in length, bordered by two walls of earth, leads up to the rampart from the north-east. on the axis of this avenue and nearly at its extremity stands the upright stone known as the friar's heel. in , in the course of repairing the central trilithon, careful excavations were carried out over a small area at stonehenge. more than a hundred stone implements were found, of which the majority were flint axes, probably used for dressing the softer of the sandstone blocks, and also for excavating the chalk into which the uprights were set. about thirty hammer-stones suitable for holding in the hand were found. these were doubtless used for dressing the surface of the blocks. most remarkable of all were the 'mauls,' large boulders weighing from to pounds, used for smashing blocks and also for removing large chips from the surfaces. several antlers of deer were found, one of which had been worn down by use as a pickaxe. these excavations made it clear that the blue-stones had been shaped on the spot, whereas the sarsens had been roughly prepared at the place where they were found, and only finished off on the spot where they were erected. what is the date of the erection of stonehenge? the finding of so many implements of flint in the excavations of shows that the structure belongs to a period when flint was still largely used. the occurrence of a stain of oxide of copper on a worked block of stone at a depth of feet does not necessarily prove that the stones were erected in the bronze age, for the stain may have been caused by the disintegration of malachite and not of metallic copper. at the same time, we must not infer from the frequency of the flint implements that metal was unknown, for flint continued to be used far on into the early metal age. moreover, flint tools when worn out were simply thrown aside on the spot, while those of metal were carefully set apart for sharpening or re-casting, and are thus seldom found in large numbers in an excavation. we have, therefore, no means of accurately determining the date of stonehenge; all that can be said is that the occurrence of flint in such large quantities points either to the neolithic age or to a comparatively early date in the copper or bronze period. it is unlikely that stone tools would play such a considerable rôle in the late bronze or the iron age. at the same time it must not be forgotten that sir arthur evans has spoken in favour of a date in the first half of the third century b.c. he believes that the great circles are religious monuments which in form developed out of the round barrows, and that stonehenge is therefore much later than some at least of the round barrows around it. that it is earlier than others is clear from the occurrence in some of them of chips from the sarsen stones. he therefore places its building late in the round barrow period, and sees confirmation of this in the fact that the round barrows which surround the monument are not grouped in regular fashion around it, as they should have been had they been later in date. many attempts have been made to date the monuments by means of astronomy. all these start from the assumption that it was erected in connection with the worship of the sun, or at least in order to take certain observations with regard to the sun. sir norman lockyer noticed that the avenue at stonehenge pointed approximately to the spot where the sun rises at the midsummer solstice, and therefore thought that stonehenge was erected to observe this midsummer rising. if he could find the exact direction of the avenue he would know where the sun rose at midsummer in the year when the circle was built. from this he could easily fix the date, for, owing to the precession of the equinoxes, the point of the midsummer rising is continually altering, and the position for any year being known the date of that year can be found astronomically. but how was the precise direction of this very irregular avenue to be fixed? the line from the altar stone to the friar's heel, which is popularly supposed to point to the midsummer rising, has certainly never done so in the last ten thousand years, and therefore could not be used as the direction of the avenue. eventually sir norman decided to use a line from the centre of the circle to a modern benchmark on sidbury hill, eight miles north-east of stonehenge. on this line the sun rose in b.c. with a possible error of two hundred years each way: this sir norman takes to be the date of stonehenge. sir norman's reasoning has been severely handled by his fellow-astronomer mr. hinks, who points out that the direction chosen for the avenue is purely arbitrary, since sidbury hill has no connection with stonehenge at all. moreover, sir norman determines sunrise for stonehenge as being the instant when the edge of the sun's disk first appears, while in his attempts to date the egyptian temple of karnak he defined it as the moment when the sun's centre reached the horizon. we cannot say which alternative the builders would have chosen, and therefore we cannot determine the date of building. sir norman lockyer has since modified his views. he now argues that the trilithons and outer circle are later additions to an earlier temple to which the blue-stones belong. this earlier temple was made to observe "primarily but not exclusively the may year," while the later temple "represented a change of cult, and was dedicated primarily to the solstitial year." this view seems to be disproved by the excavations of , which made it clear that the trilithons were erected before and not after the blue-stones. nothing is more likely than that the builders of the megaliths had some knowledge of the movements of the sun in connection with the seasons, and that their priests or wise men determined for them, by observing the sun, the times of sowing, reaping, etc., as they do among many savage tribes at the present day. they may have been worshippers of the sun, and their temples may have contained 'observation lines' for determining certain of his movements. but the attempt to date the monuments from such lines involves so many assumptions and is affected by so many disturbing elements that it can never have a serious value for the archæologist. the uncertainty is even greater in the case of temples supposed to be oriented by some star, for in this case there is almost always a choice of two or more bright stars, giving the most divergent results. [illustration: fig. . avebury and the kennet avenue. (after sir r. colt hoare.)] next in importance to stonehenge comes the huge but now almost destroyed circle of avebury (fig. ). its area is five times as great as that of st. peter's in rome, and a quarter of a million people could stand within it. it consists in the first place of a rampart of earth roughly circular in form and with a diameter of about feet. within this is a ditch, and close on the inner edge of this was a circle of about a hundred upright stones. within this circle were two pairs of concentric circles with their centres slightly east of the north-and-south diameter of the great circle. the diameters of the outer circles of these two pairs are and feet respectively. in the centre of the northern pair was a cover-slab supported by three uprights, and in the centre of the southern a single menhir. all the stones used are sarsens, such as are strewn everywhere over the district. an avenue flanked by two rows of stones ran in a south-easterly direction from the rampart towards the village of kennet for a distance of about yards in a straight line. at a distance of yards due south from avebury circle stands the famous artificial mound called silbury hill. it is feet in diameter, in height, and has a flat top feet across. a pit was driven down into its centre in , and in a trench was cut into it from the south side to the centre, but neither gave any result. it is quite possible that there are burials in the mound, whether in megalithic chambers or not. south-west of avebury is hakpen hill, where there once stood two concentric ellipses of stones. a straight avenue is said to have run from these in a north-westerly direction. whether these three monuments near avebury have any connection with one another and, if so, what this connection is, is unknown. there are many other circles in england, but we have only space to mention briefly some of the more important. at rollright, in oxfordshire, there is a circle feet in diameter with a tall menhir yards to the north-east. derbyshire possesses a famous monument, that of arbor low, where a circle is surrounded by a rampart and ditch, while that of stanton drew in somerset consists of a great circle a and two smaller circles b and c. the line joining the centres of b and a passes through a menhir called hauptville's quoit away to the north-east, while that which joins the centres of c and a cuts a group of three menhirs called the cove, lying to the south-west. in cumberland there are several circles. one of these, feet in diameter with an outstanding menhir, is known as "long meg and her daughters." another, the mayborough circle, is of much the same size, but consists of a tall monolith in the centre of a rampart formed entirely of rather small water-worn stones. a similar circle not far from this is known as king arthur's round table; here, however, there is no monolith. near keswick there is a finely preserved circle, and at shap there seems to have existed a large circle with an avenue of stones running for over a mile to the north. cornwall possesses a number of fine monuments. the most celebrated is the dance maen circle, which is feet in diameter and has two monoliths to the north-east, out of sight of the circle, but stated to be in a straight line with its centre. local tradition calls the circle "the merry maidens," and has it that the stones are girls turned into stones for dancing on sunday: the two monoliths are called the pipers. the three circles known as the hurlers lie close together with their centres nearly in a straight line in the direction n.n.e. by s.s.w. at boscawen-un, near penzance, is a circle called the nine maidens, and two circles near tregeseal have the same name. another well-known circle in cornwall is called the stripple stones: the circle stands on a platform of earth surrounded by a ditch, outside which is a rampart. in the centre is a menhir feet in height. at merivale, in somersetshire, there are the remains of a small circle, to the north of which lie two almost parallel double lines of menhirs, running about e.n.e. by w.s.w., the more southerly of the two lines overlapping the other at both extremities. with what purpose were these great circles erected? we have already mentioned the curious belief of geoffrey of monmouth with regard to stonehenge, and we may pass on to more modern theories. james i was once taken to see stonehenge when on a visit to the earl of pembroke at wilton. he was so interested that he ordered his architect inigo jones to enquire into its date and purpose. the architect's conclusion was that it was a roman temple "dedicated to the god caelus and built after the tuscan order." many years later dr. stukeley started a theory which has not entirely been abandoned at the present day. for him stonehenge and other stone circles were temples of the druids. this was in itself by no means a ridiculous theory, but stukeley went further than this. relying on a quaint story in pliny wherein the druids of gaul are said to use as a charm a certain magic egg manufactured by snakes, he imagined that the druids were serpent-worshippers, and essayed to see serpents even in the forms of their temples. thus in the avebury group the circle on hakpen hill was for him the head of a snake and its avenue part of the body. the avebury circles were coils in the body, which was completed by the addition of imaginary stones and avenues. he also attempted with even less success to see the form of a serpent in other british circle groups. the druids, as we gather from the rather scanty references in cæsar and other roman authors, were priests of the celts in gaul. suetonius further speaks of druids in anglesey, and tradition has it that in wales and ireland there were druids in pre-christian times. but that druids ever existed in england or in a tithe of the places in which megalithic circles and other monuments occur is unlikely. at the same time, it is not impossible that some of the circles of ireland, wales, and france were afterwards used by the druids as suitable places for meeting and preaching. fergusson in his great work _rude stone monuments_ held a remarkable view as to the purpose of the british stone circles. he believed that they were partly roman in date, and that some of them at least marked the scene of battles fought by king arthur against the saxons. thus, for example, he says with regard to avebury, "i feel it will come eventually to be acknowledged that those who fell in arthur's twelfth and greatest battle were buried in the ring at avebury, and that those who survived raised these stones and the mound of silbury in the vain hope that they would convey to their latest posterity the memory of their prowess." it is hardly necessary to take this view seriously nowadays. stonehenge, which fergusson attributes to the same late era, has been proved by excavation to be prehistoric in origin, and with it naturally go the rest of the megalithic circles of england, except where there is any certain proof to the contrary. the most probable theory is that the circles are religious monuments of some kind. what the nature of the worship carried on in them was it is quite impossible to determine. it may be that some at least were built near the graves of deified heroes to whose worship they were consecrated. on the other hand, it is possible that they were temples dedicated to the sun or to others of the heavenly bodies. whether they served for the taking of astronomical observations or not is a question which cannot be decided with certainty, though the frequency with which menhirs occur in directions roughly north-east of the circles is considered by some as a sign of connection with the watching of solar phenomena. dolmens of simple type are not common in england, though they occur with comparative frequency in wales, where the best known are the so-called arthur's quoit near swansea, the dolmen of pentre ifan in pembrokeshire, and that of plas newydd on the menai strait: in anglesey they are quite common. in england we have numerous examples in cornwall, especially west of falmouth, among which are chun quoit and lanyon quoit. there are dolmens at chagford and drewsteignton in devonshire, and there is one near the rollright circle in oxfordshire. many of the so-called cromlechs of england are not true dolmens, but the remains of tombs of more complicated types. thus the famous kit's coty house in kent was certainly not a dolmen, though it is now impossible to say what its form was. wayland the smith's cave was probably a three-chambered corridor-tomb covered with a mound. the famous men-an-tol in cornwall may well be all that is left of a chamber-tomb of some kind. it is a slab about - / feet square, in which is a hole - / feet in diameter. there are other stones standing or lying around it. it is known to the peasants as the crickstone, for it was said to cure sufferers from rickets or crick in the back if they passed nine times through the hole in a direction against the sun. the isle of man possesses a fine sepulchral monument on meayll hill. it consist of six t-shaped chamber-tombs arranged in a circle with entrances to the north and south. there is also a corridor-tomb, known as king orry's grave, at laxey, and another with a semicircular façade at maughold. among the megalithic monuments of our islands the chambered barrows hold an important place. it is well known that in the neolithic period the dead in certain parts of england were buried under mounds of not circular but elongated shape. these graves are commonest in wiltshire and the surrounding counties of dorsetshire, somersetshire, and gloucestershire. a few exist in other counties. some contain no chamber, while others contain a structure of the megalithic type. it is with these latter that we have here to deal. chambered long barrows are most frequent in wiltshire, though they do occur in other counties, as, for example, buckinghamshire, where the famous cave of wayland the smith is certainly the remains of a barrow of this kind. in derbyshire and staffordshire a type of chambered mound does occur, but it seems uncertain from the description given whether it is round or elongated. [illustration: fig. . (_a_)--barrow at stoney littleton, somersetshire. (_b_)--barrow at rodmarton, gloucestershire. (_c_)--chambers of barrow at uley, gloucestershire. (after thurnam, _archæologia,_ xlii.)] turning first to the wiltshire and gloucestershire group of barrows we find that they are usually from to feet in length and from to in breadth. in some cases there is a wall of dry stone-masonry around the foot of the mound and outside this a ditch. the megalithic chambers within the mound are of three types. in the first there is a central gallery entering the mound at its thicker end and leading to a chamber or series of chambers (fig. , _a_ and _c_). where this gallery enters the mound there is a cusp-shaped break in the outline of the mound as marked by the dry walling, and the entrance is closed by a stone block. the chambers are formed of large slabs set up on edge. occasionally there are spaces between successive slabs, and these are filled up with dry masonry. the roof is made either by laying large slabs across the tops of the sides or by corbelling with smaller slabs as at stoney littleton. in the second type of chambered barrow there is no central corridor, but chambers are built in opposite pairs on the outside edge of the mound and opening outwards (fig. , _b_). the two best known examples of this are the tumuli of avening and of rodmarton. in the third type of barrow there is no chamber connected with the outside, but its place is taken by several dolmens--so small as to be mere cists--within the mound. the burials in these barrows seem to have been without exception inhumations. the body was placed in the crouched position, either sitting up or reclining. in an untouched chamber at rodmarton were found as many as thirteen bodies, and in the eastern chamber at charlton's abbott there were twelve. with the bodies lay pottery, vases, and implements of flint and bone. chapter iii megalithic monuments in scotland and ireland the stone circles of scotland have been divided into three types--the western scottish, consisting of a rather irregular ring or pair of concentric rings; the inverness type, in which a chamber entered by a straight passage is covered by a round tumulus with a retaining wall of stone, the whole being surrounded by a regular stone circle; and the aberdeen type, which is similar to the last, but has a 'recumbent' stone between two of the uprights of its outer circle. the first type occurs in the southern counties, in the islands of the west and north coasts, and also extends into argyll and perthshire. the most famous example is the callernish circle in the isle of lewis. the circle is formed by thirteen stones from to feet high, and its centre is marked by an upright feet high. from the circle extends a line of four stones to the east and another to the west. to the south runs a line of five uprights and several fallen stones, and to the n.n.e. runs a double line, forming as it were an avenue with nine stones on one side and ten on the other, but having no entrance to the circle. inside the circle, between the central stone and the east side of the ring, is what is described as a cruciform grave with three cells under a low tumulus. in this tomb were found fragments of human bone apparently burnt. it has been suggested that the tomb is not part of the original structure, but was added later. the native tradition about this circle as repeated by martin in was that it was a druidical place of worship, and that the chief druid stood near the central stone to address the assembled people. this tradition seems to have now disappeared. in the island of arran, between brodick and lamlash, is a damaged circle feet in diameter. at a distance of feet from its circumference in a direction ° east of south is a stone feet high. in the centre of the circle was found a cist cut in the underlying rock containing bluish earth and pieces of bone. above were an implement and some fragments of flint. on the other side of the island there were still in remains of eight circles, five of sandstone and three of granite, quite close to one another. the diameter of the largest was feet, and the highest stone reached feet. one of them was a double ring. in four of them were found cists containing pottery, flint arrow-heads, a piece of a bronze pin, and some fragments of bone. others appear to contain no cists. in the other islands of the west coast few circles seem to remain; there are, however, one at kirkabrost in skye, and another at kingarth in bute. at stromness in orkney is the famous circle called the ring of brogar. it originally consisted of sixty stones forming a circle feet in diameter, outside which was a ditch feet wide. in a direction ° east of south from the centre, and at a distance of chains, is a standing stone called the watchstone, feet high, and or chains further on in the same line is a second stone, the barnstone, feet high. to the left of this line are two stones apparently placed at random, and to the right are the few remaining blocks of the ring of stenness, somewhere to the north of which was the celebrated pierced block called the "stone of odin," destroyed early in the last century. at a distance of or chains to the north-east of the barnstone lies the tumulus of maeshowe. this tumulus conceals a long gallery leading into a rectangular chamber. the walls of this latter are built of horizontal courses of stones, except at the corners, where there are tall, vertically-placed slabs. the chamber has three niches or recesses, one on each of its closed sides. the roof is formed by corbelling the walls and finishing off with slabs laid across. if one sits within the chamber and looks in a direct line along the passage one sees the barnstone. a series of measurements and alignments have been taken to connect the maeshowe tumulus with the ring of brogar. thus we have already seen that the distance from the barnstone to the watchstone is the same as from the barnstone to the tumulus. moreover, the watchstone is equidistant from the ring and from the tumulus. again, a line from the barnstone to the tumulus passes through the point of the midsummer sunrise and also, on the other horizon, through the point of the setting sun ten days before the winter solstice; the line from the watchstone to the brogar ring marks the setting of the sun at the beltane festival in may and its rising ten days before the winter solstice, while the line from maeshowe to the watchstone is in the line of the equinoctial rising and setting. these alignments are the work of mr. magnus spence; readers must choose what importance they will assign to them. the inverness type of circle is entirely different from that of which we have been speaking. the finest examples were at clava, seven miles from inverness, where fifty years ago there were eight still in existence. one of these is still partly preserved. it consists of a circle feet in diameter consisting of twelve stones. within this is a cairn of stones with a circular retaining wall of stone blocks or feet high. the cairn originally covered a circular stone chamber - / feet in diameter entered by a straight passage on its south-west side. in other words, the inverness monuments are simply chamber-tombs covered with a cairn and surrounded by a circle. around aberdeen we find the third type of circle. it consists of a cist-tomb covered by a low mound, often with a retaining wall of small blocks, but there is no entrance passage leading into the cist. outside the whole is a circle of large upright blocks with this peculiarity, that between the two highest--generally to the south or slightly east of south--lies a long block on its side, occupying the whole interval between them. the uprights nearest this 'recumbent' block are the tallest in the circle, and the size of the rest decreases towards the north. of thirty circles known near aberdeen twenty-six still possess the 'recumbent' stone, and in others it may originally have existed. passing now to monuments of more definitely sepulchral type we find that the dolmen is not frequent in scotland, though several are known in the lowlands and in part of argyllshire. to the long barrows of england answer in part at least the chambered cairns of caithness and the orkneys. the best known type is a long rectangular horned cairn (fig. ), of which there are two fine examples near yarhouse. the largest is feet in length. the chamber is circular, and roofed partly by corbelling and partly by a large slab. in the cairn of get we have a shorter and wider example of the horned type. another type is circular or elliptical. in a cairn of this sort at canister an iron knife was found. on the holm of papa-westra in the orkneys there is an elliptical cairn of this kind containing a long rectangular chamber running along its major axis with seven small circular niches opening off it. the entrance passage lies on the minor axis of the barrow. [illustration: fig. . horned tumulus at garrywhin, caithness. (after montelius.)] the megalithic monuments of ireland are extremely numerous, and are found in almost every part of the country. they offer a particular interest from the fact that though they are of few different types they display all the stages by which the more complex were developed from the more simple. it must be remembered that most if not all the monuments we shall describe were originally covered by mounds of earth, though in most cases these have disappeared. the simple dolmen is found in almost all parts of the country. its single cover-slab is supported by a varying number of uprights, sometimes as few as three, oftener four or more. it is of great importance to notice the fact that here in ireland, as elsewhere in the megalithic area, e.g. sardinia, we have the round and rectangular dolmens in juxtaposition (fig. , _a_ and _c_). [illustration: fig. . type-plans of _(a)_ the round dolmen; _(b)_ the dolmen with portico; _(c)_ the rectangular dolmen.] occasionally one of the end-blocks of the dolmen instead of just closing up the space between the two nearest side-blocks is pushed back between them so as to form with them a small three-sided portico outside the chamber, but still under the shelter of the cover-slab (fig. , _b_). a good example of this exists at gaulstown, waterford, where a table-stone weighing tons rests on six uprights, three of which form the little portico just described. the famous dolmen of carrickglass, sligo, is a still more developed example of this type. here the chamber is an accurate rectangle, and the portico is formed by adding two side-slabs outside one of the end-slabs, but still under the cover. this last is a remarkable block of limestone weighing about tons. this form of tomb is without doubt a link between the simple dolmen and the corridor-tomb. the portico was at first built under the slab by pushing an end-stone inwards. then external side-stones formed the portico, though still under the slab. the next move was to construct the portico outside the slab. the portico then needed a roof, and the addition of a second cover to provide it completed the transition to the simpler corridor-tomb. in many cases the irish simple dolmens were surrounded by a circle of upright stones. at carrowmore, sligo, there seems to have been a veritable cemetery of dolmen-tombs, each of which has one or more circles around it, the outermost being feet in diameter. the tombs in these carrowmore circles were not always simple dolmens, but often corridor-tombs of more or less complicated types. their excavation has not given very definite results. in many cases human bones have been found in considerable quantities, sometimes in a calcined condition; but there is no real evidence to show that cremation was the burial rite practised. the calcination of human bones may well have been caused by the lighting of fires in the tomb, either at some funeral ceremony, or in even later days, when the place was used as a shelter for peasants. a few poor flints were found and a little pottery, together with many bones of animals and some pins and borers of bone. the most important find made, however, was a small conical button made of bone with two holes pierced in its flat side and meeting in the middle. it is a type which occurs in europe only at the period of transition from the age of stone to that of bronze, and usually in connection with megalithic monuments. [illustration: fig. . type-plan of the simple rectangular corridor-tomb or _allée couverte_.] we pass on now to consider the simplest form of corridor-tomb, that in which there are several cover-slabs, but no separate chamber (fig. ). these tombs occur in most parts of ireland. at carrick-a-dhirra, county waterford, there is a perfect example of the most simple type. the tomb is exactly rectangular and lies east and west, with a length of feet and a breadth of - / . at each end is a single upright, and each long side consists of seven. the chamber thus formed is roofed by five slabs. the whole was surrounded by a circle of about twenty-six stones, and no doubt the chamber was originally covered by a mound. in a somewhat similar example at coolback, fermanagh, the remains of the elliptical cairn are still visible. but in most cases the plan of the corridor-tomb is complicated by a kind of outer lining of blocks which was added to it. most of the monuments are so damaged that it is difficult to see what the exact form of this lining was. whether it merely consisted of a line of upright blocks close around the sides of the chamber or whether these supported some further structure which covered up the whole chamber it is difficult to say. in some cases the roof-slab actually covers the outer line of blocks, and here it seems certain that this outer line served simply to reinforce the chamber walls, the space between being filled with earth or rubble. however, at labbamologa, county cork, is a tomb called leaba callighe, in which this was certainly not the case. the length of the whole monument is about feet. the slabs cover the inner walls of the chamber, but not the outer lining: this last forms a kind of outer shell to the whole monument. it is shaped roughly like a ship, and runs to a point at the east end, thus representing the bow. the west end is damaged, but may have been pointed like the east. the whole reminds one very forcibly of the _naus_ of the balearic isles and the giants' graves of sardinia. occasionally the corridor-tomb has a kind of portico at its west end. [illustration: fig. . type-plan of wedge-shaped tomb. the roof slabs are two or more in number.] in munster the corridor-tomb takes a peculiar form (fig. ). it lies roughly east and west, and its two long sides are placed at a slight angle to one another in such a way that the west end is broader than the east. in a good example of this at keamcorravooly, county cork, there are two large capstones and the walls consist of double rows of slabs, the outer being still beneath the cover-slabs. on the upper surface of the covers are several small cup-shaped hollows, some of which at least have been produced artificially. these wedge-shaped structures are of remarkable interest, for exactly the same broadening of the west end is found in scandinavia, in the _hünenbetter_ of holland, in the corridor-tombs of portugal, and in the dolmens of the deccan in india. in some irish tombs the corridor leads to a well-defined chamber. in a curious tomb at carrickard, sligo, the chamber was rectangular and lay across the end of the corridor in such a way as to form a t. the whole seems to have been covered with an oval mound. in another at highwood in the same county a long corridor joins two small circular chambers, the total length being feet. the corridor was once divided into four sections by cross-slabs. the cairn which covered this tomb was triangular in form. in the county of meath, in the parish of lough crew, is a remarkable series of stone cairns extending for three miles along the slieve-na-callighe hills. these cairns conceal chamber-tombs. the cairns themselves are roughly circular, and the largest have a circle of upright blocks round the base. the chambers are built of upright slabs and are roofed by corbelling. cairn h covered a corridor leading to a chamber and opening off on each side into a side-chamber, the whole group thus being cruciform. in these chambers were found human remains and objects of flint, bone, earthenware, amber, glass, bronze, and iron. cairn l had a central corridor from which opened off seven chambers in a very irregular fashion. cairn t consisted of a corridor leading to a fine octagonal chamber with small chambers off it on three sides. the chief interest of these tombs lies in the remarkable designs engraved on some of the stones of the passages and chambers. they are fairly deeply cut with a rather sharp implement, probably a metal chisel. they are arranged in the most arbitrary way on the stones and are often crowded together in masses. there is no attempt to depict scenes of any kind, nor is there, indeed, any example of animal life. in fact, the designs seem to be purely ornamental. the most frequent elements of design are cup-shaped hollows, concentric circles or ovals, star-shaped figures, circles with emanating rays, spirals, chevrons, reticulated figures, parallel straight or curved lines. there seems to be no clue as to the meaning of these designs. they may have been merely ornamental, though this is hardly likely. at new grange, near drogheda, there is a similar series of tumuli, one of which has become famous (fig. ). it consists of a huge mound of stones feet in diameter surrounded by a circle of upright blocks. access to the corridor is gained from the south-east side. this corridor leads to a chamber with three divisions, so that corridor and chambers together form a cross with a long shaft. the walls are formed of rough slabs set upright. in the passage the roof is of slabs laid right across, but the roof of the chamber is formed by corbelling. on the floor of each division of the chamber was found a stone basin. [illustration: figure . corridor-tomb at new grange, ireland (coffey, _transactions of the royal irish academy_, .)] around the edge of the mound runs an enclosure wall of stones lying on the ground edge to edge. a few of these are sculptured. the finest is a great stone which lies in front of the entrance and shows a well-arranged design of spirals and lozenges. there are also engravings on one of the stones of the chambers. these designs are in general more skilful than those of lough crew. they consist mainly of chevrons, lozenges, spirals, and triangles. the monuments we have so far described are all tombs. ireland also possesses several stone circles. the largest are situated round lough gur, or miles south of limerick. there was at one time a fine circle west of lough gur at rockbarton, but it is now destroyed. on the eastern edge of the lough is a double concentric ring of stones, the diameter of the inner circle being about feet. the rings are feet apart, and the space between them is filled up with earth. in an excavation was made within the circle and revealed some human remains, mostly those of children from six to eight years old. further north is a remarkable group of monuments known as the carrigalla circles. the first is a plain circle (l) or feet in diameter, composed of twenty-eight stones. the space within them is filled up with earth to form a raised platform. at a distance of feet are two concentric circles, diameters and feet respectively, made of stones or feet high. the space between the two circles is filled with earth. within these is a third concentric circle about feet in diameter made of stones of the same size. this group of three concentric circles we will call m. the line joining the centres of l and m runs in a direction of ° or ° west of north and passes through a stone (n) feet high standing on the top of a ridge feet away. there are two other stones more to the west (o and p) in such a position that the line joining them ( ° west of north) passes through the centre of m, from which they are distant and feet respectively. further, a line through the centre of l and a great standing stone (q) feet from it in a direction ° east of south passes through the highest point in the district, feet away and feet in height. mr. lewis compares this group of monuments with that of stanton drew in somersetshire. in both a line joining the centre of two circles passes through a single stone in a northerly direction, and there is in both a fixed line from the centre of the larger circle. captain boyle somerville, r.n., finds that the line ° or ° west of north would mark the setting of capella in b.c. , or arcturus b.c.; he adds that the direction ° west of north would suit capella in b.c. or castor in b.c. on the west side of lough gur is another group of monuments. there is in the first place a circle feet in diameter. on a line ° east of north from this is a stone feet high, and the same line produced strikes a prominent hill-top. somewhere to the south-west of this circle, perhaps with its centre in the line just described, lay a second circle between and feet in diameter, destroyed in . three other stones mentioned by early writers as being near the circles have now disappeared. the direction ° east of north is the same as that of the king-stone with regard to the rollright circle in oxfordshire. this line, allowing a height of ° for the horizon, would, according to sir norman lockyer, have struck the rising points of capella in b.c. and arcturus in b.c. to the south of the destroyed circle is another about to feet in diameter, with stones of over feet in height set close together. earth is piled up outside them to form a bank feet wide. there is an entrance feet wide in a direction ° east of north from the centre of the circle. there is said to have been at one time a cromlech feet wide due south of the circle and connected with it by a paved way. sir norman lockyer thinks that the position of the doorway is connected with observation of the sun's rising in may. moreover, the tallest stone of the circle, feet high, is ° east of north from the centre, a direction which according to him points to the rising of capella in b.c. and arcturus in b.c. chapter iv the scandinavian megalithic area in scandinavia megalithic monuments abound. they have been studied with unusual care from quite an early date in the history of archæology, and classified in the order of their development. the earliest type appears to be the simple dolmen with either four or five sides and a very rough cover-slab. this and the upper part of the sides remained uncovered by the mound of earth which was always heaped round the tomb. in later times the dolmen became more regularly rectangular in shape, and only its roof-block appeared above the mound. contemporary with this later form of dolmen were several other types of tomb. one was simply the earlier dolmen with one side open and in front of it a sort of portico or elementary corridor formed by two upright slabs with no roofing (cf. the irish type, fig. , _b_). this quickly developed into the true corridor-tomb, which had at first a small round chamber with one or two cover-slabs, a short corridor, and a round or rectangular mound. later types have an oval chamber (fig. ) with from one to four cover-slabs or a rectangular chamber with a long corridor and a circular mound. finally we reach a type where thin slabs are used in the construction, and the mound completely covers the cap-stones: here the corridor leads out from one of the short ends of the rectangular chamber. the earliest of these types in point of view of development, the true dolmen, is common both in denmark and in south sweden; only one example exists in norway. in sweden it is never found far from the sea-coast. [illustration: fig. . corridor-tomb, ottagården, sweden. (montelius, _orient und europa_.)] the corridor-tomb is also frequent in denmark and sweden, though it is unknown in norway. in sweden it is, like all megalithic monuments, confined to the south of the country. of the early transition type with elementary corridor there are fine examples at herrestrup in denmark and torebo in sweden. a tomb at sjöbol in sweden where the corridor, consisting of only two uprights, is covered in with two roof-slabs instead of being left open, shows very clearly the transition to the corridor-tomb proper, in which the entrance passage consists of at least four uprights, two on each side. of this there are numerous fine examples. a tomb of this type at broholm in denmark has a roughly circular chamber separated from the corridor by a kind of threshold-stone. another at tyfta in sweden is remarkable for its curious construction, the uprights being set rather apart from one another and the spaces between filled up with dry masonry of small stones. possibly there were not sufficient large blocks at hand to construct a tomb of the required size. the still later type consisting of a rectangular chamber with a long corridor leading out of one of its long sides often attains to very imposing dimensions. in westgothland, a province of sweden, there are fine examples with walls of limestone and often roofs of granite visible above the surface of the mound. the largest of these tombs is that of karleby near falköping. in another at axevalla heath were found nineteen bodies seated round the wall of the chamber, each in a separate small cist of stone slabs. the position of the bodies in the scandinavian graves is rather variable, both the outstretched and the contracted posture being used. it is usual to find many bodies in the same tomb, often as many as twenty or thirty: in that of borreby on the island of seeland were found seventy skeletons, all of children of from two to eighteen years of age. in denmark these rectangular tombs occasionally have one or more small round niches. in a large tomb was excavated at lundhöj on jütland, which had a circular niche opposite to the entrance. the niche had a threshold-stone, and the two uprights of the main chamber which lay on either side of this had been crudely engraved with designs, among which were a man, an animal, and a circle with a pair of diameters marked. little was found in the chamber, and only some bones and a pot in the niche. in denmark often occur mounds which contain two or more tombs, usually of the same form, each with its separate entrance passage. at the entrance of the chamber there is sometimes a well-worked framework into which fitted a door of stone or wood. the late type in which the corridor leads out of one of the narrow ends of the chamber is represented in both sweden and denmark. from this may be derived the rather unusual types in which the corridor has become indistinguishable from the chamber or forms a sort of antechamber to it. an example of the former type at knyttkärr in sweden is wider at one end than at the other, and has an outer coating of stone slabs. it resembles very closely the wedge-shaped tombs of munster (cf. fig. ): in germany megalithic monuments are not infrequent, but they are practically confined to the northern part of the country. they extend as far east as königsberg and as far west as the borders of holland. they are very frequent in holstein, mecklenburg, and hanover. there are even examples in prussian saxony, but in south germany they cease entirely. keller in one edition of his _lake dwellings_ figures two supposed dolmens north of lake pfäffikon in switzerland, but we have no details with regard to them. the true dolmen is extremely rare in germany, and only occurs in small groups in particular localities. the corridor-tomb with a distinct chamber is also very exceptional, especially east of the elbe. the most usual type of megalithic tomb is that known as the _hünenbett_ or _riesenbett_. the latter name means giants' bed, and it seems probable that the former should be similarly translated, despite the suggested connection with the huns, for a word _hünen_ has been in use in north germany for several centuries with the meaning of giants. a _hünenbett_ consists of a rectangular (rarely oval or round) hill of earth covering a megalithic tomb. this is a simple elongated rectangle in shape, made of upright blocks and roofed with two or more cover-slabs. the great _hünenbett_ or grewismühlen in mecklenburg has a mound measuring feet by with a height of feet. on the edge of the mound are arranged forty-eight tall upright blocks of stone. the _hünenbetter_ of the altmark are among the best known and explored. here the corridors are usually about feet long, though in rare cases they reach a length of feet. each is filled with clean sand up to two-thirds of its height, and on this lie the bodies and their funeral deposit. the bodies must have been laid flat, though not necessarily in an extended position, as there was not room above the sand for them to have been seated upright. various implements of flint have been found in the tombs together with stone hammers and vases of pottery. there is no certain instance of the finding of metal. a book printed by john picardt at amsterdam in contains quaint pictures of giants and dwarfs engaged in the building of a megalithic monument which is clearly a _hünenbett_. according to tradition the giants, after employing the labour of the dwarfs, proceeded to devour them. _hünenbetter_ similar to those shown in picardt's illustrations are still to be seen in holland, but only in the north, where over fifty are known. they are of elongated rectangular form, built of upright blocks, and roofed with from two to ten cover-slabs. they all widen slightly towards the west end. the most perfect example still remaining is that of tinaarloo, and the largest is that of borger, which contains forty-five blocks, of which ten are cap-stones. several _hünenbetter_ have been excavated. in them are found pottery vases, flint celts, axes and hammers of grey granite, basalt, and jade. belgium possesses several true dolmens, of which the best known is that called la pierre du diable on the right bank of the meuse. near lüttich are two simple corridor-tombs, each with a round hole in one of the end-slabs and a small portico outside it. chapter v france, spain, and portugal france contains large numbers of megalithic monuments. of dolmens and corridor-tombs no less than have been recorded. in the east and south-east they are rare, but they abound over a wide strip running from the breton coasts of the english channel to the mediterranean shores of hérault and card. in mortillef counted menhirs, including those which formed parts of _alignements_ and cromlechs. several of these attain to a great size. that to locmariaquer (morbihan), now unfortunately fallen and broken, measured over feet in height, being thus not much shorter than the egyptian obelisk which stands in the place de la concorde in paris. passing now to combinations of menhirs in groups, we must first mention the remarkable _alignements_ of brittany, of which the most famous are those of carnac. they run east and west over a distance of yards, but the line is broken at two points in such a way that the whole forms three groups. the most westerly, that of ménec, consists of eleven lines of menhirs and a cromlech, the total number of stones standing being , the tallest of which is feet in height. the central group, that of kermario, consists of stones arranged in ten straight lines, while the most easterly, that of kerlescan, is formed by menhirs, of which form a rectangular enclosure. there are other _alignements_ in brittany, of which the most important is that of erdeven, comprising stones arranged in ten lines. outside brittany _alignements_ are unusual, but a fine example, now ruined, is said to have existed at saint pantaléon north of autun. in the fields around it are found large quantities of polished stone axes with knives, scrapers, and arrow-heads of flint. we have already noticed the cromlechs which form part of the _alignements_ of brittany. there are other examples in france. at er-lanic are two circles touching one another, the lower of which is covered by the sea even at low tide. excavations carried out within the circles brought to light rough pottery and axes of polished stone. two fine circles at can de ceyrac (gard) have diameters of about yards, and are formed of stones about feet high. each has a short entrance avenue which narrows as it approaches the circle, and in the centre of each rises a trilithon of rough stones. of the definitely sepulchral monuments the dolmen is common in all parts of the french megalithic area. it will suffice to mention the magnificent example known as the table des marchands at locmariaquer. perhaps the most typical structure in france is the corridor-tomb in which the chamber is indistinguishable from the passage, and the whole forms a long rectangular area. this is the _allée couverte_ in the narrower sense. in the department of oise occurs a special type of this in which one of the end-slabs has a hole pierced in its centre and is preceded by a small portico consisting of two uprights supporting a roof-slab (fig ). a remarkable example in brittany known as les pierres plates turns at a sharp angle in the middle, and is thus elbow-shaped. [illustration: fig. . _allée couverte_, called la pierre aux fées, oise, france. (_compte rendu du congrès préhistorique de france_.)] in the north of france the _allée_ is often merely cut out in the surface of the ground and has no roof at all. it is sometimes paved with slabs and divided into two partitions by an upright with a hole in its centre. tombs of this kind often contain from forty to eighty skeletons, some of which are in the contracted position. the skulls are in some cases trepanned, i.e. small round pieces of the bone have been cut out of them; such pieces are sometimes found separate in the graves. no objects of metal occur in these north french tombs. there are many fine examples in brittany of the corridor-tomb with distinct chamber. the best known lies on the island of gavr'inis (morbihan). it is covered by a tumulus nearly feet in diameter. the circular chamber, feet in height, is roofed by a huge block measuring feet by . the corridor which leads out to the edge of the mound is feet in length. twenty-two of the upright blocks used in this tomb are almost entirely covered with engraved designs. these are massed together with very little order, the main object having been apparently to cover the whole surface of the stone with ornament. the designs consist of spirals, concentric circles and semicircles, chevrons, rows of strokes, and triangles, and bear a considerable resemblance to those of lough crew and new grange in ireland. another tomb in the same district, that of mané-er-hroeck, was intact when discovered in . it contained within its chamber a hoard of axes of fibrolite and jadeite, pebbles of a kind of turquoise known as _callaïs_, pieces of pottery, flints, and a peculiarly fine celt of jadeite together with a flat ring-shaped club-head of the same stone. the tomb was concealed by a huge oval mound more than yards in length. the famous mont s. michel is an artificial mound containing a central megalithic chamber and several smaller cists, some of which held cremated bodies. [illustration: fig. . chambered mound at fontenay-le-marmion, normandy. (after montelius, _orient und europa_.)] a very remarkable mound in calvados (fig. ) was found to contain no less than twelve circular corbelled chambers, each with a separate entrance passage. the megalithic tombs of brittany all belong to the late neolithic period, and contain tools and arrow-heads of flint, small ornaments of gold, _callaïs_, and pottery which includes among its forms the bell-shaped cup. in central and south france the _allées couvertes_ are mostly of a semi-subterranean type, i.e. they are cut in the ground and merely roofed with slabs of stone. the most famous is that of the grotte des fées near arles (fig. ), in which a passage (_a_) with a staircase at one end and two niches (_b b_) in its sides leads into a narrow rectangular chamber (_c_). the total length is nearly feet. another tomb of the same type, la grotte du castellet, contained over a hundred skeletons, together with thirty-three flint arrow or spear-heads, one of which was stuck fast in a human vertebra, a bell-shaped cup, axes of polished stone, beads and pendants of various materials, pieces of _callaïs_, and a small plaque of gold. on the plateau of ger near the town of dax are large numbers of mounds, some of which contain cremated bodies in urns and others megalithic tombs. bertrand saw in this a cemetery of two different peoples living side by side. but it has since been shown that the cremation mounds belong to a much later period than those which contain megalithic graves. in these last the skeletons were found seated around the walls of the chamber accompanied by objects of flint and other stone, beads of _callaïs_, and small gold ornaments. [illustration: fig. . plan and section of la grotte des fées, arles, france (_matériaux pour l'histoire de l'homme_, ).] [illustration: fig. . the so-called dolmen-deity, from the tombs of the petit morin. (after de baye.)] france has also its rock-hewn tombs, for in the valley of the petit-morin is a series of such graves. a trench leads down to the entrance, which is closed by a slab. the chamber itself is completely underground. in the shallower tombs were either two rows of bodies with a passage between or separate layers parted by slabs or strata of sand. in the deeper were seldom more than eight bodies, in the extended or contracted position, with tools and weapons of flint, pots, and beads of amber and of _callaïs_. on the walls were rough sculptures of human figures (fig. ), to which we shall have to return later. the channel islands possess megalithic monuments not unlike those of brittany. they are corridor-tombs covered with a mound and often surrounded by a circle of stones. within the chamber, which is usually round, lies, under a layer of shells, a mass of mingled human and animal bones. the bodies had been buried in the sitting position, and with them lay objects of stone and bone, but none of metal. the spanish peninsula abounds in megalithic monuments. with the exception of a few menhirs, whose purpose is uncertain, all are sepulchral. dolmens and corridor-tombs are numerous in many parts, especially in the north-east provinces, in galicia, in andalusia, and, above all, in portugal. there is a fine dolmen in the vall gorguina in north-east spain. the cover-slab, measuring feet by , is supported by seven rough uprights with considerable spaces between them. in the same region is a ruined dolmen surrounded by a circle nearly feet in circumference, consisting of seven large stones, some of which appear to be partly worked. circles are also found round dolmens in andalusia. portugal abounds in fine dolmens both of the round and rectangular types. at fonte coberta on the douro stands a magnificent dolmen known locally as the moors' house. in the name of the field, fonte coberta, there is doubtless an allusion to the belief that the dolmens conceal springs of water, a belief also held in parts of ireland. at eguilaz in the basque provinces is a fine corridor-tomb, in which a passage feet long, roofed with flat slabs, leads to a rectangular chamber feet by with an immense cover-slab nearly feet in length: the whole was covered with a mound of earth. the chamber contained human bones and "lanceheads of stone and bronze." a famous tomb of a similar type exists at marcella in algarve. the chamber is a fine circle of upright slabs. it is paved with stones, and part of its area is divided into two or perhaps three rectangular compartments. a couple of orthostatic slabs form a sort of neck joining the circle to the passage, which narrows as it leads away from the circle, and was probably divided into two sections by a doorway whose side-posts still remain. in south-east spain the brothers siret have found corridor-tombs in which the chamber is cut in the rock surface and roofed with slabs; the entrance passage becomes a slope or a staircase. here we have a parallel to the giants' graves of sardinia, which are built usually of stone blocks on the surface, but occasionally are cut in the solid rock. other tombs in the same district show the common megalithic construction consisting of a base course of upright slabs surmounted by several courses of horizontal masonry (fig. ). the chamber is usually round, and may have two or more niches in its circumference. it is roofed by the successive overlapping or corbelling of the upper courses. the vault thus formed is further supported by a pillar of wood or stone set in the centre of the chamber. on the walls of some of the chambers there are traces of rough painting in red. the whole tomb is covered with a circular mound. in the best known example at los millares there are remains of a semicircular façade in front of the entrance, as in many other megalithic monuments. [illustration: fig. . corridor-tomb at los millares, spain. (after siret.)] the finest, however, of all the spanish monuments is the corridor-tomb of antequera in andalusia. it consists of a short passage leading into a long rectangular chamber roofed with four slabs. within it on its axial line are three stone pillars placed directly under the three meeting-points of the four slabs, but quite unnecessary for their support. the whole tomb is covered with a low mound of earth. in the great upright slab which forms the inner end of the chamber is a circular hole rather above the centre. it is not the plan of this tomb, but the size, that compels the admiration of the beholder. he stands, as it were, within a vast cave lighted only from its narrow end, the roof far above his head. the rough surface of the blocks lends colour to the feeling that this is the work of nature and not of man. here, even if not in stonehenge, he will pause to marvel at the patient energy of the men of old who put together such colossal masses of stone. among the corridor-tombs of spain must be mentioned a wedge-shaped type which bears a close resemblance to those of munster in ireland (cf. fig. ). in alemtejo, south of cape de sines, are several of these, usually about feet in length, with a slight portico at one end. a further point of similarity with the irish monuments is seen in the corridor-tombs of monte abrahaõ in portugal, where the chamber walls seem to have been reinforced by an outer lining of slabs. remains of eighty human bodies were found in this tomb, together with objects of stone and bone, including a small conical button similar to that of carrowmore in ireland. the spanish peninsula also possesses rock-hewn tombs. at palmella, near lisbon, is a circular example about feet in diameter preceded by a bell-shaped passage which slopes slightly downwards. another circular chamber in the same group has a much longer passage, which bulges out into two small rounded antechambers. these tombs have been excavated and yielded some pottery vases, together with objects of copper and beads of a peculiar precious stone called _callaïs_. all the finds made in the megalithic remains of spain and portugal point to the period of transition from the age of stone to that of metal. the balearic islands contain remarkable megalithic monuments. those known as the _talayots_ are towers having a circular or rarely a square base and sloping slightly inwards as they rise. the largest is feet in diameter. the stones, which are rather large and occasionally trimmed, are laid flat, not on edge. a doorway just large enough to be entered with comfort leads through the thickness of the wall into a round chamber roofed by corbelling, with the assistance sometimes of one or more pillars. from analogy with the _nuraghi_ of sardinia, which they resemble rather closely, it seems probable that the _talayots_ are fortified dwellings, perhaps only used in time of danger (fig. ). [illustration: fig. . section and plan of the talayot of sa aquila, majorca. (after cartailhac.)] [illustration: fig. . nau d'es tudons, plan and section. (after cartailhac.)] the _naus_ or _navetas_ are so named from their resemblance to ships. the construction is similar to that of the _talayots_. the outer wall has a considerable batter. the famous nau d'es tudons is about feet in length. the façade is slightly concave. a low door (_a_) gives access through a narrow slab-roofed passage (_b_) to a long rectangular chamber (_c_), the method of whose roofing is uncertain. all the _naus_ are built with their façades to the south or south-east, with the exception of that of benigaus nou, the inner end of which is cut in the rock, while the outer part is built up of blocks as usual. the abnormal orientation was here clearly determined by the desire to make use of the face of rock in the construction. the _naus_ seem to have been tombs, as human remains have been found in them. rock-tombs also occur in the islands. the most remarkable are those of s. vincent in majorca. one of these has a kind of open antechamber cut in the rock, and is exactly similar in plan to the grotte des fées in france (cf. fig. ). prehistoric villages surrounded by great stone walls can still be traced in the balearic isles. the houses were of two types, built either above ground or below. the first are square or rectangular with rounded corners, the base course occasionally consisting of orthostatic slabs. the subterranean dwellings are faced with stone and roofed with flat slabs supported by columns. in each village was one building of a different type. it stood above ground and was semicircular in plan. in its centre stood a horizontal slab laid across the top of an upright, forming a t-shaped structure which helped to support the roof-slabs, but which may also have had some religious significance. the stones which composed it were always carefully worked, and the lower was let into a socket on the under side of the upper. chapter vi italy and its islands italy cannot be called a country of megalithic monuments. in the centre and north they do not occur, the supposed examples mentioned by dennis in his _cities and cemeteries of etruria_ having been proved non-existent by the italian ministry of education. it is only in the extreme south-west that megalithic structures appear. they are dolmens of ordinary type, except that in some cases the walls are formed not of upright slabs, but of stones roughly superposed one upon another. on the farm of the grassi, near lecce, are what appear to be two small dolmens at a distance of only feet apart; they are perhaps parts of a single corridor-tomb. in the neighbourhood of tarentum there is a dolmen-tomb approached by a short passage, and at bisceglie, near ruvo, there is an even finer example, the discovery of which is one of the most important events which have occurred in italian prehistoric archæology during the last few years. the tomb is a simple rectangular corridor feet in length, lying east and west. only one cover-slab, that at the west end, remains, and the exact disposition of the rest of the tomb is uncertain. in one of the side uprights which supports this slab is a circular hole, which, however, seems to be the work of nature, though its presence may have led to the choice of the stone. the tomb was carefully excavated, and the remains of several skeletons were found, one of which lay in the contracted position on the right side. three of the skulls were observed by an expert to be dolichocephalic, but their fragile condition prevented the taking of actual measurements. burnt bones of animals, fragments of pottery, a terra-cotta bead, and a stone pendant were also found, together with flint knives and a fragment of obsidian. these discoveries show that the heel of italy fell under the influence which caused the spread of the megalithic monuments, whatever that influence may have been. the same influence may also have been responsible for the bronze age rock-hewn tombs of matera in the basilicata, each of which is surrounded by a circle of fairly large stones. geographical considerations would lead one to suppose that the same conditions existed in sicily, and it is possible that this was the case. yet it is an affirmation which must be made with great reserve. megalithic monuments in the ordinary sense of the term are unknown in sicily. there are, however, four tombs in the south-east of the island which show some affinity to megalithic work. two of these were found by orsi at monteracello. they were rectangular chambers built of squared slabs of limestone set on edge. at one end of the finer of the two was a small opening or window cut in the upright slab. this same grave contained a skeleton lying on the right side with the legs slightly contracted. these two tombs can hardly be described as dolmens; they seem to have had no cover-slabs, and the blocks, which were small, were let into the earth, scarcely appearing above the surface. taken by themselves the monteracello tombs would hardly prove the presence of the megalithic civilization in sicily. however, in the valley called cava lazzaro there is a rock-hewn tomb where the vertical face of the rock in which the tomb is cut has been shaped into a curved façade, a very usual feature of megalithic architecture. this is ornamented on each side of the entrance of the tomb with four pilasters cut in relief in the solid rock, each pair being connected by a semicircular arch also in relief. on the pilasters is incised a pattern of circles and v-shaped signs. a somewhat similar arrangement of pilasters is seen in two rock-tombs at cava lavinaro in the same district. this work forcibly recalls the work of the megalithic builders in the hypogeum of halsaflieni in malta (see chap. vii), and on the façades of the giants' tombs in sardinia (see below). it affords, at any rate, a presumption that in all three islands we have to deal with the same civilization if not the same people. such a presumption is not weakened by the fact that in sicily the usual form of tomb was the rock-hewn sepulchre, which, as will be seen later, is very often a concomitant of the megalithic monument, and in many cases is proved to be the work of the same people. in the early neolithic period in sicily, called by orsi the sicanian period, rock-hewn tombs seem not to have been used. it is only at the beginning of the metal age that they begin to appear. in this period, the so-called first siculan, the tomb-chamber was almost always circular or elliptical, entered by a small door or window in the face of the rock. the dead were often seated round the wall of the chamber, evidently engaged in a funerary feast, as is clear from the great vase set in their midst with small cups for ladling out the liquid. a single tomb often contained many bodies, especially in cases where the banquet arrangement was not observed; one chamber held more than a hundred skeletons, and it has been suggested that the bodies were only laid in the tomb after the flesh had been removed from the bones, either artificially or as the result of a temporary burial elsewhere. such a custom is not unknown in other parts of the megalithic area. with these bodies were found large quantities of painted pottery, a few implements of copper and many of flint. among the ornaments which the dead carried--for they seem to have been buried in complete costume--were several axe-shaped pendants of polished stone, precisely similar to those of sardinia, malta, and france. the most important cemeteries of this period are those of castelluccio, melilli, and monteracello. near this last site was also found a round hut based on a course of orthostatic slabs of typically megalithic appearance. in the full bronze age, called the second siculan period, burial in rock-tombs still remained the rule. the tomb-form had developed considerably. the circular type was still usual, though beside it a rectangular form was fast coming into favour. the main chamber often had side-niches, and was usually preceded by a corridor which sometimes passed through an antechamber. occasionally we find an elaborate open-air court outside the façade of the tomb, built very much after the megalithic style. large vertical surfaces of rock were carefully sought after for tombs, and the almost inaccessible cliffs of pantalica and cassibile are literally honeycombed with them. where such surfaces of rock were unobtainable a vertical shaft was sunk in the level rock and a chamber was opened off the bottom of it. the tradition of the banquet of the dead is still kept up, but the number of the skeletons in each tomb steadily decreases. the sitting posture is still frequent, though occasionally the body lies flat on one side with the legs slightly contracted. flint is now rare, but objects of bronze are plentiful. the local painted pottery has almost entirely given place to simpler yet better wares with occasional mycenean importations. it is impossible to decide whether this sicilian civilization ought to be included under the term megalithic. if, as seems probable, the idea of megalithic building was brought to europe by the immigration of a new race it is possible that a branch of this race entered sicily. in that case i should prefer to think that they came not at the beginning of the first siculan period as we know it, but rather earlier. certain vases found with neolithic burials in a cave at villafrati and elsewhere in sicily resemble the pottery usually found in megalithic tombs; one of them is in fact a bell-shaped cup, a form typical of megalithic pottery. it is thus possible that an immigration of megalithic people into sicily took place during the stone age, definitely later than the period of the earliest neolithic remains on the island, but earlier than that of such sites as the castelluccio cemetery. this, however, is and will perhaps remain a mere conjecture, though it is quite possible that there are in the interior of sicily dolmens which have not yet come to the notice of the archæologist; in this connection it is worth while to remember that up to five years ago the existence of dolmens in both sardinia and malta passed unnoticed. if the inclusion of sicily in the megalithic area is doubtful there is fortunately no question about the island of sardinia. here we have one of the chief strongholds of the megalithic civilization, where the architecture displays its greatest variety and flexibility. the simplest manifestation of megalithic building, the dolmen, was up till lately thought to be absent from sardinia, but the researches of the last few years have brought to light several examples, of which the best known are those of birori, where the chamber is approximately circular in plan. the monuments, however, for which sardinia is most famous are the _nuraghi._ a _nuraghe_ is a tower-like structure of truncated conical form, built of large stones laid in comparatively regular courses (pl. ii, fig. ). the stones are often artificially squared, and set with a clay mortar. the plan and arrangement of a simple _nuraghe_ are usually as follows (fig. ): the diameter of the building is generally under feet. a door of barely comfortable height even for an average man and surmounted by a single lintel-block gives access to a narrow passage cut through the thickness of the wall. in this passage are, to the right, a small niche (_c_) just large enough to hold a man, and, on the left, a winding staircase in the wall (_d_) leading to an upper storey. the passage itself leads into the chamber (_a_), which is circular, often with two or three side-niches (_b b_), and roofed by corbelling, i.e. by making each of the upper courses of stones in its wall project inwards over the last. the upper chamber, which is rarely preserved, is similar in form to the lower. [illustration: plate ii fig. . mnaidra, doorway of room h] [illustration: plate ii fig. . the nuraghe of madrone in sardinia to face p. ] [illustration: fig. . elevation, section and plan of a _nuraghe_. (pinza, _monumenti antichi_.)] considerable speculation has been indulged in concerning the purpose of the _nuraghi_. for many years they were regarded as tombs, a view which was first combated by nissardi at the international congress in rome in . further exploration since that time has placed it beyond all doubt that the _nuraghi_ were fortified dwellings. the form of the building itself is almost conclusive. the lowness of the door would at once put an enemy at a disadvantage in attempting to enter; it is significant that in the _nuraghe_ of su cadalanu, where the doorway was over feet in height, its breadth was so much reduced that it was necessary to enter sideways. arrangements were made for the closing of the entrance from inside by a heavy slab of stone, often fitted into grooves. the niche on the right of the passage clearly served to hold a man, who would command the passage itself and the staircase to the upper floor; he would, moreover, be able to attack the undefended flank of an enemy entering with his shield on his left arm. to the same effort at impregnability we may safely ascribe the fact that the staircase leading to the upper room did not begin on the floor-level of the passage, but was reached through a hole high up in the wall. many of the _nuraghi_ are surrounded by elaborate fortifications consisting of walls, towers, and bastions, sometimes built at the same time as the dwelling itself, sometimes added later. those of aiga, losa, and s'aspru are among the most famous of this type. all the _nuraghi_ stand in commanding situations overlooking large tracts of country, and the more important a position is from the strategical point of view the stronger will be the _nuraghe_ which defends it. all are situated close to streams and springs of good water, and some, as for instance that of abbameiga, are actually built over a natural spring. at nossiu is a building which can only be described as a fortress. it consists of a rhomboidal enclosure with _nuraghe_-like towers at its corners and four narrow gateways in its walls. it is surrounded by the ruins of a village of stone huts. there cannot be the least doubt that in time of danger the inhabitants drove their cattle into the fortified enclosure, entered it themselves, and then closed the gates. each _nuraghe_ formed the centre of a group of stone huts. mackenzie has described such a village at serucci, where the circular plan of the huts was still visible. the walls in one case stood high enough to show, from the corbelling of their upper courses, that the huts were roofed in the same fashion as the _nuraghi_ themselves. another village, that which surrounds the _nuraghe_ of su chiai, was protected by a wall of huge stones. it is thus clear that the _nuraghi_ were the fortified centres of the various villages of sardinia. probably each formed the residence of the local chieftain; that they were actually inhabited is clear from the remains of everyday life found in them, and from the polish which continual use has set on the side-walls of some of the staircases. in general appearance and design the _nuraghi_ recall the modern _truddhi_, hundreds of which dot the surface of apulia and help to beguile the tedium of the railway journey from brindisi to foggia. the _truddhi_, however, are built in steps or terraces and have no upper chamber. who were the foes against whom such elaborate preparations for defence were made? two alternatives are possible. either sardinia was a continual prey to some piratical mediterranean people, or she was divided against herself through the rivalry of the local chieftains. the second explanation is perhaps the more probable. mackenzie seems to adopt it, and fancies that in the growth of the largest _nuraghi_ we may trace the rise to power of some of these local dynasts at the expense of their neighbours. he suggests that the existence of the fortified enclosure of nossiu, where there is no sign of a true _nuraghe_, may mean that there were certain communities which succeeded in maintaining their independence in the face of these powerful rulers. but here, as he himself is the first to admit, we are in the realm of pure conjecture. [illustration: fig. . giant's tomb at muraguada, sardinia. (mackenzie, _papers of the british school of rome_, v.)] it is now established that in the giants' tombs of sardinia we are to see the graves of the inhabitants of the _nuraghe_ villages. every giant's tomb lies close to such a village, and almost every village has its giants' tombs, one or more in number according to its size. a giant's tomb consists of a long rectangular chamber of upright slabs roofed by corbelled masonry (fig. ). the slab which closes one end of the tomb is of great size, and consists of a lower rectangular half with a small hole at the base and an upper part shaped like a rounded gable. there is a raised border to the whole slab, and a similar band in relief marks out the two halves. this front slab forms the centre-piece in a curved façade of upright slabs. the chamber is covered with a coating of ashlar masonry, which is shaped into an apsidal form at the end opposite to the façade. occasionally more than feet in length, the giants' tombs served as graves for whole families, or even for whole villages. mackenzie has shown that the form is derived from the simple dolmen, and has pointed out several of the intermediate stages. the inhabitants of sardinia in the megalithic period also buried their dead in rock-hewn sepulchres, of which there are numerous examples at anghelu ruju. the contents of these graves make it clear that they are the work of the same people as the giants' graves. were further proof needed it could be afforded by a grave at molafà, where a giant's grave with its façade and gabled slab has been faithfully imitated in the solid rock. there is a similar tomb at st. george. two natural caves in cape sant' elia on the south of the island contain burials of this same period. the neighbouring island of corsica also contains important megalithic remains. they consist of thirteen dolmens, forty-one menhirs, two _alignements_, and a cromlech. they fall geographically into two groups, one in the extreme north and the other in the extreme south of the island. the stones used are chiefly granite and gneiss. the dolmens, which are of carefully chosen flat blocks showing no trace of work, are all rectangular in plan, and usually consist of four side-walls and a cover-slab. the finest of all, however, the dolmen of fontanaccia, has seven blocks supporting the cover, one at each short end, three in one of the long sides, and two in the other. none of the dolmens are covered by mounds. of the _alignements_, that of caouria seems to consist, in part at least, of two parallel lines of menhirs, the rest of the plan being uncertain. there are still thirty-two blocks, of which six have fallen. the other _alignement_, that of rinaiou, consists of seven menhirs set in a straight line. the cromlech is circular and stands on cape corse. on the small island of pianosa, near elba, are several rock-hewn tombs of the æneolithic period which ought perhaps to be classed with the megalithic monuments of sardinia and corsica. chapter vii africa, malta, and the smaller mediterranean islands north africa is a great stronghold of the megalithic civilization, indeed it is thought by some that it is the area in which megalithic building originated. morocco, tunis, algeria, and tripoli all abound in dolmens and other monuments. even in the nile valley they occur, for what looks like a dolmen surrounded by a circle was discovered by de morgan in the desert near edfu, and wilson and felkin describe a number of simple dolmens which exist near ladò in the sudan. tripoli remains as yet comparatively unexplored. the traveller barth speaks of stone circles near mourzouk and near the town of tripoli. the great trilithons (_senams_) with holes pierced in their uprights and 'altar tables' at their base, which barth, followed by cooper in his _hill of the graces_, described as megalithic monuments, have been shown to be nothing more than olive-presses, the 'altar tables' being the slabs over which the oil ran off as it descended. true dolmens do, however, occur in tripoli, and cooper figures a fine monument at messa in the cyrenaica, which appears to consist of a single straight line of tall uprights with a continuous entablature of blocks similar to that of the outer circle at stonehenge. algeria has been far more completely explored, and possesses a remarkable number of megalithic monuments. many of the finest are situated near the town of constantine. thus at bou nouara there is a hill about a mile in length which is a regular necropolis of dolmen-tombs. each grave consists of a dolmen within a circle of stones. the blocks are all natural and completely unworked. the circle consists of a wall of stone blocks so built as to neutralize the slope of the hill and to form a level platform for the dolmen. thus on the lower side there are three courses of carefully laid stones rising to about five feet, while on the upper side there is only one course. the diameter of the circles varies from to feet. in the centre of the circle lies the dolmen with its single long cover-slab. this usually rests on two entire side-slabs, the ends being filled up either with entire slabs or with masonry of small stones. in rare cases the side-slabs are replaced by masonry walls. the average size of the cover-slab is - / by feet. the dolmen itself is, of course, built directly on to the platform, and the space between it and the circle is filled up with rough stones. the orientation of the dolmens varied considerably, but the cover-slab was never placed in such a way that its length ran up the hill-slope, probably because in moving the slab into place this would have been an awkward position. another equally fine site is that of bou merzoug, near oulad rahmoun, about an hour's railway journey from constantine. the place is naturally adapted for a settlement as there is a spring of water there. this spring was later utilized by the romans to provide water for the city of cirta. the dolmen-graves lie in great numbers on the hill at the foot of which the spring rises, and extend down into the valley. each dolmen lies in the centre of a stone circle. this last is in some cases formed by very large slabs set on edge, but more often by two or three courses of rough oblong blocks. many of the graves are badly damaged. one of the finest had an outer circle about feet in diameter, and an inner circle feet in diameter. between these two a third circle, much more irregular and of small stones, could just be distinguished. but in most cases it was impossible to make out clearly more than the one outer circle and the dolmen within it. the dolmen itself consisted of a large slab resting on walls formed of several large blocks, the spaces between which were filled up with smaller stones. none of the stones used were worked. the dolmens were not oriented according to any fixed system. m. féraud states that the separate graves were united together by open corridors formed by double or triple rows of large stones, but no traces of such a system could be found by the later visitors to the site, messrs. maciver and wilkin. fortunately we have some record of what these graves contained, for thirteen were opened by mr. christy and m. féraud. one contained a human skeleton in good condition, buried in the contracted position with the knees to chin and arms crossed. with this were two whole vases, fragments of others, and pieces of cedar wood. at the feet of the skeleton were two human heads, and as the graves would not have accommodated more than one whole body m. féraud suggests that these belong to decapitated victims. another grave contained, in addition to human bones, those of a horse, together with three objects of copper, viz. a ring, an earring, and a buckle. in another were found the teeth and bones of a horse and an iron bit. an entirely different type of monument is found near msila, south-west of algiers. here is a long low hill called the senâm, covered with large numbers of stone circles. these consist of large slabs of natural limestone set up on edge and not very closely fitted. the height of the slabs varies from to feet, and the diameters of the three still perfect circles are - / , - / , and - / feet respectively. at a point roughly south-east there is a break in the circumference, filled by a rectangular niche (fig. ) consisting of three large slabs, and varying in width from ft. in. to feet. there is a possibility that the niches were originally roofed, but the evidence on this point is far from conclusive. the interior of the circle is filled with blocks of stone, apparently heaped up without any definite plan. there seems to be no clue as to the meaning of these circles, as none have as yet been explored. maciver and wilkin are probably right in classing them as graves. [illustration: fig . stone circle at the senâm, algeria. (after maciver and wilkin).] the most famous, however, of the algerian sites is unquestionably that of roknia. here the tombs lie on the side of a steep hill. they consist of dolmens often surrounded by stone circles from to feet in diameter. the cover-slabs of the dolmens usually rest on single uprights, and never on built walls. several of the graves excavated contained more than one body, one yielding as many as seven. it is remarkable that three of the skulls showed wounds, the dead having been apparently killed in battle. several vases have been found and a few pieces of bronze. we have seen that in some of the tombs of bou merzoug objects of iron were found. this makes it clear that some at least of the algerian tombs belong to the iron age, i.e. that they are probably later than b.c., but beyond this we cannot go. the medal of faustina sometimes quoted as evidence for a very late date proves nothing, as it is not stated to have been found in a tomb. there is no evidence to show how far back the graves go. it may be that, as maciver and wilkin suggest, the parts of the cemeteries excavated chance to be the latest. at bou merzoug the excavators worked chiefly among the graves on the plain and at the bottom of the hill. the more closely crowded graves which lie on the hill itself may well be older than these. in fact, all that may be said of the algerian graves is that some are of the iron age, while others may be and probably are earlier. in tunis the dolmen is not uncommon, and several groups or cemeteries have been reported. near ellez occurs a type of corridor-tomb in which three dolmen-like chambers lie on either side of a central passage, and a seventh at the end opposite to the entrance. the whole is constructed of upright slabs of stone, and is surrounded by a circle formed in the same way. morocco, too, has its dolmens, especially in the district of kabylia, while near tangier there is a stone circle. off the north coast of africa, and thus on the highway which leads from africa to europe, lie the italian islands of lampedusa and linosa. the latter is volcanic in origin, and its surface presents no opportunity for the building of megalithic monuments. lampedusa, on the other hand, consists of limestone, which lies about in great blocks on its surface. on the slopes of the south coast there are several remains of megalithic construction, but they are too damaged to show much of their original form. however, on the north side of the island there are megalithic huts in a very fair state of preservation. they are oval in form and have in many cases a base course of orthostatic slabs. some miles to the north of linosa lies the much larger volcanic island of pantelleria, also a possession of italy. here megalithic remains both of dwellings and of tombs have been found. on the plateau of the mursia are the remains of rectangular huts made of rough blocks of stone. these huts seemed to have formed a village, which was surrounded by a wall for purposes of defence. in the huts were found implements of obsidian and flat stones used for grinding. [illustration: fig. . plan of the sese grande, pantelleria. (orsi, _monumenti antichi_, ix.)] the tombs of the people who inhabited this village are, unlike the houses, circular or elliptical in form. they are locally known as _sesi._ the smaller are of truncated conical shape, the circular chamber being entered by a low door and having a corbelled roof. in one of the _sesi_ a skeleton was found buried in the contracted position. the finest of the tombs, known as the sese grande, elliptical in form (fig. ), has a major diameter of more than feet, and rises in ridges, being domed at the top. it contains not one chamber, but twelve, each of which has a separate entrance from the outside of the _sese._ to judge by the remains found in the _sesi_ they belong entirely to the neolithic period. the island of malta as seen to-day is an almost treeless, though not unfertile, stretch of rock, with a harbour on the north coast which must always make the place a necessary possession to the first sea power of europe. much of its soil is of comparatively modern creation, and four thousand years ago the island may well have had a forbidding aspect. this is perhaps the reason why the first great inroads of neolithic man into the mediterranean left it quite untouched, although it lay directly in the path of tribes immigrating into europe from africa. the earliest neolithic remains of italy, crete, and the Ægean seem to have no parallel in malta, and the first inhabitants of whom we find traces in the island were builders of megalithic monuments. small as malta is it contains some of the grandest and most important structures of this kind ever erected. the two greatest of these, the so-called "phoenician temples" of hagiar kim and mnaidra, were constructed on opposite sides of one of the southern valleys, each within sight of the other and of the little rocky island of filfla. [illustration: fig. . plan of the megalithic sanctuary of mnaidra, malta. (after albert mayr's plan.)] the temple of mnaidra is the simpler of the two in plan (fig. ). it consists of two halves, the more northerly of which was almost certainly built later than the other. each half consists of two elliptical chambers set one behind the other. the south half is the better preserved. it has a concave façade of large orthostatic slabs with horizontal blocks set in front of them to keep them in position. in the centre of this opens a short paved passage formed of fine upright slabs of stone, one of which is feet in height. the first elliptical chamber (_e_) into which this passage leads us has a length of feet. its walls (pl. iii) consist of roughly squared orthostatic slabs over feet in height, above which are several courses of horizontal blocks which carry the walls in places up to a height of nearly feet. this combination of vertical and horizontal masonry is typical of all the maltese temples. to the left of the entrance is a rectangular niche in the wall containing one of the remarkable trilithons (_a_) which form so striking a feature of mnaidra and hagiar kim. it consists of a horizontal slab of stone nearly feet in length, supported at its ends by two vertical slabs about feet high. to the right of the entrance is a window-like opening (_b_, behind the seated figure in pl. iii) in one of the slabs of the wall, preceded by two steps and giving access to an irregular triangular space (_f_). in the north-west angle of this triangle is fixed a trilithon table (_c_) of the usual type, inches high; at a like height above the table is fixed another horizontal slab which serves as a roof to the corner. the south corner of the triangle is shut off by a vertical slab, in which is cut a window inches by . through this is seen a shrine (?) consisting of a box (_d_) made of five well-cut slabs of stone, the front being open. the aperture by which _f_ is entered was evidently intended to be closed with a slab of stone from the inside of _f_, for it was rebated on that side, and there are holes to be used in securing the slab. when the entrance was thus blocked _f_ still communicated with _e_ by means of a small rectangular window inches by in one of the adjacent slabs (visible in pl. iii). [illustration: plate iii temple of mnaidra, malta. apse of chief room to face p. ] returning to the area _e_ we find in the south-west wall an elaborate doorway (pl. ii, fig. i, p. ) leading to a rectangular room _h_. the doorway consists of two tall pillars with a great lintel laid across the top. the space between the pillars is closed by a fixed vertical slab in which is a window-like aperture similar to that which gives access to room _f_. all the stones in this doorway are ornamented with pit-marks. the rectangular room _h_ has niches in its walls to the north, south, and west. each niche is formed by a pair of uprights with a block laid across the top. the west niche is occupied by a horizontal table or slab (_e_) supported at its centre by a stone pillar inches in height, of circular section narrowing in the centre (visible through the doorway in pl. ii, fig. i). the southern niche contains an ordinary trilithon table (_f_): the northern niche is damaged, but apparently held a table like that of the western. the area _i_ consists of only half an ellipse, the southern half being replaced by the area _h_, which we have already described. it has a rectangular niche to the west containing a fine trilithon with a cover-slab nearly feet long. the whole of the southern half of the mnaidra temple is surrounded by a wall of huge rough blocks of stone, presenting a great contrast to the dressed slabs of which the inner walls are formed. they are placed alternately with their broad faces and their narrow edges outwards. the roughness of this enclosure wall gives the structure a remarkably wild and craggy appearance from a distance. the northern half of mnaidra is clearly a later addition. there is no doubt as to the way in which the areas were roofed. in the apse-like ends of the elliptical rooms the horizontal courses are corbelled, i.e. each course projects slightly forward over the last. thus the space narrows as the walls rise, until the aperture is small enough to be roofed by great slabs laid across. the corbelling of the apse is just perceptible in pl. iii. whether the roofing of the mnaidra temple was ever complete it is impossible to say: in any case the system we have described could only be applied to the apsidal portions of the areas, and their centres must either have been open to the sky or roofed quite simply with slabs. in the still more famous temple of hagiar kim we have a complicated building, in which the original plan has been much altered and enlarged. the main portion doubtless consisted originally of a curved façade and a pair of elliptical areas, the inner of which has been fitted with a second entrance to the north-west and completely remodelled at its south-west end. four elliptical chambers, one of which is at a much higher level than the rest of the building, have been added. here, too, as at mnaidra, we find niches containing trilithon tables. in the first elliptical area, in which the apsidal ends are divided from the central space by means of walls of vertical slabs, a remarkable group of objects was found. in front of a well-cut vertical block stood what must be an altar, cut in one piece of stone. it is square in section except for the top, which is circular. on the four vertical edges are pilasters in relief, and in the front between these is cut in relief what looks like a plant growing out of a pot or box. to the left of the altar and the vertical slab behind were an upright stone with two hanging spirals cut on it in relief, and at its foot a horizontal slab. both the altar and the carved stone are covered with small pit-marks. in the outside wall of the building, quite unconnected with the interior, is a niche partly restored on old foundations, in which stands a rough stone pillar - / feet high. in front of this pillar is a vertical slab nearly feet high, narrowing towards the base, and covered with pit-markings. this pillar can hardly be anything but a baetyl, or sacred stone. the temple called the gigantia, on the island of gozo, is no less remarkable than the two which we have already described; in one place its wall is preserved up to a height of over feet. the plan is similar to that of mnaidra, though here the two halves seem to have been built at one and the same time. several of the blocks show a design of spirals in relief, while on others there are the usual pit-markings. another bears a figure of a fish or serpent. at the foot of one of the trilithons was found a baetyl inches in height, now in the museum at valletta. that these three buildings were sanctuaries of some kind seems almost certain from their form and arrangement. we do not, however, know what was the exact nature of the worship carried on in them, though there can be no doubt that the stone tables supported by single pillars and the trilithons found in the niches played an important part in the ritual. sir arthur evans in his famous article _mycenæan tree and pillar cult_ has suggested that in malta we have a cult similar to that seen in the mycenæan world. this latter was an aneiconic worship developed out of the cult of the dead; in it the deity or hero was represented by a baetyl, i.e. a tree or pillar sometimes standing free, sometimes placed in a 'dolmen-like' cell or shrine, in which latter case the pillar often served to support the roof of the shrine. in malta sir arthur evans sees signs of a baetyl-worship very similar to this. thus at hagiar kim we have a pillar still standing free in a niche, and another pillar, which, to judge from its shape, must have stood free, was found in the gigantia. on the other hand, at mnaidra we have pillars which support slabs in a cell or shrine, and at cordin several small pillars were found which must originally have served a similar purpose. there can hardly be any doubt that sir arthur evans is right in seeing in the maltese temples signs of a baetylic worship. but is he right in his further assertion that the cult was a cult of the dead? albert mayr assumes that he is, and endeavours to show that the 'dolmen-like' cells in the niches are not altars, but stereotyped representations of the dolmen-tombs of the heroes worshipped. he thinks that the slabs which cover them are too large for altar-tables, and that the niches in which they stand are too narrow and inaccessible to have been the scene of sacrificial rites. neither of these arguments has much force, nor is it easy to see how the cells are derived from dolmens. the fact is that the word 'dolmen-like,' which has become current coin in archæological phraseology, is a question-begging epithet. the maltese cells are not like dolmens at all, they are either trilithons or tables resting on a pillar. they are always open to the front, and instead of the rough unhewn block which should cover a dolmen they are roofed with a well-squared slab. if the pillar which supports the slab is, like the free-standing pillars, a baetyl, the slab is probably a mere roof to cover and protect it; if not, the slab is almost certainly a table. at the same time, although we may not accept the hypothesis that the cell is derived from a dolmen, sir arthur evans may still be right in supposing the worship to have originated in a cult of the dead. but he was almost certainly wrong, as recent excavation has shown, in supposing that the cells were the actual burial place of the deified heroes. a number of statuettes were found at hagiar kim, two of which are of pottery and the rest of limestone. one figure represents a woman standing, but in the rest she is seated on a rather low stool with her feet tucked under her. there is no sign of clothing, except on one figure which shows a long shirt and a plain bodice with very low neck. all these statuettes are characterized by what is known as steatopygy, that is, the over-development of the fat which lies on and behind the hips and thighs. steatopygous figures have been found in many places, viz. france, malta, crete, the cyclades, greece, thessaly, servia, transylvania, poland, egypt, and the italian colony of eritrea on the red sea. the french examples are from caves of the palæolithic period; the rest mainly belong to the neolithic and bronze ages. various reasons have been given for the abnormal appearance of these figures. in the first place it has been suggested that they represent women of a steatopygous type, like the modern bushwomen, and that this race was in early days widely diffused in the mediterranean and in south europe. another hypothesis is that they represent not a truly steatopygous type of women, but only an abnormally fat type. a third suggestion is that they portray the generative aspect of nature in the form of a pregnant goddess. naturally there are considerable local differences in the shapes of the figures from the various countries we have enumerated, and it may be that no single hypothesis will explain them all. there are other megalithic buildings in malta besides the three which we have discussed, but none of them call for more than passing mention. on the heights of cordin or corradino, overlooking the grand harbour of valletta, there are no less than three groups, all of which have been lately excavated. in all three we see signs of the typical arrangement of elliptical areas one behind another, and in the finest of the three the curved façade and the paved court which lies before it are still preserved. it was for a long time believed that there were no dolmens in malta. professor tagliaferro has been able to upset this belief by discovering two, one near musta and the other near siggewi. it is hardly credible that these are the only two dolmens which ever existed in malta. more will no doubt yet be found, especially in the wild north-west corner of the isle. the megalithic builders of malta did not confine their achievements to structures above ground, they could also work with equal facility below. in the village of casal paula, which lies about a mile from the head of the grand harbour of valletta, is a wonderful complex of subterranean chambers known as the hypogeum of halsaflieni, which may justly be considered as one of the wonders of the world. the chambers, which seem to follow no definite plan, are excavated in the soft limestone and arranged in two storeys connected by a staircase, part of which still remains in place. the finest rooms are in the upper storey. the largest is circular, and contains in its walls a series of false doors and windows. it is in this room that the remarkable nature of the work in the hypogeum is most apparent. on entering it one sees at once that the intention of the original excavator was to produce in solid rock underground a copy of a megalithic structure above ground. thus the walls curve slightly inwards towards the top as do those of the apses of mnaidra and hagiar kim, and the ceiling is cut to represent a roof of great blocks laid across from wall to wall with a space left open in the centre where the width would be too great for the length of the stones. the treatment of the doors and windows recalls at once that of the temples above ground. the mason was not content, when he needed a door, to cut a rectangular opening in the rock; he must represent in high relief the monolithic side-posts and lintel which were the great features of the megalithic 'temples' of malta. nor has he failed in his intention, for, as one moves from room to room in the hypogeum, one certainly has the feeling of being in a building constructed of separate blocks and not merely cut in the solid rock. no description can do justice to the grace of the curves and the flow of the line in the circular chamber and in the passage beyond it, and we have here the work of an architect who felt the æsthetic effect of every line he traced. behind the circular chamber and across the passage just referred to lies a small room which, rightly or wrongly, has been called the 'holy of holies,' the idea being that it formed a kind of inner sanctuary to the chamber. it contains a rough shelf cut in the wall, and in the centre of this a shallow circular pit. it has been suggested that this pit was made to hold the base of the cult-object, whether it was a baetyl or an idol. this, however, is a mere conjecture. in the passage just outside the door of this room are two small circular pits about inches in diameter and the same distance apart. they connect with one another below, and are closed with tightly fitting limestone plugs. in one of them was found a cow's horn. their purpose is unknown, but similar pairs of pits occur elsewhere at halsaflieni. in two of the largest chambers in the hypogeum the roof and walls are still decorated with designs in red paint. the patterns consist of graceful combinations of curved lines and spirals. many other rooms, including the circular chamber, were originally painted with designs in red, which have now almost wholly disappeared. many of the chambers are extremely small, too small for an adult even to stand upright in them, and their entrances are merely windows, perhaps a foot square and well above the ground. what then was the purpose of this wonderful complex of rooms? before attempting to answer this question we must consider what has been found in them. when the museum authorities first took over the hypogeum practically all the chambers were filled to within a short distance of their roofs with a mass of reddish soil, which proved to contain the remains of thousands of human skeletons. in other words, halsaflieni was used as a burial place, though this may not have been its original purpose. the bones lay for the most part in disorder, and so thickly that in a space of about cubic yards lay the remains of no less than individuals. one skeleton, however, was found intact, lying on the right side in the crouched position, i.e. with arms and knees bent up. with the bones were found enormous quantities of pottery and other objects, buried with the dead as provision for the next world. the pottery is rough in comparison with the fine painted wares of crete, but it is extremely varied in its decoration. one particularly fine bowl shows a series of animals which have been identified by professor tagliaferro as the long-horned buffalo, an animal which once existed on the northern coasts of africa. ornaments of all kinds were common, and include beads, pendants, and conical buttons of stone and shell. the most remarkable of all are a large number of model celts made of jadeite and other hard stones. these are of the same shape as the stone axes used by neolithic man, but they are far too small ever to have been used, and they must therefore have been models hung round the neck as amulets. each is provided with a small hole for this purpose. the popularity of the axe-amulet makes it probable that the axe had some religious significance. finally halsaflieni has yielded several steatopygous figurines. some of these resemble those of hagiar kim, but two are of rather different type. each of these represents a female lying on a rather low couch. in the better preserved of the two she lies on her right side, her head on a small uncomfortable-looking pillow. the upper part of her body is naked, but from the waist downwards she is clad in a flounced skirt which reaches to the ankles. the other figurine is very similar, but the woman here is face downwards on the couch. the bodies themselves were so damaged with damp that only ten skulls could be saved whole. these, however, afford very valuable anthropological evidence. they have been carefully measured by dr. zammit, and they prove to belong to a long-headed (dolichocephalic) type usual among the neolithic races of the mediterranean. we have still to discuss the purpose of this great complex of underground chambers and passages. it is quite clear that its eventual fate was to be used as a burial place for thousands of individuals, but it is far from certain that this was the purpose for which it was built. the existence of the central chamber, with its careful work and laborious imitation of an open-air 'temple,' is against this interpretation. it has therefore been suggested that the hypogeum was meant for a burial place, and that the central chamber was the chapel or sanctuary in which the funeral rites were performed, after which the body was buried in one of the smaller rooms. this, however, does not explain the presence of burials in the chapel itself, and it is far more likely that it was only after halsaflieni had ceased to be used for its original purpose that it was seized upon as a convenient place for burial. the question of the date of the maltese megalithic buildings is a difficult one. it is true that no metal has been found in them, and that we can therefore speak of them as belonging to the neolithic age. but the neolithic age of malta need not be parallel in date with that of crete for example. it is extremely probable that malta lay outside the main currents of civilization, and that flint continued to be used there long after copper had been adopted by her more fortunate neighbours. chapter viii the dolmens of asia in the south-east of europe lie three groups of dolmens which are no doubt in origin more closely connected with those of asia than with those of the rest of europe. the first group lies in bulgaria, where no less than sixty dolmens have been found north of adrianople. the second consists of a few dolmens which still remain in the crimea, and the third lies in the caucasus in two divisions, one to the south-east and the other to the south-west of the town of ekaterinodar. these last are made of slabby rock, and thus have a finished appearance. a dolmen near tzarskaya has a small semicircular hole at the bottom of one of its end-slabs, while another in the valley of pehada has sides consisting of single blocks, placed so as to slant inwards considerably, and a circular hole in the centre of the slab which closes one of its ends. in asia megalithic monuments are not infrequent. we first find them in syria, they have been reported from persia, and in central and south india they exist in large numbers. corridor-tombs occur in japan, but they are late in date, and there is no evidence to show whether they are connected with those of india or not. syria is comparatively rich in megalithic monuments, but it is remarkable that almost all of them lie to the east of the jordan. thus while there are hundreds of dolmens in the country of pera and in ammon and moab, very few have been found in galilee, and only one in judæa, despite careful search. there is, however, a circle of stones west of tiberias, and an enclosure of menhirs between tyre and sidon. according to perrot and chipiez some of the moabite monuments are very similar in type to the giants' tombs of sardinia. others are simple dolmens. in a good example at ala safat (fig. ) the floor of the tomb is formed by a single flat slab of stone. the great cover-slab rests on two long blocks, one on either side, placed on edge. the narrow ends are closed up with smaller slabs, one of which, that which faces north, has a small hole pierced in it. a similar closure slab with a hole is also found in certain rock-tombs quite close to this dolmen. apparently none of these dolmens have been systematically excavated, and nothing is known of their date. [illustration: fig. . dolmen with holed stone at ala safat. (after de luynes.)] menhirs, too, are not wanting in syria. perrot and chipiez figure an example from gebel-mousa in moab which is quite unworked, except for a shallow furrow across the centre of the face. in many cases the menhir is surrounded by one or more rows of stones. thus at der ghuzaleh a menhir about feet in height is set in the centre of what when complete must have been a rectangle. in other cases the enclosure was elliptical or circular in form. in an example at minieh the menhir stands in the centre of a double (in part triple) circle of stones, on which abuts an elliptical enclosure. in some cases the circle has no proper entrance, in others it has a door consisting of a large slab resting on two others. the largest of the circles attains a diameter of feet, and has a double line of stones. within these circles and near them are found large numbers of monuments consisting each of a large flat slab resting on two others. on the upper surface of the top slab are often seen a number of basin-shaped holes, sometimes connected by furrows. many of the slabs are slightly slanting, and it has been suggested that the series of holes and furrows was intended for the pouring a libation of some kind. in a monument of this type at ammân the cover-slab slopes considerably; the upper part of its surface is a network of small channels converging on a hole inches deep about the centre of the slab. here, again, no excavations have been carried out, and we do not even know what was the purpose of these structures. it is, however, probable that these trilithons were not, like the dolmens, tombs, but served some religious purpose, possibly connected with the worship of the menhirs. in the jaulân, where the rock consists of a slabby type of basalt, there are many dolmens of fine appearance. they often lie east and west, and are often broader at the west end. many are surrounded by a double circle of stones. in one of them two copper rings were found. at ain dakkar more than dolmen-tombs are visible from a single spot. they are built on circular terraces of earth and stones about feet high. the arabs call them graves of the children of israel. most of them lie east and west, and are broader at the west. in the eastern slab there is often a hole about feet in diameter. near tsîl are several corridor-tombs of simple type. each consists of a long rectangular chamber with only one cover-slab, that being at the west end. in a well-known example of this type at kosseir there is a hole in one of the two uprights which support the cover. these examples will serve to show the importance and variety of the syrian monuments. they present analogies with those of many parts of the megalithic area, and we therefore await anxiously the publication of mackenzie's promised article on his own explorations in this district. the central and southern parts of india afford numerous examples of dolmens. they are to be found in almost all parts of lower india from the nerbudda river to cape comorin. in the nilgiri hills there are stone circles and dolmens, and numbers of dolmens are said to exist in the neermul jungle in central india. in the collectorate of bellary dolmens and other monuments to the number of have been recorded. others occur in the principality of sorapoor and near vellore in the madras presidency. these latter appear to be of two types, either with three supports only or with four supports, one of which is pierced with a circular hole. of the dolmens known in the deccan, half are of this pierced type. they are known to the natives as "dwarfs' houses." one only had a pair of uprights outside the pierced stone, thus forming a sort of portico to the dolmen. near chittore in north arcot there is said to be a square mile of ground covered with these monuments. in them were found human remains in sarcophagi, and fragments of black pottery. several of the indian dolmens are said to have contained objects of iron. occasionally the dolmen is surrounded by a double circle of stones or covered with a cairn. the deccan, in addition to its numerous dolmens, possesses also megalithic monuments of another type. they consist each of two rows, each of thirteen unworked stones set as close together as possible, in front of which is a row of three stones, each about feet high, not let into the ground. the planted stones were whitewashed, and each was marked with a large spot of red paint with black in the centre. these stones seem to have been in use in modern times. colonel forbes leslie thinks that a cock had been sacrificed on one of the three stones which lie in front of the double row, but there seems to be no certain evidence for this. it is, however, very probable that these _alignements_ had some religious signification, and the same is no doubt true of certain small circles of small stones, also found in the deccan. the modern inhabitants of the khasi hills in india still make use of megalithic monuments. they set up a group of an odd number of menhirs, , , , , or , and in front of these two structures of dolmen form. these are raised in honour of some important member of the tribe who has died, and whose spirit is thought to have done some good to the tribe. if the benefits continue it is usual to increase the number of menhirs. the earliest burials in japan are marked by simple mounds of earth. it was not until the beginning of the iron age that megalithic tombs came into use. the true dolmen is not found in japan, and all the known graves are corridor-tombs covered with a mound. they are of four types. first, we have a simple corridor with no separate chamber; secondly, a corridor broadening out at one side near the end; thirdly, a true chamber with a corridor of access; and fourthly, a type in which the corridor is preceded by an antechamber. all four types occur in rough unworked stone, roofed with huge slabs, but a few examples of the third type are made of well-cut and dressed blocks. the mounds are usually conical, though some are of a complex form shortly to be described. some of these contain stone sarcophagi. the bodies were never cremated, but the bones are so damaged that it is impossible to say what the most usual position was. objects of bronze and iron together with pottery and ornaments were found in the tombs. the more important tombs are of a more complicated type. they seem to have contained the remains of emperors and their families. they consist each of a circular mound, to which is added on one side another mound of trapezoidal form. the megalithic tomb-chamber or the sarcophagus which sometimes replaces it lies in the circular part of the mound. the total axial length of the basis of the whole mound is in a typical case--that of nara (yamato)-- feet, the diameter of the round end being feet. the mounds have in most cases terraced sides, and are surrounded by a moat. in early times it seems to have been the custom to slay or bury alive the servants of the emperor on his mound, but this was given up about the beginning of the christian era. these imperial double mounds seem to begin about two centuries before the christian era, and to continue for five or six centuries after it. many of them can be definitely assigned to their owners, and others are attributed by tradition. thus a rather small mound at the foot of mount unebi (yamato) is considered to be the burial place of the emperor jimmu, the founder of the imperial dynasty, and annual ceremonies are performed before it. the japanese emperors are still buried in terraced mounds, and in the group of huge stone blocks which have been placed on the mound of the emperor komei, who died in , we may be tempted to see a survival of the ancient megalithic chamber. these early corridor-tombs are evidently not the work of the ainu, the aborigines of japan, but of the japanese invaders who conquered them. these latter do not seem to have brought the idea of megalithic building with them, as their earlier tombs are simple mounds. as no dolmen has yet been found in japan we cannot at present derive the corridor-tomb there from it. it is, however, worthy of mention that true dolmens occur as near as corea, though none have been reported from china. chapter ix the builders of the megalithic monuments, their habits, customs, religion, etc. with regard to the date of the megalithic monuments it only remains to sum up the evidence given in the previous chapters. it may be said that in europe they never belong to the beginning of the neolithic age, but either to its end or to the period which followed it, i.e. to the age of copper and bronze. the majority date from the dawn of this latter period, though some of the chambered cairns of ireland seem to belong to the iron age. outside europe there are certainly megalithic tombs which are late. in north africa, for example, we know that the erection of dolmens continued into the early iron age; many of the indian tombs are clearly late, and the corridor-tombs of japan can be safely attributed in part at least to the christian era. with what purpose were the megalithic monuments erected? the most simple example, the menhir or upright stone, may have served many purposes. in discussing the temples of malta we saw reason for believing that the megalithic peoples were in the habit of worshipping great stones as such. other stones, not actually worshipped, may mark the scene of some great event. jacob commemorated a dream by setting up the stone which had served him as a pillow, and samuel, victorious over the philistines, set up twelve stones, and called the place "stones of deliverance." others again perhaps stood in a spot devoted to some particular national or religious ceremony. thus the angami of the present day in assam set up stones in commemoration of their village feasts. it seems clear from the excavations that the menhirs do not mark the place of burials, though they may in some cases have been raised in honour of the dead. the question of the purpose of stone circles has already been dealt with in connection with those of great britain. _alignements_ are more difficult to explain, for, from their form, they cannot have served as temples in the sense of meeting-places for worship. yet they must surely have been connected with religion in some way or other. possibly they were not constructed once and for all, but the stones were added gradually, each marking some event or the performance of some periodic ceremony, or even the death of some great chief. the so-called "canaanite high place" recently found at gezer consists of a line of ten menhirs running north and south, together with a large block in which was a socket for an idol or other object of worship. several bodies of children found near it have suggested that the monument was a place of sacrifice. other megalithic structures can be definitely classed as dwellings or tombs, as we have seen in our separate treatment of them. it is not improbable that, if we are right in considering the dolmen as the most primitive form of megalithic monument, megalithic architecture was funerary in origin. yet, as we find it in its great diffusion, it provides homes for the living as well as for the dead. in their original home, perhaps in africa, the megalithic race may have lived in huts of wattle or skins, but after their migration the need of protection in a hostile country and the exigencies of a colder climate may have forced them to employ stone for their dwellings. in any case, in megalithic architecture as seen in europe the tomb and the dwelling types are considerably intermixed, and may have reacted on one another. this, however, does not justify the assertion so often made that the megalithic tomb was a conscious imitation of the hut. it is true that some peoples make the home of their dead to resemble that of the living. among certain tribes of greenland it is usual to leave the dead man seated in his hut by way of burial. but such a conception does not exist among all peoples, and to say that the dolmen is an imitation in stone of a hut is the purest conjecture. still more improbable is montelius's idea that the corridor-tomb imitates a dwelling. it is true that the eskimos have a type of hut which is entered by a low passage often feet in length, but for one who believes as montelius does that the corridor-tomb is southern or eastern in origin such a derivation is impossible, for this type of house is essentially northern, its aim being to exclude the icy winds. in the south it would be intolerably close, and its low passage besides serving no purpose would be inconvenient. there is really no reason to derive either the dolmen or the corridor-tomb from dwellings at all. granted the use of huge stones, both are purely natural forms, and the presence of the corridor in the latter is dictated by necessity. the problem was how to cover a large tomb-chamber with a mound and to leave it still accessible for later interments, and the obvious solution was to add a covered passage leading out to the edge of the mound. a remarkable feature of the megalithic tombs is the occurrence in many of them of a small round or rectangular hole in one of the walls, usually an end-wall, more rarely a partition-wall between two chambers. occasionally the hole was formed by placing side by side two upright blocks each with a semicircular notch in its edge. tombs with a holed block or blocks occur in england, instances being the barrows of avening and rodmarton, king orry's grave in the isle of man, lanyon quoit in cornwall, and plas newydd in wales, which has two holes. there are also examples in ireland, france, belgium, central germany, and scandinavia, where they are common. passing further afield we find holes in the giants' graves of sardinia, and in syria, the caucasus, and india, where half the dolmens in the deccan are of this type. the holes are usually too small to allow of the passage of a human body. it has been suggested that they served as an outlet for the soul of the deceased, or in some cases as a means of passing in food to him. attention has been frequently drawn to curious round pits so often found on the stones of dolmens and usually known as cup-markings. they vary in diameter from about two to four inches, and are occasionally connected by a series of narrow grooves in the stone. they vary considerably in number, sometimes there are few, sometimes many. they occur nearly always on the upper surface of the cover-slab, very rarely on its under surface or on the side-walls. some have attempted to show that these pits are purely natural and not artificial. it has been suggested, for instance, that they are simply the casts of a species of fossil sea-urchin which has weathered out from the surface of the stone. this explanation may be true in some cases, but it will not serve in all, for the 'cups' are sometimes arranged in such regular order that their artificial origin is palpable. these markings are found on dolmens and corridor-tombs in palestine, north africa, corsica, france, germany, scandinavia, and great britain. in wales there is a fine example of a dolmen with pits at clynnog fawr, while in cornwall we may instance the monument called "the three brothers of grugith" near meneage. there is no clue to the purpose of these pits. some have thought that they were made to hold the blood of sacrifice which was poured over the slab, and from some such idea may have arisen some of the legends of human victims which still cling round the dolmens. others have opposed to this the fact that the pits sometimes occur on vertical walls or under the cover-slabs, and have preferred to see in them some totemistic signification or some expression of star-worship. it is possible that we have to deal with a complex and not a simple phenomenon, and that the pits were not all made to serve a single purpose. those which cover some of the finest stones at mnaidra and hagiar kim are certainly meant to be ornamental, though there may be in them a reminiscence of some religious tradition. in any case, it is worth while to remember that cup-markings also occur on natural rocks and boulders in switzerland, scandinavia, great britain (where there is a good example near ilkley in yorkshire), near como in italy, and in germany, russia, and india. of the builders of the megalithic monuments themselves we cannot expect to know very much, especially while their origin remains veiled in obscurity. yet there are a few facts which stand out clearly. we even know something about their appearance, for the skulls found in the megalithic tombs have in many cases been subjected to careful examination and measurement. into the detail of these measurements we cannot enter here; suffice it to say that the most important of them are the maximum length of the skull from front to back and its maximum breadth, both measures, of course, being taken in a straight line with a pair of callipers, and not round the contour of the skull. if we now divide the maximum breadth by the maximum length and multiply the result by we get what is known as the cephalic index of the skull. thus if a skull has a length of millimetres and a breadth of , its cephalic index is / x , i.e. . it is clear that in a roundish type of head the breadth will be greater in proportion to the length than in a narrow elliptical type. thus in a broad head the cephalic index is high, while in a narrow head it is low. the former is called brachycephalic (short-headed), and the latter dolichocephalic (long-headed). this index is now accepted by most anthropologists as a useful criterion of race, though, of course, there are other characteristics which must often be taken into account, such as the height and breadth of the face, the cubic capacity of the skull and its general contour. at any rate, if we can show that the skulls of the megalithic tombs conform to a single type in respect of their index we shall have a presumption, though not a certainty, that they belong to a single race. for africa the evidence consists in a group of twenty skulls from dolmen-tombs giving cephalic indices which range from . to . . the average index is . , and the majority of the indices lay within a few units of that number. ten skulls from halsaflieni in malta have cephalic indices running from to . , the average being . . of a series of skulls from the rock-tombs of the petit morin in france, had an index of over , were between and , and were below . but in the dolmens of lozère distinctly broad skulls were frequent. a series of british neolithic skulls, mostly from barrows, ran from to . the builders of the megalithic monuments thus belonged in the main to a fairly dolichocephalic race or races, for the large majority of the skulls measured are of a long-headed type. there are, however, in various localities, especially in france, occasional anomalous types of skull which are distinctly brachycephalic, and show that contamination of some kind was taking or had taken place. of the state of civilization to which the builders of the megalithic monuments had attained, and of the social condition in which they lived, there is something to be gathered. it is clear in the first place from the evidence of the maltese buildings that they were a pastoral people who domesticated the ox, the sheep, the pig, and the goat, upon whose flesh they partly lived. shellfish also formed a part of their diet, and the shells when emptied of their contents were occasionally pierced to be used as pendants or to form necklaces or bracelets. whether these people were agricultural is a question more difficult to answer. it is true that flat stones have been found, on which some kind of cereal was ground up with the aid of round pebbles, but the grain for which these primitive mills were used may have been wild and not cultivated. no grain of any kind has been found in the maltese settlements. the megalithic race do not seem to have been great traders. this is remarkably exemplified in malta, where there is not a trace of connection with the wonderful civilization which must have been flourishing so near at hand in crete and the Ægean at the time when the megalithic temples were built. the island seems to have been entirely self-sufficing, except for the importation of obsidian, probably from the neighbouring island of linosa. of copper, which wide trade would have introduced, there is no sign. some writers, however, have argued the existence of extensive trade-relations from the occurrence of a peculiar kind of turquoise called _callaïs_ in some of the megalithic monuments of france and portugal. the rarity of this stone has inclined some archæologists to attribute it to a single source, while some have gone so far as to consider it eastern in origin. for the last theory there is no evidence whatsoever. no natural deposit of _callaïs_ is known, but it is highly probable that the sources of the megalithic examples lay in france or portugal. it would of course be foolish to suppose that the megalithic people received none of the products of other countries, especially at a time when the discovery of copper was giving a great impetus to trade. no doubt they enjoyed the benefits of that kind of slow filtering trade which a primitive tribe, even if it had wished, could hardly have avoided, but they were not a great trading nation as were the cretans of the middle and late minoan periods, or the egyptians of the xiith and xviiith dynasties. we know nothing of their political conditions, of the groups into which they were divided, or the centres from which they were governed. that there were strong centres of government is, however, clear from the very existence of such huge monuments, many of which must have required the combined and organized labour of large armies of workers, in the gathering of which the state was doubtless strongly backed by religion. we have seen that the megalithic peoples frequently dwelt in huts of great stones. yet in the majority of cases their huts must have been, like those of most primitive races, of perishable material, such as wood, wattle, skins, turf, and clay. as for their form there was probably a continual conflict between the round and the rectangular plan, just as there was in the stone examples. which form prevailed in any particular district was probably determined almost by accident. thus in sardinia the round type was mostly kept for the huts and _nuraghi_, while the rectangular was reserved for the dolmens and giants' graves. even here the confusion between the two types is shown by the fact that near birori there are two dolmens with a round plan. again, in pantelleria the huts of the mursia are rectangular, while the _sesi_, which are tombs, are roughly circular. it is therefore probable that the round and rectangular types of building were both in use among the megalithic people before they spread over europe. within their huts these people led a life of the simplest description. their weapons and tools, though occasionally of copper, were for the most part of stone. flint was the most usual material. in scandinavia it was often polished, but elsewhere it was merely flaked. the implements made from it were of simple types, knives, borers, scrapers, lanceheads, and more rarely arrowheads. many of these were quite roughly made, no more flaking being done than was absolutely necessary to produce the essential form, and the work being, when possible, confined to one face of the flint. in the mediterranean obsidian, a volcanic rock, occasionally took the place of flint, especially in sardinia and pantelleria. axes or celts were often made of flint in scandinavia and north germany, but elsewhere other stones, such as jade, jadeite, and diorite were commonly used. we can only guess at the way in which the megalithic people were clothed. no doubt the skins of the animals they domesticated and of those they hunted provided them with some form of covering, at any rate in countries where it was needed. possibly they spun wool or flax into a thread, for at halsaflieni two objects were found which look like spindle-whorls, and others occur on sites which are almost certainly to be attributed to the megalithic people. there is, however, nothing to show that they wove the thread into stuffs. the love of personal decoration was highly developed among them, and all branches of nature were called upon to minister to their desire for ornament. shells, pierced and strung separately or in masses, were perhaps their favourite adornment, but close on these follow beads and pendants of almost every conceivable substance, bone, horn, stone, clay, nuts, beans, copper, and occasionally gold. one small object assumes a great importance on account of its wide distribution. this is the conical button with two converging holes in its base to pass the thread through. this little object, which may have served exactly the purpose of the modern button, occurs in several parts of the megalithic area. there are examples in malta made of stone and shell. elsewhere it is most usually of bone. it occurs in sardinia, in france, in the rock-tombs of gard, and in the corridor and rock-tombs of lozère and ardèche, in portugal in the _allée couverte_ of monte abrahaõ, in bohuslän (sweden), and at carrowmore in ireland. outside the megalithic area it has been found in two of the swiss lake-dwellings and in italy. the pottery of the megalithic people was of a simple type. it was all made by hand, the potter's wheel being still unknown to the makers. pottery with painted designs does not occur outside sicily, except for a few poor and late examples in malta. the best vases were of fairly purified clay, moderately well fired, and having a polished surface, usually of a darkish colour. on this surface were often incised ornamental designs, varying both in type and in the skill with which they were engraved. as a rule the schemes were rectilinear, more rarely they were carried out in curves. sardinia furnishes some fine examples of rectilinear work, while the best of the curved designs are found in malta, where elaborate conventional and even naturalistic patterns are traced out with wonderful freedom and steadiness of hand. the pottery of the megalithic area is not all alike; it would be surprising if it were. even supposing that the invaders brought with them a single definite style of pottery-making this would rapidly become modified by local conditions and by the already existing pottery industry of the country, often, no doubt, superior to that of the new-comers. nevertheless, there are a few points of similarity between the pottery of various parts of the megalithic area. the most remarkable example is the bell-shaped cup, which occurs in denmark, england, france, spain, sardinia, and possibly malta (the specimen is too broken for certainty). outside the area it is found in bohemia, hungary, and north italy. here, as in the case of the conical button, we cannot argue that the form was actually introduced by the megalithic race, though there is a certain possibility in favour of such a hypothesis. that the megalithic people possessed a religion of some kind will hardly be doubted. their careful observance of the rites due to the dead, and their construction of buildings which can hardly have been anything but places of worship, is a strong testimony to this. we have seen that in the maltese temples the worship of baetyls or pillars of stone seems to have been carried on. several stone objects which can scarcely have been anything but baetyls were found in the megalithic structures of los millares in spain, but none are known elsewhere in the megalithic area. there is some reason for thinking that among the megalithic race there existed a cult of the axe. in france, for instance, the sculptured rock-tombs of the valley of the petit morin show, some a human figure, some an axe, and some a combination of the two. this same juxtaposition of the two also occurs on a slab which closed the top of a corbelled chamber at collorgues in gard. a simple _allée couverte_ at göhlitzsch in saxony has on one of its blocks an axe and handle engraved and coloured red. there are further examples in the _allée couverte_ of gavr'inis and the dolmen called la table des marchands at locmariaquer. these sculptured axes call to mind at once the numerous axe-shaped pendants of fine polished stone (jade, jadeite, etc.) found in malta, sicily, sardinia, and france, and apparently used as amulets. the excavation of crete has brought to light a remarkable worship of the double axe, and it has been argued with great probability that one of the early boat signs figured on the pre-dynastic painted vases of egypt is a double axe, and that this was a cult object. it seems very probable that in the megalithic area, or at least in part of it, there was a somewhat similar worship, the object of cult, however, being not a double but a single axe, usually represented as fitted with a handle. it need not be assumed that the axe itself was worshipped, though this is not impossible; it is more likely that it was an attribute of some god or goddess. among the rock-hewn tombs of the valley of the petit morin in the department of marne, france, were seven which contained engravings on one of the walls. several of these represent human figures (fig. ). the eyes are not marked, but the hair and nose are clear. in some the breasts are shown, in others they are omitted. on each figure is represented what appears to be a collar or necklace. similar figures occur on the slabs of some of the _allées couvertes_ of seine et oise, and on certain blocks found in and near megalithic burials in the south of france. moreover, in the departments of aveyron, tarn, and hérault have been found what are known as menhir-statues, upright pillars of stone roughly shaped into human semblance at the top; they are of two types, the one clearly female and the other with no breasts, but always with a collar or baldric. it has been argued that these figures represent a deity or deities of the megalithic people. déchelette, comparing what are apparently tattoo marks on a menhir-statue at saint sermin (aveyron) with similar marks on a figure cut on a schist plaque at idanha a nova (portugal) and on a marble idol from the island of seriphos in the Ægean, seems inclined to argue that in france and portugal we have the same deity as in the Ægean. this seems rather a hazardous conjecture, for we know that many primitive peoples practised tattooing, and, moreover, it is not certain that the french figures represent deities at all. it is quite as likely, if not more so, that they represent the deceased, and take the place of a grave-stone: this would account for the occurrence of both male and female types. this was almost certainly the purpose of six stones that remain of a line that ran parallel to a now destroyed tomb at tamuli (sardinia). three have breasts as if to distinguish the sex of three of those buried in the tomb. we must not therefore assume that any of the french figures represents a 'dolmen-deity.' the method of burial observed in the megalithic tombs is almost universally inhumation. cremation seems to occur only in france, but there it is beyond all doubt. the known examples are found in the departments of finistère, marne, and aisne, and in the neighbourhood of paris. in finistère out of megalithic burials examined were cremations, were inhumations, and were uncertain. it is extremely curious that this small portion of france should be the only part of the megalithic area where cremation was practised. it is generally held that cremation was brought into europe by the broad-headed 'alpine' people, who seem to have invaded the centre of the continent at some period in the neolithic age. it is possible that in parts of france a mixture took place between the megalithic builders and the alpine race. intermarriage would no doubt lead to confusion in many cases between the two rites. in all other cases the builders of the megalithic monuments buried their dead unburned. often the body was lying stretched out on its back, or was set in a sitting position against the side of the tomb; but most frequently it was placed in what is known as the contracted position, laid on one side, generally the left, with the knees bent and drawn up towards the chin, the arms bent at the elbow, and the hands placed close to the face. many explanations of this position have been suggested. some see in it a natural posture of repose, some an attempt to crowd the body into as small a space as possible. some have suggested that the corpse was tightly bound up with cords in order that the spirit might not escape and do harm to the living. perhaps the most widely approved theory is that which considers this position to be embryonic, i.e. the position of the embryo previous to birth. none of these explanations is entirely convincing, but no better one has been put forward up to the present. this custom, it must be noted, was not limited to the megalithic peoples. it was the invariable practice of the pre-dynastic egyptians and has been found further east in persia. it occurs in the neolithic period in crete and the Ægean, in italy, switzerland, germany, and other parts of europe, and it is one of the facts which go to show that the builders of the megaliths were ethnologically connected, however remotely, with their predecessors in europe. at halsaflieni, in malta, we have perhaps examples of the curious custom of secondary interment; the body is buried temporarily in some suitable place, and after the flesh has left the bones the latter are collected and thrown together into a common ossuary. that the bones at halsaflieni were placed there when free from flesh is probable from the closeness with which they were packed together (see p. ). there are also possible examples in sicily (see p. ). the custom was not unknown in neolithic days, especially in crete. it is still occasionally practised on the island and on the greek mainland, where, after the dead have lain a few years in hallowed soil, their bones are dug up, roughly cleaned, and deposited in caves. chapter x who were the builders, and whence did they come? modern discussion of the origin of the megalithic monuments may be said to date from bertrand's publication of the french examples in . in this work bertrand upheld the thesis that "the dolmens and _allées couvertes_ are sepulchres; and their origin seems up to the present to be northern." in appeared bonstetten's famous _essai sur les dolmens_, in which he maintained that the dolmens were constructed by one and the same people spreading over europe from north to south. at this time the dolmens of north africa were still unstudied. in followed an important paper by bertrand. in two events of importance to the subject occurred, the publication of fergusson's _rude stone monuments in all countries_, and the discussion raised at the brussels congress by general faidherbe's paper on the dolmens of algeria. faidherbe maintained the thesis that dolmens, whether in europe or africa, were the work of a single people moving southward from the baltic sea. the question thus raised has been keenly debated since. at the stockholm congress in de mortillet advanced the theory that megalithic monuments in different districts were due to different peoples, and that what spread was the custom of building such structures and not the builders themselves. this theory has been accepted by most archæologists, including montelius, salomon reinach, sophus müller, hoernes, and déchelette. but while the rest believe the influences which produced the megalithic monuments to have spread from east to west, i.e. from asia to europe, salomon reinach holds the contrary view, which he has supported in a remarkable paper called _le mirage oriental_, published in . the questions we have to discuss are, therefore, as follows: are all the megalithic monuments due to a single race or to several? if to a single race, whence did that race come and in what direction did it move? if to several, did the idea of building megalithic structures arise among the several races independently, or did it spread from one to another? we shall consider first the theory that the idea of megalithic building was evolved among several races independently, i.e. that it was a phase of culture through which they separately passed. on the whole, this idea has not found favour among archæologists. the use of stone for building might have arisen in many places independently. but megalithic architecture is something much more than this. it is the use of great stones in certain definite and particular ways. we have already examined what may be called the style of megalithic architecture and found that the same features are noticeable in all countries where these buildings occur. in each case we see a type of construction based on the use of large orthostatic slabs, sometimes surmounted by courses of horizontal masonry, with either a roof of horizontal slabs or a corbelled vault. associated with this we frequently find the hewing of underground chambers in the rock. in almost all countries where megalithic structures occur certain fixed types prevail; the dolmen is the most general of these, and it is clear that many of the other forms are simply developments of this. the occurrence of structures with a hole in one of the walls and of blocks with 'cup-markings' is usual over the whole of the megalithic area. there are even more remarkable resemblances in detail between structures in widely separated countries. thus the giants' tombs of sardinia all have a concave façade which forms a kind of semicircular court in front of the entrance to the tomb. this feature is seen also in the temples of malta, in the tomb of los millares in spain, in the _naus_ of the balearic isles (where, however, the curve is slight), in the giant's grave of annaclochmullin and the chambered cairn of newbliss in ireland, in the tomb of cashtal-yn-ard in the isle of man, in the barrow of west tump in gloucestershire, and in the horned cairns of the north of scotland. these parallels are due to something more than coincidence; in fact, it is clear that megalithic building is a widespread and homogeneous system, which, despite local differences, always preserves certain common features pointing to a single origin. it is thus difficult to accept the suggestion that it is merely a phase through which many races have passed. the phases which occur in many races alike are always those which are natural and necessary in the development of a people, such as the phase of using copper. but there is nothing either natural or necessary in the use of huge unwieldy blocks of stone where much smaller ones would have sufficed. there are further objections to this theory in the distribution of the megalithic buildings both in space and time. in space they occupy a very remarkable position along a vast sea-board which includes the mediterranean coast of africa and the atlantic coast of europe. in other words, they lie entirely along a natural sea route. it is more than accident that the many places in which, according to this theory, the megalithic phase independently arose all lie in most natural sea connection with each other, while not one is in the interior of europe. in time the vast majority of the megalithic monuments of europe seem to begin near the end of the neolithic period and cover the copper age, the later forms continuing occasionally into that of bronze. here again it is curious that megalithic building, if merely an independent phase in many countries, should arise in so many at about the same time, and with no apparent reason. had it been the use of _worked_ stones that arose, and had this followed the appearance of copper tools, the advocates of this theory would have had a stronger case, but there seems to be no reason why huge unworked stones should _simultaneously_ begin to be employed for tombs in many different countries unless this use spread from a single source. for these reasons it is impossible to consider megalithic building as a mere phase through which many nations passed, and it must therefore have been a system originating with one race, and spreading far and wide, owing either to trade influence or migration. but can we determine which? great movements of races by sea were not by any means unusual in primitive days, in fact, the sea has always been less of an obstacle to early man than the land with its deserts, mountains, and unfordable rivers. there is nothing inherently impossible or even improbable in the suggestion that a great immigration brought the megalithic monuments from sweden to india or vice versa. history is full of instances of such migrations. according to the most widely accepted modern theory the whole or at least the greater part of the neolithic population of europe moved in from some part of africa at the opening of the neolithic age. in medieval history we have the example of the arabs, who in their movement covered a considerable portion of the very megalithic area which we are discussing. on the other hand, many find it preferable to suppose that over this same distance there extended a vast trade route or a series of trade routes, along which travelled the influences which account for the presence of precisely similar dolmens in denmark, spain, and the caucasus. yet although much has been written about neolithic trade routes little has been proved, and the fact that early man occasionally crossed large tracts of land and sea in the great movements of migration does not show that he also did so by way of trade, nor does it prove the existence of such steady and extensive commercial relations as such a theory of the megalithic monuments would seem to require. immigration is often forced on a race. change of climate or the diverting of the course of a great river may make their country unfit for habitation, or they may be expelled by a stronger race. in either case they must migrate, and we know from history that they often covered long distances in their attempt to follow the line of least resistance. thus there is nothing a priori improbable in the idea that the megalithic monuments were built by a single invading race. there are other considerations which support such a theory. it will be readily admitted that the commonest and most widely distributed form of the megalithic monument is the dolmen. both this and its obvious derivatives, the giant's grave, the _allée couverte_, and others, are known to have been tombs, while other types of structure, such as the maltese temple, the menhir, and the cromlech, almost certainly had a religious purpose. it is difficult to believe that these types of building, so closely connected with religion and burial, were introduced into all these regions simply by the influence of trade relations. religious customs and the burial rites connected with them are perhaps the most precious possession of a primitive people, and they are those in which they most oppose and resent change of any kind, even when it only involves detail and not principle. thus it is almost incredible that the people, for instance, of spain, because they were told by traders that the people of north africa buried in dolmens, gave up, even in isolated instances, their habit of interment in trench graves in favour of burial in dolmens. it is still more impossible to believe that this unnatural event happened in one country after another. it is true that the use of metal was spread by means of commerce, but here there was something to be gained by adopting the new discovery, and there was no sacrifice of religious custom or principle. an exchange of products between one country and another is not unnatural, but a traffic in burial customs is unthinkable. perhaps, however, it was not the form of the dolmen which was brought by commerce, but simply the art of architecture in general, and this was adapted to burial purposes. to this there are serious objections. in the first place it does not explain why exactly the same types of building (e.g. the dolmen), showing so many similarities of peculiar detail, occur in countries so far apart; and in the second place, if what was carried by trade was the art of building alone, why should the learners go out of their way to use huge stones when smaller ones would have suited their purpose equally well? that the megalithic builders knew how to employ smaller stones we know from their work; that they preferred to use large ones for certain purposes was not due to ignorance or chance, it was because the large stone as such had some particular meaning and association for them. we cannot definitely say that large stones were themselves actually worshipped, but there can be no possible doubt that for some reason or other they were regarded as peculiarly fit to be used in sanctified places such as the tombs of the dead. it is impossible that the men who possessed the skill to lay the horizontal upper courses of the hagiar kim temple should have taken the trouble to haul to the spot and use vast blocks over feet in length where far smaller ones would have been more convenient, unless they had some deep-seated prejudice in favour of great stones. such are the main difficulties involved by the influence theory. on the other hand, objections have been urged against the idea that the monuments were all built by one and the same race. thus dr. montelius in his excellent _orient und europa_ says, "in europe at this time dwelt aryans, but the syrians and sudanese cannot be aryans," the inference being, of course, that the european dolmens were built by a different race from that which built those of syria and the sudan. unfortunately, however, the major premise is not completely true, for though it is true that aryans did live in europe at this time, there were also people in europe who were not aryans, and it is precisely among them that megalithic buildings occur. the french archæologist déchelette also condemns the idea of a single race. "anthropological observations," he says, "have long since ruined this adventurous hypothesis." he does not tell us what these observations are, but we presume that he refers to the occurrence of varying skull types among the people buried in the megalithic tombs. nothing is more natural than that some variation should occur. we are dealing with a race which made enormous journeys, and thus became contaminated by the various other races with which it came in contact. it may even have been a mixed race to start with. thus even if we found skulls of very different types in the dolmens this would not in the least disprove the idea that dolmen building was introduced into various countries by one and the same race. it would be simply a case of the common anthropological fact that a race immigrating into an already inhabited country becomes to some extent modified by intermarriage with the earlier inhabitants. the measurements given in the last chapter would seem to show that despite local variation there is an underlying homogeneity in the skulls of the megalithic people. it thus seems that the most probable theory of the origin of the megalithic monuments is that this style of building was brought to the various countries in which we find it by a single race in an immense migration or series of migrations. it is significant that this theory has been accepted by dr. duncan mackenzie, who is perhaps the first authority on the megalithic structures of the mediterranean basin. one question still remains to be discussed. from what direction did megalithic architecture come, and what was its original home? this is clearly a point which is not altogether dependent on the means by which this architecture was diffused. montelius speaks in favour of an asiatic origin. he considers that caves, and tombs accessible from above, i.e. simple pits dug in the earth, were native in europe, while tombs reached from the side, such as dolmens and corridor-tombs, were introduced into europe from the east. salomon reinach, arguing mainly from the early appearance of the objects found in the tombs of scandinavia and the rarity of the simpler types of monument, such as the dolmen, in germany and south europe, suggests that megalithic monuments first appeared in north europe and spread southwards. mackenzie is more inclined to believe in an african origin. if he is right it may be that some climatic change, possibly the decrease of rainfall in what is now the sahara desert, caused a migration from africa to europe very similar to that which many believe to have given to europe its early neolithic population. the megalithic people may even have been a branch of the same vast race as the neolithic: this would explain the fact that both inhumed their dead in the contracted position. it is probable that the problem will never be solved. the only way to attempt a solution would be to show that in some part of the megalithic area the structures were definitely earlier than in any other, and that as we move away from that part in any direction they become later and later. such a means of solution is not hopeful, for the earliest form of structure, the dolmen, occurs in all parts of the area, and if we attempt to date by objects we are met by the difficulty that a dolmen in one place which contained copper might be earlier than one in another place which contained none, copper having been known in the former place earlier than in the latter. it still remains to consider the question of the origin of the rock-hewn sepulchre and its relation to the megalithic monument. the rock-tomb occurs in egypt, phoenicia, rhodes, cyprus, crete, south italy, sicily, sardinia, malta, pianosa, the iberian peninsula, the balearic isles, and france. in all these places there are examples which are certainly early, i.e. belong to the neolithic or early metal age, with the exception of malta and perhaps rhodes and phoenicia. two types are common, the chamber cut in the vertical face of rock and thus entered from the side, sometimes by a horizontal passage, and the chamber cut underground and entered from a vertical or sloping shaft placed not directly over the chamber, but immediately to one side of it. it is unlikely that these two types have a separate origin, for they are clearly determined by geological reasons. a piece of country where vertical cliffs or faces of rock abounded was suited to the first type, while the other alone was possible when the ground consisted of a flat horizontal surface of rock. we frequently find the two side by side and containing identically the same type of remains. in south-east sicily we have the horizontal entrance in the tombs of the rocky gorge of pantalica, while the vertical shaft is the rule in the tombs of the plemmirio, only a few miles distant. two curious facts are noticeable with regard to the distribution of the rock-hewn tombs. in the first place they are all in the vicinity of the mediterranean, and in the second some occur in the megalithic area, while others do not. the examples of egypt, cyprus, and crete show that this type of tomb flourished in the eastern mediterranean. was it from here that the type was introduced into the megalithic area, or did the megalithic people bring with them a tradition of building rock-tombs totally distinct from that which is represented by the tombs of egypt, cyprus, and crete? the question is difficult to answer. one thing alone is clear, that in certain places, such as malta and sardinia, the megalithic people were not averse to reproducing in the solid rock the forms which they more usually erected with large stones above ground. the finest instance of this is the halsaflieni hypogeum in malta, where the solid rock is hewn out with infinite care to imitate the form and even the details of surface building. similarly we have seen that both in sardinia and in france the same forms of tomb were rendered in great stones or in solid rock almost indifferently. there can therefore be no doubt that the hewing out of rock was practised by the megalithic people, and that they were no mean exponents of the art. we have no proof that they brought this art along with them from their original centre of dispersion, though if they did it is curious that they did not carry it into other countries where they penetrated besides those of the mediterranean. it may be that early rock-tombs will yet be found in north africa, but it seems improbable that, had they existed in the british isles, in north germany, or in scandinavia, not a single example should have been found. on the other hand, if the megalithic people did not bring the idea of the rock-tomb with them we must suppose either that it evolved among them after their migration, or that they adopted it from the eastern mediterranean. the last supposition is particularly unlikely, as it would involve the modification of a burial custom by foreign influence. we have, in fact, no evidence on which to judge the question. perhaps it is least unreasonable to suppose that the idea of the rock-tomb was brought into the megalithic area by the same people who introduced the megalithic monuments, and did not result from contact with the eastern mediterranean. similarly we ought perhaps to disclaim any direct connection between the corridor-tombs of the megalithic area and the great _tholoi_ of crete and the greek mainland. at first sight there is a considerable similarity between them. the treasury of atreus at mycenæ with its corbelled circular chamber and long rectangular corridor seems very little removed, except in size and finish, from the tombs of gavr' inis and lough crew. yet there are vital points of difference. the two last are tombs built partly with upright slabs on the surface of the ground, entered by horizontal corridors, and covered with mounds. the treasury of atreus is simply an elaborated rock-tomb cut underground with a sloping shaft; as the ground consisted only of loose soil a coating of stone was a necessity, and hence the resemblance to a megalithic monument. bibliography of the megalithic monuments general fergusson, _rude stone monuments in all countries_ (london ). bonstetten, _essai sur les dolmens_ (geneva ). mortillet, _compte rendu du congrès d'archéologie préhistorique_, stockholm, , pp. ff. reinach, _le mirage oriental_, in _l'anthropologie_, , pp. ff. montelius, _orient und europa_. borlase, _the dolmens of ireland_, vols. ii and iii. reinach, _terminologie des monuments mégalithiques in revue archéologique_, ^{e} sér., xxii, . westropp, _prehistoric phases_ (london ). england and wales fergusson, _op. cit._ _recent excavations at stonehenge, archæologia_, lviii, pp. ff. flinders petrie, _stonehenge: plans, descriptions, and theories_ (london ). windle, _remains of the prehistoric age in england._ james, sir henry, _plans and photos of stonehenge and of turnsuchan in the island of lewis_ (southampton ). evans, sir a., _archæological review_, ii, , pp. ff. lockyer, sir n., _nature_, november st, . hinks, _xixth century_, june, , pp. ff. lockyer, sir n., _nature_, lxxi, - , pp. ff., ff., ff., ff., ff. lewis, a. a., _stone circles in britain, archæological journal_, xlix, pp. ff. thurnam, _ancient british barrows, archæologia_, xlii, pp. ff., xliii, pp. ff. lewis, a. a., _prehistoric remains in cornwall, journal of the anthrop. inst.,_ xxv, , and xxxv, . kermode and herdman, _illustrated notes on manks antiquities_ (liverpool ). scotland wilson, _the archæological and prehistoric annals of scotland._ forbes leslie, _early races of scotland._ spence, magnus, _standing stones and maeshowe of stenness._ ireland borlase, _dolmens of ireland._ lewis, a. a., _some stone circles in ireland_, in _journal anthrop. inst.,_ xxxix, pp. ff. sweden montelius, _orient und europa._ montelius, _kulturgeschichte schwedens._ montelius, _dolmens en france et en suède_ (le mans ). montelius, graf från stenåldern, upptäckt vid Öringe i ekeby socken, . nilsson, _das steinalter, oder die ureinwohner des scandinavischen nordens_ (hamburg ). denmark montelius, _orient und europa._ sophus müller, _l'europe préhistorique._ sophus müller, _nordische alterthumskunde._ holland _archæological journal_, , pp. ff. _journal anthrop. inst._, vi, , p. . _compte rendu du congrès d'arch. préhist._, stockholm, . belgium engelhardt, _om stendysser og deres geografiske udbredelse_, in _aarböger f. nord. oldkynd._, , pp. ff. germany krause und schoetensack in _zeitschrift für ethnologie_, (altmark only). morlot, _l'archéologie du meclenbourg_ (zurich ). von estorff, _heidnische altertümer der gegend von aelzen_ (hanover ). switzerland keller, _pfahlbauten_, bericht (zurich, ), p. ; pl. xi, figs. and . france cartailhac, _la france préhistorique._ bertrand in _revue archéologique_, (list of monuments). bertrand, _archéologie celtique et gauloise_, nd edit., . déchelette, _manuel d'archéologie préhistorique celtique et gallo-romaine_, vol. i. lewis, _alignements at autun_ in _journal anthrop. inst._, xxxviii, , pp. ff. lewis, _on some dolmens of peculiar form, op. cit._, xl, , pp. ff. de baye, _l'archéologie préhistorique_ (petit-morin tombs). reinach, s., _la sculpture en europe_ (angers . figures of the 'dolmen deity'). spain cartailhac, _Âges préhistorique de l'espagne_. cartailhac, _monuments primitifs des îles baléares_. bezzenberger in _zeitschrift für ethnologie_, xxxix, , pp. ff. italy _bullettino di paletnologia italiana_, xxv, pp. ff. nicolucci, _brevi note sui monumenti megalitici di terra d'otranto_, . _bull. paletn. ital._, xxxvii, pp. ff. mosso and samarelli, _il dolmen di bisceglie_, in _bull. paletn. ital._, xxxvi, pp. ff. and ff. sicily orsi in _bull. paletn. ital._, xxiv, pp. - (monteracello). orsi in _ausonia_, , pp. ff. (cava lazzaro). orsi in _notizie degli scavi_, , p. , fig. (cava lavinaro). sardinia la marmora, _voyage en sardaigne_. pinza in _monumenti antichi_, vol. viii. nissardi in _atti del congresso internazionale_, roma, , sezione preistorica. nissardi and taramelli in _mon. ant._, vol. xvii. taramelli in _memnon_, band ii, mai, , pp. - . préchac in _mélanges d'archéologie et d'histoire_, xxviii. mackenzie in _ausonia_, iii, , pp. ff. mackenzie in _memnon_, vol. ii, fasc. . mackenzie in _papers of the british school of rome_, v, pp. ff. taramelli, _notizie degli scavi_, , pp. ff. (anghelu ruju). colini in _bullettino di paletnologia italiana_, xxiv, pp. ff. corsica _nouvelles archives des missions scientifiques_, vol. iii, , pp. ff. pianosa _bullettino di paletn. ital._, xxiv, pp. ff. malta mayr, a., _die vorgeschichtlichen denkmäler von malta_. mayr, a., _die insel malta_. zammit, _first report on the halsaflieni hypogeum_. tagliaferro, _the prehistoric pottery found in the hypogeum at halsaflieni_, in _annals of archæology and anthropology_, vol. iii, pp. ff. zammit and peet, _report on the small objects found at halsaflieni_ (valletta, in the press). magri, _ruins of a megalithic temple at xeuchia, gozo_. ashby, t., and others, _report on excavations at corradino, mnaidra, and hagiar kim_, appearing in vol. vi of _papers of the british school of rome_. peet, _contributions to the study of the prehistoric period in malta, papers of the british school of rome_, v, pp. ff. tagliaferro, _prehistoric burials in a cave at burmeghez_, in man, , pp. ff. north africa faidherbe in _compte rendu du congrès d'archéologie préhistorique_, bruxelles, , pp. ff. flower in _transactions of the international congress of prehistoric archæology_, norwich, , pp. ff. maciver and wilkin, _libyan notes_. morocco _matériaux pour l'histoire de l'homme_, v, p. ; viii, p. ; xx, p. . tunis cartailhac in _l'anthropologie_, , pp. ff. carton in _l'anthropologie_, , pp. ff. _matériaux pour l'histoire de l'homme_, xxi, pl. vi; xxii, pp. and . egypt and the sudan wilson and felkin, _uganda and the egyptian sudan_, vol. ii, p. . de morgan, _recherches sur l'origine de l'egypte_, p. , fig. . pantelleria orsi in _monumenti antichi_, ix, pp. ff. lampedusa ashby in _annals of archæology and anthropology_, vol. iv. bulgaria _mittheilungen der anthropologischen gesellschaft in wien_, , pp. ff. _l'anthropologie_, , p. . crimea borlase, _dolmens of ireland_, iii, p. . caucasus and crimea chantre, _recherches anthropologiques dans le caucase_, vol. i, pp. ff. chantre in _verhandlungen der berliner anthropologischen gesellschaft_, , p. . _matériaux pour l'histoire de l'homme_, , pp. ff. borlase, _dolmens of ireland_, iii, p. . syria and palestine _palestine exploration fund, quarterly reports_ for ; _annual_, , pp. ff. conder, _heth and moab_, pp. , . perrot and chipiez, iv, pp. , - . persia de morgan in _revue mensuelle de l'ecole d'anthropologie de paris_, , p. . de morgan, _la délégation en perse_, . de morgan, _l'histoire d'elam_, paris, . india _transactions of the royal irish academy_, xxiv, . westropp, _prehistoric phases_. corea _journal anthrop. inst._, xxiv, p. . japan gowland in _archæologia_, lv, pp. ff. gowland in _journal anthrop. inst._, , pp. ff. index abbameiga, aberdeen, circles near, adrianople, africa, - aiga, ain dakkar, ainu, the, ala safat, alemtejo, algeria, - _alignements_, , - , , - , , - _allées couvertes_, , , altar stone at stonehenge, altmark, ammân, ammon, anghelu ruju, anglesey, , annaclochmullin, antequera, arbor low, arcturus, , arles, arles, council of, arran, circles on, - arthur, king, , arthur's quoit, asia, - atreus, treasury of, aurelius ambrosius, avebury, - , - avening, , axe, cult of, - axe-shaped pendants, , axevalla heath, baetyls, , - , balearic isles, - barnstone, the, - barrows, long, - barth, belgium, bellary, bell-shaped cup, , , beltane festival, benigaus nou, bertrand, , birori, , bisceglie, bonstetten, borreby, - boscawen-un, bou merzoug, bou nouara, boyle somerville, captain, brittany, - brogar, ring of, - broholm, bulgaria, button, conical, , , , cæsar, cairns, horned, - caithness, cairns of, - _callaïs_, , , , , , callernish circle, calvados, camster, can de ceyrac, caouria, capella, , carnac, , - carrick-a-dhirra, carrickard, carrickglass, carrigalla, carrowmore, - cashtal-yn-ard, cassibile, castelluccio, , castor, caucasus, cava lavinaro, cava lazzaro, cave burial, , chagford, champ dolent, menhir of, channel isles, charlemagne, charlton's abbott, china, chittore, chun quoit, circles, stone, - , - , - , , , cirta, clava, clynnog fawr, collorgues, constantine, contracted burials, , , , , , , , , , - , coolback, corbelled roofs, , , , , , , , , , - cordin, , corea, cornwall, dolmens in, monuments of, corridor-tombs, , - , - , - , - , - , - , , , - corse, cape, corsica, - coursed masonry, use of, , , cove, the, cremation, , , , crete, , , , , crickstone, the, crimea, cromlechs, cumberland, monuments of, cup-markings, , - cyprus, cyrenaica, dance maen circle, date of megaliths, dax, deccan, - déchelette, , de morgan, denmark, - dennis, der ghuzaleh, dolmens, , , - , - , , , , - , , , , - , , - drawings on stones, , , , , drewsteignton, druids, , - edfu, eguilaz, egypt, ellez, england, monuments of, - erdeven, er-lanic, eskimos, es tudons, _nau_ of, - evans, sir arthur, , façades, curved, , - faidherbe, general, faustina, medal of, féraud, m., - fergusson, , fibrolite, finistère, dolmens of, fontanaccia, fonte coberta, forbes leslie, colonel, france, - friar's heel, , galilee, gargantua, gaulstown, gavr'inis, , gebel mousa, geoffrey of monmouth, ger, germany, - get, gezer, giant's bed, giant's tombs, - gigantia, giraldus cambrensis, göhlitzsch, gozo, is., greenland, grewismühlen, grotte des fées, , grotte du castellet, hagiar kim, , - hakpen hill, , halsaflieni, - , hauptville's quoit, hengist, herrestrup, highwood, hinks, mr., hirdmane stone, holed tombs, , , , , - holland, - horned cairns, _hünenbetter_, , - hurlers, the, idanha a nova, india, - inigo jones, inverness, circles in, - ireland, monuments of, - iron, , , , italy, - jadeite, james i, japan, - jaulân, jimmu, judæa, karleby, karnak (egypt), keamcorravooly, keller, kennet avenue, kerlescan, kermario, keswick circle, khasi hills, kingarth, circle at, kirkabrost, circle at, kit's coty house, knyttkärr, komei, kosseir, labbamologa, ladò, lampedusa, isle of, lanyon quoit, , la perotte, leaba callighe, lecce, lewis, isle of, linosa, isle of, , lockyer, sir norman, - , long meg and her daughters, losa, los millares, , , lough crew, , , lough gur, - lozère, lundhöj, lüttich, maciver, d.r., - mackenzie, duncan, , , maeshowe, - malta, - man, isle of, mané-er-hroeck, - marcella, matera, maughold, mayborough circle, mayr, albert, meayll hill, melilli, men-an-tol, ménec, menhirs, , , , - , - cult of, , - merivale, circle at, merlin, merry maidens, the, messa, minieh, mnaidra, - moab, - molafà, monte abrahaõ, montelius, o., , , monteracello, morocco, mortillet, de, , mourzouk, msila, munster, tombs of, mursia, musta, mycenean vases, naas, nantes, council of, nara, _naus_, - , _navetas_, see _naus_ neermul jungle, newbliss, new grange, , nile valley, nilgiri hills, nine maidens, the, nissardi, norway, nossiu, , _nuraghi_, - obsidian, , odin's stone, , orkney isles, cairns of, - orry's grave, , orsi, paolo, , orthostatic slabs, use of, , , , , , palmella, pantalica, , pantelleria, isle of, - papa-westra, pehada, penrith circle, pentre ifan, pera, périgord, persia, petit morin, - , pfäffikon, lake, phoenicia, pianosa, picardt, john, pierre du diable, la, pierres plates, les, piper, the, plas newydd, , plemmirio, pliny, portico-dolmens, - , , portugal, pottery, - reinach, salomon, religion, megalithic, - , - rhodes, rinaiou, rock-tombs, , - , , , - , rockbarton, rodmarton, , roknia, rollright circle, , , saint george, saint-germain-sur-vienne, saint michel, mont, saint pantaléon, saint sermin, saint vincent, sant' elia, cape, sardinia, - s'aspru, scandinavia, - scotland, monuments of, - sculptures, , secondary burial, , - senâm, the, - seriphos, serucci, _sesi_, the, - shap, circle at, sicily, - sidbury hill, sidon, siggewi, silbury hill, , siret, messieurs, sjöbol, skulls, , , - sorapoor, spain, - spence, magnus, stanton drew, , star-worship, , - , steatopygous figures, , stenness, ring of, stonehenge, - stoney-littleton, stripple stones, the, stromness, circle at, stukeley, dr., su cadalanu, sudan, suetonius, sun-worship, - , - , , sweden, - switzerland, syria, - table des marchands, la, , tagliaferro, professor, , tahutihotep, tomb of, _talayots_, - tamuli, tangier, tarentum, tattooing, "three brothers of grugith," the, tiberias, tinaarloo, toledo, council of, torebo, tours, council of, trade relations, - tregeseal, circles near, trepanned skulls, trilithons, , , , - , - , tripoli, - _truddhi_, tsîl, - tunis, - tyfta, tyre, tzarskaya, unebi, mt., vail gorguina, vellore, villafrati, villages, megalithic, , - , wales, monuments of, watchstone, the, - wayland the smith's cave, , , , wedge-shaped tomb, - , , - , westgothland, west tump, yarhouse, zammit, dr. t., william brendon and son, ltd. printers, plymouth ------------------------------------------------ | | | harper's library of living thought | | | | _foolscap vo, gilt tops, decorative covers, | | richly gilt backs | | | | per volume: cloth s. d. net, leather | | s. d. net._ | |-----------------------------------------------| | | | by prof. arthur keith, m.d. | |(hunterian professor royal college of surgeons)| | | | ancient types of man | | | | _illustrated_ | | | | | | from discoveries of ancient human remains | | made within the last half-century, | | anthropologists are now able to place in | | order changes that have taken place in the | | posture, gait, height, and to some extent | | the habits of man during a period of at | | least a half-million years. prof. keith, who | | is one of the foremost investigators in this | | field, tells the story of the various forms | | which the body of the man has assumed, in a | | lucid and attractive way. | | | | "the kind of book that only a master of his | | subject could write. it must interest every | | thinking person."--_british medical | | journal._ | | | ------------------------------------------------- ----------------------------------------------- | | | harper's library of living thought | | | |-----------------------------------------------| | | | by prof w.m. flinders petrie | | | | personal religion in egypt | | before christianity | | | | | | "the author gauges what ideas were already | | part of the religious thought in the first | | century, and what were the terms and ideas | | in christianity which were new to mankind. | | the current literature of the time was as | | naturally taken for granted by christians as | | were the books of the old testament which | | were familiar to them. the separation of the | | new ideas in the teaching of christ and of | | the apostles from the general terms of | | religion at the time, is the only road to | | understanding what christianity meant to | | those who actually heard the teaching." | | | | _notts guardian._ | | | | "a suggestive and thought-provoking book, a | | real contribution to the study of | | comparative religion." | | | | _methodist recorder._ | | | | | ----------------------------------------------- ----------------------------------------------- | | | harper's library of living thought | | | |-----------------------------------------------| | | | by prof. ernest a. gardner | | | | religion and art in ancient greece | | | | | | "anything from such an authority on greek | | art is welcome. this subject in the hands of | | professor gardner becomes a profoundly | | interesting study in the philosophy of | | religion. he has dealt with the religion of | | greece as it affected the art of sculpture, | | and with the reaction of that art upon the | | ideals and aspirations of the people and its | | influence upon the popular and the educated | | conceptions of the gods. it is well worth | | the trouble to study the religious art of | | such a people, and this is an epitome of the | | subject such as readers can get nowhere | | else." | | | | _scotsman._ | | | ------------------------------------------------- ----------------------------------------------- | | | harper's library of living thought | | | |-----------------------------------------------| | | | by prof. w.m. flinders petrie | | | | the revolutions of civilisation | | | | _illustrated_ | | | | | | in the light of history--so enormously | | extended in recent years--the author surveys | | the waxing and waning of civilisation as | | evidenced in sculpture, painting, | | literature, mechanics, and wealth. in | | tracing the various forces at work in this | | fluctuation he arrives at most significant | | conclusions, notably in connection with race | | mixture and forms of government. | | | | "we know nothing that exhibits in so brief a | | compass the extraordinary vicissitudes of | | human progress and retrogression since the | | dawn of history."--_birmingham post._ | | | ------------------------------------------------- ------------------------------------------------ | | | harper's library of living thought | | | |-----------------------------------------------| | | | by charles h. hawes, m.a., and | | harriet b. hawes, m.a., l.h.d. | | | | crete, the forerunner of greece | | | | _map, plans, etc._ | | | | | | "the wondrous story of a great civilisation | | which flourished before abraham was born, | | and left behind a memory of itself in the | | arts of ancient greece and in the traditions | | of a golden age and a 'lost | | atlantis.'"--_evening standard._ | | | | "we have now the material for forming a very | | fair conception of the fruitful contribution | | made by crete to grecian and european | | civilisation. what was long accounted | | fable--statements of herodotus and | | thucydides--have been turned into | | established fact. the book supplies material | | for forming judgments on some of the most | | interesting and still highly debated | | problems of early greek history." | | _glasgow herald._ | | | ------------------------------------------------- ------------------------------------------------- | | | harper's library of living thought | | | |-----------------------------------------------| | | | by prof. g. elliot smith | | | | the ancient egyptians | | | | _illustrated_ | | | | | | an account of the egyptians of the | | unrecorded past as revealed by the | | investigations of the anthropologist. the | | author traces to their source the various | | streams of alien immigrants which made their | | way into the nile valley, and correlates his | | facts with the great racial movements in the | | neighbouring continents. he shows how the | | egyptians inaugurated a higher | | civilisation--particularly in bringing the | | stone age to a close and introducing the use | | of metals. | | | | "this is a brilliant little book, | | illuminating the whole subject of the | | history of the human race since man assumed | | his proper shape."--_manchester guardian._ | | | ------------------------------------------------- ----------------------------------------------- | | | harper's library of living thought | | | |-----------------------------------------------| | | | algernon charles swinburne | | three plays of shakespeare | | | | leo tolstoy | | the teaching of jesus | | | | prof. w.m. flinders petrie | | personal religion in egypt before | | christianity | | | | sir oliver lodge, f.r.s. | | the ether of space. illustrated | | | | prof. william wrede | | (university of breslau) | | the origin of the new testament | | | | prof. c.h. becker | | (colonial institute, hamburg) | | christianity and islam | | | | prof. svante arrhenius | | (nobel institute, stockholm) | | the life of the universe. | | vols. illustrated | | | | prof. arnold meyer (university of zurich) | | jesus or paul? | | | | prof. d.a. bertholet (university of basle) | | the transmigration of souls | | | | prof. reinhold seeberg | | (university of berlin) | | revelation and inspiration | | | | prof. johannes weiss | | (university of heidelberg) | | paul and jesus | | | | prof. rudolph eucken (university of jena) | | christianity and the new idealism | | | | prof. p. vinogradoff (oxford university) | | roman law in mediÆval europe | | | | sir william crookes, o.m., f.r.s., ll.d. | | diamonds. illustrated | | | | _please write for prospectus | | and announcements_ | ------------------------------------------------- ----------------------------------------------- | | | harper's library of living thought | | | |-----------------------------------------------| | | | c.h. hawes, m.a., and | | harriet boyd hawes, m.a. | | crete the forerunner of greece. maps, etc. | | | | sir william a. tilden, f.r.s. | | the elements: speculations as to their | | nature and origin. illustrated | | | | prof. ernest a. gardner | | (university of london) | | religion and art in ancient greece | | | | prof. f.w. mott, f.r.s., m.d. | | the brain and the voice in speech and | | song. illustrated | | | | prof. g. elliott smith | | (university of manchester) | | the ancient egyptians, and their | | influence upon the civilisation | | of europe. illustrated | | | | prof. frederick czapek | | (university of prague) | | chemical phenomena in life | | | | prof. w.m. flinders petrie | | the revolutions of civilisation. | | copiously illustrated | | | | the very rev. the hon. w.h. fremantle, d.d. | | (dean of ripon) | | natural christianity | | | | prof. a.w. bickerton | | the birth of worlds and systems. | | illustrated. | | preface by prof. e. rutherford, f.r.s. | | | | prof. arthur keith, m.d. | | ancient types of man. illustrated | | | | sir william ramsay, f.r.s. | | elements and electrons. diagrams | | | | arthur holmes, b.sc. | | the age of the earth. illustrated | | | | t. eric peet, m.a. | | rough stone monuments and | | their builders. illustrated | | | |-----------------------------------------------| | | | :: harper and brothers :: | | albemarle st: london, w. | | franklin sq. new york | | | ------------------------------------------------- in the morning of time in the morning of time by charles g. d. roberts author of "the kindred of the wild," etc. [illustration] new york frederick a. stokes company publishers copyright, , by frederick a. stokes company all rights reserved printed in the united states of america contents chapter page i the world without man ii the king of the triple horn iii the finding of fire iv the children of the shining one v the puller-down of trees vi the battle of the brands vii the rescue of a-ya viii the bending of the bow ix the destroying splendor x the terrors of the dark xi the feasting of the cave folk xii on the face of the waters xiii the fear xiv the lake of long sleep in the morning of time in the morning of time chapter i the world without man it lay apparently afloat on the sluggish, faintly discolored tide--a placid, horse-faced, shovel-nosed head, with bumpy holes for ears and immense round eyes of a somewhat anxious mildness. the anxiety in the great eyes was not without reason, for their owner had just arrived in the tepid and teeming waters of this estuary, and the creatures which he had already seen about him were both unknown and menacing. but the inshore shallows were full of water-weeds of a rankness and succulence far beyond anything he had enjoyed in his old habitat, and he was determined to secure himself a place here. from time to time, as some new monster came in sight, the ungainly head would shoot up amazingly to a distance of five or ten, or even fifteen feet, on a swaying pillar of a neck, in order to get a better view of the stranger. then it would slowly sink back again to its repose on the water. the water at this point was almost fresh, because the estuary, though fully two miles wide, was filled with the tide of the great river rolling slowly down from the heart of the continent. the further shore was so flat that nothing could be seen of it but an endless, pale green forest of giant reeds. but the nearer shore was skirted, at a distance of perhaps half a mile from the water, by a rampart of abrupt, bright, rust-red cliffs. the flat land between the waterside and the cliffs, except for the wide strip of beach, was clothed with an enormous and riotous growth of calamaries, tree-ferns, cane and palm, which rocked and crashed in places as if some colossal wayfarers were pushing through them. here and there along the edge of the cliffs sat tall beings with prodigious, saw-toothed beaks, like some species of bird conceived in a nightmare. far out across the water one of these creatures was flapping slowly in from the sea. its wings--eighteen feet across from tip to tip--were not the wings of a bird, but of a bat or a hobgoblin. it had dreadful, hand-like claws on its wing-elbows; and its feet were those of a lizard. as this startling shape came flapping shoreward, the head afloat upon the water eyed it with interest, but not, as it seemed, with any great apprehension. yet it certainly looked formidable enough to excite misgivings in most creatures. its flight was not the steady, even winging of a bird, but spasmodic and violent. it came on at a height of perhaps twenty feet above the sluggish tide, and its immense, circular eyes appeared to take no notice of the strange head that watched it from the water's surface. it seemed about to pass a little to one side, when suddenly, with a hoarse, hooting cry, it swerved and swooped, and struck at the floating head with open jaws. swift as was that unexpected attack, the assailant struck nothing but a spot of foam where the head had disappeared. simultaneously with the lightning disappearance, there was a sudden boiling of the water some eighty-odd feet away. but the great bird-lizard was either too furious to notice this phenomenon or not sagacious enough to interpret it. flopping into the air again, and gnashing his beak-like jaws with rage, he kept circling about the spot in heavy zigzags, expecting the harmless looking head to reappear. all at once his expectations were more than realized. the head not only reappeared, but on a towering leather-colored column of a neck it shot straight into the air to a height of twenty feet. the big, placid eyes were now sparkling with anger. the flat, shovel jaws were gaping open. they seized the swooping foe by the root of the tail, and, in spite of screeches and wild flappings, plucked him down backwards. at the surface of the water there was a convulsive struggle, and the wide wings were drawn clean under. for several minutes the water seethed and foamed, and little waves ran clattering up the beach, while the owner of the harmless-looking head trod his assailant down and crushed him among the weeds of the bottom. then the foam slowly crimsoned, and the mauled, battered body of the great bird-lizard came up again; for the owner of the mysterious head was a feeder on delicate weeds and succulent green-stuff only, and would eat no blood-bearing food. the body was still struggling, and the vast, dark, broken wings spread themselves in feeble spasms on the surface. but they were not left to struggle long. the water, in the distance, had been full of eager spectators of the fight, and now it boiled as they rushed in upon the disabled prey. ravenous, cavern-jawed, fishlike beasts, half-porpoise, half-alligator, swarmed upon the victim, tearing at it and at each other. some bore off trailing mouthfuls of dark wing-membrane, others more substantial booty, while the rest fought madly in the vortex of discolored foam. at the beginning of the fray the grim figures perched along the red ramparts of the cliff had shown signs of excitement, lifting their high shoulders and half unfolding the stiff drapery of their wings. as they saw their fellow overwhelmed they launched themselves from their perch and came hooting hoarsely over the rank, green tops of the palms and feathery calamaries. swooping and circling they gathered over the hideous final struggle, and from time to time one or another would drop perpendicularly downward to stab the crown or the face of one of the preoccupied fish-beasts with his trenchant beak. such of the fish-beasts as were thus disabled were promptly torn to pieces and devoured by their companions. some fifty feet away, nearer shore, the harmless-looking head which had been the source and inspirer of all this bloody turmoil lay watching the scene with discontent in its round, wondering eyes. slowly it reared itself once more to a height of eight or ten feet above the water, as if for better inspection of the combat. then, as if not relishing the neighborhood of the fish-beasts, it slowly sank again and disappeared. immediately a heavy swirling, a disturbance that stretched over a distance of nearly a hundred feet, began to travel shoreward. it grew heavier and heavier as the water grew shallower. then a leather-colored mountain of a back heaved itself up through the smother and a colossal form, that would make the hugest elephant a pigmy, came ponderously forth upon the beach. the body of this amazing being was thrice or four times the bulk of the mightiest elephant. it stood highest--a good thirteen feet--over the haunches (which were supported on legs like columns), and sloped abruptly to the lower and lighter-built fore-shoulders. the neck was like a giraffe's, but over twenty feet in length to its juncture with the mild little head, which looked as if nature had set it there as a pleasantry at the expense of the titanic body. the tail, enormous at the base and tapering gradually to a whip-lash, trailed out to a distance of nearly fifty feet. as its owner came ashore, this tremendous tail was gathered and curled in a semi-circle at his side--perhaps lest the delicate tip, if left too distant, might fall a prey to some significant but agile marauder. for some minutes the colossus (he was one of the dinosaurs, or terrible lizards, and known as a diplodocus) remained on all-fours, darting his sinuous neck inquiringly in all directions, and snatching here and there a mouthful of the rank tender herbage which grew among the trunks of fern and palm. apparently the spot was to his liking. here was a wide beach, sunlit and ample, whereon to bask at leisure. there were the warm and weed-choked shallows wherein to pasture, to wallow at will, to hide his giant bulk from his enemies if there should be found any formidable enough to make hiding advisable. swarms of savage insects, to be sure, were giving him a hot reception--mosquitoes of unimaginable size, and enormous stinging flies which sought to deposit their eggs in his smooth hide, but with his giraffe-like neck he could bite himself where he would, and the lithe lash of his tail could flick off tormentors from any corner of his anatomy. meanwhile, the excitement off-shore had died down. the harsh hootings of the bird-lizards had ceased to rend the air as the dark wings hurtled away to seek some remoter or less disturbed hunting-ground. then across the silence came suddenly a terrific crashing of branches, mixed with gasping cries. startled, the diplodocus hoisted himself upon his hind-quarters, till he sat up like a kangaroo, supported and steadied by the base of his huge tail. in this position his head, forty feet above the earth, overlooked the tops of all but the tallest trees. and what he saw brought the look of anxiety once more into his round, saucer-eyes. hurling itself with desperate, plunging leaps through the rank growths, and snapping the trunks of the brittle tree-ferns in its path as if they had been cauliflowers, came a creature not unlike himself, but of less than half the size, and with neck and tail of only moderate length. this creature was fleeing in frantic terror from another and much smaller being, which came leaping after it like a giant kangaroo. both were plainly dinosaurs, with the lizard tail and hind-legs; but the lesser of the two, with its square, powerful head and tiger-fanged jaws, and the tremendous, rending claws on its short forearms, was plainly of a different species from the great herb-eaters of the dinosaurian family. it was one of the smaller members of that terrible family of carnivorous dinosaurians which ruled the ancient cycad forests as the black-maned lion rules the rhodesian jungles to-day. the massive iguanodon which fled before it so madly, though of fully thrice its bulk, had reason to fear it as the fat cow fears a wolf. a moment more, and the dreadful chase, with a noise of raucous groans and pantings, burst forth into the open, not fifty feet from where the colossus stood watching. almost at the watcher's feet the fugitive was overtaken. with a horrid leap and a hoot of triumph, the pursuer sprang upon its neck and bore it to the ground, where it lay bellowing hoarsely and striking out blunderingly with the massive, horn-tipped spur which armed its clumsy wrist. the victor tore madly at its throat with tooth and claw, and presently its bellowing subsided to a hideous, sobbing gurgle. the diplodocus, meanwhile, had been looking down upon the scene with half-bewildered apprehension. these creatures were insignificant in size, to be sure, as compared with his own colossal stature, but the smaller one had a swift ferocity which struck terror to his dull heart. suddenly a red wrath mounted to his small and sluggish brain. his tail, as we have seen, was curled in a half-circle at his side. now he bent his body with it. for an instant his whole bulk quivered with the extraordinary tension. then, like a bow released, the bent body sprang back. the tail (and it weighed at least a ton) struck the victor and the victim together with an annihilating shock, and swept them clean around beneath the visitor's feet. down he came upon them at once, with the crushing effect of a hundred steam pile-drivers; and for the next few minutes his panicky rage expended itself in treading the two bodies into a shapeless mass. then he slowly backed off down into the water where the weedy growths were thickest, till once more his whole form was concealed except the insignificant head. this he reared among the swaying tufts of the "mares' tails," and waited to see what strange thing would happen next. he had not long to wait. that hideous, mangled heap there, sweating blood in the noon sun, seemed to have some way of making its presence known. crashing sounds arose in different parts of the forest, and presently some half-dozen of the leaping, kangaroo-like flesh-eaters appeared. they were of varying sizes, from ten or twelve feet in length to eighteen or twenty, and they eyed each other with jealous hostility. but one glance at the weltering heap showed them that here was feasting abundant for them all. with a chorus of hoarse cries they came hopping forward and fell upon it. presently two vast shadows came overhead, hovering a moment, and a pair of the great bird-lizards dropped upon the middle of the heap. hooting savagely, with wings half uplifted, they struck about them with their terrible beaks till they had secured room for themselves at the banquet. other unbidden guests came leaping from among the thickets; and in a short time there was nothing left of the carcasses except two naked skeletons, dragged apart and half dismembered by mighty teeth. in the final mêlée one of the smaller revellers was himself pounced upon and devoured. then, as if by consent of a mutual distrust, the throng drew quickly apart, each eyeing his neighbor warily, and scattered into the woods. only the two grim bird-lizards remained, seeming to have a sort of understanding or partnership, or possibly being a mated pair. they pried into the cartilages and between the joints of the skeletons with the iron wedges of their beaks, till there was not another tit-bit to be enjoyed. then, hooting once more with satisfaction, they spread their batlike vanes and flapped darkly off again to their red watch-tower on the cliff. when all was once more quiet the giant visitor fell to pasturing among the crisp and tender water-weeds. it took a long time to fill his cavernous paunch by way of that slender neck of his, and when he was satisfied he went composedly to sleep, his body perfectly concealed under the water, his head resting on a little islet of matted reeds in a thicket of "mares' tails." when he woke up again the sun was half-way down to the west, and the beach glowed hotly in the afternoon light. everything was drenched in heavy stillness. the visitor made up his drowsy mind that he must leave his hiding-place and go and bask in that delicious warmth. he was just bestirring himself to carry out his purpose, when once more a swaying in the rank foliage of the cycads caught his vigilant eye. discreetly he drew back into hiding, the place being, as he had found it, so full of violent surprises. suddenly there emerged upon the beach a monster even more extraordinary in appearance than himself. it was about thirty-five feet in length, and its ponderous bulk was supported on legs so short and bowed that it crawled with its belly almost dragging the ground. its small head, which it carried close to the earth, was lizard-like, shallow-skulled, feeble-looking, and its jaws cleft back past the stupid eyes. in fact, it was an inoffensive-looking head for such an imposing body. at the base of the head began a system of defensive armor that looked as if it might be proof against artillery. up over the shoulders, over the mighty arch of the back, and down over the haunches as far as the middle of the ponderous tail, ran a series of immense flat plates of horn, with pointed tips and sharpened edges. the largest of these plates, those that covered the center of the back, were each three feet in height, and almost of an equal breadth. where the diminished plates came to an end at the middle of the tail, their place was taken by eight immense, needle-pointed spines, set in pairs, of which the chief pair had a length of over two feet. the monster's hide was set thick with scales and knobs of horn, brilliantly colored in black, yellow, and green, that his grotesque bulk might be less noticeable to his foes among the sharp shadows and patchy lights of the fern jungles where he fed. the sluggish giant moved nervously, glancing backwards as he came, and seemed intent upon reaching the water. in a few moments his anxiety was explained. leaping in splendid bounds along his broad trail came two of those same ferocious flesh-eaters whom the great watcher among the reeds so disliked. they ranged up one on each side of the stegosaur, who had halted at their approach, stiffened himself, and drawn his head so far back into the loose skin of his neck that only the sharp, chopping beak projected from under the first armor-plate. one of the pair threatened him from the front, as if to engross his attention, while the other pounced upon one of his massive, bowed hind-legs, as if seeking to drag it from beneath him and roll him over on his side. but at this instant there was a clattering of the plated hide, and that armed tail lashed out with lightning swiftness, like a porcupine's. there was a tearing screech from the rash flesh-eater, and he was plucked back sidewise, all four feet in air, deeply impaled on three of those gigantic spines. while he clawed and writhed, struggling to twist himself free, his companion sprang hardily to the rescue. she hurled herself with all her weight and strength full upon the stegosaur's now unprotected flank. so tremendous was the impact that, with a frightened grunt, he was rolled clean over on his side. but at the same time his sturdy forearms clutched his assailant, and so crushed, mauled and tore her that she was glad to wrench herself away. coughing and gasping, she bounded backwards out of reach; and then she saw that her mate, having wriggled off the spines, was dragging himself up the beach toward the forest, leaving a trail of blood behind him. she followed sullenly, having had more than enough of the venture. the triumphant stegosaur rolled himself heavily back upon his feet, grunted angrily, clattered his armored plates, jerked his terrible tail from side to side as if to see that it was still in working order, and went lumbering off to another portion of the wood, having apparently forgotten his purpose of taking to the water. as he went, one of the grim bird-lizards from the cliff swooped down and hovered, hooting over his path, apparently disappointed at his triumph. the watcher in the reeds, on the other hand, was encouraged by the result of the combat. he began to feel a certain dangerous contempt for those leaping flesh-eaters, in spite of their swiftness and ferocity. he himself, though but an eater of weeds, had trodden one into nothingness, and now he had seen two together overthrown and put to flight. with growing confidence he came forth from his hiding, stalked up the beach, coiled his interminable tail beside him, and lay down to bask his dripping sides in the full blaze of the sun. the colossus was at last beginning to feel at home in his new surroundings. in spite of the fact that this bit of open beach, overlooked by the deep green belt of jungle and the rampart of red cliffs, appeared to be a sort of arena for titanic combats, he began to have confidence in his own astounding bulk as a defense against all foes. what matter his slim neck, small head and feeble teeth, when that awful engine of his tail could sweep his enemies off their feet, and he could crush them by falling upon them like a mountain! a pair of the great bird-lizards flapped over him, hooting malignantly and staring down upon him with their immense, cold eyes, but he hardly took the trouble to look up at them. warmed and well fed, his eyes half-sheathed in their membraneous lids, he gazed out vacantly across the waving herbage of the shallows, across the slow, pale tides whose surface boiled from time to time above the rush of some unseen giant of a shark or ichthyosaur. in the heavy heat of the afternoon the young world had become very still. the bird-lizards, all folded in their wings, sat stiff and motionless along the ramparts of red cliff. the only sounds were the hiss of those seething rushes far out on the tide, the sudden droning hum of some great insect darting overhead, or the occasional soft clatter of the long, crisp cycad leaves as a faint puff of hot air lifted them. at the back of the beach, where the tree-ferns and the calamaries grew rankest, the foliage parted noiselessly at a height of perhaps twenty feet from the ground, and a dreadful head looked forth. its jaws were both long and massive, and armed with immense, curved teeth like scimitars. its glaring eyes were overhung by eaves of bony plate, and from the front of its broad snout rose a single horn, long and sharp. for some minutes this hideous apparition eyed the unconscious colossus by the waterside. then it came forth from the foliage and crept noiselessly down the beach. except for its horned snout and armored eyes, this monster was not unlike in general type to those other predatory dinosaurs which had already appeared upon the scene. but it was far larger, approaching thirty-five feet in length, and more powerfully built in proportion to its size; and the armory of its jaws was more appalling. with a stealthy but clumsy-looking waddle, which was nevertheless soundless as a shadow, and his huge tail curled upwards that it might not drag and rattle the stones, he crept down until he was within some fifty feet or more of the drowsing colossus. some premonition of peril, at this moment, began to stir in the heavy brain of the colossus, and he lifted his head apprehensively. in the same instant the horned giant gathered himself, and hurled himself forward. in two prodigious leaps he covered the distance that separated him from his intended prey. the coiled tail of the colossus lashed out irresistibly, but the assailant cleared it in his spring, fell upon the victim's shoulders, and buried his fangs in the base of that columnar neck. the colossus, for the first time, was overwhelmed with terror. he gave vent to a shrill, bleating bellow--an absurdly inadequate utterance to issue from this mountainous frame--writhed his neck in snaky folds, and lashed out convulsively with the stupendous coils of his tail. but he could not loosen that deep grip, or the clutch of those iron claws. in spite of the many tons weight throttling his neck, he reared himself aloft, and strove to throw himself over upon his assailant. but the marauder was agile, and eluded the crushing fall without loosing his grip. then, bleating frightfully, till the sounds re-ëchoed from the red cliffs and set all the drowsing bird-lizards lifting their wings, he plunged down into the tide and bore his dreadful adversary out of sight beneath a smother of ensanguined foam. now, the horned giant was himself a powerful swimmer and quite at home in the water, but in this respect he was no match for his quarry. refusing to relinquish his hold, he was borne out into deep water; and there the colossus, becoming all at once agile and swift, succeeded in rolling over upon him. forced thus to loose his grip, he gave one long, ripping lunge with his horn, deep into the victim's flank, and then writhed himself from under. the breath quite crushed out of him, he was forced to rise to the surface for air. there he rested, recovering his self-possession, reluctant to give up the combat, but even more reluctant to expose himself to another such mauling in the depths. as he hesitated, about a hundred feet away he saw the mild little head of the colossus, apparently floating on the tide, and regarding him anxiously. that decided him. with a crashing bellow of rage and a sweep of his powerful tail he darted at the inoffensive head. but it vanished instantly, and a sudden tremendous turmoil, developing into a wake that lengthened out with the speed of a torpedo-boat, showed him the hopelessness of pursuit. turning abruptly, he swam back to the shore and sulkily withdrew into the thickets to seek some less unmanageable quarry. the colossus, so deeply wounded that his trail threw up great clots and bubbles of red foam, swam onward several miles up the estuary. he realized now that that patch of sunny beach was just a death-trap. but in the middle of the estuary, far out from either shore, far removed from the unseen, lurking horrors of the fern forests, spread acre upon acre of drowned marsh, overgrown with tall green reeds and feathery "mares' tails." through these stretches of marsh he ploughed his way, half-swimming, half-wading, and felt that here he might find a safe refuge as well as an unfailing pasturage. but the anguish of his wounds urged him still onwards. beyond the reed-beds he came to a long, narrow islet of wet sand, naked to the sun. this appeared to him the very refuge he was craving, a spot where he could lie secure and lick his hurts. he dragged himself out upon it eagerly. not until he had gained the very center of it did he notice how his ponderous feet sank in it at every stride. as soon as he halted he felt the treacherous sands sucking him down. in terror he struggled to free himself, to regain the water. but now the sands had a grip upon him, and his efforts only engulfed him the more swiftly. he reared upon his hind legs, and immediately found himself swallowed to the haunches. he fell forward again, and sank to his shoulder-blades. and then, the convulsive thrashings of his tail hurling the sands in every direction, he lifted his head and bleated piteously. the struggle had already drawn the dreadful eyes of those grim, folded figures perched along the cliff-tops miles away; and now, as if in answer to his cry they came fluttering darkly over him. seeing his helplessness, they flapped down upon him with hoots of exultation. their vast beaks tore at his helpless back, and stabbed at the swiftly writhing convolutions of his neck. one, more heedless than his fellows, came within reach of the thrashing tail, and was dashed, half stunned, to earth, where the sands got him in their hold before he could recover himself. with dreadful screeches, he was sucked down, but his fellows paid no attention to his fate. and meanwhile, in a ring about the islet, not daring to come near for terror of the quicksand, crocodiles and alligators and ichthyosaurs, with upturned, gaping snouts, watched the struggle greedily. as the lower part of his neck was drawn down into the quicksand, the colossus lost the power to move his head quickly enough to evade the attacks of his horrid assailants. a moment more, and he was blinded. then he felt his head enfolded in the strangling membranes of wings and borne downwards. once or twice the convulsions of his neck threw his enemies off, and the bleeding, sightless head reëmerged to view. but not only his force, but his will to struggle, was fast ebbing away. presently, with a thunderous, gasping sob, the last breath left his mighty lungs, and his head dropped on the sand. it was trodden under in an instant; and then, afraid of being engulfed themselves, the hooting revellers abandoned it, to crowd struggling upon the arched hump of the back. here they tore and gorged and quarreled till, some fifteen minutes later, their last foothold sank beneath them. then, with dripping beaks and talons, they all flapped back to their cliffs; and slowly the fluent sand smoothed itself to shining complacency over the tomb of the diplodocus, hiding and sealing away the stupendous skeleton for half a million years. chapter ii the king of the triple horn it was a little later in the morning of time--later by perhaps some two or three hundred thousand years. monstrous mammals now held sway over the fresh, green round of the young earth, so exuberant in her youthful vigor that she could not refrain from flooding the poles themselves with a tropical luxuriance of flower and tree. the supremacy of the giant reptiles had passed. a few representatives of their most colossal and highly-specialized forms still survived, still terrible and supreme in those vast, steaming, cane-clothed savannahs which most closely repeated the conditions of an earlier age. but nature, pleased with her experiments in the more promising mammalian type, had turned her back upon them after her fashion, and was coldly letting them die out. her failures, however splendid, have always found small mercy at her hands. but it was little like a failure he looked, the giant who now heaved his terrible, three-horned front from the lilied surface of the lagoon wherein he had been wallowing, and came ponderously ploughing his way ashore. as he emerged upon dry ground, he halted--with the tip of his massive, lizard-like tail still in the water--and shook a shower from the hollows of his vast and strangely armored head. his eyes, coldly furious, and set in a pair of goggle-like projections of horn, peered this way and that, as if suspecting the neighborhood of a foe. his gigantic snout--horned, cased in horn, and hooked like the beak of a parrot--he lifted high, sniffing the heavy air. then, as if to end his doubts by either drawing or daunting off the unknown enemy, he opened his grotesquely awful mouth and roared. the huge sound that exploded from his throat was something between the bellow of an alligator and the coughing roar of a tiger, but of infinitely vaster volume. the next moment, as if in deliberate reply to the challenge, an immense black beast stepped from behind a thicket of pea-green bamboo, and stood scrutinizing him with wicked little pig-like eyes. it was the old order confronted by the new, the latest most terrible and perhaps most efficient of the titanic but vanishing race of the dinosaurs, face to face with one of those monstrous mammalian forms upon which nature was now trying her experiments. and the place of this meeting was not unfitted to such a portentous encounter. the further shore of the lagoon was partly a swamp of rankest growth, partly a stretch of savannah clothed with rich cane-brake and flowering grasses that towered fifteen or twenty feet into the air. but the hither shore was of a hard soil mixed with sand, carpeted with a short, golden-green herbage, and studded with clumps of bamboo, jobo, mango and mahogany, with here and there a thicket of canary-flowered acacia, bristling with the most formidable of thorns. they were not altogether ill-matched, these two colossal protagonists of the saurian and the mammal. the advantage of bulk lay altogether with the dinosaur, the three-horned king of all the lizard kind. his armament, too, whether for offense or for defense, was distinctly the more formidable. fully twenty feet in length, and perhaps eight feet high at the crest of the massively-rounded back, he was of ponderous breadth, and moved ponderously on legs like columns. his splotched brown and yellow hide was studded along the neck and shoulders with pointed knobs of horn. his enormous, fleshy tail, some seven feet long and nearly two feet thick at the base, tapered very gradually to a thick tip, and dragged on the ground behind him. but the most amazing thing about this king of the lizards was his monstrous and awe-inspiring head. wedge-shaped from the tip of its cruel parrot-beak to its spreading, five-foot-wide base, its total length was well over seven feet. its three horns, one on the snout and two standing out straight forward from the forehead just above the eyes, were immensely thick at the base and fined down smoothly to points of terrible keenness. the one on the snout was something over a foot in length, while the brow pair were nearly three feet long. almost from the roots of these two terrific weapons protruded the huge horn goggles which served as sockets for the great, cold, implacable lizard-eyes. behind the horns, outspreading like a vast ruff from three to four feet wide upwards and laterally, slanted a smooth, polished shield of massive shell like the carapace of a giant turtle, protecting the neck and shoulders from any imaginable attack. the antagonist who had come in answer to the giant's challenge was less extravagant in appearance and more compact in form. he was not much over a dozen feet in length, but this length owed nothing to the tail, which was a mere wriggling pendant. he was, perhaps, seven feet high, very sturdy in build, but not mountainous like his terrible challenger. his legs and feet were something like those of an elephant, and he looked capable of a deadly alertness in action. but, as in the case of the king dinosaur, it was his head that gave him his chief distinction. long, massive and blunt-nosed, it was armed not only with six horns, set in pairs, but also with a pair of deadly, downward-pointing tusks--like those of a walrus, but much shorter, sharper and more effective. of the six horns, the first pair, set on the tip of the broad snout, were mere bony points, of no use as weapons, and employed by their owner for rooting in the turf after the fashion of a tuber-hunting pig. the second pair, set about the middle of the long face, just over the eyes, were about eighteen inches in length, and redoubtable enough to make other weapons seem superfluous. the third pair, however, were equally formidable, and set far back at the very base of the skull, like those of an antelope. the eyes, as has been already stated, were small, deep-set and vindictive. the sullen black of his coloring added to the portentousness of his swift appearance around the clump of pea-green bamboo. for several minutes the two monsters stood eyeing each other, while the rage of an instinctive hatred mounted slowly in their sluggish brains. to the king dinosaur, this stranger was a trespasser on his domain, where no other creatures, unless of his own kind, had ever before had the presumption to confront him. the suddenness of the black apparition, also, exasperated him; and he loathed at once the sickly sour smell, so unlike the pungent muskiness of his own kindred, which now for the first time met his sensitive nostrils. the dinoceras, on his part, was in a chronic state of rage. he was a solitary old bull, driven out, for his bad temper, from the comfortable herd of his fellows, and burning to find vent for his bottled spleen. the herd, in one of its migrations, had just arrived in the neighborhood of the great lagoons, and he, in his furious restlessness, was unconsciously playing the part of vanguard to it. he had never, of course, conceived of so terrible an adversary as this splotched brown and yellow monster before him. but he was in no mood to calculate odds. for all his blind rage, however, he was a crafty fighter, always. seeing that the challenger made no move, he gave voice to a huge, squealing grunt, like the noise of a herd of raging pigs. then he dug his armed snout into the turf and hurled a shower of sod into the air. in the eyes of the king dinosaur this was apparently an intolerable insult. with a roar he came lumbering forward, at a slow, rolling run which seemed to jar the earth. grunting again, and moving at thrice his speed, the black beast rushed to meet him, head down, like a charging bison. they met under the spreading branches of an immense hoya-tree. but they did not meet fairly, head to head, as the dinosaur intended. had they done so the battle would have been decided then and there, for the black beast's horns and unprotected front were no match for the impenetrable armor and leveled lances of the king's colossal head. but they did not meet fairly. the black stranger was much too crafty for that. at the last moment he swerved nimbly aside, wheeled with an agility that was marvelous for a creature of his bulk, and thrust at the shoulders of the colossus with a fierce, rooting movement like the stroke of the wild boar. but he struck the rim of that impenetrable defense, the spreading ruff of horn. and he might as well have struck a mountain-side. that enormous bulk, firm-based on the wide-set columns which formed its legs, merely staggered an instant, coughed from the jarring of the blow, and swung about to present his terrific horns against another such attack. the black stranger, meanwhile, as if disappointed at the meager result of his tactics, had drawn back out of reach. he stood rooting the turf and squealing defiance, in the hope of luring the giant into a second charge. the stupendous duel had two interested spectators. on the top of the next tree sat an extraordinary-looking bird, about the size of a pheasant, colored blue and rose like a macaw. its tail was like a lizard's, long and fully-vertebrated, with a pair of flat feathers standing out opposite each other at right angles from each joint, for all the world like an immense acacia-frond done in red. at the tips of its wing-elbows it carried clutching, hand-like claws, resembling those of the flying reptiles; and its straight, strong beak was armed with pointed teeth. it kept opening and shutting its beak excitedly and uttering sharp cries, as if calling everyone to come and see the fight. the other spectator was not excited at all. he was a large, ape-like man--one would have said, rather, a manlike ape, had it not been for the look in his eyes. this enigmatic figure sat on a branch immediately over the combatants, and held on with one powerful, hairy hand to the branch just above him. he was covered with thick, brown hair, like fur, from head to foot, but that on his head was true hair, long and waving. his shoulders were massive, his chest of great depth, his arms so long that if he had been standing erect they would have hung to his knees, his legs short, massive and much bowed. his hands were furred to the second joint of the fingers, but they were the hands of a man, not those of an ape, for the huge thumb was opposed to the fingers instead of being set parallel with them like another finger. his head was low in the arch of the skull, low and narrow in the forehead, with a small facial angle and hardly any bridge to the broad, flat, wide-nostriled nose; and the jaws were heavy and thrust forward brutishly. but the eyes, under the roof of the heavy, bony brows, held an expression profoundly unlike the cold, mechanical stare of the giant dinosaur or the twinkling, vindictive glare of the black stranger. they gazed down at the battle with a sort of superiority, considerate, a little scornful, in spite of the obvious fact that either of the two, as far as mere physical bulk and prowess were concerned, could have obliterated him by simply setting foot upon him. in his free hand he grasped a branch of acacia set with immense thorns, the needle-like points of which he touched contemplatively from time to time, as if pondering what use he could put them to. he had no marked prejudice, for the moment, in favor of either side in the battle below him. both monsters were his foes, and the ideal result, in his eyes, would have been for the two to destroy each other. but if he had any preference, it was for the black mammalian beast, the lizard monster appearing to him the more alien, the more incomprehensible and the more impregnable to any strategy that he might devise. for perhaps a couple of minutes, now, the king kept his place, wheeling ponderously to face his agile opponent, who circled about him at a distance of ten to twelve yards, seeking an opportunity to get in a rush upon his open flank. this wheeling and circling made the cool watcher in the tree impatient. wrenching off a heavy branch, he hurled it down with all his force upon the king's face. to the king this seemed but another insult from his black antagonist, and his rage exploded once more. with a roar he wallowed forward, thinking to pin the elusive foe to earth and tread the life out of him. this gave the black beast his opportunity. doubling nimbly like a wild boar, he dashed in and caught his colossal opponent fairly on the side, midway between the shoulder and the haunch. the impact shocked the breath from the monster's lungs, with a huge, explosive cough, and brought him to a bewildered standstill, though it could not throw him from his feet. but the armored hide proved too tough for the black beast's horns to penetrate. perceiving this on the instant, the latter reared, and brought down the two awful daggers of his tusks upon the monster's ribs. they penetrated, but they failed to rip as far and as conclusively as their owner intended. and while he struggled to free himself for another attack, the monster recovered from his daze. now the stranger had taken count only of those weapons which the king dinosaur bore on his terrible front; and these for the moment were out of reach. but he had forgotten the massive and tremendous tail. suddenly it lashed out, nearly half a ton in weight, and with the force of a pile-driver. it struck the black beast on the legs, and swept them clean from under him. before he could pick himself up the dinosaur had swung about and buried all three horns, to the sockets, in his throat and chest. his life went out in one ear-splitting squeal of rage and anguish. the red blood streaming from horns and ruff, the monster wrenched himself free, and then moved irresistibly over his victim, like a rolling mountain. when satisfied that his triumph was complete, the king drew back a pace or two, and examined the mangled heap with his cold, unchanging stare. then he sniffed at it contemptuously, and prodded it with his nose-horn, and tore it with his extravagant parrot-beak. but, being a feeder on herbage only, he had not thought of tasting the red flesh. the smell of it was abominable to him; and presently he moved closer under the trees to wipe his beak, as a bird might, on a clump of coarse grasses. as he did so, the lowering of his head threw his horny ruff far forward, exposing the folds of naked hide on the back of his neck. the silent man-creature on the branch above was quick to note the opportunity. he was displeased at the monster's triumph. he was also interested to see if he had any power to hurt so colossal and well protected a foe. swinging down by his legs and one hand, he thrust the thorned branch of acacia deep in under the ruff. the monster, jerking his head up sharply at this unexpected assault, drove the long thorns well home. in an instant he was beside himself with rage and pain. roaring till the blue-and-crimson bird on the tree-top flew off in a panic, he shook his head desperately, and then almost tried to stand upon it. he started to roll over on his back, hoping thus to dislodge the galling thing beneath the carapace, but thought better of it at the first added pressure. his contortions were so vehement that the man discreetly drew himself up to a higher branch, a slow grin widening his heavy mouth, as he marked his power to inflict injury on even such an adversary as the king dinosaur. the experiment had been successful beyond his utmost anticipations. like nature herself, he was continually experimenting, but by no means always with satisfactory results. suddenly the monster made off, with head held as low as possible, for the edge of the lagoon. ploughing his way in with a huge splashing, he disappeared beneath the water. a minute later he returned to the surface and swam rapidly towards the jungle on the opposite shore, probably intending to find some projecting stump of a dead limb on which he could scratch the torment from under his ruff. at the edge of the jungle he was joined by another monster, like himself, but smaller--probably one of his mates--and together they disappeared, with heavy crashings, in the rank tangle of the swamp-growths. the man-creature descended from his refuge, carrying in one hand a heavy fragment of branch, which he held awkwardly, as if not over-familiar with the idea of an artificial weapon. he seemed to be groping his way towards some use of it, either as a club or as a stabbing instrument. during the fight, while he was experimenting with the thorn branch, he had evidently had this weapon lodged in some safe crotch. and now he kept handling it with a curious interest. standing erect, he might easily have been mistaken for a slightly built and shapelier variety of the gorilla but for the true man-hands and the steady, contemplative, foreseeing look in the eyes. he came and examined the mangled bulk of the dinoceras, scrutinized the horns and tusks minutely, and strove with all his force to wrench one of the latter from its socket, as if hoping to make some use of it. then, fastidiously selecting a shred of the victim's torn flesh, he sniffed and nibbled at it, and then threw it aside. he could eat and enjoy flesh-food at a pinch. but just now fruit was abundant; and fruit, with eggs and honey, formed the diet he preferred. as he stood pondering the lifeless mass before him, a shrill call came to his ears, and, turning sharply, he saw his mate, with her baby in the crook of her hairy arm, standing at the foot of a tree, and signaling him to come to her. as soon as she saw that he understood, and was coming, she swung herself lightly up into the branches. he ran to the tree, climbed after her, and followed her to the very top, where she awaited him. the tree was taller than any of its neighbors, and commanded a clear view of the meadow-lands that lay a half mile back from the lagoon. his mate was pointing eagerly to these meadows. he saw that they were dotted and spotted with groups of great black, horned and tusked beasts like the one whose destruction he had just witnessed. these were the migrant herds of the dinoceras, just arrived at their new pasturage. the man eyed them with discontent. he had seen a specimen of their temper; and he congratulated himself that he and his mate knew how to live in trees. the man-creature himself was a new-comer to the shores of the great lagoon. the place suited him admirably by reason of the abundance of its fruits. along the banks of the lagoon were innumerable little groves of plantain, the rich sustaining fruit of which was of all foods his favorite. and he had found no trace whatever of his most dangerous enemies, the gigantic and implacable black lion of the caves, the red bear and the saber-tooth. such an irresistible giant as the king of the triple horn he might wonder at, and hate, but he thought he had little cause to fear him. it is easy enough, if one is prudent, to avoid a mountain. having found the place good, and resolved to stay, the man had built a refuge for himself and his family in this tall watch-tower of a tree. with interwoven branches he had made a rude but substantial platform, and carpeted it to something like softness with smaller branches and twigs. a similar but lighter platform overhead made him a roof that was anything but waterproof, and a few bushy branches served for walls. such as it was, it was at least the beginning of a home. he loved it; and in defense of the little hairy brown mate and downy brown baby who shared it with him he would have fought both dinosaur and dinoceras with his naked hands. for some days nothing more was seen of the two dinosaurs, the king being probably occupied, in the depths of the jungle, with the nursing of his wrath and his hurts. the herds of the dinoceras, meanwhile, kept to their meadows, having better drinking-water in a slow stream which traversed the pastures than in the brackish tide of the lagoon. then came a morning when the brown mother, babe on arm, was gathering plantains not far from the waterside, while the man chanced to be away exploring the limits of his new domain. the woman looked up suddenly; and there, almost upon her, was the giant horror of the dinosaur, his cold, expressionless eyes gaping at her immovably from their goggling sockets. she turned to flee; and there was the monster's mate, not quite so huge, but equally appalling. behind her was an impenetrable wall of thorn-acacia. there was only one refuge--a tree, all too small, but lofty enough to take her beyond the reach of those horrifying horned and immobile masks. up the little tree she went, nimbly as a monkey, and crouched shivering in a crotch. the slender trunk swayed beneath her weight. she clutched the brown baby to her heart, and sent shriek after shriek through the glades. a mile away the man heard it. he gave one deep-chested shout in answer, and then came running in silence, saving his breath. but it was a mile he had to come. the female dinosaur, the more instantly malignant of the two, hurled herself upon the trunk of the tree. it swayed horribly, but did not yield at once. thereupon the two began to root beneath it with their horns, having often used this method to obtain fruits which were above their reach. the tree leaned far over. the giant straddled it as a moose straddles a poplar sapling, and bore it down irresistibly. its top touched earth. the brown mother sprang forth with a tremendous leap, clearing the horns with a twist which nearly broke her back. she thought herself free. and then a gigantic tail struck her and felled her senseless. a second more, and the female dinosaur's great foot crushed her and the wailing babe out of existence together. the swift end of the tragedy the man had seen as he came racing down a stretch of open glade. he did not need to look at the awful thing beneath the monster's foot to know that all was over. beyond one hoarse groan he uttered not a sound. but blindly--for he had never yet practised such an art--he hurled his ragged club at the nearest monster. it rebounded like a baby's rattle from the vast horn-armored head. but a lucky chance had guided it. one of its sharp, splintered knots struck fairly in the dinosaur's eye, and smashed it in the socket. she roared with agony; and the two, side by side, came lunging towards him. the man ran back slowly. his despairing grief had changed suddenly into a cold hate and a resolve for vengeance. it was so easy for him to outstrip these lumbering monsters who were spouting their fetid, musky breath close upon his heels. he stumbled carefully at every other step. he let them feel that at the next stride they would transfix him. he led them on, the earth shaking beneath their tread, till another fifty feet would have brought them out upon the skirts of the meadow. but at this point, wearied by such an unwonted burst of effort, the king halted sulkily. he had not had an eye put out. he wanted to give it up. but his mate came right on, thirsting for her revenge. the man was not content with her pursuit alone. spurting ahead, he gathered up two handfuls of sand and gravel, whirled about, and drove them with all his strength into the king's cold eyes. it worked. smarting and half blinded, the monster forgot his weariness, and came charging along furiously in the trail of his mate. they were stupid, these lizard kings, with more brains in their pelvic arches than in their giant skulls. because the puny man-creature went stumbling almost within reach of their beaks, they imagined they were going to catch him. that he would go dodging around thickets which they crashed over blindly, and would then return to present himself again deliberately before them, did not strike them as at all suspicious. their dull but relentless hate once thoroughly aroused, as long as he was in sight and they could move the mighty columns of their legs, they would pursue him. through the last heavy fringe of bush and leafage they pursued him, and with a great crashing of branches came out upon the open, short-grass meadow. still the man-creature stumbled on, straight out into the open, and still they followed, raging silently. the black herds of the dinoceras stopped feeding all at once, and raised their vicious heads and stared. there were countless cows in the herd, horned like the bulls, but smaller, and without the rending tusks. the cows, at this season, all had young. after one long, comprehending stare at the two gigantic mottled shapes bearing down upon them, the herd put itself in motion. the man-creature they hardly noticed, he seemed so insignificant. with eyes that took in everything, coolly and sagaciously, the man observed that the motion of the herd was an ordered one. the black beasts were deftly sorting themselves out to meet the danger. the bulls came thrusting themselves to the front--a terrific array which might have struck panic to the hearts of even the colossal dinosaurs had they not been too stupid with rage for any new impression to pierce their brains. the cows, meanwhile, pushing their calves into a huddled mass behind them, formed themselves into a second array, a reserve of less mass and strength than the ranks of the bulls, but of an invincible mother-fury. the man, with a wise fearlessness, ran on straight through the gathering line of bulls, the nearest of whom thrust at him carelessly and then paid him no more heed. behind their ranks, hidden now from the sight of his pursuers, he swerved, avoiding the line of cows, ran sharply to the right, and came back around the end of the line to see what was going to happen. for all his grief, his heart was thumping almost to suffocation as his titanic vengeance moved to its end. when the two raging dinosaurs lost sight of their prey they stopped short, stupidly bewildered. then they noticed the array of black beasts charging upon them. this, in their mad mood, afforded a new object to their rage. they plunged wallowing forward to meet the new foe. and at that moment the man, appearing round the wing of the black ranks, halted abruptly, and laughed. it was a strange, disconcerting sound, that laughter, and the nearest dinoceras, disturbed by it, edged away and crowded against his neighbor's flank in an inexplicable apprehension. the next moment the stupendous opposing forces met with a shock that, to the man's overstrung senses, seemed to make the very daylight reel. there was no space for evasion or manoeuver. the two ponderous bulks went straight through the ranks of the black bulls, ripping them with beak and horn from shoulder to rump, treading them down like corn, and trampling them under foot as they rolled on. the bulls on either side charged on their flanks, rearing, grunting, squealing insanely and ripping with the massive daggers of their tusks. but as this terrific assault came from both sides at once, the two monsters were in reality supported by it, so that they were not swept off their feet. almost without a check, as it seemed, they ploughed straight on, lashing with their mighty tails, and leaving a trail of disabled victims behind them, and so wore their way right up to the line of the cows. but here they were stopped. the calves were behind that line. the black mothers simply heaped themselves upon those impaling horns and armored fronts, bearing them down, smothering, engulfing them in an avalanche of screaming and monstrous bulks. the bulls, meanwhile, were rending, tearing, stabbing, on flank and rear. the two dinosaurs disappeared from view. the dreadful mountain of writhing, gigantic shapes heaved convulsively for some minutes. then the great columns that were the dinosaurs' legs seemed to crumble beneath the weight. the awful, battling heap sagged, fell apart, and let in the glare of the sunlight upon what had been the two colossal monarchs of the early world. the dreadful, unrecognizable things still moved, still heaved and twisted ponderously among the bodies of their slain, but it was mere aimless paroxysm, the blind life struggling to resist its final expulsion and dissipation. the wounded dinoceras drew away, to die or recover as curious nature might decree. the surviving cows returned to assure themselves that their young had come to no hurt. and the great black bulls who had escaped serious injury in the struggle stood about in a ring, thrusting and ripping at the unresponsive mountains of flesh. as they satisfied themselves, one after another, that the victory was complete, and that there was nothing more to battle against, they fell to devouring their prey. ordinarily feeders on herbage and roots, they were like pigs and rats and men, more or less without prejudice in their diet, and they seemed to think that dinosaur went very well with grass. at a distance of not more than fifty paces from these destroying hosts, the man-creature stood carelessly, and stared and considered. he had no fear of them. he knew he could avoid them with ease. so insignificant that in their excitement they hardly noticed him, so small that in bulk he was no greater than the least of their calves, he nevertheless despised the gigantic beasts and felt himself their lord. he had played with the two monarchs of all the early world, led them into his trap, and taken such dreadful vengeance upon them that his grief was almost assuaged by the fullness of it. the black herds of the dinoceras he had used as the tools of his vengeance. no doubt, if necessary, he could use them again in some such fashion. he turned his back upon them, knowing that his fine ear would inform him at once if any should take it into their heads to pursue him, and stalked away with deliberation towards the wooded ground. but he avoided his tree. he would never more go near that empty home. he would return to the regions beyond the head of the lagoon, where he would find scattered members of his kindred. he would find another mate; and in a dim, groping way he harbored a desire for new offspring, for sons, in particular, who should be inquiring and full of resource, like himself. at the edge of the wood he turned, and gave one more long, musing look at the invincible black herds whom he had used. the idea of sons came back upon him insistently. a faint sense of the immeasurable vastness of what was to be done swept over his soul. but he was not daunted. he would at least do something. and he would teach his children, till they should learn, perhaps, by taking thought, even to overcome the ferocity of the saber-tooth and foil the malice of the great red bear. chapter iii the finding of fire i the people of the little hills were in extremity. trouble after trouble had come upon them, blow after blow had stricken them, till now there were but three score fighting-men, with perhaps twice that number of women able to bear children, left to the tribe. it looked as if but one more stroke such as that which had just befallen them must wipe them out of existence. and that, had ruthless nature suffered it, would have been a damage she might have taken some thousands of years to repair. for the people of the little hills had climbed higher from the pregnant ooze than any other of the man or half-man tribes at that time struggling into being on the youthful earth. first and not least formidable to the tribe had been an incursion from the east of beings who were plainly men, in a way, but still more plainly beasts. had the tribe of the little hills but known it, these ape-men were much like their own ancestors except for the blackness of their skins beneath the coarse fur, the narrow angle of their skulls and the heavy forward thrust of their lower jaws. soon afterwards, appearing from no man could say just where, came a scattered incursion of mammoth cave-bears, saber-toothed tigers and a few gigantic cave-lions. these ravenous monsters not only slaughtered wholesale the game on which the hillmen most depended, but strove--each for himself, fortunately--to seize the caves. as they raged against each other no less desperately than against their human adversaries, the issue of the war was never in doubt. the hillmen stood together solidly, fought with all their cunning of pitfall and ambuscade, and overwhelmed the mightiest by sheer weight of numbers. but again the victory was dearly bought. when the last of the monsters, sullen and amazed, withdrew to seek less difficult encounters, he left mourning and lamentation in the caves. this war had been a matter of some seasons. then had followed a summer of peace and good hunting, which had given wounds time to heal. but with winter had swept down another dreadful invasion again from the unfriendly east--wolves, wolves of gigantic stature, and hunting in such huge packs that many outlying sections of the tribe were cut off and devoured before the hillmen could combine to withstand them. fortunately, the different packs had no combined action, so after the first shock the sagacious warrior who ruled the men of the little hills was able to get his diminished followers together, along with most of their stored supplies, and mass them in the amphitheater of the central caves. so dragged by half the desperate winter. then suddenly the wolves, having exterminated or driven off all the game among the little hills, once more took the trail, though with diminished ranks, and swept off ravaging to the south-westward. the people of the little hills were free once more to come out into the sun. but there was no more game to hunt, neither in the forest, nor on the upland slopes, nor in the reeking marshes by the estuary. the tribe was driven to fumbling in the pools at low tide for scallops and clams and mussels, a diet which their souls despised and their bodies resented. the fact that the invasion of the wolves had forced the tribe to concentrate, however, presently proved to have been a painfully disguised blessing. had they remained as before, scattered all over their domain for the convenience of the chase, their next and hardest trial would surely have annihilated them. it was once more out of the east that it came upon them, by the trail of the vanished ape-men and the ravaging wolves. about sunrise of a summer's day a woman of the tribe was grubbing for roots with a pointed stick by the banks of a brook when she was pounced upon by a pair of squat, yellow-brown, filthy men with enormous shoulders, short bow-legs and flat faces with gaping, upturned nostrils. young and vigorous, she fought like a tigress till stunned by a blow on the head, which was not before both her assailants were streaming with blood from the jabs of her sharp digging-stick. her cries had aroused the tribe, however, and her captors, appreciating in her a shapeliness and fairness beyond anything they had ever seen in their own females, hastened to make sure of their prize by dragging her off into the woods. three of the hillmen, raging in pursuit, were intercepted by a horde of the squat strangers suddenly leaping from the thickets, surrounded, pulled down after a heaving convulsion of struggle, torn to pieces and trodden into the earth. the chief of the tribe, from his vantage at the top of the slope which led up to the little amphitheater of caves wherein he had gathered his people, saw and understood. the perils of the past two years had made him cool and provident. one look at those foul and shaggy hordes, leaping like beasts, had told him that this was to be a battle to the death. angrily beating back the hotheads who would have rushed down to avenge their kin and inevitably to share their fate, his shouts, bellowed sonorously from his deep and hairy chest, called up the whole tribe to the defense of the bottle-neck pass which led into the amphitheater. at a word, passed on breathlessly from mouth to mouth, the old men and the old women, with some of the bigger children, swarmed up among the rocks and ledges which formed the two walls of the pass, while others raced about collecting stones to hand up to them. the younger women and grown girls, armed, like the men, with stone-headed clubs and flint-tipped spears, took their places in the hinder ranks at the mouth of the pass. the bow-legs, their yellow skin showing through the clotted tufts of coarse, clay-colored hair which unevenly clothed their bodies, came plunging irregularly through the brook and gathered in confused masses along the foot of the slope, jabbering shrilly to each other and making insolent gestures toward the silent company at the top. the hair of their heads was stringy, coarse and scant, and of an inky blackness, in contrast to the abundant locks of the hillmen, which were for the most part of a dark brown or ruddy hue. in other respects the contrast was still more striking, the hillmen, erect and straight, were taller than their bestial-looking opponents by a foot or fifteen inches. with less breadth of shoulder and heaviness of trunk, they had great depth of chest, great muscular development in arm and leg, and a leanness of flank that gave them a look of breed. their skins, very hairy in the case of the mature men, were of a reddish-tan color, paling to pink and cream in the children and younger women. they had ample foreheads under the wild thatch of their hair, and high, well-bridged noses, and fierce, steady eyes of green, blue or brown-gray. outnumbered nearly ten to one, and shrewd enough to see at a glance what ferocious power lurked in those misshapen frames at the foot of the slope, they stood staring down upon them in silence, with an undaunted loathing. for some minutes the hordes of the bow-legs clustered together, jabbering and waving their crude but massive clubs excitedly. they seemed to have no chief, no plan of attack, no discipline of any sort. some of them even squatted down on the turf and scratched themselves like monkeys, glaring malignantly but stupidly at the little array of their opponents, and snorting through their hideous upturned nostrils, which were little more than wide, red pits in their faces. then some of those who were squatting on the ground began to play with a dreadful red ball which had some wisps of hair yet clinging to it. a snarling roar went up from the ranks of the hillmen, and some of them would have rushed to accept the ghastly challenge. but the chief held them back sternly. then he himself, half a head taller than all but one or two of his followers, with magnificent chest and shoulders, and a dark, lionlike mane thick-streaked with grey, strode out three or four paces to the front and stood leaning on his huge, porphyry-headed club while he glared down contemptuously over the gesticulating horde. the bow-legs stilled their jabbering for a moment to stare with interest at this imposing figure. then one of those who were seated on the ground seized the ghastly ball that they were playing with, whirled it by the hair and hurled it two-thirds of the way up the slope. as it fell and rebounded, two young women sprang from the ranks, their thick locks streaming like a cloud behind them, and dashed down the hill to meet it. the foremost caught it up, clutched it to her naked breast, and screamed a curse upon the gaping murderers. then the two fled back, and were lost in the ranks of the hillmen. the sight of the two women, with their bright skins, their strong, straight limbs and their rich, floating hair, appeared to give the bow-legs just the spur to concerted action that they were needing. they rightly judged there were more of those desirable beings in the crowd behind that tall, contemptuous chief. those on the ground scrambled eagerly to their feet, and with shrill, bestial yells the whole horde charged up the slope. as the leaping and hideous forms approached the top the pent-up fury of the hillmen, in spite of all the chief could do, broke loose, and with a roar the foremost ranks bounded forth to meet them. at the first crash of contact the enemy were crushed back, the stone-headed clubs and flint-tipped spears working havoc in the reeking masses. but, as the chief had foreseen it would be, that forward rush was a mistake, exposing the flanks; and sheer weight of numbers presently forced the hillmen back till their front was once more level with the jaws of the pass. here, however, with their flanks protected, they were solid as a wall of granite. upon this narrow wall the yelling wave of the attack surged and recoiled, and surged again, and made no impression. the clumsy weapons of the enemy were no match for the pounding swing of the stone clubs, the long, lightning thrust of the flint-headed spears. but the bow-legs, their little pig-eyes red with lust for their prey, fought with a sort of frenzy, diving in headlong and clutching at the legs of the hillmen with their ape-like, sinewy arms, dragging them down and tearing then with crooked, clawlike fingers. many of the hillmen, and some women died in this way. but no woman was dragged away alive; for if this fate threatened her, and rescue was impossible, she was instantly speared from her own ranks to save her from a fate which would have dishonored the tribe. and the women indeed, in this battle were no less formidable than the men themselves, for they fought with the swift venom of the she-wolf, the cunning fury of the mad heifer, intuitive and implacable. their instincts of motherhood, the safeguard of the future, made them loathe with a blind, unspeakable hate these filthy and bestial males who threatened to father their children. the center of the hillmen's front was securely held by the great chief, whose massive club, wielded with the art acquired in many battles, kept a space cleared before him across which no foe could pass alive. as his followers went down on either side, others from the ranks behind stepped eagerly into the gaps. at the extreme left, where the walls of the pass, lower and less abrupt than on the right, invited an attack as fierce as that upon the center, the defense was led by a warrior named grôm, who seemed no less redoubtable than the chief himself. he, too, like the chief, fought in grim silence, saving his breath, except for an occasional incisive cry of command or encouragement to those about him. and his club also, like that of the chief, kept a zone of death before him. but his club was much smaller than that shattering mace of porphyry wielded by the chief--smaller and lighter, considerably longer in the handle and quite of another pattern. the head was of flint, a sort of ragged cone set sideways into the handle, so that one end of the head was like a sledge-hammer and the other like a pick. grasping this neat weapon nearly half-way up the handle, he made miraculous play with it, now smashing with the hammer front, now tapping with the pick, now suddenly swinging it out to the full length of the long handle to reach and drop an elusive adversary. the weapon was both club and spear to him; and to guard against any possibility of its being wrenched from him in the mêlée, he held it secured to his wrist by a thong of hide. this warrior, though his renown in the tribe, both as hunter and fighter, was second only to that of the great chief himself, had never aroused the chief's jealousy. this for several reasons. he had always loyally supported the chief's authority, instead of scheming to undermine it, and his influence had always made for tribal discipline. he was not so tall as the chief, by perhaps half a handbreadth, and for all his huge muscles of arm and breast he was altogether of a slimmer build; wherefore the chief, while vastly respecting his counsels, was not suspicious of his rivalry. moreover, up to the time of the invasion of the wolves, he had always dwelt in a remote cave, quite on the outskirts of the tribe, constituting himself a frontier defense, as it were, and avoiding all the tribal gossip. slightly younger than the chief, and with few gray streaks as yet in the dense, ruddy-brown masses of his hair and beard, his face nevertheless looked older, by reason of its deeper lines and the considering gravity of the eyes. in his remote cave grôm had had the companionship of his family, consisting of his old mother, his two wives, and his four children--three sons and a daughter. it was while he was absent on a hunting expedition that the wolves had come. they had surprised the little, isolated family, and after a terrible struggle wiped it out. conspicuous among the fighters at grôm's back was a young girl, tall, with a fair skin and masses of long, very dark hair. armed with a spear, she fought savagely, but at the same time managed to keep an eye on all the warrior's movements. suddenly from the rocks above came a shrill cry. to grôm's ears it seemed like the voice of one of his dead children. at the end of a long stroke, when his arms and the club were outstretched full length, he glanced upwards in spite of himself. instantly the club was clutched by furious hands. he was pulled forward. at the same time one of the enemy, ducking under his arms, plunged between his legs. and he came down upon his face. with a piercing scream, the tall girl bounded forth and stood across him; and her spear stabbed his nearest assailant straight through the flat and grinning face. so lightning swift was the rage of her attack that for one vital moment it held the whole horde at bay. then the hillmen swarmed forward irresistibly, battered down the foremost of the foe, and dragged the fallen warrior back behind the lines to recover. in half a minute he was once more at the front, fighting with renewed fury, his head and back and shoulders covered with blood. and close behind him stood the girl, breathless, clutching at her heart and staring at him with wide eyes, unaware that the blood which covered him was not his but her own. although to the invaders, their every charge broken and hurled back with terrific slaughter, it must have seemed that their tall opponents had all the best of the battle, to the wise old men and women up among the rocks it was clear that their warriors were being rapidly worn away as a bank is eaten by the waves. but now from a high ledge on the right, where the wall of the pass was a sheer perpendicular, came two shrill whistles. it was a signal which the chief, now bleeding from many wounds, had been waiting for. he roared a command, and his ranks, after one surge forward to recover their wounded, gave back sullenly till their front was more than half-way down the pass. with yells of triumph the bow-legs followed, trampling their dead and wounded, till the bottle-neck was packed so tightly that there was no room to move. from the left wall a ceaseless shower of stones came down upon their heads; but from the right, for a few moments, only a rain of pebbles and dust, which blinded them and choked their hideous, upturned nostrils. above that dust a band of graybeards heaved upon a lever. they grunted and strained, with eyes staring and the sweat jumping forth on their foreheads. then something gave. a great slice of the rock-face began to slip. some of the toilers scrambled back to safety, their long, white hair flying behind them. but others, unable to recover themselves in time, fell sprawling forward. then with a thunderous growl a huge slab of rock and earth and débris crashed down upon the packed hordes in the neck of the pass. a long shout of triumph went up from the hillmen. the outer ranks of the invaders stood for a second or two petrified with horror. then they turned and fled, screaming, down the slope. on their heels the hillmen pursued, slaughtering, till the brook-bed was choked with the dead. of that filthy horde hardly a score escaped, and these fled back, gibbering, to meet the migrant hosts of their kin who were following on their trail. the story they told was of a tribe of tall, fair-skinned demons, invincible in war, who tore up mountains to hurl them on their adversaries. and thereafter, for a time, the bow-legged hosts changed the path of their migration, sweeping far to the southward to avoid the land of the little hills. ii a white, high-sailing moon streamed down into the amphitheater, where the scarred remnant of the tribe of the little hills, squatting before their cave-mouths, took counsel. their dead had all been reverently buried, under heaps of stones, on the bare and wind-swept shoulder of the downs. outside the pass the giant jackals, cave-hyenas and other scavengers of the night, howled and scuffled over the carcasses of the slain invaders. endless and tumultuous was the talk, the white-haired, bent old men and the women who had borne children being listened to as attentively as the warriors. the chief, sitting on a rock which raised him above the rest, spoke only a word now and then, but gave ear to all, glancing from speaker to speaker with narrowed eyes, weighing all suggestions. on the outskirts of the circle stood grôm, leaning on his club, staring at the moon, apparently lost in dreams. suddenly the chief uttered a sharp word, and the tribe fell silent. he rose, yet stiff from his wounds, and, towering masterfully over the council announced his decision. "i have heard much foolishness," said he, "but also some wisdom. and the greatest wisdom has come from the lips of my father yonder, alp the old." he pointed to a decrepit figure, whose bowed head was hidden under a mass of white hair. "my father's eyes are blind with age," he continued, "but behind their darkness they see many things that we cannot see. they have seen that all these disasters which have lately come upon us have come out of the east. they see that there must be a reason. they see that other terrible dangers must also be coming out of the east, and that we people of the little hills lie in their path. how many more can we withstand, and live? not one more. therefore, i say we will leave this place, this home of our fathers, and we will go toward the setting sun, and find a new home far from our enemies till we can grow strong again. i have said it." as he sat down there was a low murmur, many thinking he was right; while others, not daring to dissent quite openly, yet were angry and afraid at the idea of leaving their familiar dwellings. but grôm, who had turned on his club and listened to the chief with shining eyes, now stepped forward into the circle and spoke. "bawr is our chief," said he, in a clear, calm voice; "not only because he is our mightiest in war, but because he is also our wisest in counsel. when do we go?" the chief thought for a moment. for the murmurs of the dissidents he cared nothing, having made up his mind. but he was glad of grôm's support. "two moons hence," he answered presently. "our wounded must be healed, for we must be strong on the journey. and as we go far, and know not where we go, we must gather much food to carry with us. when the moon is twice again full, we leave these caves and the land of the little hills." "then," said grôm, "if bawr will allow me, i will go and find a place for us, and come again quickly and lead the tribe thither by the shortest way." "it is good!" said bawr, quick to see what dangerous wanderings might be spared to the tribe by this plan. "when will you go?" "in to-morrow's morning-red," answered grôm. at grôm's words, the young girl, a-ya, who had been watching the warrior where he stood aloof, sprang to her feet in sharp agitation and clutched her dark hair to her bosom in two great handfuls. at this a huge youth, who had been squatting as close as possible to the girl, and eyeing her averted face greedily, jumped up with a jealous scowl. "grôm is a traitor!" he cried. "he deserts us in our need. let him not go, chief!" a growl of protest went up from his hearers. the girl faced round upon him with blazing eyes. grôm gave him an indifferent glance, and turned away, half smiling. the chief struck the rock with his club, and said coldly: "mawg is young, and his words are foolish. grôm is a true man. he shall do as he will." the youth's heavy features worked angrily for a moment as he sought words for a further attack. then his face smoothed into a grin as he remembered that from so perilous a venture it was most unlikely his rival would ever return. he gave a crafty side-glance at the girl, and sat down again, while she turned her back upon him. at a sign from the chief the council broke up, and all slipped off, chattering, into their caves. * * * * * as the first pink light crept up the sky, grôm set forth on his mysterious venture. it was just such a venture as his sanguine and inquiring spirit, avid of the unknown, had always dreamed of. but never before had he had such an object before him as seemed to justify the long risk. there was all a boy's eagerness in his deep eyes, under their shaggy brows, as he slipped noiselessly out of the bottle-neck, picked his way lightly over the well-gnawed bones of the slain invaders, turned his back on the sunrise, and took his course up the edge of the stream. the weapons he carried were his war-club, two light, flint-headed hunting-spears and a flint knife hung from his wolf-skin girdle. all that day, till mid-afternoon, he journeyed swiftly, straight ahead, taking no precaution save to keep always a vigilant watch and to avoid dark coverts whence tiger or leopard might spring upon him. he was in a region which he had often hunted over, and where he felt at home. he traveled very swiftly, at a long, noiseless lope; and when he wished to rest he climbed into a tree for security. several times during the day he had had a sensation of being followed; and, turning quickly, he had run back, in the hope of detecting his pursuer. but when he found no one, he concluded that it was merely one of the ghosts the tribe so feared, but whom he himself rather held in contempt as futile. long before noon he had forsaken the brook, because its course had ceased to lead him westward. in the afternoon he reached a river which marked the limit of his former explorations. it was a wide, swift water, but too shallow and turbulent for swimming, and he forded it with some difficulty. once across, he went with more caution, oppressed with a sense of strangeness, although the landscape as yet was in no way greatly changed. as the sun got low, grôm cast about for a safe tree in whose top to pass the perilous hours of dark. as he stared around him a cry of fear came from the bunch of woods which he had just quitted. the voice was a woman's. he ran back. the next second the trees parted, and a girl came rushing towards him, her dark hair streaming behind her. close after her came three huge cave-wolves. grôm shouted, and hurled a spear. it struck one of the wolves full in the chest, splitting the heart. at this the other two halted irresolutely. but as grôm's tall figure came bounding down upon them, their indecision vanished. they wheeled about, and ran off into the thickets. the girl came forward timorously, and knelt at grôm's feet. at first with wonder and some annoyance, the warrior looked down upon her. then recognition came into his eyes. he saw the tip of a deep wound on her shoulder, and knew that it ran, livid and angry, half-way down her bosom. it was the young girl a-ya. his eyes softened, for he had heard how it was she who had saved him in the battle, fighting so furiously over him when he was down--she in whose blood he had found his shoulders bathed. yet up to that time he had never noticed her, his mind being full of other matters than women. now he looked at her and wondered. he was sorely afraid of being hampered in his great enterprise, but he asked her gently why she had followed him. "i was afraid for you," she answered, without looking up. "you go to such great dangers. i could not stay with the tribe, and wait." "you think i need help?" he asked, with a self-confident look in his eyes. "you did need me in the battle!" answered the girl proudly. "true!" said grôm. "but for you i should now have been sleeping under the stones and the wind." he looked at her with a feeling that surprised himself, a kind of thrilling tenderness, such as he had never felt toward a woman before. his wives had been good wives and dutiful, and he had been content with them. but it occurred to him that neither of them would ever have thought to come with him on this expedition. "i could not stay without you," said the girl again. "also, i was afraid of mawg," she added cunningly. a wave of jealous wrath surged through grôm's veins. "if mawg had troubled you, i would have killed him!" said he fiercely. and, snatching the girl to her feet, he crushed her for a moment vehemently to his great breast. "but why," he went on, "did you follow me so secretly all day?" "i was afraid you would be angry, and send me back," she answered, with a sigh of content. "i could not have sent you back," said grôm, his indifference quite forgotten. "but come, we must find a place for the night." and hand in hand they ran to a great tree which grôm had already marked for his retreat. as they climbed to the upper branches, dusk fell quickly about them, some great beast roared thunderously from the depths of the forest, and from a near-by jungle came sudden crashings of the undergrowth. iii for three weeks grôm and the girl pressed on eagerly, swinging north to avoid a vast lake, whose rank and marshy shores were trodden by monsters such as they had never before set eyes upon. of nights, no matter how high or how well hidden their tree-top refuge might be, they found it necessary to keep vigil turn and turn about, so numerous and so enterprising were the enemies who sought to investigate the strange human trail. had grôm been alone he would soon have been worn out for want of sleep. the girl, however, her eyes ever bright with happiness, seemed utterly untiring, and grôm watched her with daily growing delight. he had never heard or dreamed of a man regarding a woman as he regarded the lithe, fierce creature who ran beside him. but he had never been afraid of new things or new ideas, and he was not ashamed of this sweet ache of tenderness at his astonished heart. beyond the lake and the morasses they came to a strange, broken land, a land of fertile valleys, deep-verdured and teeming with life, but sown with abrupt, conelike, naked hills. along the near horizon ran a chain of those sharp, low summits, irregularly jagged against the pale blue. from several of the summits rose streamers of murky vapor; and one of these, darker and more abundant than the others, spread abroad at the top on the windless air till it took the shape of a colossal pine-tree. to the girl the sight was portentous. it filled her with apprehension, and she would have liked to avoid this unfamiliar-looking region. but, seeing that grôm was filled with interest at the novel phenomena before them, she thrust aside her fears and assumed a like eagerness on the subject. in the heat of the day they came to a pair of trees, lofty and spreading, which stood a little apart from the rest of the forest growth, in a stretch of open meadows. an ice-cold rivulet babbled past their roots. it was time for the noonday rest, and these trees seemed to offer a safe retreat. the girl drank, splashed herself with the delicious coolness, flung back her dripping hair, then swung herself up lightly into the branches. grôm lingered a few moments below, letting the water trickle down and over his great muscles by handfuls. then he threw himself down upon his face and drank deep. while he was in this helpless position--his sleepless vigilance for the moment at fault--from behind a near-by thicket rushed a gigantic, shaggy grey form, and hurled itself at him ponderously but with awful swiftness, like a grey bowlder dashing down a hillside. the girl, from her perch in the lower branches, gave a shriek of warning. grôm bounded to his feet, and darted for the tree. but the monster--a gray bear, of a bulk beyond that of the hugest grizzly--was almost upon him, and would have seized him before he could climb out of reach. a spear hurtled close past his head. it grazed, and laid open, the side of the beast's snout, and sank deep into its shoulder. with a roar, the beast halted to claw it forth. and in that moment grôm swung himself up into the branches, dropping both his spears as he did so. the bear, mad with pain and fury, reared himself against the trunk and began to draw himself up. grôm struck at him with his club, but from his difficult position could put no force into his blow and the bear hardly seemed to notice it. "we must lead him up, then drop down and run," said grôm. and the two mounted nimbly. the bear followed, till the branches began to yield too perilously beneath his weight. then grôm and the girl slipped over into the next tree. as they did so another bear even huger than the first, and apparently her mate, appeared below, glanced up with shrewd, implacable eyes, and proceeded to climb the second tree. grôm looked at the girl with piercing anxiety such as he had never known before. "can you run, very fast?" he demanded. the girl laughed, her terror almost forgotten in her pride at having once more saved him. "i ran from the wolves," she reminded him. "then we must run, perhaps very far," answered grôm, reassured, "till we find some place of steep rocks where we can fight with some hope. for these beasts are obstinate, and will never give up from pursuing us. and, unlike the red cave-bears they seem to know how to climb trees." when both bears were high in the two trees, grôm and the girl slipped down by the bending tips of the branches, almost as swiftly as falling. they snatched up grôm's two spears and a-ya's broken one, and ran, down along the brook toward the line of the smoking hills. the bears, descending more slowly, came after them at a terrific, ponderous gallop. the girl ran, as she had said, well--so well that grôm who was famous in the tribe for his running, did not have greatly to slacken his pace in her favor. finding that, at first, they gained slightly on their pursuers, grôm bade her slow down a little till they did no more than hold their own. fearing lest she should exhaust herself, he ran always a pace behind her, admonishing her how to save her strength and her breath, and ever warily casting his eyes about for a possible refuge. warily, too, he chose the smoothest ways, sparing her feet. for he knew that if she gave out and fell he would stop and fight his last fight over her body. for an hour or more the girl ran easily. then she began to show signs of distress. her face grew ashen, the breath came harshly from her open lips, and once or twice she stumbled. with the first pang of fear at his heart, grôm closed up beside her, made her lean heavily on his rigid forearm, and cheered her with words of praise. he pointed to a spur of broken mountains now close ahead, with a narrow valley cleaving them midway. "there will be ledges," he said, "where we can defend ourselves, and where you can rest." skirting a bit of jungle, so dense with massive cane and thorned creepers that nothing could penetrate it, they came suddenly upon a space of barren gray plain, and saw, straight ahead, the opening of the valley. it was not more than a couple of furlongs distant. and its walls, partly clothed with shrubbery, partly naked, were so seamed and cleft and creviced that they appeared to promise many convenient retreats. but across the mouth of the valley extended an appalling barrier. from an irregular fissure in the parched earth, running on a slant from one wall to the other, came tongues of red flame, waving upwards to a height of several feet, sinking back, rising again, and bowing as if in some enchanted dance. grôm's heart stood still in awe and amazement, and for a second he paused. the girl shut her eyes in unspeakable terror, and her knees gave way beneath her. as she sank, grôm's spirit rose to the emergency. the bears were now almost upon them. he jerked the girl violently to her feet, and spoke to her in a voice that brought her back to herself. dragging her by the wrist, he ran on straight for the barrier. the girl, obedient to his order, shrank close to his side and ran on bravely, keeping her eyes upon the ground. "if they are gods, those bright, dancing things," said grôm, with a confidence he was far from feeling, "they will save us. if they are devils, i will fight them." a little to the right appeared a gap in the leaping barrier, an opening some fifty feet across. grôm made for the center of this opening. the fissure here was not more than three feet in width. the runners took it in their stride. but a fierce heat struck up from it. it filled the girl with such horror that her senses failed her utterly. she ran on blindly a dozen paces more, then reeled and fell in a swoon. before her body touched the ground, grôm had swung her up into his arms, but as he did so he looked back. the bears were no longer pursuing. a spear's-throw back they had stopped, growling and whining, and swaying their mountainous forms from side to side in angry irresolution. "they fear the bright, dancing things," said grôm to himself; and added, with a throb of exultation, "which i do not fear." noticing for the first time in his excitement that the ground, here parched and bare, was uncomfortably hot beneath his feet, he carried his burden a few rods further on, to where the green began again, and laid her down on the thick herbage. then he turned to see what the bears were going to do. seeing that their intended prey made no further effort to flee, the two monsters grew still more excited. for a moment grôm thought they would dare the passage of the barrier, but he was reassured to see that the flames filled them with an insuperable fear. they dared not come nearer than the thin edges of the verdure. at last, as if the same notion had struck them both at once, they whirled about simultaneously, made off among the dense thickets to the right, and disappeared. grôm knew far too well the obstinate vindictiveness of their kind to think that they had given up the chase; but, feeling safe for the present, and seeing that the girl, recovered from her swoon, was sitting up and staring with awed eyes at the line of fire, he turned all his attention to these mysterious, shining, leaping shapes to which they owed their escape. with an attitude of deference, yet carrying both club and spear in readiness, he slowly approached the barrier, at the point where the flames were lowest and least imposing. their heat made him very uneasy, but under the eyes of the girl he would show no sign of fear. at a distance of six or eight feet he stopped, studying the thin, upcurling tongues of brightness. their heat, at this distance, was uncomfortable to his naked flesh, but as he stood there wondering and took no further hurt, his confidence grew. at length he dared to stretch out his spear-tip and touch the flames, very respectfully. the green-hide thongs which bound the flint to the wood smoked, shriveled and hissed. he withdrew the weapon in alarm, and examined the tip. it was blackened, and hot to the touch. but, seeing that the bright dancers had taken no notice, he repeated the experiment. several times he repeated it, deeply pondering, while the girl, from her place at the edge of the grass, stared with the wide eyes of a child. at last, though the green thongs still held, the dry wood burst into flame. startled to find that when he drew the point back he brought a portion of the shining creature with it, grôm dashed the weapon down upon the ground. the flame, insufficiently started, flickered and died. but it left a spark, winking redly on the blackened wood. audacious in his consuming curiosity, grôm touched it with his finger. it stung smartly, and grôm snatched back his finger with an exclamation of alarm. but by that touch the spark itself was extinguished. that was an amazing thing. sucking his finger, grôm stood gazing down at the spear-tip, which had but now been so bright, and was now so black. plainly, it was a victory for him. he did not understand it. but at least the mysterious ones were not invincible, however much the bears feared them. well, he did not fear them, he said proudly in his heart. aloud he said to a-ya: "the shining dancers are our friends, but they do not like to be touched. if you touch them, they bite." his heart swelled with a vast, unformulated hope. ideas, possibilities which he could not yet grasp, seethed in his brain. dimly, but overpoweringly, he realized that he had passed the threshold of a new world. he picked up the spear and turned to renew his experiments. this time he let the fire take well hold upon the spear-tip before he withdrew it. then he held it upright, burning like a torch. as he gazed at it raptly a scream from the girl aroused him. she had sprung to her feet and stood staring behind her, not knowing which way to run because of her fear of the fire. and there, not twenty paces from her, their giant grey bulks half emerging from the thicket, stood the bears, slavering in their fury but afraid to come nearer the flame. with a shout, grôm darted at them, and the wind of his going fanned his spear-point to a fierce blaze. the girl screamed again at the sight, but bravely stood her ground. the bears shrank, growled, then turned and fled. with a dozen leaps grôm was upon them. the flame was already licking up the spear-shaft almost to his grip. with all his force he threw, and the flint tip buried itself in the nearest monster's haunch. the long fur blazed, and, in a frenzy of terror, the great beasts went crashing off through the coverts. the fire was speedily whipped out by the branches, but their panic was uncontrollable; and long after they had passed out of sight the sounds of their wild flight could be followed. grôm's heart came near bursting with exultation, but he disdained to show it. he turned to the girl, and said quietly: "they will not come back." and the girl threw herself at his feet in adoration. and now for hours grôm sat motionless, pondering, pondering, and watching the line of flames with deep eyes. the girl did not dare to interrupt his thoughts. with the going of the sun came a chill breeze drawing down from the ridges. grôm rose, led the girl nearer the flames, and reseated himself. as the girl realized the kindly and comforting warmth her fears diminished. she laughed softly, turned her shapely body round and round in the glow, and then curled herself up like a cat at grôm's knees. at last grôm arose once more. picking up his remaining spear, he approached the fire with decision, and thrust the butt, instead of the tip, into the flame. when it was well alight, he thrust it down upon a tuft of withered grass. the stuff caught at once, blazed up and died out. then grôm rolled the burning spear-butt on the earth till it, too, was quite extinguished. the sparks still winking in the grass he struck with his palm. they stung him, but they perished. he drew himself up to his full height, turned to the girl and stretched out his blackened hand. the girl sprang to her feet, thrilled and wondering. "see," said grôm, "i have made the bright dancing ones my servants. the tribe shall come here. and we shall be the masters of all things." once more the girl threw herself at his feet. he seemed to her a god. but remembering how she had twice saved his life, she laid her cheek against his knee. he lifted her into the hollow of his great arm, and she leaned against him, gazing up into his face, while he stood staring into the fire, his eyes clouded with visions. chapter iv the children of the shining one i from the lip of the narrow volcanic fissure, which ran diagonally two-thirds of the way across the mouth of the valley, the line of fire waved and flickered against the gathering dark. sometimes only a few inches high, sometimes sinking suddenly out of sight, and then again as suddenly leaping up to a height of five or six feet, the thin, gaseous flames danced elvishly. now clear yellow, now fiery orange, now of an almost invisible violet, they shifted, and bowed their crests, and thrust out shooting tongues, till grôm, sitting on his haunches and staring with fascinated eyes, had no choice but to believe that they were live things like himself. the girl, curled up at his side like a cat, paid little attention to the marvel of the flames. her big, dark eyes, wild and furtive under the dark, tangled masses of her hair, kept wandering back and forth between the man's brooding face and the obscure black thickets which filled the valley behind him. the dancing flames she did not understand, but she understood the ponderous crashing, and growls, and savage cries which came from those black thickets and slopes of tumbled rocks. the man being absorbed in watching the wonders of the flames, and apparently all-forgetful of the perils prowling back there in the dark, it was plainly her duty to keep watch. from time to time grôm would drag his eyes away from their contemplation of the flames to study intently the charred spots on his club and the burned, blackened end of his spear. he looked down at the lithe figure of the watching girl, and laid a great, hairy hand on her shoulder in a musing caress, as if appraising her, and delighting in her, and finding in her a mate altogether to his desire, although but a child to his inmost thoughts. but those sounds of menace from the darkness behind him he affected not to hear at all. he could see from the girl's eyes that the menace was not yet close at hand; and since he had learned the power of the fire, and his own mastery over that power, he felt himself suddenly little less than a god. the fire was surely something of a god; and if he had any measure of control over the fire, so as to make it serve him surely, then still more of the god was there in his own intelligence. his heart swelled with a pride such as he had never before conceived, and his brain seethed with vague but splendid possibilities. never before had he, though at heart the bravest of his brave clan, been able to listen to the terrible voices of the cave-bear, the cave-hyena, or the saber-tooth without fear, without the knowledge that his own safety lay in flight. now he feared them not at all. a louder roaring came out of the shadows, closer than before, and he saw a-ya's eyes dilate as she clutched at his knee. a slow smile spread across his bony face, and he turned about, rising to his feet as he did so, and lifting the girl with him. with a new, strange warmth at his heart he realized how fully the girl trusted him, how cool and steady was her courage. for there, along the edge of the lighted space, glaring forth from the fringes of the thickets, were the monstrous beasts whom man had most cause to dread. nearest, his whole tawny length emerging from the brush, crouched a giant saber-tooth with the daggers of his tusks, ten inches long, agleam in the light of the dancing flames. he was not more than thirty or forty paces distant, and his tail twitched heavily from side to side as if he were trying to nerve himself up to a closer approach to the fire. some twenty paces further along the fringe of mingled light and shadow, their bodies thrust half way forth from the undergrowth, stood a pair of huge, ruddy cave-bears, their monstrous heads held low and swaying surlily from side to side as they eyed the prey which they dared not rush in and seize. the man-animal they had hitherto regarded as easy prey, and they were filled with rage at the temerity of these two humans in remaining so near the dreaded flames. intent upon them, they paid no heed to their great enemy, the saber-toothed, with whom they were at endless and deadly feud. away off to the left, quite clear of the woods, but safely remote from the fire, a pack of huge cave-hyenas sat up on their haunches, their long, red tongues hanging out. with jaws powerful enough to crack the thigh-bones of the urus, they nevertheless hesitated to obtrude themselves on the notice either of the crouching saber-tooth or of the two giant bears. with neither the bears nor the great hyenas did grôm anticipate any trouble. but he felt it barely possible that the saber-tooth might dare a rush in. snatching up a dry branch, and leading the girl with him by the wrist, he backed slowly nearer the flames. terrified at their dancing and the scorching of their breath, the girl sank down on her naked knees and covered her face with her hair. smiling at her terror, grôm thrust the branch into the flames. when it was all ablaze he raised it above his head, and, carrying his spear in his right hand, he rushed at the saber-tooth. for a few seconds the monster faced his approach, but grôm saw the shrinking in his furious eyes, and came on fearlessly. at last the beast whipped about with a screeching snarl, and raced back into the woods. then grôm turned to the bears, but they had not stayed to receive his attentions. the sight of the flames bursting, as it seemed, from the man's shaggy head as he ran, was too much for them, and they had slunk back discreetly into the shadows. grôm threw the blazing stick on the ground, laid several more branches upon it, and presently had a fine fire of his own going. he seized a small branch and hurled it at the hyenas, sending them off with their tails between their legs to their hiding-places on the ragged slopes. then he fed his fire with more dry wood till the fierce heat of it drove him back. returning to the side of the wondering girl, he sat down, and contemplated his handiwork with swelling pride. when the flames died down he piled on more branches till they blazed again to the height of the nearest tree-tops. this he repeated, thoughtfully, several times, till he had assured himself of his power to make this bright, devouring god great or little at his pleasure. this stupendous fact established clearly, grôm brought an armful of grass and foliage, and made the girl take her sleep. he himself continued for an hour or two his experiments with the fire, building small ones in a circle about him, discovering that green branches would not burn well, and brooding with knit brows over each new center of light and heat which he created. then, seated on his haunches beside the sleeping a-ya, he pondered on the future of his tribe, on the change in its fortunes which this mysterious new creature was bound to bring about. at last, when the night was half worn through, he awakened the girl, bade her keep sharp watch, and threw himself down to sleep, indifferent to the roars, and snarls, and dreadful cries which came from the darkness of the upper valley. the valley looked straight into the east. when the sun rose, its unclouded, level rays paled the dancing barrier of flames almost to invisibility. refreshed by their few hours' sleep in the vital warmth, grôm and the girl stood erect in the flooding light and scanned the strange landscape. grôm's sagacious eyes noted the fertility of the level lands at a distance from the fire, and of the clefts, ledges and lower slopes of the tumbled volcanic hills. here and there he made out the openings of caves, half overgrown with vines and bush. and he was satisfied that this was the land for his tribe to occupy. that it was infested with all those monstrous beasts which were man's deadliest foes seemed to him no longer a fact worth considering. the bright god which he had conquered should be made to conquer them. some inkling of his purposes he confided to the girl, who stood looking up at him with eyes of dog-like devotion from under the matted splendor of her hair. if he was still the man she loved, her mate and lover, yet was he also now a sort of demi-god, since she had seen him play at his ease with the flames, and drive the hyena, the saber-tooth and the terrible red bear before him. when the two started on their journey back to the country of the little hills, grôm carried with him a bundle of blazing brands. he had conceived the idea of keeping the bright god alive by feeding him continually as they went, and of renewing his might from time to time by stopping to build a big fire. the undertaking proved a troublesome one from the first. the brand kept the great beasts at a distance, time and again the red coals almost died out, and grôm had anxious and laborious moments nursing them again into activity; and the care of the mysterious things made progress slow. grôm learned much, and rapidly, in these anxious efforts. he discovered once, just at a critical moment, the remarkable efficacy of dry grass. a bear as big as an ox came rushing upon them, just when the flames were flickering out along the bundle of brands. a-ya started to run, but grôm's nerve was of steel. ordering her to stop, he flung the brands to the ground, and snatched a double handful of grass to feed the dying flame. luckily, the grass was dry. it flared up on the sudden. the bear stopped short. grôm piled on more grass, shouted arrogantly, and rushed at the beast with a blazing handful. it was a light and harmless flame, almost instantly extinguished. but it was too mysterious for the monster to face. grôm was wise enough not to follow up his victory. returning to the fire he fed it to a safe volume. and the girl, flinging herself down in a passion of relief and adoration, embraced his knees. after this they journeyed slowly, grôm tending the brands with vigilant care, and striving to break down the girl's terror of them. that night he built three fires about the base of a huge tree, gathered a supply of dry wood, taught the girl to feed the flames--which she did with head bowed in awe--and passed the hours of darkness, once so dreaded, in proud defiance of the great beasts which prowled and roared beyond the circle of light. he made the girl sleep, but he himself was too prudent to sleep, lest these fires of his own creation should prove false when his eye was not upon them. the following day, about midday, when he slept heavily in the heat, the fire went out. it had got low, and the girl, attempting to revive it, had smothered it with too much fuel. in an agony of fear and remorse, she knelt at grôm's side, awakened him, and showed him what she had done. she expected a merciless beating, according to the rough-and-ready customs of her tribe. but grôm had always been held a little peculiar, especially in his aversion to the beating of women, so that certain females of the tribe had even been known to question his manhood on that account. furthermore, he regarded the girl with a tenderness, an admiration, an appreciation, which he could not but wonder at in himself, seeing that he had never heard of it as a customary thing that a man should regard a woman in any such manner. at the same time he was in a state of exaltation over his strange achievements, and hardly open, at the moment, to any common or base brutality of rage. he gave the girl one terrible look, then went and strove silently with the dead, black embers. the girl crept up to him on her knees, weeping. for a few seconds he paid her no heed. but when he found that the flames had fled beyond recovery, he lifted her up, drew her close to him, and comforted her. "you have let the bright one escape," said he. "but do not be afraid. he lives back there in the valley of the bears, and i will capture him again." and when the girl realized that he had no thought of beating her, but only wished to comfort and shield her, then she felt quite sure he was a god, and her heart nearly burst with the passion of her love. ii it galled grôm's proud heart to find himself now compelled, through loss of the fire, to go warily, to scan the thicket, to keep hidden, to hold spear and club always in readiness, and to climb into a tree at night for safety like the apes. but he let no sign of his chagrin, or of his anxiety, appear. like the crafty hunter and wise leader that he was, he forgot no one of his ancient precautions. they had by this time passed beyond the special haunts of the red bear and the saber-tooth. twice they had to run before the charge of the great wooly rhinoceros, against whose massive hide grôm's spear and club would have been about as effective as a feather duster. but they had fled mockingly, for the clumsy monster was no match for them in speed. once, too, they had been treed by a bull urus, a gigantic white beast with a seven-foot spread of polished horns. but his implacable and patient rage they had cunningly evaded by making off unseen and unheard, through the upper branches. they came to earth again half a mile away, and ran on gaily, laughing at the picture of the furious and foolish beast waiting there at the foot of the tree for them to come down. once a prowling leopard confronted them for a moment, only to flee in great leaps before their instant and unhesitating attack. once a huge bird, nearly nine feet high, and with a beak over a foot in length, struck at them savagely, with a shrill hissing, through a fringe of reeds, because they had incautiously come too near its nest. but they killed it, and feasted on its eggs. and so, without further misadventure, they came at last to the skirts of their own country, and looked once more on the rounded, familiar, wind-swept tops of the little hills, sacred to the barrows of their dead. it was toward sunset, and the long, rosy glow was flooding the little amphitheater wherein the remnants of the tribe were gathered, when grôm crossed the brook, and came striding up the slope, with a-ya close behind him. she had been traveling at his side all through the journey, but here she respected the etiquette of her tribe, and fell behind submissively. hardly noticing, or not heeding if he noticed that the tribe offered no vociferous welcome, and seemed sullenly surprised at his appearance, grôm strode straight to the chief, whom he saw sitting on the judgment stone, and threw down spear and club at his feet in sign of fealty. but a-ya, following, was keen to note the hostile attitude of the tribe. her defiant eyes darted everywhere, and everywhere noted black looks. she could not understand it, but she divined that there was some plot afoot against grôm. her heart swelled with rage, and her dark-maned head went up arrogantly, for she felt as if the strongest and wisest of the tribe were now but children in comparison with her lord. but, though children, they were many, and she closed up behind him for a guard, grasping more firmly the shaft of her short, serviceable spear. she saw the broad, black, scowling visage of young mawg, towering over a little group of his kinsfolk, and eyeing her with mingled greed and rage, and she divined at once that he was at the back of whatever mischief might be brewing. she answered his look with one of mocking scorn, and then turned her attention to the chief, who was sitting in grim silence, the customary hand of welcome ominously withheld. a haughty look came over grôm's face, his broad shoulders squared themselves, and he met the chief's eyes sternly. "i have done the bidding of bawr the chief," he said, in a clear voice, so that all the tribe might hear. "i have found a place where the tribe may hold themselves secure against all enemies. and i have come back, as was agreed, to lead the tribe thither before our enemies destroy us. i have done great deeds. i have not spared myself. i have come quickly. i have deserved well of the people. why has bawr the chief no welcome for me?" a murmur arose from the corner where mawg and his friends were grouped, but a glance from the chief silenced it. with his piercing gaze making relentless inquisition of the eyes that answered his so steadily, he seemed to ponder grôm's words. slowly the anger faded from his scarred and massy face, for he knew men; and this man, though his most formidable rival in strength and prestige, he instinctively trusted. "you have been accused," said he at length, slowly, "of deserting the tribe in our weakness--" a puzzled look had come over grôm's face at the word "accused"; then his deep eyes blazed, and he broke in upon the chief's speech without ceremony. "show me my accusers!" he demanded harshly. the chief waved his hand for silence. "in our weakness!" he repeated. "but you have returned to us. so i see that charge was false. also, you have been accused of stealing the girl a-ya. but you have brought her back. i see not what more your accusers have against you." grôm turned, and, with a quick, decisive motion, drew a-ya to his side. "bawr the chief knows that i am his servant, and a true man!" said he sternly. "i did not steal the girl. she followed me, and i had no thought of it." angry jeers came from mawg's corner, but grôm smiled coldly, and went on: "not till near evening of the second day, when she was chased by wolves, did she reveal herself to me. and when i understood why she had come, i looked on her, and i saw that she was very fair and very brave. and i took her. so that now she is my woman, and i hold to her, chief! but i will pay you for her whatsoever is just, for you are the chief. and now let bawr show me my accusers, that i may have done with them quickly. for i have much to tell." "not so, grôm," said the chief, stretching out his hand. "i am satisfied that you are a true man. and for the girl, that will we arrange between us later. but i will not confront you with your accusers, for there shall be no fighting between ourselves when our warriors that are left us are so few. and in this i know that you, being wise, will agree with me. come, and we two will talk of what is to be done." he got up from his seat, an immense and masterful figure, to lead the way to his own cave, where they might talk in private. but grôm hesitated, fearing lest annoyance should befall a-ya if he left her alone with his enemies. "and the girl, chief?" said he. "i would not have her troubled." bawr turned. he swept a comprehensive and significant glance over the gaping crowd. "the girl a-ya," said he in his great voice which thundered over the amphitheater, "is grôm's woman. i have spoken." and he strode off toward his cave door. grôm picked up his club and spear. and the girl, with a haughty indifference she was far from feeling, strolled off toward the cave of certain old women, kinsfolk of the chief. but as the meaning of the chief's words penetrated mawg's dull wits he gave vent to a great bellow of rage, and snatched up a spear to hurl at grôm. before he could launch it, however, his kinsmen, who had no wish to bring down upon themselves both grôm's wrath and that of the chief, fell upon him and bore down his arm. raging blindly, mawg struggled with them, and, having the strength of a bull, he was near to wrenching himself free. but other men of the tribe, seeing from the chief's action that their bitterness against grôm had been unjustified, and remembering his past services, ran up and took a hand in reducing mawg to submission. for a few seconds grôm looked on contemptuously; then he turned on his heel and followed the chief, as if he did not hold his rival worth a further thought. mawg struggled to his feet. grôm had disappeared. but his eyes fell on the figure of a-ya, slim and brown and tall, standing in the entrance of the near-by cave. he made as if to rush upon her, but a bunch of men stood in the way, plainly ready to stop him. he looked at his kinsmen, but they hung their heads sullenly. blind with fury though he was, and slow of wit, he could not but see that the tribe as a whole was now against him. stuttering with his rage, he shouted to the girl, "you will see me again!" snatching up his club and spears, he rushed forth from the amphitheater, darted down the slope, and plunged into the thick woods beyond the brook. his kinsmen withdrew sullenly into their cave, followed by two young women. and the rest of the people looked at each other doubtfully, troubled at this sudden schism in the weakened tribe. "one more good warrior gone!" muttered an old man through his bush of matted white beard. that night grôm was too wary to sleep, suspecting that his enemy might return and try to snatch the girl from him under the cover of the dark. he was not attacked or disturbed, however, but just before dawn, against the gray pallor beyond the mouth of the pass, he marked four shapes slinking forth. as they did not return, he did not think it worth while to raise the alarm. when day came, it was found that two kinsmen of mawg, with the two young women who were attached to them, had fled to join the deserter in the bush. the chief, indignant at this further weakening of the tribe, declared them outlaws, and ordered that all--except the women, who were needed as mothers--should be killed as tribal traitors, at sight. iii as was natural since he was trying to present a totally new conception, with no known analogies save in the lightning and the sun, grôm found it impossible to convey to the chief's mind any real idea of the nature of his tremendous discovery. he did succeed, however, in making it clear to bawr that there was a certain mighty bright one, capable of putting even the saber-tooth and the red bear to instant flight, and that he had somehow managed to subdue this powerful and mysterious being into the service of the tribe. bawr had examined with deep musing the strange black bite of the bright one on grôm's club and spear. and he realized readily enough that with such an ally the tribe, even in its present state of weakness, would be able to defy any further invasions of the bow-legged beast-men from the east. there was a rumor, vague enough but disquieting, of another migration of the beast-men under way. so there was no time to lose. bawr gave orders that the tribe should get together their scanty possessions of food, skins and weapons, and make a start on the morrow for their new home. the attempts of the girl, meanwhile, to explain about the fire and grôm's miraculous subjugation of it to his will, had only spread terror in the tribe. the dread of this unknown bright one, which was plainly capable of devouring them all if grôm should lose control of it, was more nerve-shaking than their dread of the beast-men. moreover, there was the natural reluctance to leave the old, familiar dwellings for an unknown, distrusted land, confessedly the haunt of those monstrous beasts which they had most cause to fear. then, too, there were not a few in the tribe who professed to think that the hordes of the bow-legs were never likely to come that way again. no wonder, therefore, that there was grumbling, and protest, and shrill lamentation in the caves; but bawr being in no mood, since the defection of mawg and his party, to tolerate any opposition, and grôm being now regarded as a dangerous wizard, the preparation for departure went on as smoothly as if all were of one mind. packing was no great matter to the people of the little hills, the richest of whom could transport all his wealth on the back of the feeblest of his wives. so it came that before the sun marked noon the whole tribe was on the march, trailing forth from the neck of the amphitheater at the heels of grôm and a-ya, and picking their way over the bones of their slain enemies which the vultures and the jackals had already polished white. bawr, the chief, came last, seeing to it that there were no laggards; and as the tail of the straggling procession left the pass he climbed swiftly to the nearest pinnacle of rock to take observation. he marked grôm and the girl, the tribe strung out dejectedly behind them, winding off to the left along the foot of the bare hills; and a pang of grief, for an instant, twitched his massive features. then he turned his eyes to the right. very far off, in a space of open ground by the brookside, he marked the movement of confused, living masses, of a dull brown on the green. a closer look convinced him that the moving masses were men--new hordes of the beast-men, the gaping-nosed bow-legs. "grôm is a true man," he muttered, with satisfaction, and went leaping like a stag down the slope to rejoin the tribe. when news of what he had seen was passed from mouth to mouth through the tribe every murmur was hushed, and the sulkiest laggards pushed on feverishly, as if dreading a rush of the beast-men from every cleft and glade. the journey proved, for the most part, uneventful. traveling in a compact mass, only by broad day, their numbers and their air of confidence kept the red bear and the saber-tooth, the black lion and the wolf-pack, from venturing to molest them. by the chief's orders they maintained a noisy chatter, with laughter and shouting, as soon as they felt themselves safely beyond range of the beast-men's ears. for bawr had observed that even the saber-tooth had a certain uneasiness at the sound of many human voices together. at night--and it was their rule to make camp while the sun was yet several hours high--with the aid of their flint spear-heads they would laboriously cut down the saplings of the long-thorned acacia, and surround the camp with a barrier which the monsters dared not assail. even so, however, the nights were trying enough to the stoutest nerves. half the tribe at a time was obliged to stand on guard, and there was little sleep to refresh the weariest when the shadows beyond the barriers were alive with mutterings and prowlings, and terrible, paling, gleaming eyes. on the fourth day of the journey, however, the tribe met a foe whose dense brain was quite unimpressed by the menace of the human voice, and whose rage took no account of their numbers or their confidence. an enormous bull urus--perhaps the same beast which some days earlier, had driven grôm and the girl into the tree-tops--burst up, dripping and mud-streaked from his wallow in a reedy pool, and came charging upon the travelers with a roar. no doubt an outcast from the herd, he was mad with the lust of killing. with shouts of warning and shrieks of fear the tribe scattered in every direction. the nearest warriors hurled their spears as they sprang aside, and several of the weapons went deep into the monster's flanks, but without checking him. he had fixed his eyes on one victim, an old man with a conspicuous shock of snow-white hair, and him he followed inexorably. the doomed wretch screamed with despair when he found himself thus hideously selected, and ran, doubling like a rabbit. just as the monster overtook him he fell, paralyzed with his fright, and one tremendous horn pinned him to the earth. at this instant the chief arrived, running up from the rear of the line, and grôm, coming from the front. the chief, closing in fearlessly, swung his club with all his strength across the beast's front, blinding one eye, and confusing him for the fraction of a moment. and in that moment, grôm, calculating his blow with precision, drove his spear clean through the massive throat. as he sprang back, twisting his ragged weapon in the wound and tearing it free, the monster, with a hoarse cough, staggered forward across his victim, fell upon his knees, and slowly sank, while the blood emptied itself in enormous, smoking jets from the wound. the incident caused a day's delay in the march; for there was the dead elder to be buried, with heavy stones heaped over his body, according to the custom of the tribe, and there was also the meat of the slain bull to be cut up for carrying--a rank food, but sustaining, and not to be despised when one is on a journey with uncertainties ahead. and the delay was more than compensated for by the new spirit which now seized this poor, fugitive remnant of the tribe of the little hills. the speedy and spectacular triumph over a foe so formidable as the giant bull urus was unanimously accepted as an omen of good fortune. as they approached the valley whose mouth was guarded by the line of volcanic fire, grôm purposely led the tribe by such a path that they should get no glimpse of the dancing flames until close upon them. down behind a long line of woods he led them, with no warning of what was to come. then suddenly around into the open; and there, not a hundred paces distant, was the valley-mouth, and the long, thin line of flickering scarlet tongues drawn across it. as the people came in sight of the incomprehensible phenomenon, they stared for a moment, gasping, or uttering low cries; then they fell upon their faces in awe. grôm remained standing, leaning upon his spear; and a-ya stood with bowed head close behind him. when the chief, shepherding and guarding the rear flanks, emerged around the elbow of woods and saw his people thus prostrate before the shining wonder, he too was moved to follow their example, for his heart went cold within him. but not without reason was he chief, for he could control himself as well as others. a pallor spread beneath the smoky tan of his broad features, but without an instant's hesitation he strode to the front, and stood like grôm, with unbowed head, leaning calmly on his great club. his thought was that the shining one must be indeed a god, and might, indeed, slay him from afar, like the lightning, but it could not make him afraid. grôm gave him a quick look of approval. "tell the people," said he, "to follow us round through the open space yonder, and into the valley, that we may make camp, for there are many great beasts here, and very fierce. and tell them not to approach the shining one, lest he smite them, but also not to fear, for he will not come at them." when the people--trembling, staring with fascinated eyes at the dancing array, and shrinking nervously from the strange warmth--had all been gathered into the open space between the fire and the thickets, grôm led the chief up to the flames and hurriedly explained to him what he had found out as to how they must be managed. then, leaving him to ponder the miracle, and to experiment, he took a-ya to help him build other fires along the edge of the thickets in order to keep the monsters at bay. and all the while the tribe sat watching, huddled on their haunches, with mouths agape and eyes rolling in amazement. bawr the chief, meanwhile, was revolving many things in his sagacious brain, as he alternately lighted and extinguished the little, eating flames which fixed themselves upon the dry wood when he held it in the blaze. his mind was of a very different order from that of grôm, though, perhaps, not less capacious and capable. grôm was the discoverer, the initiator, while bawr was essentially the ruler, concerned to apply all he learned to the extension and securing of his power. it was his realization of grôm's transparent honesty and indifference to power which made him so free from jealousy of grôm's prestige. his shrewd perceptions told him that grôm would far rather see him rule the tribe, so long as he ruled it effectually, than be troubled with the task himself. but there were others in the tribe whom he suspected of being less disinterested--who were capable of becoming troublesome if ever he should find his strength failing. one of these, in particular, a gigantic, black-browed fellow by the name of ne-boo, remotely akin to the deserter mawg, was now watching him with eyes more keen and considerate than those of his companions. as bawr became conscious of this inquiring, crafty gaze, he made a slip, and closed his left hand on a portion of his branch which was still glowing red. with superb nerve he gave no sign of the hurt. and he thought quickly: he had taken a liberty with the bright one, and been bitten by those mysterious, shining teeth which left a scar of black. well, someone else should be bitten, also. calmly heating the branch again till it was a live coal for three-quarters of its length, he called the crafty-eyed warrior to him. the man came, uneasy, but full of interest. "take this, and hold it for me," said bawr, and tossed him the red brand. with shrinking hands ne-boo caught it, to drop it instantly with a yell of pain and terror. it fell, scraping his leg, and his foot, and in his fright he threw himself down beside it, begging it not to smite him again. "strange," said bawr, in a voice for all the tribe to hear, "the shining one will not suffer ne-boo to touch him." with the air of a high priest he picked the brand up, and held it again into the flames. and grôm returning at this moment to his side, he commanded in a low voice: "let none but ourselves attend or touch the bright one." grôm, his mind occupied with plans for the settling of the tribe, agreed without asking the reason for this decree. he was thinking about getting the tribe housed in the caves which he had noticed in the steep sides of the valley. he knew well enough that these caves were the houses of the red bear, the saber-tooth and the bone-crushing hyenas, but, as he explained to the chief with thrilling elation, the shining one would drive these monsters out, and teach them to keep their distance. to bawr, who had had some experience in his day with the red bear and the saber-tooth, and who had not yet seen all that these dancing tongues of gold and scarlet could do, the enterprise seemed a formidable one. but he sagaciously reserved his judgment, pondering things that he felt sure grôm would not dream of. that night, when all was thick darkness beyond the magic circle of the fires, the people of the little hills sat or crouched trembling and wondering, while monstrous dim shapes of such bears or tigers as they had never imagined in their worst nightmares prowled roaring all about them, held off by nothing more substantial than just those thin and darting tongues of flame. that the little, bright things could bite terribly they had evidence enough, both in the charred and corroded wood which the flames had licked, and in the angry wounds of ne-boo. at the same time they saw their chief and grôm apparently handling the terror with impunity, and the girl a-ya approaching it and serving it freely, though always with bowed head and every mark of awe. but what made the deepest, the most ineffaceable impression on the minds of the tribe was to see grôm and the chief, each waving a pair of dead branches all aflame, charge at a pair of giant saber-tooths who had ventured too near, and drive them scurrying like frightened sheep into the bush. repeating the tactics which he had previously found so effective, grôm hurled one of his flaming weapons after the fugitives--an example which the chief, not to be outshone, followed instantly. the result was startling. the brands chanced to fall where there was a great accumulation of dry wood and twigs and leaves. in a moment, as it seemed, the flames had leapt up into full fury, and were chasing the fugitives up the valley with a roar. in the sudden great glare could be seen saber-tooths stretching out in panic-stricken flight, burly red bear fleeing with their awkward but deadly swift gallop, huge hyenas scattering to this side and that, and many furtive unknown creatures driven into a blind and howling rout. grôm himself was as thunderstruck as any one at the amazing result of his action, but his quick wits told him to disguise his astonishment, and bear himself as if it were exactly what he had planned. the chief copied his attitude with scrupulous precision and unfailing nerve, though quite prepared to see the red whirlwind suddenly turn back and blot himself, the audacious grôm, and the whole shuddering tribe from the face of the outraged earth. but no such thing happened. the torrent of flame raged straight up the valley, cutting a path some fifty odd paces in width, and leaving a track of smoldering, winking, red stems and stumps behind it. and all the beasts hid themselves in their terror so that not one of them was seen again that night. as for the people of the little hills, they were now ready to fall down and put dust in their hair in utter abasement, if either grôm or the chief so much as looked at them. soon after sunrise the next day, the chief and grôm, bearing lighted brands, and followed close by a-ya with a bundle of dry faggots, twigs and grass, took possession of two great caves on the southward-facing slope of the valley. the giant bears which occupied one of them fled ignominiously at the first threat of the flames, having been scorched and thoroughly cowed by the conflagration of the previous night. the other cave had been already vacated by the hyena pack, which had no stomach to face these throwers of flame. before the mouth of each cave, at a safe distance, a fire was lighted--a notice to all the beasts that their rule was at an end. the whole tribe was set to the gathering of a great store of fuel, which was heaped about the mouths of the caves as a shield against the weather. then the people began to settle themselves in their new home, secure in the faith that not even the hordes of the bow-legs, should they chance that way, would have the temerity to face their new and terrible protector. when all was ordered to his satisfaction, the chief called grôm to his side. the two stood apart, and watched the tall figure of a-ya moving from the one fire to the other, and tending them reverently, as one performing a rite. grôm's eyes took on a certain illumination at the sight of her, a look which the chief had never observed in any man's eyes before. but he thought little of it, for his mind was full of other matters. "it is well," said he presently, in a low voice, "that the service and understanding of the bright one should not be allowed to the people, but should be kept strictly to ourselves, and to those whom we shall choose to initiate. i shall appoint the two best men of my own kin, and two others whom you shall select, as servants of the bright one. and i will make a law that the people shall henceforth worship only the bright one, instead of, as heretofore, the thunder, and the wind, and the unknown spirits, which, after all, as far as i can see, have never been able to do much either for or against us. but this bright one is a real god, such as we can be sure of. and you and i shall be his priests. and only we shall be allowed to understand him." "that is good," agreed grôm, whose brain was busy devising other ways of making the wild flames serviceable to man. "but," he went on, "there is a-ya. she knows as much about it as you and i." the chief pondered a moment. "either the girl must die," said he, eyeing grôm's face, "or she must be a priest along with us." "i think she will be a very good priest," said grôm drily, his eyes resting upon her. then the chief, ascending a rock between the two fires, spoke to the people, and decreed as he had said. he told a little about the shining one, just so much as he thought it good for his hearers to know. he declared that the ones he had chosen for the great honor of serving the fires must tend them by turns, night and day, and guard them with their lives; for that, if one or the other should be suffered to die out, some great disaster would assuredly come upon the tribe. "and henceforth," he concluded, "you shall not be called the people of the little hills; for these ridges, indeed, are not such hills as those whose bald and windy tops are keeping the bones of our fathers. but you shall be known and feared greatly by our enemies as 'the children of the shining one,' under whose protection i declare you." chapter v the puller-down of trees on the broken hill-slope overlooking the valley of fire, in the two great caves known as the cave of the bears and the cave of the hyenas, the tribe of the children of the shining one now dwelt secure and began to recover heart. before each cave-mouth, tended night and day, burned the sacred flame, its tongues licked upwards in gold and scarlet with a radiance from which all the tribe, with the sole exceptions of bawr, the chief, and grôm, his right hand and councilor, were wont to avert their eyes in awe whenever they passed it in their comings and goings. only from a distance would they presume to look at the flames directly; and ever as they looked their wonder and their reverence grew. their trust in the protection of the shining one came to have no bounds, for night after night would the great red bears return, prowling in the mysterious gloom just beyond the ring of light, with their dreadful eyes turned fixedly upon their former habitation, only to be driven off ignominiously when grôm rushed at them with a shout and a flaming torch above his head. and night after night would the troops of the hyenas come back, their monstrous-jowled heads swinging low from their mighty shoulders, to sit and howl their devilish laughter above their ancient lair, only to slink off in cowed silence when the chief would hurl a blazing brand among them. when the beasts were thus discomfited and abashed, the boldest of the warriors would go leaping after them and bring down the hindermost with spears. so it came about that presently the great animals knew themselves beaten, and sullenly withdrew to the other side of the hills. it was just this country at the other side of the hills which most appealed to the restless imagination of grôm. within the valley--which widened out, as it receded from its fiery gateway, to enclose league upon league of fertile plain--was good hunting, along with an abundance of roots, fruits and edible herbs. but in grôm's heart burned that spirit of unquenchable expectation which has led the race of man upwards through all obstacles--the urge to find out ever what lies beyond. so the saw-toothed line of these dark, volcanic summits drew him irresistibly, with the promise of unknown wonders hidden behind them. during these few weeks since coming to the valley of the fire, grôm had been tirelessly experimenting with the bright element, trying this kind of fuel and that, one after another, in order to learn what food was most acceptable to it. he learned that certain substances it would devour in raging haste, only to fail and die soon after; or not truly to die, he imagined, but to flee back unseen to its dancing, flickering source at the valley mouth. other substances he found that it would consume slowly, but pertinaciously. while into yet others, such as dry turf and punk, it would eat its way and hide, maintaining therein for a long time a retired but potent existence, ready to leap into radiant life under certain provocation. his invention stimulated by these experiments, he had made himself several hollow tubes of a thick green bark whipped about with thongs, and had stuffed them with that mixture of turf and punk which he found best calculated to hold the furtive seeds of fire alive. with one of these slow torches alight, and several spare ones slung over his shoulders, grôm set out to cross the pointed hills and seek new wonders in the lands beyond. the tall girl, a-ya, went with him. this not being customary in the tribe, they gave reasons. grôm said that he needed the girl because she alone knew how rightly to serve and tend the shining one in combat. it was a good reason, but he was amazed to find in his heart so deep a desire for her that he was ill-content whenever his eyes could not rest upon her. there was no one in the tribe with whom he could discuss this strange emotion, for no one, not even the wise and subtle-minded chief, would have comprehended it--romantic love not yet having come openly to these men of the morning of time. so grôm gave the lesser reason, which all, including himself, could understand. as for the girl, she said that whatever her lord commanded she must needs obey, which she did with a most seemly readiness. but in her heart she knew that if her man had commanded her to stay behind, she would have obeyed only so long as he remained in sight, and would then have followed him. like grôm, the girl carried two flint-headed spears. both wore clumsy but effective slivers of flint, for knives, in their girdles of twisted skin. the girl, besides her weapons, carried a substantial burden of strips of meat dried hard in the sun, in case game should prove scarce or elusive in the land beyond the hills. but when they had got well out of sight of the caves, grôm turned, relieved her of her burdens which, according to tribal conventions, it was her duty to carry for her man, and gave her instead the light but precious tube of fire. as they ascended the ragged slopes, vegetation grew sparse, and when toward nightfall they gained the pass which grôm was making for--a deep cleft between two steep red and purple peaks--the rock beneath their feet was naked but for a low growth of flowering herbs and thorn. the pass was too high for the aloe and mesembryanthemum to flourish, and the lava-bed which floored it was yet too new to have clothed itself in any of the larger mountain-loving trees. here they passed the night, in a shallow niche of rock with a fire before it; and the fire being visible from a long way off, no prowlers cared even to approach it. on the following day they traveled swiftly, but the pass was long. it was near sunset again when at last the rocks fell away to either side, and they saw spread out below their feet the land which they had come to explore. it was a vast, rolling plain, golden-green with rank, cane-like grasses, dotted with innumerable clumps of trees, and laced with full watercourses which lay in spacious loops of blue and silver. here and there lay broad, irregular patches where the grass did not flourish, and these were of vivid emerald-green from some unknown growth. along the horizon to the north sparkled a great water. and half-way down the steep, toward the right, smoked and smouldered a shallow, saucer-shaped crater from whose broken lower rim a purple-brown serpent of comparatively recent lava descended in sluggish curves across the intense green. somewhat to the girl's apprehension, grôm seemed anxious to investigate the smoking crater, but the only practicable path down the mountain led them away from it, so he was content to leave it for another time and another, perhaps less repellent, approach. descending presently into a region of ledges and ravines clothed with dense thickets, they found on every hand traces of the giant bears and the saber-tooth tigers whom they had driven from the caves in the valley of fire. grôm hurriedly whirled the smoldering torch into a flame, and from it lighted a couple of resinous brands, one for himself, and one for a-ya to carry. thus armed, they fearlessly followed the broad trail of bears, which led them very conveniently down the steep. and bear and saber-tooth alike, at sight of the flame thus apparently seeking them out, remembered their recent scorching discomfiture, and slunk off like whipped curs. grôm's immediate object was to make his way straight to the shores of that great water, whose gleaming on the horizon had been like an invitation to his inquiring spirit. but when early in the forenoon of the fourth day they reached the lowlands, he found that his way would be anything but straight. the immense grasses, a species of cane, grew so tall, so dense and so thick in the stem, that it was impossible to force a path through them just where he would. he saw that he must use the trails of the wild beasts, which intersected it in all directions. there were the tracks of every animal he knew--the hunters and the hunted alike--and of many more which he did not know. but one broad trail in particular arrested his attention. it struck such fear to the heart of the girl, whose eyes were keen and understanding, that her knees trembled beneath her, and had she dared she would have begged grôm to turn back from a land which held such monsters. even grôm himself felt a thrill of awe as he stared at the trail which bespoke so mighty a traveler. wherever it led, the sturdiest growths were crushed flat as if some huge bowlder from the mountains had been rolled over them. and the monster footprints, which here and there stamped themselves clearly in the trail, were thrice the size of those of the hugest mammoth. grôm stooped and studied these footprints, pondering them with knit brows. what manner of giant it might be which moved on such colossal and misshapen members it was beyond his wits to guess. but of a surety it was a fine roadmaker! with a confident arrogance born of the knowledge that he was the lord of fire, he deliberately chose to pursue this dreadful trail. and the girl, hiding her terror lest it should diminish her credit in his sight, followed close at his elbow, her bright eyes tirelessly searching the jungle on either side. suddenly behind them came a confused, terrifying noise of panting breaths and trampling feet. it came sweeping down the broad trail. there were grunting cries, also; and grôm understood at once that a herd of pig-tapirs--heavy-footed, timorous beasts, as tall as heifers--were sweeping down upon them in mad flight before some unknown pursuer. against that blind panic, that headlong frantic rush, he knew that blazing brands would avail nothing. he clutched the girl by the hand. "come!" he ordered. and they fled side by side down the trail. it was in their minds to climb the first suitable tree they should come to, and let the rout go by. in half a minute or so, over the tops of the giant grasses, they sighted such a tree, only a few hundred yards ahead. the trail, swerving opportunely, appeared to lead directly towards its foot, and they raced on, the girl now laughing softly with excitement, and forgetting her fear of the unknown because of the known peril behind her. it pleased her curiously to find that her man had not grown too divine to be ready to run away on fitting occasion; and she kept glancing at him from under her dark tangle of hair with eyes of passionate possession. the wild uproar behind was drawing nearer swiftly, but the refuge was now not more than fifty paces ahead. all at once the way to it was barred. out from a little side-track on the right came lumbering a gigantic rhinoceros, his creased and folded hide clothed in matted brown wool and caked with clay. he swung round into the trail, almost blocking it with his bulk, stared for a couple of seconds with evil little eyes at the two slim beings before him, then lowered the huge double horn that armed his snout, and charged at them with a grunt of fury. caught thus fairly between the devil before, and the deep sea of trampling hoofs behind, grôm had no choice. a second's waving of the lighted brands convinced him that the rhinoceros was too dense of brain to fear the fire, or even to notice it. once more clutching the girl's hand, he ran back a little way, seeking to draw the two perils together, and give them an opportunity to distract each other's attention. he ran back till the flying, plunging herd of the pig-tapirs came into full view around the curve of the trail. then, with all his strength, he forced his way into the grass, on the left, shouldering aside the upright stems to make room for the girl to enter. she hurled her blazing brand full into the face of the rhinoceros, hoping to confuse or divert him for an instant, then thrust herself lithely in past grôm. the rhinoceros was diverted for an instant. the smoke and sparks half blinded him, and in a paroxysm of fury he checked himself to trample the strange assailant under foot. then he thundered forward. but the tough stems of the grass had closed up again. the two fugitives were hidden. he saw the packed herd of the tapirs bearing down upon him; and, forgetting the insignificant creatures who had first roused his anger, he charged forward at full speed to meet this new foe. realizing well enough that in three or four seconds more the crash would come, and that the struggle between the rhinoceros and the maddened herd would be little short of a cataclysm, grôm and the girl struggled breathlessly to force themselves to a safe distance lest they should be crushed in the mêlée. the sweat ran down into their eyes, and swarms of tiny insects, breeding in the giant stems, choked their throats and nostrils; but they wrestled their way onward blindly, foot by foot. behind them, out in the trail, came a ponderous crash, and, then an appalling explosion of squeals, screams, grunts and roars. the next instant the rigid stems gave way suddenly before them, and they fell forward, with a startled cry from the girl, into a deep and sunless water. they came up, spluttering and choking; but as soon as she could catch breath the girl laughed, whereupon the grimness of grôm's face relaxed. the water was a deep creek, perfectly overshadowed and hidden by the rank growth along its banks. but just opposite was the tree whose refuge they had been trying to gain. they swam across in half-a-dozen strokes, and drew themselves ashore, and shook themselves like a pair of retrievers. through all the flight, the fierce effort among the grass-stems, and the unexpected ducking, they had kept tenacious hold of every one of their treasures. but--their fire was out! the brand was black; the precious tube, with the seeds of fire lurking at its heart, was drenched, saturated and lifeless. for a moment or two grôm looked into the girl's eyes steadily, conveying to her without a word the whole tremendous significance of their loss. the girl responded, after a second's dismay, with a look of trust and adoration which brought a rush of warmth to grôm's heart. he smiled proudly, and shook his club as if to reassure himself. then, climbing hurriedly into the tree, they stared back over the plumed tops of the grasses. the sight that met their eyes was not one for weak nerves. the spot in the grass which they had just escaped from was a shambles. the foremost of the panic-stricken pig-tapirs, met by the charge of the rhinoceros, had been ripped and split by the rooting of his double horn, and hurled to either side as if by some titanic plough. a couple more had been trampled down and crushed before his charge was stayed by the irresistible pressure of the surging, squealing mass. there he had stood fast, like a jagged promontory in the surges, tossing his mighty head and thrusting hideously, while the rest of the herd passed on, either scrambling clean over him or breaking down the canes and pouring around on either side. of those that passed over him about one in every three or four got ripped by the tossing horn, and went staggering forward a few paces, only to fall and be trodden out by their fellows. close behind the last of the squealing fugitives came the cause of their panic--two immense black lions, who had apparently been playing with their prey like cats. when they came face to face with the rhinoceros where he stood among his victims, shaking the blood from horn and head and shoulder, they stopped abruptly. together, perhaps, they would have been a match for him. but theirs was a far higher intelligence than his. they knew the almost impenetrable toughness of his hide, his berserk rage, his imperviousness to reasonable fear; and they had no care to engage themselves without cause in so uncertain and unprofitable a combat. with a roar that rolled in thunder over the plain and seemed to set the very tree-tops quivering, they leaped lazily aside and went off in enormous bounds through the grass, circling about as if to intercept, in sheer wantonness of slaughter, the remnants of the fleeing herd. at the sight grôm frowned anxiously, thinking how helpless he and the girl would be against such foes, now that they no longer had the shining one to protect them. squealing to split the ears, the pig-tapirs came galloping past the tree, making for a piece of water some furlongs further on, where doubtless they hoped to evade both the lion and the rhinoceros. but they had yet another adversary to reckon with. just past the tree, at a thicket of immense scarlet poinsettias, the trail curved sharply. from behind the poinsettias arose a gigantic shape unlike anything that grôm had ever dreamed of. and he knew that the maker of the mysterious trail and those tremendous footprints was before him. with a trumpeting bray of indignation the monster sat upright on hind-quarters far more ponderous than those of a mammoth. its tail, as thick at the base as the body of a bear, helped to support it, while its clumsy frame towered to a height of eighteen or twenty feet. its hind legs were very short, thick like tree-trunks, grotesquely bowed; and its thighs like buttresses. its fore legs were more arms than legs, of startling length and massive strength, draped in long, stiff hair, and terminated by colossal hands with immense hooked claws for fingers. the whole body was clothed with rusty hair of an amazing coarseness, like matting fiber. the vast head, flat on top and prolonged to a snout that was almost a proboscis, had the look of being deformed by reason of its fantastically exaggerated jowl, or lower jaw. this terrifying monster thrust out a narrow pink tongue, some three or four feet in length, stooped and turned, and gave a hurried look at something crouching behind its mighty thighs. "its baby!" muttered the girl, with a little indrawn breath of sympathy. then the strange being sat up again to meet and ward off the rush of the maddened pig-tapirs. for a moment it beat off the assault, seizing the frantic beasts and hurling them this way and that as if they had been so many rabbits. then it was completely surrounded by the reeking squealing bleeding horde, which paid no more personal attention to it than if it had been a mass of rock. they rolled over the little one, unheeding, and trod it flat. its death cry split the air; and at that sound the mother seemed to sink down into her haunches. in her agony of rage and grief she literally tore some of her assailants in halves, throwing the awful fragments impatiently from her in order to lose no time in seizing a new victim. a few seconds more and the rush was past; and presently the mad rout was hurling itself with a tremendous splashing into the water. the monster looked around for more victims--and was just in time to see the hideous vision of the rhinoceros charging down upon her. triumphant from the encounter with the lions, he rushed back to slake his still unsatisfied fury on the pig-tapirs. at any other time he would have given such an antagonist as the colossal megatherium a wide berth; but just now he was in one of his madnesses. his furious little swinish eyes blinking through the blood which dripped over them, he hurled himself straight onward. his horn was plunged into the monster's paunch; but at the same time one of those gigantic armed hands fell irresistibly on his neck, shattering the vertebræ through all their deep protection of hide and muscle. he collapsed with an explosive grunt; and the giant hands tossed him aside. it was a frightful wound which the monster had received, but for a few moments she paid no attention to it, being occupied in licking the trampled body of her young one with that amazing tongue of hers. at length, apparently convinced that the little one was quite dead, she brayed again piteously, dropping forward upon all fours, and made off slowly down the trail, walking with grotesque awkwardness on the sides of her feet. for two or three hundred yards she kept on, drawing a wake of crimson behind her; and then, apparently exhausted by her wound, she turned off among the canes, and lay down, close beside the trail, but effectively screened from it. from their place in the tree grôm and the girl had followed breathlessly these astounding encounters. at last grôm spoke: "this is a country of very great beasts," he remarked, with the air of one announcing a discovery. as a-ya showed no inclination whatever to dissent from this statement, he presently went on to his conclusion, leaving her to infer his minor premise. "we must go back and recover the shining one. it is not well for us to go on without him." "yes," agreed the girl eagerly. for all her courage and passionate trust in her man, the sight of those black lions bounding over the tops of the towering grasses had somewhat shaken her nerve. she feared no beasts but the swiftest, and those which might leap into the lower branches of the trees. "yes!" she repeated. "let us go back for the shining one, lest he be angry at us for having put him in the water." "but for yet a day more we will stay here in this tree, and rest and sleep in safety," continued grôm, "that we may travel the more swiftly, till we get beyond the grasses." then, climbing higher into the tree, he proceeded to build a platform and roof of interlaced branches for their temporary home. in this task the girl did not help him, because of the great muscular strength which it required. she lay in a crotch, her hairy but long and shapely legs coiled under her like a leopard's, now gazing at her man with ardent eyes, now staring out apprehensively across the sun-drenched, perilous landscape. suddenly she gave a cry of amazement, and pointed excitedly down the trail. beyond the water wherein the pig-tapirs had found refuge, beyond the lurking-place of the wounded megatherium, came three men, running desperately. shading his eyes, grôm made out that they were nearly exhausted. they were clearly men of the type of his own tribe, light-skinned and well shaped; and the leader, who carried a long club, was a man of stature equal to his own. grôm's sympathies went out to them, and his impulse was to hasten to their assistance. glancing further along the trail to learn the cause of their headlong flight, he saw two black lions in pursuit, probably the same two which had been driving the pig-tapirs a couple of hours earlier. they were coming on at such a pace that grôm feared the weary fugitives would be overtaken before they could reach the tree of refuge. instinctively he started to climb down. but, his eyes falling upon the girl, he remembered that he had no right to enter upon a venture so utterly hopeless while he had her to take care of. his eager clutch upon his spear relaxed. "they are spent. they'll never get here!" he muttered anxiously. "no!" said a-ya, with blank unconcern. "the lions will get them. it's mawg, and his two cousins." grôm growled an exclamation of astonishment. the girl's eyes--or her intuitions--were keener than his. but he saw at a second glance that she was right. at this moment mawg, running a few paces in advance by reason of his superior speed and stamina, passed the spot where the wounded megatherium lay hidden. the monster lifted her dreadful head. the next second the other two arrived, running elbow to elbow, with drooped shoulders of exhaustion. through the screen of canes a gigantic hand shot out above their heads and came down upon them, crushing the two together. they had not time for outcry; but it was clear that some sound caught the leader's ears, for he glanced back over his shoulder. he was near enough now for the keen-eyed watchers in the tree to see his face change with horror. he ran on without a pause, but now with fresh speed, as if the sight had shocked him into new vigor. seeing that there was, after all, a good prospect of his reaching the tree in time, grôm swung down to be ready to help him up. as he did so he saw the two lions approach the hiding-place of the monster. the vast, clawed hand still lay there on the two crushed bodies in the middle of the trail. the lions saw it, and they checked themselves at a safe distance. they knew that just behind the grass-screen lurked another such shaggy and monstrous member, waiting to rend them as they would rend an antelope. they shrank, and drew back, snarling angrily. it is possible they feared lest the screen on either side of the trail might conceal more than one of the monsters; for they sprang far aside as if to make a wide circuit of the perilous spot. "there's plenty of time!" muttered grôm, and dropped upon his feet in the middle of the trail. the girl came in mad haste after him, but at his sharp command "stay there!" she contented herself with slipping out upon the lowest branch, just over his head, and holding her spear ready. "kill him!" she cried. but grôm seemed not to hear. staggering, and half blind with exhaustion mawg was within twenty paces before he noticed who was confronting him. then his dull eyes blazed. with a snarl of fury he hurled his club straight at grôm's face, missing him only by a hand's-breadth. but the effort, and the disappointment at finding himself thus balked, as he imagined, on the very threshold of escape, seemed to finish him. he stumbled on with groping hands outstretched, and fell just at grôm's feet. grôm hesitated, wondering how he could get this inert weight up into the tree. the girl did not understand his hesitation. "kill him!" she hissed, leaning down eagerly from her branch overhead. "no, he's a great warrior, and the tribe needs him," answered grôm, stooping to shake the prostrate form. mawg stirred, beginning to recover. grôm shook him again. "up into the tree, quick!" he ordered in a loud, sharp voice. "the lions are coming." mawg roused himself, sat up, and stared with a look of bewilderment changing swiftly into hate. "up!" shouted grôm again. "the tree. they're coming!" at this the fellow growled, but sprang up as if he had been jabbed with a spear, and clambered into the tree as nimbly as a monkey. grôm followed, quickly but coolly. a-ya, who had waited with her eyes watchfully on mawg, stepped close to grôm's side; and all three swung upwards into the higher branches as the two lions arrived beneath. glaring up into the tree with shrewd, malevolent eyes, the great beasts realized that, for the present at least, the tree man-creatures were quite out of reach. lashing their tufted tails in disappointment, they turned aside to sniff, in surly scorn, at the dead, mountainous hulk of the rhinoceros, which lay with one ponderous foot stuck up in the air as if in clumsy protest at fate. comprehending readily the manner of its death, they came back and lay down under the tree, and fell to gnawing lazily at the body of one of the pig-tapirs which the megatherium had torn in two. they had the air of intending to stay some time, so grôm presently turned his attention to his rescued rival. mawg was sitting on the next branch, a good spear's length distant, and glowering at a-ya's lithe shapeliness with eyes of savage greed. grôm knit his brows, and significantly passed an arm about the girl's shoulders. mawg shifted his attention to him. "what do you want of me?" he demanded, in a thick, guttural voice. "i thought you ran as if you did not want the lions to eat you," answered grôm. mawg stared with a stupid brutality and incomprehension; and the eyes of the two men, meeting fairly, seemed to lock in a duel of personalities. they presented a significant contrast. both, physically, superb specimens of their race--the highest then evolved upon the youthful earth--the elder man, in his ample forehead and calm, reasoning eyes, displayed all the promise of the future; while the youth, low skulled and with his dull but pugnacious eyes set under enormous bony brows, suggested the mere brute from which the race had mounted. his hair was shorter and coarser than grôm's, and foully matted; and his neck was set very far forward between his powerful but lumpy shoulders. the color of his coarse and furrowed skin was so dark as to make the weathered tan of grôm and a-ya look white by contrast. in no way lacking courage, but failing in will and steadiness, in a dozen seconds mawg involuntarily shifted his gaze, and looked down at the lions. "what do you want of me?" he demanded again, as if he had had no answer before. "the tribe has too few warriors left. i will take you back to the tribe!" replied grôm with authority. mawg curled back his thick lips from his great yellow dog-teeth in a snarling laugh of incredulity. "you want to kill me!" said he, nodding his head. grôm stared at him for a moment or two with a look of fatigued contempt, then tore off a substantial strip of dried flesh from the bundle hanging on the branch, and tossed it to him. the fellow snatched it, and hid it behind him, being too hungry to refuse it, but too savage to eat it under his captor's eye. grôm smiled slowly, and fell to playing with a heavy strand of a-ya's hair which had fallen over his arm. but to this caress the girl paid no attention. she was puzzled and outraged at grôm's action in protecting his rival. her nostrils dilated, and a red spot glowed angrily under each cheek-bone. suddenly from down the trail came a noise of cracking grass-stems. the two lions got up from their meal, and turned their heads inquiringly toward the sound. the next moment they went stalking off the opposite way with an air of haughty indignation, ignoring all the bodies of the slain pig-tapirs. when they had rounded the first turn in the trail they leaped into the grass, and went bounding off in a straight line toward a large patch of wood some miles distant. the wounded megatherium was returning. perhaps stung into restlessness by the anguish of that rending thrust, the monster came dragging herself back toward the tree, crawling on the sides of her feet. arriving at the scene of battle, she sniffed once more at her mangled young one, and brayed piteously over it. then turning in an explosive fury upon the body of the rhinoceros, began to tear it limb from limb as one might pull apart a roast pigeon. while thus occupied, she chanced to turn her eyes upon the tree, and caught sight of the three figures looking down upon her. on the instant her rage was diverted to them. braying like a steam siren, she came under the tree, reared herself against it, flung her giant arms about it, and strove to pull it down. the tree rocked as if struck by a tornado; and mawg, who had been too slow to notice what was about to happen, gave a yell of horror as he barely saved himself from falling. the girl laughed, whereupon he shot her a menacing look which so enraged her that she raised her spear as if to transfix him. but there was too much happening below for her attention to remain on mawg. finding the tree quite too sturdy to be pulled down off-hand, the monster gripped the lowest main branch, a limb eight or ten inches through, and with one wrench peeled it down like a stalk of celery. her first effort, upon the main trunk, had set the blood once more pumping from her wound, but she paid no attention to it. reaching to the next great branch, she ripped that one down also, taking another great strip from the main trunk. grôm saw that her purpose obviously was to pull the tree to pieces bit by bit, in order to get at her intended victims. mawg apparently saw this also, and it was too much for him. gripping his strip of dried meat between his teeth, he slipped around the trunk till he was sheltered from the monster's sight, dropped to a branch which stretched far over the water, ran out along it nimbly as an ape, and dived. the monster, her eyes fixed upon the two remaining in the tree, never noticed his escape. mawg swam the creek, thrust his way through the grass-stems, darted back to snatch up his club, shook it at grôm, and, yelling an obscene taunt, raced off to seek himself another retreat before nightfall. neither grôm nor a-ya had any heed to spare him at that moment. the monster had just torn down a limb so huge that the main trunk was almost split in half by its loss. grôm saw that unless he could stop this process of destruction, in a few moments more the tree would be overthrown. the monster was just rearing herself to clutch the next great bough. spear in hand, grôm slipped down to meet her, and halted on a branch just out of reach. the monster brayed vindictively, stretched to her full height, and then shot forth her tremendous muscular red coil of tongue, thinking evidently to lick down her insignificant adversary from his perch. she was within an inch of succeeding. grôm just eluded the strange attack by stepping aside nimbly; and quick as thought a-ya's spear slashed the dreadful red tongue as it reached flickering after her lord's ankles. the next moment, seeing the monster's throat upstretched and unguarded, grôm drove his spear full force, straight into the soft hollow of it. the weapon sank into a depth of perhaps three feet, till the ragged flint lodged in the vertebræ of the monster's neck. then the shaft was wrenched violently from his hand; and the monster, blowing blood and foam from mouth and nostrils, fell with a crash among the litter of great branches which she had pulled down. grôm drew a deep breath of relief, and commended the girl for her timely and effective stroke at that terrible tongue. then he set himself coolly to the task of completing their shelter for the night. as he wove leafy branches into the floor of the platform to make it soft, she contemplated his work with satisfaction. presently he remarked: "i'm glad we are rid of that mawg." "you should have killed him!" said the girl curtly. "but why?" demanded grôm, in some surprise. in his eyes the fellow was a valuable piece of property belonging to the tribe, a fighting asset. "he wants _me_!" answered the girl, meeting his eyes resentfully. grôm let his eyes roam all over her--face, hair and form--and such a look of passionate admiration glowed in their steady depths that her anger faded, her own eyes dropped, and her breast gave a happy, incomprehensible flutter. she had never seen such a look in any man's face before, or even dreamed of such a look as possible. "of course, he wants you," said grôm, wondering, as he spoke, at the ring of his own voice. "you are the fairest thing, and the most desirable, on earth. all men whose eyes come to rest on you must want you. but none shall have you, ever, for you are mine, and none shall tear you from me." and at that the girl forgot her anger, and forgave him for having neglected to kill mawg. that night sleep was impossible for them, though their lofty shelter was comfortable and secure. a vast orange moon, near the full, illuminated the spacious landscape; and beneath the tree came all the giant night-prowlers, gathering to the unparallelled banquet which the day had spread for them. only the two black lions, perhaps already glutted, did not come. wolves, a small pack of self-disciplined wild dogs, a troop of hyenas, and several enormous leopards, howled, snarled and wrangled in knots over the widely scattered carcases, each group watching its neighbors with suspicion and deadly animosity. a gigantic red bear came lumbering up, and all the lesser prowlers scattered discreetly but resentfully before him. he strode straight to the chief place, under the rent, dishevelled tree, and fell to tearing at the mountainous corpse of the megatherium. he was undisturbed till two saber-tooths arrived, their tawny coats spectral in the moonlight, their foot-long tusks giving their broad masks a dreadful grin. before one saber-tooth the bear would have stood his ground scornfully; but before the two he thought it best to defer. slowly, and with a thunderous grumbling, he moved over to the body of the rhinoceros, pretending that he preferred it. the air was split and battered with the clamor of raving voices. other saber-tooths came, and then another bear. there were swift, sudden battles, as swiftly dropped because neither combatant wished to fight to a finish when there was feasting so abundant for all. and once a leopard, dodging the paw of a saber-tooth, sprang into the tree, only to fall back howling from the spears thrust at him through the floor of grôm's platform. just before dawn the girl slept, while grôm kept watch beside her lest another leopard should fancy to explore their refuge. an hour later, when the first pallor was spreading, she awoke with a cry of fear, and clung to grôm's arm, shuddering strongly. "but--what is it?" he asked, in a tender voice, stroking her heavy mane. "i was afraid!" she answered, like a child. "what were you afraid of?" asked grôm. "i was afraid of mawg. i _am_ afraid of him!" she answered, sitting up and shaking the hair from her eyes, and staring out fearfully over the gray transparent plains. "why should you fear mawg?" demanded grôm proudly. "am not i your man? and am not i always with you? many such mad brutes as mawg could not take you from me." "i know," answered the girl, "that he and such as he would be as straws in my lord's hands. but--even grôm must sometimes sleep!" grôm laughed gently at her forebodings. "he must sleep now, indeed, for we have a long and perilous journey before us," said he. laying his great shaggy head in her lap, and stretching his limbs as far as the tiny platform would allow he was asleep in two seconds. the girl, stooping forward till her rich hair shadowed the rugged, sleeping face, with its calm brows, pondered deeply over his inexplicable forbearance toward his rival. her instincts all assured her that it was dangerous; but something else within her, something which she strove in vain to grasp, suggested to her that in some way it was noble, and made her glad of it. then, all at once, the first of the sunrise, flooding into the tree-top, bathed her face with a rosy glow, and wonderfully transfigured it. chapter vi the battle of the brands i now for two years had the remnants of the tribe been settled in the valley of fire. they had prospered exceedingly. the caves were swarming with strong children; for at the chief's orders every warrior had taken to himself either two or three wives, so that none of the widows had been left unmated. grôm alone remained with but one wife, although his position in the tribe, second only to that of bawr himself, would have entitled him to as many as he might choose. singularly happy with the girl a-ya, grôm had been unwilling to receive other women into their little grotto, which branched off from the high arched entrance of the main cave. he might, however, have yielded, from policy and for the sake of the tribe, to pressure from the chief, but for a look of startled anguish which he had seen leap into a-ya's eyes when he mentioned the matter to her. this had surprised him at the moment, but it had also thrilled him curiously. and as the girl made no objection to a step so absolutely in accordance with the tribal customs, grôm thought about it a good deal. a few days later he excused himself to the chief, saying that other women in his cave would be a nuisance, and would interfere with those studies of the shining one which had proved so beneficial to the tribe. bawr had accepted the excuse, though somewhat perplexed by it, and had accommodatingly taken the extra wives himself--a solution which had seemed to meet with the unqualified approval of a-ya. the first winter in the valley of fire had been a wonderful one to the tribe, thanks to the fierce but beneficent element ever shining, dancing and whispering in its mysterious tongue before the cave doors. bleak winds and driving, icy rains out of the north had no longer any power to distress them. but when the storm was violent, with drenching and persistent rain, then it was found necessary to feed the fires before the cave-mouths lavishly with dry fuel from the stores which grôm's forethought had caused to be accumulated under shelter. these contests between fire and rain were sagaciously represented by bawr (who had by now to his authority as chief added the subtle sanctions of high priest) as the fight of the shining one in protection of the tribe, his children. on more than one occasion of torrential downpour the struggle had almost seemed to hang for a while in doubt. but the shining one lost no prestige, thereby, for always, down there across the valley-mouth, kept leaping and dancing those unquenchable flames of scarlet, amber and violet, fed by the volcanic gases from within the crevice, and utterly regardless of whatever floods the sky might loose upon them. this was evidence conclusive that the shining one was master of the storm, no less than of the monsters which fled so terror-stricken before him. in the early spring, the girl a-ya bore a child to grôm; a big-limbed, vigorous boy, with shapely head and spacious brow. in this event, and in the mother's happiness about it (a happiness that seemed to the rest of the women to savor of foolish extravagance), grôm felt a gladness which dignity forbade him to betray. but pondering over the little one with bent brows, and with deep eyes full of visions, he conceived such an ambition as had perhaps never before entered into the heart of man. it was that this child might grow up to achieve some wonderful thing, as he himself had done, for the advancement of his people. of this baby, child of the woman toward whom he felt emotions so new and so profound, he had a premonition that new and incalculable things would come. one day grôm was following the trail of a deer some distance up the valley. skilled hunter that he was, he could read in the trail that his quarry was not far ahead, and also that it had not yet taken alarm. he followed cautiously, up the wind, noiseless as a leopard, his sagacious eyes taking note of every detail about him. presently he came to a spot where the trail was broken. there was a twenty-foot gap to the next hoofprints, and these went off at right angles to the direction which the quarry had hitherto been pursuing. grôm halted abruptly, slipped behind a tree, crouched, and peered about him with the tense vigilance of a startled fox. he knew that something had frightened the deer, and frightened it badly. it behooved him to find out what that something was. for some minutes he stood motionless as the trunk against which he leant, searching every bush and thicket with his keen gaze, and sniffing the air with expert nostrils. there was nothing perceptible to explain that sudden fright of the deer. he was on the point of slipping around the trunk to investigate from another angle. but stop! there on a patch of soil where some bear had been grubbing for tubers he detected a strange footprint. instantly, he sank to the ground, and wormed his way over, silently as a snake, to examine it. it was a human footprint, but much larger than his own, or those of his tribe; and grôm's beard, and the stiff hairs on the nape of his corded neck, bristled with hostility at the sight of it. the toes of this portentous print were immensely long and muscular, the heel protruded grotesquely far behind the arch of the foot, which was low and flat. the pressure was very marked along all the outer edge, as if the author of the print had walked on the outer sides of his feet. to grôm, who was an adept in the signs of the trail, it needed no second look to be informed that one of the bow-legs had been here. and the trail was not five minutes old. grôm slipped under the nearest bushes, and writhed forward with amazing speed in the direction indicated by the strange footprint, pausing every other second to look, sniff the air, and listen. the trail was as clear as daylight to him. suddenly he heard voices, several of them, guttural and squealing, and stopped again as if turned to stone. then another voice, at which he started in amazement. it was mawg's, speaking quietly and confidentially. mawg, then, had gone over to the bow-legs! grôm's forehead wrinkled. a-ya had been right. he ought to have killed the traitor. he writhed himself into a dense covert, and presently, over the broken brink of a vine-draped ledge, was able to command a view of the speakers. they were five in number, and grouped almost immediately below him. four were of the bow-legs, squat, huge in the shoulder, long-armed, flat-skulled, of a yellowish clay color, with protruding jaws, and gaping, pit-like, upturned nostrils to their wide, bridgeless noses. grôm's own nose wrinkled in disgust as the sour taint of them breathed up to him. they were all armed with spears and stone-headed clubs, such as their people had been unacquainted with up to the time of their attack upon the tribe of the little hills. it was apparent to grôm that the renegade mawg, who towered among them arrogantly, had been teaching them what he knew of effective weapons. having no remotest comprehension of the language of the bow-legs--which mawg was speaking with them--grôm could get little clue to the drift of their talk. they gesticulated frequently toward the east, and then again toward the caves at the valley-mouth, so grôm guessed readily enough that they were planning something against his people. it was clear, also, that this was but a little scouting party which the renegade had led in to spy upon the weakness of the tribe. this was as far as he could premise with any certainty. the obvious conclusion was that these spies would return to their own country, to lead back such an invasion as should blot the children of the shining one out of existence. grôm was quick to realize that to listen any longer was to waste invaluable time. all that it was possible for him to learn, he had learned. writhing softly back till he had gained what he considered a safe distance from the spies, he rose to his feet and ran, at first noiselessly, and crouching as he went, then at the top of that speed for which he was famous in the tribe. reaching the caves, he laid the matter hurriedly before the chief, and within five minutes they were leading a dozen warriors up the trail. besides their customary weapons, both grôm and the chief carried fire-sticks, tubes of thick, green bark, tied round with a raw hide, filled with smouldering punk, and perforated with a number of holes toward the upper end. this was one of grôm's inventions, of proved efficacy against saber-tooth and bear. by cramming a handful of dry fiber and twigs into the mouth of the tube, and then whirling it around his head, he was able to obtain a sudden and most unexpected burst of flame which no beast ever dared to face, and which never failed to compel the awe and wonder of his followers. like shadows the little band went gliding in single file through the thickets and under the drooping branches, their passage marked only by the occasional upspringing of a startled bird or the frightened crashing flight of some timorous beast surprised by their swift and noiseless approach. arriving near the hollow under the ledge, they sank flat and wormed their way forward like weasels till they had gained the post of observation behind the vine-clad rock. but the strangers had vanished. an examination of their footprints showed that they had fled in haste; and to grôm's chagrin it looked as if he had himself given them the alarm. the problem was solved in a few minutes by the discovery that mawg--easily detected by his finer footprints--had scaled the ledge and come upon the place where grôm had lain hidden to watch them. seeing that they were discovered, and that their discoverer had evidently gone to arouse the tribe, they had realized that, the bow-legs being slow runners, their only hope lay in instant flight. from the direction which they had taken it was evident that they were fleeing back to their own country. the chief ordered instant pursuit. to this grôm demurred, not only because the fugitives had obtained such a start--as was shown by the state of the trail--but because he dreaded to leave the caves so long unguarded. he foresaw the possibility of another band of invaders surprising the caves during the absence of this most efficient fighting force. but the chief overruled him. for several hours was the pursuit kept up; and from the trail it appeared, not only that mawg was leading his followers cleverly, but also that the bow-legs were making no mean speed. the pursuers were come by now to near the head of the valley, a region with which they were little familiar. it was a broken country and well fitted for ambuscade, where a lesser force, well posted and driven to bay, might well secure a deadly advantage. the tribe was too weak to risk its few fighting men in any uncertain contest; and the chief, yielding slowly to grôm's arguments, was on the point of giving the order to turn back, when a harsh scream of terror from just ahead, beyond a shoulder of rock, brought the line to a halt. waving their followers into concealment on either side of the trail, the chief and grôm stole forward and peered cautiously around the turn. straight before them fell away a steep and rugged slope. midway of the descent, with his back to a rock, crouched one of the bow-legs, battling frantically with his club to keep off the attack of a pair of leopards. the man was kneeling upon one knee, with the other leg trailed awkwardly behind him. it seemed an altogether difficult and disadvantageous position in which to do battle. "the fool!" said bawr. "he doesn't know how to fight a leopard." "he's hurt. his leg is broken!" said grôm. and straightway, a novel purpose flashing into his far-seeing brain, he ran leaping down the slope to the rescue, waving his fire-stick to a blaze as he went. the chief looked puzzled for a moment, wondering why the deliberate grôm should trouble to do what it was plain the leopards would do for him most effectually. but he dreaded the chance of an ambuscade. shouting to the men behind to come on, he waved his own fire-stick to a blaze, and followed grôm. one of the leopards had already succeeded in closing in upon the wounded bow-leg; but at the sight of grôm and the chief leaping down upon them they sprang back snarling and scurried off among the thickets like frightened cats. the bow-leg lifted wild eyes to learn the meaning of his deliverance. but when he saw those two tall forms rushing at him with flame and smoke circling about their heads, he gave a groan and fell forward upon his face. grôm stood over him, staring down upon the misshapen and bleeding form with thoughtful eyes; while the chief looked on, striving to fathom his purpose. the warriors came up, shouting savage delight at having at last got one of their dreaded enemies into their hands alive. they would have fallen upon him at once and torn him to pieces. but grôm waved them back sternly. they growled with indignation, and one, sufficiently prominent in the tribal counsels to dare grôm's displeasure, protested hotly against this favor to so venomous a foe. "i demand this fellow, bawr, as my captive!" said grôm. "it was you who took him," answered the chief. "he is yours." he was about to add, "though i can't see what you want of him"; but it was a part of his policy never to seem in doubt or ignorance about anything that another might perhaps know. so, instead, he sternly told his followers to obey the law of the tribe and respect grôm's capture. then grôm stepped close beside him and said at his ear: "many things which we need to know will bawr learn from this fellow presently, as to the dangers which are like to come upon us." at this the chief, being ready of wit, comprehended grôm's purpose; and, to the amazement of his followers, he looked down upon the hideous prisoner with a smile of satisfaction. "well have i called you the chief's right hand," he answered. "i shall also have to call you the chief's wisdom, for in saving this fellow's life you have shown more forethought than i." the captive's wounds having been dressed with astringent herbs, and his broken leg put into splints in accordance with the rude but not ineffective surgery of the time, he was placed on a rough litter of interlaced branches and carried back by the reluctant warriors to the caves. none of the warriors were advanced enough to have understood the policy of their leaders, so no effort was made by either the chief or grôm to explain it. the chief, doubly secure in his dominance by reason of grôm's loyal support, cared little whether his followers were content or not, and he took no heed of their ill-humor so long as they did not allow it to become articulate. but when, after an hour's sullen tramping, they suddenly grew merry at their task, and fell to marching with a child-like cheer under their repulsive and groaning burden, he was surprised, and made inquiry as to the reason for this sudden complaisance. it turned out that one of the warriors, accounted more discerning than his fellows, had suggested that the captive was to be nursed back to health in order that he might be made an acceptable sacrifice to the shining one. as this notion seemed to meet with such hearty approval, the wise chief did not think it worth while to cast any doubt upon it. in fact, as he thought, such a solution might very well arrive, in the end, in case grôm's design should fail to come up to his expectations. to the presence of the hideous and repulsive stranger in her dwelling, a-ya, as was natural, raised warm objection. but when grôm had explained his purpose to her, and the imminence of the peril that threatened, she yielded readily enough, the dread of mawg being yet vivid in her imagination. she lent herself cheerfully to the duty of caring for the captive's wounds and of helping grôm to teach him the simple speech of the tribe. as for the captive, for some days he was possessed by a morose anticipation of being brained at any moment--an anticipation, however, which did not seem to interfere with his appetite. he would clutch eagerly all the food offered him, and crouch, huddled over it, with his face to the rock-wall, while he devoured it with frantic haste and bestial noises. but as he found himself treated with invariable kindness, he began to develop an anxious gratitude and docility. on a-ya's tall form his little round eyes, shy and fierce at the same time, came to rest with an adoring awe. the smell of him being extremely offensive to all this cleanly tribe, and especially to a-ya and grôm, who were more fastidious than their fellows, a-ya had taken advantage of her office as priestess of the shining one to establish a little fire within the precincts of her own dwelling, and by the judicious use of aromatic barks upon the blaze she was able to scent the place to her taste. and the bow-leg, seeing her mastery of the mysterious and dreadful scarlet tongues which licked upwards from the hollow on their rocky pedestal, regarded her less as a woman than as a goddess--a being who, for her own unknown reasons, chose to be beneficent toward him, but who plainly could become destructive if he should in any way transgress. toward grôm--who regarded him altogether impersonally as a means to an end, a pawn to be played prudently in a game of vast import--his attitude was that of the submitted slave, his fate lying in the hollow of his master's hand. toward the rest of the tribe--who, till their curiosity was sated, kept crowding in to stare and jeer and curse--he displayed the savage fear and hate of a lynx at bay. but the babe on a-ya's arm seemed to him something peculiarly precious. it was not only the son of grôm, his grave and distant master, but also of that wonderful, beautiful, enigmatic deity, his mistress, the fashioner and controller of the flames. the adoration which soon grew up in his heart for a-ya's beauty, but which his awe of her did not suffer him even to realize to himself, was turned upon the babe, and speedily took the form of a passionate and dog-like devotion. a-ya, with her mother instinct, was quick to understand this, and also to realize the possible value to her child of such a devotion, in some future emergency. moreover, it softened her heart toward the hideous captive, so that she busied herself not only to help grôm teach him their language, but also to reform his manners and make him somewhat less unpleasant an associate. his wounds soon healed, thanks to the vitality of his youthful stock; and the bones of the broken leg soon knit themselves securely. but grôm's surgery having been hasty and something less than exact, the leg remained so crooked that its owner could do no more than hobble about with a laborious, dragging gait. it being obvious that he could not run away, there was no guard set upon him. but it soon became equally obvious that nothing would induce him to remove himself from the neighborhood of a-ya's baby. he was like a gigantic watchdog squatting at grôm's doorway, chained to it by links stronger than any that hands could fashion. and those of the tribe who had been hoping to do honor to the shining one, as well as to the spirits of their slain kinsmen back in the barrow on the windy hills, by a great and bloody sacrifice, began to realize with discontent that their hopes were like enough to be disappointed. ii the captive said his name was ook-ootsk--a clicking guttural which none but a-ya was able to master. when he had learned to make himself understood, he proved eager to repay grôm's protection by giving all the information that he possessed. simple-minded, but with much of a child's shrewdness, he quickly came to regard himself as of some importance when both the chief and grôm would spend hours in interrogating him. his own people he repudiated with bitterness, because, when he had fallen among the rocks and shattered his leg, his party had refused to burden their flight by helping him. it became his pride to identify himself with the interests of his master, and to call himself the slave of his master's baby. the information which he was able to give was such as to cause the chief and grôm the most profound disquietude. it appeared that the bow-legs, having gradually recovered from the panic of their appalling defeat in the pass of the little hills, had made up their minds that the disaster must be avenged. but no longer did they hold their opponents cheap on account of their scanty numbers. they realized that if they would hope to succeed in their next attack they must organize, and prepare themselves by learning how to employ their forces better. to this end, therefore, when mawg and his fellow-renegades fell into their hands, instead of tearing them to pieces in bestial sport, they had spared them, and made much of them, and set themselves diligently to learn all that the strangers could teach. and mawg, seeing here his opportunity both for vengeance on grôm and for the gratification of that mad passion for a-ya which had so long obsessed him, had gone about the business with shrewd foresight and a convincing zeal. it was apparent from the accounts which ook-ootsk was able to give that the invasion would take place as soon as possible after their hordes were adequately armed with the new weapons. this, said ook-ootsk, would be soon after the dry season had set in. in any case, he said, the hordes were bound to wait for the dry season, because the way from their country to the valley of fire lay through a region of swamps which became impassable for any large body of migrants during the month of rains. as the dry season was already close upon them, bawr and grôm now set themselves feverishly to the arrangement of their defenses. counting the older boys who had grown into sizable youths since the last great battle and all the able-bodied women and girls, they could muster no more than about six score of actual combatants. they knew that defeat would mean nothing less than instant annihilation for the tribe, and for the women a foul captivity and a loathsome mating. but they knew also that a mere successful defense would avail them only for the moment. unless they could inflict upon the invaders such a defeat as would amount to a paralyzing catastrophe, they would soon be worn down by mere force of numbers, or starved to death in their caves. it was not only for defense, therefore, but for wholesale attack--the attack of six score upon as many thousand--that bawr planned his strategy and grôm wove unheard-of devices. of the two great caves occupied by the tribe one was now abandoned, as not lending itself easily to defense. to bawr's battle-trained eyes it revealed itself as rather a trap than a refuge, because from the heights behind it an enemy could roll down rocks enough to effectively block its mouth. but the cliff in which the other cave was hollowed was practically inaccessible, and hung beetling far over the entrance. into this natural fortress the tribe--with an infinite deal of grumbling--was removed. store of roots and dried flesh was gathered within; and every one was set to the collection of dry and half-dry fuel. the light stuff, with an immense number of short, highly-inflammable faggots, was piled inside the doorway where no rain could reach it. and the heavy wood was stacked outside, to right and left, in such a fashion as to form practical ramparts for the innermost line of defense. directly in front of the cave spread a small fan-shaped plateau several hundred square yards in area. on the right a narrow path, wide enough for but one wayfarer at a time, descended between perpendicular boulders to the second cave. on the left the plateau was bordered by broken ground, a jumble of serrated rocks, to be traversed only with difficulty. in front there was a steep but shallow dip, from which the land sloped gently up the valley, clothed with high bush and deep thickets intersected with innumerable narrow trails. directly in front of the cave, and about the center of the plateau, burned always, night and day, the sacred fire, tended in turn by the members of the little band appointed to this distinguished service by the chief. under the chief's direction the whole of the plateau was now cleared of underbrush and grass, and then along its brink was laid a chain of small fires, some ten or twelve feet apart, and all ready for lighting. meanwhile, grôm was busy preparing the device on which, according to his plan of campaign, the ultimate issue was to hang. for days the tribe was kept on the stretch collecting dry and leafy brushwood from the other side of the valley, and bundles of dead grass from the rich savannahs beyond the valley-mouth, on the other side of the dancing flames. all this inflammable stuff grôm distributed lavishly through the thickets before the plateau, to a distance of nearly a mile up the slope, till the whole space was in reality one vast bonfire laid ready for the torch. while these preparations were being rushed--somewhat to the perplexity of the tribe, who could not fathom the tactics of stuffing the landscape with rubbish--bawr was keeping a little band of scouts on guard at the far-off head of the valley. they were chosen from the swift runners of the tribe; and bawr, who was a far-seeing general, had them relieved twice in twenty-four hours, that they might not grow weary and fail in vigilance. when all was ready came a time of trying suspense. as day after day rolled by without event, cloudless and hot, the country became as dry as tinder; and the tribe, seeing that nothing unusual happened, began to doubt or to forget the danger that hung over them. there were murmurs over the strain of ceaseless watching, murmurs which bawr suppressed with small ceremony. but the lame ook-ootsk, squatting misshapen in grôm's doorway with a-ya's baby in his ape-like arms grew more and more anxious. as he conveyed to grôm, the longer the delay the greater the force which was being gathered for the assault. having no inkling of grôm's larger designs, he looked with distrust on the little heaps of wood that were to be fires along the edge of the plateau, and wished them to be piled much bigger, intimating that his people, though they would be terribly afraid of the shining one, would be forced on from behind by sheer numbers and would trample the small fires out. the confidence of the chief and grôm, and of a-ya as well, in the face of the awful peril which hung over them, filled him with amazement. then, at last, one evening just in the dying flush of the sunset, came the scouts, running breathlessly, and one with a ragged spear-wound in his shoulder. their eyes were wide as they told of the countless myriads of the bow-legs who were pouring into the head of the valley, led by mawg and a gigantic black-faced chief as tall as bawr himself. "are they as many," asked grôm, "as they who came against us in the little hills?" but the panting men threw up their hands. "as a swarm of locusts to a flock of starlings," they replied. to their astonishment the chief smiled with grim satisfaction at this appalling news. "it is well," said he. mounting a rock by the cave-door, he gazed up the valley, striving to make out the vanguard of the approaching hordes; while grôm, marshalling the servitors of the fire, stationed them by the range of piles, ready to set light to them on the given word. it was nearly an hour--so swift had been the terror of the scouts--before a low, terrible sound of crashings and mutterings announced that the hordes were drawing near. it was now twilight, with the first stars appearing in a pallid violet sky; and up the valley could be discerned an obscurely rolling confusion among the thickets. bawr gave orders, rapid and concise; and the combatants lined out in a double rank along the front of the plateau some three or four paces behind the piles of wood. they were armed with stone-headed clubs, large or small, according to personal taste, and each carried at least three flint-tipped spears. at the head of the narrow path leading up from the lower cave were stationed half a dozen women, similarly armed. bawr had chosen these women because each of them had one or more young children in the cave behind her; and he knew that no adventurous foe would get up that path alive. but a-ya was not among these six wild mothers, for her place was at the service of the fires. the ominous roar and that obscure confusion rolled swiftly nearer, and bawr, with a swing of his huge club, sprang down from his post of observation and strode to the front. grôm shouted an order, and light was set to all the crescent of fires. they flared up briskly; and at the same time the big central fire, which had been allowed to sink to a heap of glowing coals, was heaped with dry stuff which sent up an instant column of flame. the sudden wide illumination, shed some hundreds of yards up the valley, revealed the front ranks of the bow-legs swarming in the brush, their hideous yellow faces, gaping nostrils and pig-like eyes all turned up in awe towards the glare. the advance of the front ranks came to an instant halt, and the low muttering rose to a chorus of harsh cries. then the tall figure of mawg sprang to the front, followed, after a moment of wondering hesitation, by that of the head chief of the hordes, a massive creature of the true bow-leg type, but as tall as bawr himself, and in color almost black. this giant and mawg, refusing to be awed by the tremendous phenomenon of the fire, went leaping along the lines of their followers, urging them forward, and pointing out that their enemies stood close beside the flames and took no hurt. on the front ranks themselves this reasoning seemed, at first, to produce little effect. but to those just behind it appeared more cogent, seconded as it was by a consuming curiosity. moreover, the masses in the rear were rolling down, and their pressure presently became irresistible. all at once the front ranks realized that they had no choice in the matter. they sagged forward, surged obstinately back again, then gave like a bursting dam and poured, yelling and leaping, straight onward toward the crescent of fires. as soon as the rush was fairly begun, both mawg and the black chief cleverly extricated themselves from it, running aside to the higher, broken ground at the left of the plateau whence they could see and direct the attack. it was plain enough that they accounted the front ranks doomed, and were depending on sheer weight of numbers for the inevitable victory. standing grim, silent, immovable between their fires, the chief and grôm awaited the dreadful onset. in all the tribe not a voice was raised, not a fighter, man or woman, quailed. but many hearts stood still, for it looked as if that living flood could never be stayed. presently from all along its front came a cloud of spears. but they fell short, not more than half a dozen reaching the edge of the plateau. in instant response came a deep-chested shout from bawr, followed by a discharge of spears from behind the line of fire. these spears, driven with free arm and practised skill, went clean home in the packed ranks of the foe, but they caused no more than a second's wavering, as the dead went down and their fellows crowded on straight over them. a second volley from the grimly silent fighters on the plateau had somewhat more effect. driven low, and at shorter range, every jagged flint-point found its mark, and the screaming victims hampered those behind. but after a moment the mad flood came on again, till it was within some thirty paces of the edge of the plateau. then came a long shout from grôm, a signal which had been anxiously awaited by the front line of his fighters. each fire had been laid, on the inner side, with dry faggots of a resinous wood which not only blazed freely but held the flame tenaciously. these faggots had been placed with only their tips in the fire. seizing them by their unlighted ends, the warriors hurled them, blazing, full into the gaping faces before them. the brutal, gaping faces screeched with pain and terror, and the whole front rank, beating frantically at the strange missiles, wheeled about and clawed at the rank behind, battling to force its way through. but the rolling masses were not to be denied. after a brief, terrible struggle, the would-be fugitives were borne down and trodden underfoot. the new-comers were greeted with a second discharge of the blazing brands, and the dreadful scene repeated itself. but now there was a difference. for many of the assailants, realizing that there was no chance of retreat, came straight on, heedless of brand or spear, with the deadly, uncalculating fury of a beast at bay. for some seconds, under the specific directions of the chief on the right center and of grôm far to the left, many of the blazing brands had been thrown, not into the faces of the front rank, but far over their heads, to fall among the tinder-dry brushwood. long tongues of flame leaped up at once, here, there, everywhere, curling and licking savagely. screeches of horror arose, which brought all the hordes to a halt as far back as they could be heard. a light wind was blowing up the valley, and almost at once the scattered flames, gathering volume, came together with a roar. the hordes, smitten with the blindest madness of panic, turned to flee, springing upon and tearing at each other in the desperate struggle to escape. shouting triumph and derision, the defenders bounded forward, down over the edge of the plateau, and fell upon the huddled ranks before them. but these, with all escape cut off, and far outnumbering their exultant adversaries, now fought like rats in a pit. and the men of the caves found themselves locked in a struggle to the death just when they had thought the fight was done. a-ya, no longer needed at the fires, was just about to follow grôm down into the thick of the reeking battle, when a scream from the cave-mouth made her whip round. she was just in time to see ook-ootsk hurl his spear at the tall figure of mawg, leaping down upon him from the broken slope on the left. a half score of the bow-legs were following hard upon mawg's heels. with a scream of warning to grôm she rushed back to the cave. but grôm did not hear her. he had been pulled down, struck senseless and buried under a writhing heap of foes. her long hair streaming behind her, her eyes like those of a tigress protecting her cubs, a-ya darted to the cave-door. but she did not reach it. just outside the threshold a club descended upon her head, and she dropped. instantly she was pounced upon, and bound. a moment later three bow-legs, followed by mawg, streaming with blood, came running out of the cave. mawg swung the limp form across his shoulder with a grin of satisfaction, and the party beat a hurried retreat up the slopes. in a few minutes that last death-grapple along the front of the plateau came to an end, and bawr, leaving nearly a third of his followers slain with the slain bow-legs, led the exultant survivors back to the cave. it had been a costly victory for the children of the shining one; but for the invaders it was little less than annihilation. the flames were raging for a mile up the valley, wherever they were not choked by the piles and windrows of the dead or dying bow-legs. the lurid night was shaken with the incessant rising and falling chorus of shrieks, and far off under the glare rolled that awful receding wave of fugitives, with the flames leaping upon them and slaying them as they fled. leaning upon his club and gazing thoughtfully across the scene of incredible destruction, bawr told himself that never again, so long as the memory of this night survived, would the bow-legs dare to come against his people. then wild lamentation from the women drew the chief into the cave. here he found that half the little ones had been killed in that swift incursion of mawg, and that nearly all the old men and women had been slaughtered in defending their charges. across grôm's doorway, crouching on his face and with his great teeth buried in the throat of a dead bow-leg, lay the lame captive, ook-ootsk. seeing that he still breathed, and marking the fury with which he had fought in defense of their little ones, the warriors lifted him aside gently. beneath him, and safely guarded in the crook of his shaggy arm, they found grôm's baby, without a hurt. the women defending the head of the path on the right having seen the rape of a-ya, bawr handed the babe to one of his own wives to cherish. then search was made for grôm. at first the chief imagined that he had followed the captors of a-ya, in a desperate hope of effecting her rescue alone. but they found him under a heap of dead, so nearly dead himself that they despaired of him. realizing that it was he who had saved the tribe, they began over him that great keening lamentation hitherto reserved strictly for the funeral of the supreme chief himself. but bawr, his massive features furrowed with solicitude, stopped them, vowing that grôm should not die. and lifting the hero in his arms he bore him into the cave. grôm's wounds proved to be deep, but not fatal to one of these clean-blooded sons of the open and the wind. it was some days before it was clearly borne in upon him that a-ya had been carried off alive by the bow-legs. then, with a great cry, he sprang to his feet. the blood spouted afresh from his wounds, and he fell back in a swoon. when he came to himself again, for days he would speak to no one, and it looked as if he would die, not of his wounds so much as of the insufficient will to live. but a chance word of the captive ook-ootsk, who was being nursed back to life beside him, reminded him that there was vengeance to be lived for, and he roused himself a little. then bawr, ever subtle in the reading of his people's hearts, suggested to him that even such a feat as the rescue of the girl a-ya might not be impossible to the subjugator of the fire and the slayer of a whole people. and from that moment grôm began climbing steadily back to life. chapter vii the rescue of a-ya the clay-colored, ape-like, bow-legged men squatted in council. it was not long, as time went in the long, slow morning of the world--perhaps a half-score thousand years or so--since their ancestors, in the pride of their dawning intelligence, had swung down from their tree-tops, to walk upright on the solid earth and challenge the supremacy of the hunting beasts. their arms were still of an unhuman and ungainly length, their short powerful legs were still so heavily bowed that they had no great speed in running; and they still had their homes high among the branches, where they could sleep secure from surprise. they were still tree dwellers; but they were men, intent upon asserting their lordship over all the other dwellers upon earth's surface. they were not beautiful to look upon. their squat, powerful forms, varying in color from a dingy yellow-brown to blackish mud-color, were covered unevenly with a thin growth of dark hairs. on thigh and shoulder, down the backbone, and on the outer side of the long forearm, this growth was heavier and longer, forming a sort of irregular thatch; while the hair of their heads was jet black, and matted into a filthy tangle with grease and clay. their faces were broad and flat, with powerful protruding jaws, low and very receding foreheads, and wide noses which seemed to have been punched in at the bridge so that the flaring red nostrils turned upwards hideously. it was but a battered and crestfallen remnant of the tribe which now took counsel over their diminished fortunes. in an irregular half-circle they squatted, pawing gingerly at their wounds or scratching themselves uncouthly, while their apish women loitered in chattering groups outside the circle, or crouched in the branches of the neighboring trees. those who were perched in the trees mostly held babies at their breasts, and were therefore instinctively distrustful of the dangerous ground-levels. here and there on the outskirts of the crowd, either squatting on hillocks or clinging in a tree-top, wary-eyed old women kept watch against surprise; though there were few among either beasts or men who would be likely to venture an attack upon the ferocious tribe of the bow-legs. on a low, flat-topped bowlder, which served the purpose of a throne, sat the chief of the bow-legs, playing with his unwieldy club (which was merely the root end of a sapling hacked into shape with sharp stones), as if it had been a bulrush. in height and bulk he was far above his fellows, though similar to them in general type except for the matter of color, which was dark almost to blackness. his jaws were those of a beast, and his whole appearance was bestial beyond that of any other in the whole hideous throng--except for his eyes. these, though small and deep-set, blazed with fierce intelligence, and swept his audience with an air of assured mastery which made plain why he was chief. he was talking rapidly, with broad gestures, and in a barking, clicking speech which sounded little more than half articulate. he was working himself up into a rage; and the squatting listeners wriggled apprehensively, while they applauded from time to time with grunts and growls. near the end of the foremost rank of the semi-circle, very close to the haranguing chief, sat one who was plainly of superior race to his companions. something in the harangue seemed to concern him particularly, for he sprang to his feet and stood leaning on his club--which was longer and more symmetrically fashioned than that of the chief. in color he was manifestly white, for all that dirt and the weather could do to disguise it. he was taller even than the great black chief himself--but shorter in the body, and achieving his height through length and straightness of leg. he had chest and shoulders of enormous power; but, unlike the barrel-shaped bow-legs he was comparatively slim of waist and hips. he had less hair on the body--except on the chest and forearm--than his companions; but far more on the head, where it stood out all around like an immense black-tawny mane. his face, though heavy and lowering, _was_ a face--with square, resolute jaws, a modelled mouth, a big, fully-bridged nose, and a spacious forehead. his eyes were blue, and now, deep under their shaggy brows, glared upon the chief with desperate defiance. close behind his heels crouched a girl, obviously of his own race--a tall, strong, shapely figure of a woman, as could well be seen, though her attitude was one of utter dejection, her face sunk upon her knees, and half her body hidden in the tangled torrent of her dull chestnut hair. the tall alien, so dauntlessly eyeing the chief, was mawg the renegade. arrogant in his folly, he had not realized that the tree men would hold him to account for the calamity which he had brought upon them. he had not realized that the girl a-ya, with her straight limbs and her strong comeliness, might stir the craving of others besides himself. now, as he listened to the fierce harangue of the chief, as his alert ears caught the mutterings behind and about him, he saw the pit yawn suddenly at his feet. but though a brute and a traitor, he was no coward. his veins began to run hot, his sinews to stretch for the death struggle which would presently be upon him. as for the girl, unseeing, unhearing, her head bowed between her naked knees, she cared nothing. she loathed life, and all about her, equally. her baby and her lord, if they yet lived, were far away beyond the mountains and the swamps, in the caverned hillside behind the smoke of the fires. her captor, mawg, she loathed above all; but she was here behind him because he held her always within reach lest the filthy women of the bow-legs should tear her to pieces. suddenly, without looking around, mawg spoke to her, in their own tongue, which the bow-legs could not understand. "be ready, girl. they are going to kill me now. the black chief wants you. but i kill him and we run. they are all dirt. _come!_" on the word, he sprang straight at the great black chief, where he towered upon his rock. but the girl, though she heard every syllable, never stirred. the spring of mawg was like a leopard's; but the black chief, though slow of foot, was not slow of hand or wits. though taken by surprise, he swung up his club in time to partly parry mawg's lightning stroke, which would otherwise have broken his bull neck. as it was, the club was almost beaten from his grasp. he dropped it with a snarl and leaped at his assailant's throat with clutching hands. had it been possible to fight it out man to man, mawg would have liked nothing better, though the issue would have been a doubtful one. but he had no mind to face the whole tribe, which was now surging forward like a pack of wolves. he had no time to repeat his blow fairly; but as he eluded the gigantic, clutching fingers he got in a light glancing stroke with the butt which laid open his adversary's cheek and closed one furious little eye. at the same instant he whirled away lithely, sprang from the rock on the further side, and ran off like a deer through the trees, cursing the girl because she had not followed him. about half the tribe went trailing after him, yelling hoarsely, while the rest drew back and waited uneasily to see what their chief would do. the chief, clapping one hairy hand over his wounded eye, glared after the fugitive with the other. but he knew the folly of trying to catch his fleet-footed adversary, and after a moment he dismissed him from his mind. with a grunt he stepped down from his rock, and heedless of his wound, strode over to the girl. through all the tumult she had never lifted her head from between her knees, or shown the least sign of concern. the chief seized her by the shoulder and shook her roughly, ordering her to come with him. she did not understand his language, but his meaning was obvious. she looked up and stared straight into his one open eye. in her own eyes shifted the dangerous, lambent flame of a beast at bay, and for a moment she was on the point of darting at his throat. but not without reason was the black chief dictator of the bow-legs. brutal and filthy though he was, and hideous beyond description, and horrible with his gashed face and the blood pouring down over his huge and shaggy chest, he was all a man, and the mastery in him checked her. she felt the hopelessness of fighting her fate. the flame flickered out, leaving her eyes dull and leaden. she rose listlessly, and followed her new lord to the tree in which he had his dwelling of woven branches. at the foot of the tree the black chief stopped, stood back, and signed the girl to ascend. a climber as expert as himself, she clutched the rough trunk with accustomed hands. then she hesitated, and shut her eyes. should she obey, yielding to her fate? mawg, her late captor, she had hated with a murderous hate; yet she had submitted to him, in a dim way biding her time for vengeance. he was of her own race; and it was in her mind, her spirit--though she herself could not so analyze the emotion--that she hated him. but this new master was an alien, and of a lower, beastlier type. toward him she felt a sick bodily repulsion. behind her tight-shut lids the dark went red. she stood rigid and quivering, stormed through by a raging impulse to tear out either his throat or her own. she was herself a more advanced product of her own advanced race, and urged by impulses still new and imperfectly applied to life. but the countless centuries of submission were in her blood also; and they whispered to her insidiously that she was lawful prey. a huge hand fell significantly upon the back of her neck. she jumped, gave a sobbing cry, and sprang up into the tree. who was she to challenge doom for an idea, a hundred thousand years before her time. * * * * * some days' journey to the westward of the swampy refuge of the bow-legs, a tall hunter was making his way warily through the forest. his color, his build, and his swift grace of movement proclaimed him of the same race as mawg and the girl a-ya, acquitting him easily of any kinship with the people of the trees. in height and weight he was much like mawg, but lighter in complexion, somewhat less hairy, and of a frank, sagacious countenance. his eyes were of a blue-gray, calm and piercing, yet with a look in them as of one who broods on mysteries. he was obviously much older than mawg, his long, thick hair and short, close-curling beard being liberally touched with gray. he carried in one hand a peculiar long-handled club, which he had fashioned by lashing, with strips of green hide, a split and jagged flint-stone into the cleft head of a stick. in the other hand he bore two long, slender spears, their tips hardened and pointed in fire. on the day, now many weeks back, when grôm set out from the caves behind the fire to seek for a-ya in the far-off country of the bow-legs, he had carried also two hollow tubes of green bark, with the seeds of fire, kept smouldering in a bed of punk, hidden in the hearts of them. but the need of stopping frequently to build a fire and renew the vitality of the secret spark had soon exasperated his impatient spirit. intolerant of the hindrance, and confident in his own strength and craft, he had thrown the fire-tubes away and fallen back upon the weapons which had sufficed him before his discovery and conquest of the shining one. engrossed in his purpose, thinking only of regaining possession of the girl, the mother of his man-child, he shunned all contest with the great beasts which crossed his path, and fled without shame from those which undertook to hunt him. he would risk no doubtful battle. he satisfied his hunger on wild honey, and the ripe fruits and tubers with which the forest abounded at this season. at night he made his nest, of hurriedly woven branches, in the highest swaying of the tree-tops, where not even the leopard, cunning climber though she was, could come at him without giving timely warning. and so, doggedly and swiftly making his way due east, he came at length to the fringes of that vast region of swampy meres and fruitful, rankly wooded islets which was occupied by the bow-legs. here he had need of all that wood-craft which had so often enabled him to stalk even the wary antelope. the light color of his skin being a betrayal, he rubbed himself with clayey ooze till he was of the same hue as the bow-legs. crawling through the undergrowth at dusk as soundlessly as a snake, or swinging along smoothly through the branches like a gray ape in the first confusing glimmer of the dawn, he made short incursions among the outlying colonies, but could find no sign of the girl, or mawg, in whose hands he imagined her still to be. but working warily around the outskirts of the tribe, to northward, he came at last upon the stale but unmistakable trail of a flight and a pursuit. this he followed up till the pursuit came stragglingly to an end, and the trail of the fugitive stood out alone and distinct. one clear footprint in the wet earth revealed itself clearly as mawg's--for there was no such thing as confounding that arched and moulded imprint with those left by the apish men. feverishly the hunter cast about for another trail, smaller and slimmer. forward he searched for it, and then back among the trampings of the pursuers. but in vain. clearly mawg had been the sole fugitive. grôm sat down in sudden despair. if mawg, who at least was no coward, had fled alone, then surely the girl was dead. grôm's club and his spears dropped from his nerveless hands. his interest in life sank into a sick indifference, a dull anguish which he did not even try to understand. it was well for him that no prowling beast came by in that moment of his unseeing weakness. then a new thought came to him, and his despair flamed into rage. he leapt to his feet, clutching at his shaggy beard. the girl had been seized, without doubt, by the great black chief. the thought of this defilement to his woman, the mother of his man-child, drove him quite mad for the moment. snatching up his weapons, he roared with anguish, and ran blindly forward along the trampled trail, ready to hurl himself upon the whole loathsome tribe. a gigantic leopard, crouching in a thicket of scarlet poinsettia beside the trail, made as if to pounce upon him as he went by--but shrank back, instead, with flattened ears, daunted by his fury. but presently the madness burned itself out. as sanity returned he checked his rush, glanced once more watchfully about him, and at length stepped furtively into the thick of the jungle. now more than ever was his coolest craft demanded, that a-ya might be plucked from the monster's arms. following up the plain clue of that tremendous pursuit, grôm worked his way deep into the bow-legs' country. with all his craft and his lynx-like stealth, it was at times hair-raising work. not only the ground thickets, but the tree-tops as well, were swarming with his keen-eyed foes. he had to worm his way between swamp-sodden roots, and sometimes lie moveless as a stone for hours, enduring the stings of a million insects. sometimes, not daring to lift his head to look about him, he had to trust to his ears and his hound-like sense of smell for information as to what was going on. and sometimes it was only his tireless immobility that saved him from the stroke of a startled adder or a questioning and indignant crotalus. after long swaying, poised for the death-stroke, the serpent would decide that the menacing thing before it was not alive. it would slowly dissolve its tense coils, and glide away; and grôm would resume his shadowy progress. then, about sunrise (for the bow-legs, like the birds, were early risers) of the second day after the discovery of mawg's footprints, the patient hunter's eyes fell upon a-ya. he had crept in to within a hundred yards or so of the council rock, which was surrounded by a horde of the bow-legs. crouching low as he was, in a dense thicket, grôm's view was limited; but he could see, over the heads of the listening mob, the black chief seated on the rock, his ragged club in his hand. he was haranguing his warriors in rapid clicks and gutturals, which conveyed no meaning to grôm's ear. the harangue came soon to an end. the chief stood up. the bestial crowd parted--and through the opening grôm saw a-ya, crouched, with her hair over her knees, at the chief's feet. stepping down from the rock, the chief seized her by the wrist and dragged her upright. she took her place at his heels, dejectedly, like a whipped dog. grôm, from within his thicket, ground his teeth, and with difficulty held himself in leash. surrounded as a-ya was, at that moment, by the hordes of her captors, any attempt at her rescue would have been hopeless folly. there was something going on among the bow-legged mob which grôm, from his hiding-place could not at first make out. then he saw that the chief was trying to instruct his powerful but clumsy followers in the handling of the club and spear. having been taught by the white renegade, mawg, the chief used his massive club with skill, but he was still clumsy and absurdly inaccurate in throwing the spear. after he had split the face of one of his followers by a misdirected cast, he gave up the spear-throwing, turned to the girl, and ordered her to teach this art of her people. it was obvious that the mob had vast confidence in her powers, as one of superior race, although a mere woman, for they opened out at once on two sides to leave room for the expected display. the heart of the watcher in the thicket began to thump as he saw a way clearing itself between his hiding-place and the wild-haired woman he loved. a-ya affected to misunderstand the chief's orders. she took the spear, but stood holding it in stupid dejection. the chief threatened her angrily, but she paid no attention. at this moment the whistling cry of a plover sounded from the thicket. the girl straightened herself and every muscle grew tense. the melancholy cry came again. it was a strange place for a plover to lurk in, that rank thicket of jungle; but the bow-legs took no notice of the incongruity. upon the girl, however, the effect of the cry was magical. she gave no glance toward the thicket, but suddenly, smilingly, she seemed to understand the orders of the chief. poising the rude spear at the height of her shoulder, she pointed to a huge, whitish fungus which grew upon a tree-root some sixty or seventy feet away. with a flexing of her whole lithe body--as grôm had taught her--she made her throw. the white fungus was split in halves. with a hoarse clamor of admiration, the mob surged forward to examine the fragments. even the chief, though disdaining to show the interest of his followers, took a stride or two in the same direction. for a second his back was turned. in that second, the girl fled, light and swift as a deer, speeding toward the thicket whence the cry of the plover had sounded. her long bushy hair streamed out behind her as she ran. with a bellow of wrath, the black chief, the whole mob at his heels, came pounding after her. the next instant, out from the thicket leapt grôm, a towering figure, and stood with spear uplifted. like a lion at bay, he glanced swiftly this way and that, balancing the chances of battle and escape, while he menaced the foes immediately confronting him. at this amazing apparition, the mob paused irresolute; but the black chief came on like a mad buffalo. grôm hurled one of his two spears. he hurled it with a loathing fury; but he was compelled to throw high, to clear a-ya's head. the chief saw it coming, and cunningly flung himself forward on his face. the weapon hurtled on viciously, and pierced the squat body of one of the waverers a dozen paces behind. at his yell of agony the mob woke up, and came on again with guttural, barking cries. but already grôm and the girl, side by side, were fleeing down an open glade to the left, toward a breadth of still water which they saw gleaming through the trunks. grôm knew that the way behind him was swarming with the enemy. he had seen that there was no chance of getting through the hordes in front and to the right. but in this direction there were only a few knots of shaggy women, who shrank in terror at his approach; and he gambled on the chance of the bow-legged men having no great skill in the water. all the folk of the caves could swim like otters, and both grôm and the girl were expert beyond their fellows. the water before them was some three or four hundred yards in width. they did not know whether it was a sluggish fenland river, or the arm of a lake; but, heedless of the peril of crocodiles and water-snakes they plunged in, and with long powerful side-strokes went surging across toward the opposite shore. they had a clear start of thirty or forty yards, and their pace in the water was tremendous. some heavy splashes in the water behind them showed how the clumsy missiles of their foes--ragged clubs and fragments of broken branches--were falling short; and they looked back derisively. the bow-legged, shaggy men with their wide, red, skyward nostrils were ranged along the shore, and the chief was fiercely urging them into the water. they shrank back in horror at the prospect--which, indeed, seemed little to the taste of the chief himself. presently he seized the two nearest by their matted manes, and flung them headlong in. with yells of terror they scrambled out again, and scurried off to the rear like half-drowned hens. the chief screeched an order. straightway the mob divided. one part went racing clumsily up the shore to the left, the other followed the chief along through the rank sedge-growth to the right--the chief, by reason of his superior stature and length of leg, rapidly opening up his lead. "it's nothing but a pond," said grôm, in disgust, "and they're coming round the shore to head us off." but the girl, her hair trailing darkly on the water behind her, only laughed. she was free at last. and she was with her man. suddenly grôm felt a sharp, stabbing pain in the calf of his leg. with a cry, he looked back, expecting to see a water-snake gliding off. he saw nothing. but in the next instant another stab came in the other leg. then a-ya screamed: "they're biting me all over." a dozen stinging punctures distributed themselves all at once over grôm's body. then he understood that their assailants were not water-snakes. "quick! to shore!" he ordered. throwing all their strength into a breath-sapping, over-hand roll, they shot forward, gained the weedy shallows, and scrambled ashore. their bodies were hung thickly with gigantic leeches. heedless of the wounds and the drench of blood, they tore off their loathsome assailants. then, after a few seconds' halt to regain breath and decide on their direction, they started northwestward at a rapid, swinging lope, through a region of open, grassy glades set with thickets of giant fern and mimosa. they had run on at this free pace for a matter of half-an-hour or more, and were beginning to flatter themselves that they had shaken off their pursuers, when almost directly ahead of them, to the right, appeared the black chief, lumbering down upon them. nearly half-a-mile behind, between the mimosa clumps, could be seen the mob of his followers straggling up to his support. he yelled a furious challenge, swung up his great club, and charged upon grôm. waving a-ya behind him, grôm strode forward, accepting the challenge. as man to man, the rivals looked not unfairly matched. the fair-skinned man of the caves was the taller by half a head, but obviously the lighter in weight by a full stone, if not more. his long, straight, powerfully muscled legs had not the massive strength of his bow-legged adversary's. he was even slim, by comparison, in hip and waist. but in chest, arms and shoulders his development was finer. physically, it seemed a matter of the lion against the bear. to grôm there was one thing almost as vital, in that moment, as the rescue of his woman. this was the slaking of his lust of hate against the filthy beast-man who had held that woman captive. fading ancestral instincts flamed into new life within him. his impulse was to fling down spear and club, to fall upon his rival with bare, throttling hands and rending teeth. but his will, and his realization of all that hung upon the outcome, held this madness in check. silent and motionless, poised lightly and gathered as if for a spring, grôm waited till his adversary was within some thirty paces of him. then, with deadly force and sure aim, he hurled his one remaining spear. but he had not counted on the lightning accuracy, swifter than thought itself, with which the men of the trees used their huge hands. the black chief caught the spear-head within a few inches of his body. with a roar of rage he snapped the tough shaft like a parsnip stalk, and threw the pieces aside. even as he did so, grôm, still voiceless and noiseless, was upon him. had the vicious swing of grôm's flint-headed club found its mark, the battle would have been over. but the black chief, for all his bulk, was quick as an eel. he bowed himself to the earth, so that the stroke whistled idly over him, and in the next second he swung a vicious, short blow upwards. it was well-aimed, at the small of grôm's back. but the latter, feeling himself over-balanced by his own ineffective violence, leapt far out of reach before turning to see what had happened. the chief recovered himself, and the two lashed out at each other so exactly together that the great clubs met in mid-air. so shattering was the force of the impact, so numbing the shock to the hairy wrists behind it, that both weapons dropped to the ground. neither antagonist dared stoop to snatch them up. for several seconds they stood glaring at each other, their breath hissing through clenched teeth, their knotted fingers opening and shutting. then they sprang at each other's throats--grôm in silence, the black chief snarling hoarsely. neither, however, gained the fatal grip at which he aimed. they found themselves in a fair clinch, and stood swaying, straining, sweating, and grunting, so equally matched in sheer strength that to a-ya, standing breathless with suspense, the dreadful seconds seemed to drag themselves out to hours. then grôm, amazed to find that in brute force he had met his match, feigned to give way. loosing the clutch of one arm, he dropped upon his knees. with a grunt of triumph the black chief crashed down upon him, only to find himself clutched by the legs and hurled clean over his wily adversary's head. before he could recover himself, grôm was upon him, pinning him to the earth and reaching for his throat. in desperation he set his huge ape teeth, with the grip of a bull-dog, deep into the muscular base of grôm's neck, and began working his way in toward the artery. at this moment a-ya glanced about her. she saw two bodies of the bow-legs closing in upon them from either side--the nearest not much more than a couple of hundred yards distant. her lord had plainly ordered her to stand aside from this combat, but this was no time for obedience. she snatched up the sharpened fragment of the broken spear. gripping it with both hands she drove it with all her force into the side of the black chief's throat, and left it there. with a hideous cough his grip relaxed. his limbs straightened out stiffly, and he lay quivering. covered with blood, grôm sprang to his feet, and turned angrily upon a-ya. "_i_ would have killed him," he said, coldly. "there was no time," answered the girl, and pointed to the advancing hordes. without a word grôm snatched up his club, wrenched the broken spear from his dead rival's neck, thrust it into the girl's hands, and darted for the narrowing space of open between the two converging mobs. with their greatly superior speed it was obvious that the two fugitives might reasonably expect to win through. they were surprised, therefore, at the note of triumph in the furious cries of the bow-legs. a few hundred yards ahead the comparatively open country came to an end, and its place was taken by a belt of splendid crimson bloom, extending to right and left as far as the eye could see. it was a jungle of shrubs some twenty feet high, with scanty, pale-green leaves almost hidden by their exuberance of blossom. but jungle though it was, grôm's sagacious eyes decided that it was by no means dense enough to seriously hinder their flight. when they reached it, the jabbering hordes were almost upon them. but, with mocking laughter, they slipped through, and plunged in among the gray stems, beneath the overshadowed rosy glow. their pursuers yelled wildly--it seemed to grôm a yell of exultation--but they halted abruptly at the edge of the rosy barrier and made no attempt to follow. "they know they can't catch us," said grôm, slackening his pace. but the girl, puzzled by this sudden stopping of the pursuit, felt uneasy and made no reply. loping onward at moderate pace through the enchanting pink light, which filtered down about them through the massed bloom overhead, they presently became conscious of an oppressive silence. the cries of their pursuers having died away behind them, there was now nothing but the soft thud of their own footfalls to relieve the anxious intentness of their ears. not a bird-note, not the flutter of a wing, not the hum or the darting of a single insect, disturbed the strangely heavy air. no snake or lizard or squeaking mouse scurried among the fallen leaves. they wondered greatly at such stillness. then they wondered at the absence of small undergrowth, the lack of other shrubs and trees such as were wont to grow together in the warm jungle. nothing anywhere about them but the endless gray stems and pallid slim leaves of the oleander, with their rose-red roof of blossom. presently they felt a lethargy creeping over their limbs, which began to grow heavy; and a dull pain came throbbing behind their eyes. then understanding of those cries of triumph flashed into grôm's mind. he stopped and clutched the girl by the wrist. "it is poison here. it is death," he muttered. "that's why they shouted." "yes, everything is dead but the red flowers," whispered a-ya, and clung to him, shuddering with awe. "courage!" cried grôm, lifting his head and dashing his great hand across his eyes. "we _must_ get through. we _must_ find air." shaking off the deadly sloth, they ran on again at full speed, peering through the stems in every direction. the effort made their brains throb fiercely. and still there was nothing before them and about them but the endless succession of slender gray stems and the downpour of that sinister rosy light. at last a-ya's steps began to lag, as if she were growing sleepy. "wake up!" shouted grôm, and dragged so fiercely at her arm that she cried out. but the pain aroused her to a new effort. she sprang forward, sobbing. the next moment, she was jerked violently to the left. "this way!" panted grôm, the sweat pouring down his livid face; and there, through the stems to the left, her dazed eyes perceived that the hated rosy glow was paling into the whiteness of the natural day. it was a big white rock, an island thrust up through the sea of treacherous bloom. with fumbling, nerveless fingers they scaled its bare sides, flung themselves down among the scant but wholesome herbage, which clothed its top, and filled their lungs with the clean, reviving air. dimly they heard a blessed buzzing of insects, and several great flies, with barred wings, lit upon them and bit them sharply. they lay with closed eyes, while slowly the throbbing in their brains died away and strength flowed back into their unstrung limbs. then, after perhaps an hour, grôm sat up and looked about him. on every side outspread the fatal flood of the rose-red oleanders, unbroken except toward the north-west. in that quarter, however, a spur of the giant forest, of growths too mighty to feel the spell of the envenomed blooms, was thrust deep into the crimson tide. its tip came to within a couple of hundred yards of the rock. having fully recovered, grôm and a-ya swung down, with loathing, into the pink gloom, fled through it almost without drawing breath, and found themselves once more in the rank green shadows of the jungle. they went on till they came to a thicket of plantains. then, loading themselves with ripe fruit, they climbed high into a tree, and wove themselves a safe resting-place among the branches. for the next few days their journey was without adventure, save for the frequent eluding of the monsters of that teeming world. grôm had his club, a-ya her broken spear; but they were avoiding all combats in their haste to get back to their own country of the homely caves and the guardian watch-fires. at the approach of the great black lion or the saber-tooth, or the wantonly malignant rhinoceros, they betook themselves to the tree-tops, and continued their way by that aërial path as long as it served them. the most subtle of the beasts they knew they could outwit, and their own anxiety now was mawg, whose craft and courage grôm could no longer hold in scorn. he was doubtless at large, and quite possibly on their trail, biding his time to catch them unawares. they never allowed themselves, therefore, to sleep both at the same time. one always kept on guard: and hence their progress, for all their eagerness, was slower than it would otherwise have been. on a certain day, after a long unbroken stretch of travel, a-ya rested and kept watch in a tree-top, while grôm went to fetch a bunch of plantains. it was fairly open country, a region of low herbage dotted with small groves and single trees; and the girl, herself securely hidden, could see in every direction. she could see grôm wandering from plantain clump to plantain clump, seeking fruit ripe enough to be palatable. and then, with a shiver of hate and dread, she saw the dark form of mawg, creeping noiselessly on grôm's trail, and not more than a couple of hundred paces behind him. at the very moment when her eyes fell upon him, he dropped flat upon his face, and began worming his way soundlessly through the herbage. her mouth opened wide to give the alarm. but the cry stopped in her throat, and a smile of bitter triumph spread over her face. if mawg was hunting grôm, he was at the same time himself being hunted. and by a dreadful hunter. out from behind a thicket of glowing mimosa appeared a monstrous bird, some ten or twelve feet in height, lifting its feet very high in a swift but noiseless and curiously delicate stride. its dark plumage was more like long, stringy hair than feathers. its build was something like that of a gigantic cassowary, but its thighs and long blue shanks were proportionately more massive. its neck was long, but immensely muscular to support the enormous head, which was larger than that of a horse, and armed with a huge, hooked, rending, vulture's beak. the apparent length of this terrible head was increased by a pointed crest of blood-red feathers, projecting straight back in a line with the fore-part of the skull and the beak. the crawling figure of mawg was still a good hundred paces from the unsuspecting grôm, when the great bird overtook it. a-ya, watching from her tree-top, clutched a branch and held her breath. mawg's ears caught a sound behind him, and he glanced around sharply. with a scream, he bounded to his feet. but it was too late. before he could either strike or flee, he was beaten down again, with a smash of that pile-driving beak. the bird planted one huge foot on its victim's loins, gripped his head in its beak, and neatly snapped his neck. then it fell greedily to its hideous meal. at mawg's scream of terror, grôm had turned and rushed to the rescue, swinging his club. but before he had covered half the distance, he saw that the monster had done its work; and he hesitated. he was too late to help the victim. and he knew the mettle of this ferocious bird, almost as much to be dreaded, in single combat, as the saber-tooth itself. at his approach, the bird had lifted its dripping beak, half turned, and stood gripping the prey with one foot, swaying its grim head slowly and eyeing him with malevolent defiance. still he hesitated, fingering his club; for the insolence of that challenging stare made his blood seethe. then came a-ya's voice from the tree-top, calling him. "come away!" she cried. "it was mawg." whereupon he turned, with the content of one who sees all old scores cleanly wiped out together, and went back to gather his ripe plantains. the peril of mawg being thus removed from their path, they journeyed more swiftly; and when the next new moon was a thin white sickle in the sky, just above the line of saw-toothed hills, they came safely back to the comfortable caves and the clear-burning watch-fires of their tribe. chapter viii the bending of the bow before the caves of the pointed hills the fires of the tribe burned brightly. within the caves reigned plenty and an unheard-of security; for since the conquest of fire those monstrous beasts and gigantic carnivorous, running birds, which had been man's ceaseless menace ever since he swung down out of the tree-tops to walk the earth erect, had been held at a distance through awe of the licking flames. though the great battle which had hurled back the invading hosts of the bow-legs had cost the tribe more than half its warriors, the caves were swarming with vigorous children. to bawr, the chief, and to grôm, his right hand and councilor, the future of the tribe looked secure. so sharp had been the lessons lately administered to the prowling beasts--the terrible saber-tooth, the giant red bear of the caves, the proud black lion, and the bone-crushing cave hyena--that even the stretch of bumpy plain outside the circle of the fires, to a distance of several hundred paces, was considered a safe playground for the children of the tribe. on the outermost skirts of this playground, to be sure, just where the reedy pools and the dense bamboo thickets began, there was a fire kept burning. but this was more as a reminder than as an actual defense. when a bear or a saber-tooth had once had a blazing brand thrust in his face, he acquired a measure of discretion. moreover, the activities of the tribe had driven all the game animals to some distance up the valley; and it was seldom that anything more formidable than a jackal or a civet-cat cared to come within a half-mile of the fires. it was now two years since the rescue of a-ya from her captivity among the bow-legs. her child by grôm was a straight-limbed, fair-skinned lad of somewhere between four and five years. she sat cross-legged near the sentinel fire, some fifty yards or so from the edge of the thickets, and played with the lad, whose eyes were alight with eager intelligence. behind her sprawled, playing contentedly with its toes and sucking a banana, a fat brown flat-nosed baby of some fourteen or fifteen months. both a-ya and the boy were interested in a new toy. it was, perhaps, the first whip. the boy had succeeded in tying a thin strip of green hide, something over three feet in length, to one end of a stick which was several inches longer. the uses of a whip came to him by unerring insight, and he began applying it to his mother's shoulders. the novelty of it delighted them both. a-ya, moreover, chuckled slyly at the thought that the procedure might, on some future occasion, be reversed, not without advantage to the cause of discipline. at last the lithe lash, so enthusiastically wielded, stung too hard for even a-ya, with all her stoicism, to find it amusing. she snatched the toy away and began playing with it herself. the lash, at its free end, chanced to be slit almost to the tip, forming a loop. the butt of the handle was formed by a jagged knot, where it had been broken from the parent stem. idly but firmly, with her strong hands she bent the stick, and slipped the loop over the jagged knot, where it held. interested, but with no hint of comprehension in her bright eyes, she looked upon the first bow--the stupendous product of a child and a woman playing. the child, displeased at this new, useless thing, and wanting his whip back, tried to snatch the bow from his mother's hands. but she pushed him off. she liked this new toy. it looked, somehow, as if it invited her to do something with it. presently she pulled the cord, and let it go again. tightly strung, it made a pleasant little humming sound. this she repeated many times, holding it up to her ear and laughing with pleasure. the boy grew interested thereupon, and wanted to try the new game for himself. but a-ya was too absorbed. she would not let him touch it. "go get another stick," she commanded impatiently; but quite forgot to see her command obeyed. as she was twanging the strange implement which had so happily fashioned itself under her hands, grôm came up behind her. he stepped carefully over the sprawling brown baby. he was about to pull her heavy hair affectionately; but his eyes fell upon the thing in her hands, and he checked himself. for minute after minute he stood there motionless, watching and studying the new toy. his eyes narrowed, his brows drew themselves down broodingly. the thing seemed to him to suggest dim, cloudy, vast possibilities; and he groped in his brain for some hint of the nature of these possibilities. yet as far as he could see it was good for nothing but to make a faintly pleasant twang for the amusement of women and children. at last he could keep his hands off it no longer. "give it to me," said he suddenly, laying hold of a-ya's wrist. but a-ya was not yet done with it. she held it away from him, and twanged it with redoubled vigor. without further argument, and without violence, grôm reached out a long arm, and found the bow in his grasp. a-ya was surprised that such a trifle should seem of such importance in her lord's eyes; but her faith was great. she shook the wild mane of hair back from her face, silenced the boy's importunings with an imperative gesture, and gathered herself with her arms about both knees to watch what grôm would do with the plaything. first he examined it minutely, and then he fastened the thong more securely at either end. he twanged it as a-ya had done. he bent it to its limit and eased it slowly back again, studying the new force imprisoned in the changing curve. at last he asked who had made it. "i did," answered a-ya, very proud of her achievement now that she found it taken so seriously by one being to whom her adventurous spirit really deferred. "no, _i_ did!" piped the boy, with an injured air. the mother laughed indulgently. "yes, he tied one end, and beat me with it," said she. "then i took it from him, and bent the stick and tied the other end." "it is very good!" said grôm, nodding his approval musingly. he squatted down a few feet away, and began experimenting. picking up a small stone, he held it upon the cord, bent the bow a little way, and let go. the stone flew up and hit him with amazing energy in the mouth. "_oh!_" murmured a-ya, sympathetically, as the bright blood ran down his beard. but the child, thinking that his father had done it on purpose, laughed with hearty appreciation. somewhat annoyed, grôm got up, moved a few paces farther away, and sat down again with his back to the family circle. as to the force that lurked in this slender little implement he was now fully satisfied. but he was not satisfied with the direction in which it exerted itself. he continued his experiments, but was careful to draw the bow lightly. for a long time he found it impossible to guess beforehand the direction which the pebbles, or the bits of stick or bark, would take in their surprising leaps from the loosed bow-string. but at length a dim idea of aim occurred to him. he lifted the bow--his left fist grasping its middle--to the level of his eyes, at arm's length. he got the cord accurately in the center of the pebble, and drew toward his nose. this effort was so successful that the stone went perfectly straight--and caught him fair on the thumb-knuckle. the blow was so sharp that he dropped the bow with an angry exclamation. glancing quickly over his shoulder to see if a-ya had noticed the incident, he observed that her face was buried between her knees and quite hidden by her hair. but her shoulders were heaving spasmodically. he suspected that she was laughing at him; and for a moment, as his knuckle was aching fiercely, he considered the advisability of giving her a beating. he had never done such a thing to her, however, though all the other cave men, including bawr himself, were wont to beat their women on occasion. in his heart he hated the idea of hurting her; and it would hardly be worth while to beat her without hurting her. the idea, therefore, was promptly dismissed. he eyed the shaking shoulders gloomily for some seconds; and then, as the throbbing in the outraged knuckle subsided, a grin of sympathetic comprehension spread over his own face. he picked up the bow, sprang to his feet, and strolled over to the edge of a thicket of young cane. the girl, lifting her head, peered at him cautiously through her hair. her laughter was forgotten on the instant, because she guessed that his fertile brain was on the trail of some new experiment. arriving at the cane-thicket, grôm broke himself half a dozen well-hardened, tapering stems, from two to three feet in length, and about as thick at their smaller ends as a-ya's little finger. these seemed to suggest to him the possibility of better results than anything he could get from those erratic pebbles. by this time quite a number of curious spectators--women and children mostly, the majority of the men being away hunting, and the rest too proud to show their curiosity--had gathered to watch grôm's experiments. they were puzzled to make out what it was he was busying himself with. but as he was a great chief, and held in deeper awe than even bawr himself, they did not presume to come very near; and they had therefore not perceived, or at least they had not apprehended, those two trifling mishaps of his. as for grôm, he paid his audience no attention whatever. now that he had possessed himself of those slender straight shafts of cane, all else was forgotten. he felt, as he looked at them and poised them, that in some vital way they belonged to this fascinating implement which a-ya had invented for him. selecting one of the shafts, he slowly applied the bigger end of it to the bow-string, and stood for a long time pondering it, drawing it a little way and easing it back without releasing it. then he called to mind that his spears always threw better when they were hurled heavy end first. so he turned the little shaft and applied the small end to the bow-string. then he pulled the string tentatively, and let it go. the arrow, all unguided, shot straight up into the air, turned over, fell sharply, and buried its head in a bit of soft ground. grôm felt that this was progress. the spectators opened their mouths in wonder, but durst not venture any comment when grôm was at his mysteries. plucking the shaft from the earth, grôm once more laid it to the bow-string. as he pulled the string, the shaft wobbled crazily. with a growl of impatience, he clapped the fore-finger of his left hand over it, holding it in place, and pulled it through the guide thus formed. a light flashed upon his brooding intelligence. slightly crooking his finger, so that the shaft could move freely, he drew the string backward and forward, with deep deliberation, over and over again. to his delight, he found that the shaft was no longer eccentrically rebellious, but as docile as he could wish. at last, lifting the bow above his head, he drew it strongly, and shot the shaft into the air. he shouted as it slipped smoothly through the guiding crook of his finger and went soaring skyward as if it would never stop. the eyes of the spectators followed its flight with awe, and a-ya, suddenly comprehending, caught her breath and snatched the boy to her heart in a transport. her alert mind had grasped, though dimly, the wonder of her man's achievement. now, though grôm had pointed his shaft skyward, he had taken no thought whatever as to its direction, or the distance it might travel. as a matter of fact, he had shot towards the caves. he had shot strongly; and that first bow was a stiff one. most of the folk who squatted before the caves were watching; but there were some who were too indifferent or too stupid to take an interest in anything less arresting than a thump on the head. among these was a fat old woman, who, with her back to all the excitement, was bending herself double to grub in the litter of sticks and bones for some tit-bit which she had dropped. grôm's shaft, turning gracefully against the blue came darting downward on a long slope, and buried its point in that upturned fat and grimy thigh. with a yell the old woman whipped round, tore out the shaft, dashed it upon the ground, stared at it in horror as if she thought it some kind of snake, and waddled, wildly jabbering, into the nearest cave. an outburst of startled cries arose from all the spectators, but it hushed itself almost in the same breath. it was grôm who had done this singular thing, smiting unawares from very far off. the old woman must have done something to make grôm angry. they were all afraid; and several, whose consciences were not quite at ease, followed the old woman's example and slipped into the caves. as for grôm, his feelings were a mixture of embarrassment and elation. he was sorry to have hurt the old woman. he had a ridiculous dislike of hurting any one unnecessarily; and when he looked back and saw a-ya rocking herself to and fro in heartless mirth, he felt like asking her how she would have liked it herself, if she had been in the place of the fat old woman. on the other hand, he knew that he had made a great discovery, second only to the conquest of the fire. he had found a new weapon, of unheard-of, unimagined powers, able to kill swiftly and silently and at a great distance. all he had to do was to perfect the weapon and learn to control it. he strode haughtily up to the cave mouth to recover his shaft. the people, even the mightiest of the warriors, looked anxious and deprecating at his approach; but he gave them never a glance. it would not have done to let them think he had wounded the old woman by accident. he picked up the shaft and examined its bloodstained point, frowning fiercely. then he glared into the cave where the unlucky victim of his experiments had taken refuge. he refitted the shaft to the bow-string, and made as if to follow up his stroke with further chastisement. instantly there came from the dark interior a chorus of shrill feminine entreaties. he hesitated, seemed to relent, put the shaft into the bundle under his arm, and strode back to rejoin a-ya. he had done enough for the moment. his next step required deep thought and preparation. an hour or two later, grôm set out from the caves alone in spite of a-ya's pleadings. he wanted complete solitude with his new weapon. besides a generous bundle of canes, of varying lengths and sizes, he carried some strips of raw meat, a bunch of plantains, his spear and club, and a sort of rude basket, without handle, formed by tying together the ends of a roll of green bark. this basket was a device of a-ya's, which had added greatly to her prestige in the tribe, and caused the women to regard her with redoubled jealousy. by lining it thickly with wet clay, she was able to carry fire in it so securely and simply that grôm had adopted it at once, throwing away his uncertain and always troublesome fire-tubes of hollow bamboo. mounting the steep hillside behind the caves, grôm turned into a high, winding ravine, and was soon lost to the sight of the tribe. the ravine, the bed of a long-dry torrent, climbed rapidly, bearing around to the eastward, and brought him at length to a high plateau on a shoulder of the mountain. at the back of the plateau the mountain rose again, abruptly, to one of those saw-tooth pinnacles which characterized this range. at the base of the steep was a narrow fissure in the rock-face, leading into a small grotto which grôm had discovered on one of his hunting expeditions. he had used it several times already as a retreat when tired of the hubbub of the tribe and anxious to ponder in quiet some of the problems which for ever tormented his fruitful brain. absorbed in meditations upon his new weapons, grôm set himself to build a small fire before the entrance of the grotto. the red coals from his fire-basket he surrounded and covered with dry grass, dead twigs, and small sticks. then, getting down upon all fours, he blew long and steadily into the mass till the smoke which curled up from it was streaked with thin flames. as the flames curled higher, his ears caught the sound of something stirring within the cave. he looked up, peering between the little coils of smoke, and saw a pair of eyes, very close to the ground, glaring forth at him from the darkness. with one hand, he coolly but swiftly fed the fire to fuller volume, while with the other he reached for and clutched his club. the eyes drew back slowly to the depths of the cave. appearing not to have observed them, grôm piled the fire with heavier and heavier fuel, till it was blazing strongly and full of well-lighted brands. then he stood up, seized a brand, and hurled it into the cave. there was a harsh snarl, and the eyes disappeared, the owner of them having apparently shrunk off to one side. a moment or two later the interior was suddenly lighted up with a smoky glare. the brand had fallen on a heap of withered grass which had formerly been grôm's couch. grôm set his teeth and swung up his club; and in the same instant there shot forth two immense cave-hyenas, mad with rage and terror. the great beasts were more afraid of the sudden flare within than of the substantial and dangerous fire without. the first swerved just in time to escape the fire, and went by so swiftly that the stroke of grôm's club caught him only a light, glancing blow on the rump. but the second of the pair, the female, was too close behind to swerve in time. she dashed straight through the fire, struck grôm with all her frantic weight, knocked him flat, and tore off howling down the valley, leaving a pungent trail of singed fur on the air. uninjured save for an ugly scratch, which bled profusely, down one side of his face, grôm picked himself up in a rage and started after the fleeing beasts. but his common sense speedily reasserted itself. he grunted in disgust, turned back to the fire, and was soon absorbed in new experiments with the bow. as for the blaze within the cave, he troubled himself no more about it. he knew it would soon burn out. and it would leave the cave well cleansed of pestilential insects. all that afternoon he experimented with his bundle of shafts, to find what length and what weight would give the best results. one of the arrows he shattered completely, by driving it, at short range, straight against the rock-face of the mountain. two others he lost, by shooting them, far beyond his expectations, over the edge of the plateau and down into the dense thickets below him, where he did not care to search too closely by reason of the peril of snakes. the bow, as his good luck would have it, though short and clumsy was very strong, being made of a stick of dry upland hickory. and the cord of raw hide was well-seasoned, stout and tough; though it had a troublesome trick of stretching, which forced grôm to restring it many times before all the stretch was out of it. having satisfied himself as to the power of his bow and the range of his arrows, grôm set himself next to the problem of marksmanship. selecting a plant of prickly pear, of about the dimensions of a man, he shot at it, at different ranges, till most of its great fleshy leaves were shredded and shattered. with his straight eye and his natural aptitude, he soon grasped the idea of elevation for range, and made some respectable shooting. he also found that he could guide the arrow without crooking his finger around it. his elation was so extreme that he quite forgot to eat, till the closing in of darkness put an end to his practice. then, piling high his fire as a warning to prowlers, he squatted in the mouth of the cave and made his meal. for water he had to go some little way below the lip of the plateau; but carrying a blazing balsam-knot he had nothing to fear from the beasts that lay in ambush about the spring. they slunk away sullenly at the approach of the waving flame. that night grôm slept securely, with three fires before his door. every hour or two, vigilant woodsman that he was, he would wake up to replenish the fires, and be asleep again even in the act of lying down. and when the dawn came red and amber around the shoulder of the saw-toothed peak, he was up again and out into the chill, sweet air with his arrows. the difficulty which now confronted him was that of giving his shafts a penetrating point. being of a very hard-fibered cane, akin to bamboo, they would take a kind of splintering-point of almost needle sharpness. but it was fragile; and the cane being hollow, the point was necessarily on one side, which affected the accuracy of the flight. there were no flints in the neighborhood, or slaty rocks, which he could split into edged and pointed fragments. he tried hardening his points in the fire; but the results were not altogether satisfactory. he thought of tipping some of the shafts with thorns, or with the steely points of the old aloe leaves; but he could not, at the moment, devise such a method of fixing these formidable weapons in place as would not quite destroy their efficiency. finally he made up his mind that the thing to use would be bone, ground into a suitable shape between two stones. but this was a matter that would have to await his return to the caves, and would then call for much careful devising. for the present he would perforce content himself with such points as he had fined down and hardened in the fire. this matter settled in his mind, grôm burned to put his wonderful new weapon to practical test. he descended cautiously the steep slope from the eastern edge of his plateau--a broken region of ledges, subtropical thickets, and narrow, grassy glades, with here and there some tree of larger growth rising solitary like a watch-tower. knowing this was a favorite feeding-hour for many of the grass-eaters, he hid himself in the well-screened crotch of a deodar, overlooking a green glade, and waited. he had not long to wait, for the region swarmed with game. out from a runway some thirty or forty yards up the glade stepped a huge, dun-colored bull, with horns like scimitars each as long as grôm's arm. his flanks were scarred with long wounds but lately healed, and grôm realized that he was a solitary, beaten and driven out from his herd by some mightier rival. the bull glanced warily about him, and then fell to cropping the grass. the beast offered an admirable target. grôm's arrow sped noiselessly between the curtaining branches, and found its mark high on the bull's fore-shoulder. it penetrated--but not to a depth of more than two or three inches. and grôm, though elated by his good shot, realized that such a wound would be nothing more than an irritant. startled and infuriated, the bull roared and pawed the sod, and glared about him to locate his unseen assailant. he had not the remotest idea of the direction from which the strange attack had come. the galling smart in his shoulder grew momentarily more severe. he lashed back at it savagely with the side of his horn, but the arrow was just out of his reach. then, bewildered and alarmed, he tried to escape from this new kind of fly with the intolerable sting by galloping furiously up and down the glade. as he passed the deodar, grôm let drive another arrow, at close range. this, too, struck, and stuck. but it did not go deep enough to produce any serious effect. the animal roared again, stared about him as if he thought the place was bewitched, and plunged headlong into the nearest thicket, tearing out both arrows as he went through the close-set stems. grôm heard him crashing onward down the slope, and smiled to think of the surprise in store for any antagonist that might cross the mad brute's path. this experiment upon the wild bull had shown grôm one thing clearly. he must arm his arrows with a more penetrating point. until he could carry out his idea of giving them tips of bones, he must find some shoots of solid, pithless growth to take the place of his light hollow canes. for the next hour or two he searched the jungle carefully and warily, looking for a young growth that might immediately serve his purpose. but there in the jungle everything that was hard enough was crooked or gnarled, everything that was straight enough was soft and sappy. it was not till the sun was almost over his head, and the heat was urging him back to the coolness of his grotto, that he came across something worth making a trial of. on a bleak wind-swept knoll, far out on the mountain-side, lay the trunk of an old hickory-tree, which had evidently been shattered by lightning. from the roots, tenacious of life, had sprung up a throng of saplings, ranging from a foot or two in height to the level of grôm's head. they were as straight and slim as the canes. and their hardness was proved to grôm's satisfaction when he tried to break them off. they were tough, too, so that he almost lost his patience over them, before he learned that the best way to deal with them was to strip them down, in the direction of the fiber, where they sprang from the parent trunk or root. having at length gathered an armful, he returned to his grotto and proceeded to shape the refractory butts in the fire. as he squatted between the cave door and the fire he made his meal of raw flesh and plantains, and gazed out contemplatively over the vast, rankly-green landscape below him, musing upon the savage and monstrous strife which went on beneath that mask of wide-flung calm. and as he pondered, the fire which he had subjugated was quietly doing his work for him. the result was beyond his utmost expectations. after judicious charring, the ends being turned continually in the glowing coals, he rubbed away the charred portions between two stones, and found that he could thus work up an evenly-rounded point. the point thus obtained was keen and hard; and as he balanced this new shaft in his hand he realized that its weight would add vastly to its power of penetration. when he tried a shot with it, he found that it flew farther and straighter. it drove through the tough, fleshy leaf of the prickly pear as if it hardly noticed the obstruction. he fashioned himself a half-dozen more of these highly-efficient shafts, and then set out again--this time down the ravine--to seek a living target for his practice. the ravine was winding and of irregular width, terraced here and there with broken ledges, here and there cut into by steep little narrow gullies. its bottom was in part bare rock; but wherever there was an accumulation of soil, and some tiny spring oozing up through the fissures, there the vegetation grew rank, starred with vivid blooms of canna and hibiscus. in many places the ledges were draped with a dense curtain of the flat-flowered, pink-and-gold mesembryanthemum. it was a region well adapted to the ambuscading beasts; and grôm moved stealthily as a panther, keeping for the most part along the upper ledges, crouching low to cross the open spots, and slipping into cover every few minutes to listen and peer and sniff. presently he came to a spot which seemed to offer him every advantage as a place of ambush. it was a ledge some twenty feet above the valley level, with a sort of natural parapet behind which he could crouch, and, unseen, keep an eye on all the glades and runways below. behind him the rock-face was so nearly perpendicular that no enemy could steal upon him from the rear. he laid his club and his spear down beside him, selected one of his best arrows, and hoped that a fat buck would come by, or one of those little, spotted, two-toed horses whose flesh was so prized by the people of the caves. such a prize would be a proof to all the tribe of the potency of his new weapon. for nearly an hour he waited, moveless, save for his ranging eyes, as the rock on which he leaned. to a hunter like grôm, schooled to infinite patience, this was nothing. he knew that, in the woods, if one waits long enough and keeps still enough, he is bound to see something interesting. at last it came. it was neither the fat buck nor the little two-toed horse with dapple hide, but a young cow-buffalo. grôm noticed at once that she was nervous and puzzled. she seemed to suspect that she was being followed and was undecided what to do. once she faced about angrily, staring into the coverts behind her, and made as if to charge. had she been an old cow, or a bull, she would have charged; but her inexperience made her irresolute. she snorted, faced about again, and moved on, ears, eyes and wide nostrils one note of wrathful interrogation. she was well within range, and grôm would have tried a shot at her except for his seasoned wariness. he would rather see, before revealing himself, what foe it was that dared to trail so dangerous a quarry. the buffalo moved on slowly out of range, and vanished down a runway; and immediately afterwards the stealthy pursuer came in view. to grôm's amazement, it was neither a lion nor a bear. it was a man, of his own tribe. and then he saw it was none other than the great chief, bawr himself, hunting alone after his haughty and daring fashion. between grôm and bawr there was the fullest understanding, and grôm would have whistled that plover-cry, his private signal, but for the risk of interfering with bawr's chase. once more, therefore, he held himself in check; while bawr, his eyes easily reading the trail, crept on with the soundless step of a wild cat. but grôm was not the only hunter lying in ambush in the sun-drenched ravine. out from a bed of giant, red-blooming canna arose the diabolical, grinning head and monstrous shoulders of a saber-tooth, and stared after bawr. then the whole body emerged with a noiseless bound. for a second the gigantic beast stood there, with one paw uplifted, its golden-tawny bulk seeming to quiver in the downpour of intense sunlight. it was a third as tall again at the shoulders as the biggest himalayan tiger, its head was flat-skulled like a tiger's, and its upper jaw was armed with two long, yellow, saber-like tusks, projecting downwards below the lower jaw. this appalling monster started after bawr with a swift, crouching rush, as silent, for all its weight, as if its feet were shod with thistledown. grôm leapt to his feet with a wild yell of warning, at the same time letting fly an arrow. in his haste the shaft went wide. bawr, looking over his shoulder, saw the giant beast almost upon him. with a tremendous bound he gained the foot of a tree. dropping his club and spear, he sprang desperately, caught a branch, and swung himself upward. but the saber-tooth was already at his heels, before he had time to swing quite out of reach. the gigantic brute gathered itself for a spring which would have enabled it to pluck bawr from his refuge like a ripe fig. but that spring was never delivered. with a roar of rage the monster turned instead, and bit furiously at the shaft of an arrow sticking in its flank. grôm's second shaft had flown true; and bawr, greatly marveling, drew up his legs to a place of safety. with the fire of that deep wound in its entrails the saber-tooth forgot all about its quarry in the tree. it had caught sight of grôm when he uttered his yell of warning, and it knew instantly whence the strange attack had come. it bit off the protruding shaft; and then, fixing its dreadful eyes on grôm, it ceased its snarling and came charging for the ledge with a rush which seemed likely to carry it clear up the twenty-foot perpendicular of smooth rock. grôm, enamored of the new weapon, forgot the spear which was likely to be far more efficient at these close quarters. leaning far out over the parapet, he drew his arrow to the head and let drive just as the monster reared itself, open-jawed, at the wall. the pointed hickory went down into the gaping gullet, and stood out some inches at the side of the neck. with a horrible coughing screech the monster recoiled, put its head between its paws, and tried to claw the anguish from its throat. but after a moment, seeming to realize that this was impossible, it backed away, gathered itself together, and sprang for the ledge. it received another of grôm's shafts deep in the chest, without seeming to notice the wound; and its impetus was so tremendous that it succeeded in getting its fore-paws fixed upon the ledge. clinging there, its enormous pale-green eyes staring straight into grôm's, it struggled to draw itself up all the way--an effort in which it would doubtless have succeeded at once but for that first arrow in its entrails. the iron claws of its hinder feet rasped noisily on the rock-face. grôm dropped his bow beside him and reached for the spear. his hand grasped the club instead; but there was no time to change. swinging the stone-head weapon in air, he brought it down, with a grunt of huge effort, full upon one of those giant paws which clutched the edge of the parapet. crushed and numbed, the grip of that paw fell away; but at the same moment one of the hinder paws got over the edge, and clung. and there the monster hung, its body bent in a contorted bow. bawr, meanwhile, seeing grôm's peril, had dropped from his tree, snatched up his spear and club, and rushed in to the rescue. it was courage, this, of the finest, counting no odds; for down there on the level he would have stood no ghost of a chance had the beast turned back upon him. grôm yelled to him to keep away, and swung up his club for another shattering blow. but in that same moment the great glaring eyes filmed and rolled upwards; blood spouted from between the gaping jaws; and with a spluttering cough the monster lost its hold. it fell, with a soft but jarring thud, upon its back, and slowly rolled over upon its side, pawing the air aimlessly. the arrow in the throat had done its work. with fine self-restraint bawr refrained from striking, that he might seem to usurp no share in grôm's amazing achievement. he stood leaning upon his spear, calmly watching the last feeble paroxysm, till grôm came scrambling down from the ledge and stood beside him. he took the bow and arrows, and examined them in silence. then he turned upon grôm with burning eyes. "you found the fire for our people. you saved our people from the hordes of the bow-legs. you have saved my life now, slaying the monster from very far off with these little sticks which you have made. it is you who should be chief, not i." grôm laughed and shook his head. "bawr is the better man of us two," said he positively, "and he is a better chief. he governs the people, while i go away and think new things. and he is my friend. look, i will teach him now this new thing. and we will make another just like it, that when we return to the caves bawr also shall know how to strike from very far off." with their rough-edged spear-heads of flint they set themselves to the skinning of the saber-tooth. then they went back to the high plateau, where bawr was taught to shoot a straight shaft. and on the following day they returned to the fires of the tribe, carrying between them, shoulder high, slung upon their two spears, this first trophy of the bow, the monstrous head and hide of the saber-tooth. chapter ix the destroying splendor i to grôm, hunting farther to the south of the tribal fires than he had ever ranged before, came suddenly a woman running, mad with fright, a baby clutched to her bosom. she fell at grôm's feet, gibbering breathlessly, and plainly imploring his protection. both she and the child were streaming with blood, and covered with strange cup-like wounds, as if the flesh had been gouged out of them with some irresistible circular instrument. grôm swiftly fitted an arrow to his bow, and peered through the trees to see what manner of adversary the fugitive was like to bring upon him. at the same time, he gave a piercing cry, which was answered at once from some distance behind him. having satisfied himself (the country being fairly open) that the woman's pursuer, whatever it might be, was not close upon her heels, and that no immediate danger was in view, he turned his attention upon the woman herself. she was not of his race, and he looked down upon her with cold aversion. at first glance he thought she was one of the bow-legs. but the color of her skin, where it could be seen for the blood, was different, being rather of a copper-red; and she was neither so hairy on the body nor of so ape-like proportions. she was sufficiently hideous, however, and of some race plainly inferior to the people of the caves. the natural instinct of a cave man would have been to knock her and her offspring on the head without ceremony--an effective method of guarding his more highly developed breed from the mixture of an inferior blood. but grôm, the chief and the wise man, had many vague impulses moving him at times which were novel to the human play-fellows of earth's childhood. he disliked hurting a woman or a child. he might, quite conceivably, have refused to concern himself with the suppliant before him, and merely left her and her baby to the chances of the jungle. but the peculiar character of her wounds interested him. she aroused his curiosity. here was a new mystery for him to investigate. the woman was saved. knowing a few words of the bow-legs' tongue, which he had learned from his lame slave ook-ootsk, he addressed the crouching woman, telling her not to fear. the tongue was unintelligible to her, but the tones of his voice seemed to reassure her. she sat up, revealing again the form of the little one, which she had been shielding with her hair and her bosom as if she feared the tall white hunter might dash its brains out; and grôm noted with keen interest that the child also had one of those terrible, cup-shaped wounds, almost obliterating its fat, copper-colored shoulder. he saw, also, that the woman's face, though uncomely, was more intelligent and human than the bestial faces of the bow-legs' women. it was a broad face, with very small, deep-set eyes, high cheek bones, a tiny nose, and a very wide mouth, and it looked as if some one had sat on it hard and pushed it in. the idea made him smile, and the smile completed the woman's reassurance. she poured a stream of chatter quite unlike the clicks and barkings of the bow-legs. then she crept closer to grôm's feet, and proceeded to give her little one the breast. it was twisting uneasily with the pain of its dreadful wound, but it nursed hungrily, and with the prudent stoicism of a wild creature it made no outcry. as grôm stood studying the pair, the mother kept throwing glances of horror over her shoulder, as if expecting her assailants to arrive at any moment. grôm followed her eyes, but there was no sign of any pursuit. then he observed the fugitives' wounds more closely, and noted that the blood upon them was already, in most cases, pretty well coagulated. he noted also certain other wounds, deep, narrow punctures, like stabs. he guessed that they could not be much less than an hour old. the thing, whatever it was, which had inflicted them--the thing with so strange a mouth, and so strange a way of using it--had apparently given up the pursuit. grôm's curiosity burned within him, and he was angry at the woman because she could not speak to him in his own language, or at least in that of the bow-legs. it seemed to him willful obstinacy on her part to refuse to understand the bow-legs' tongue. he stooped over her, and roughly examined one of the wounds with his huge fingers. she winced, but made no complaint, only covering her baby with her hair and her arms in terror lest it should suffer a like harsh handling. with a qualm of compunction, which rather puzzled him, grôm gave over his investigating, and turned to a tall, slim youth with a great mop of chestnut hair who at this moment came running up to him. it was a-ya's young brother, mô, grôm's favorite follower and hunting mate; and he had come at speed, being very swift of foot, in answer to grôm's signal. breathing quickly, he stood at grôm's side, and looked down with wonder and dislike upon the crouching woman. briefly grôm explained, and then pointed to the inexplicable wounds. the youth, unable to believe that any human creature should be unable to comprehend plain human speech, such as that of the cave people, tried his own hand at questioning the woman. he got a flow of chatter in reply, but, being able to make nothing out of it, he imagined it was not speech at all, and turned away angrily, thinking that she mocked him. grôm, smiling at the mistake, explained that the woman was talking her own language, which he intended presently to learn as he had learned that of the bow-legs. "but now," said he, "we will go and see what it is that has bitten the woman. it is surely something with a strange mouth." mô, who was not only brave to recklessness, but who would have followed grôm through the mouth of hell, sprang forward eagerly. grôm, who realized that the mystery before him was a perilous one, and who loved to do dangerous things in a prudent manner, looked to his bow-string and saw that his arrows were handy in his girdle, before he started on the venture. besides his bow he carried the usual two spears and his inseparable stone-headed club. though danger was his delight, it was not the danger itself but the thrill of overcoming it that he loved. the moment he stepped forward, however, the woman divined his purpose and leapt wildly to her feet. she sprang straight in front of him, screaming and gesticulating. she was plainly horror-stricken at the thought that the two men should venture into the perils from which she had so hardly escaped. to grôm's keen intelligence her gestures were eloquent. she managed to convey to him the idea of great numbers, and the impossibility of his dealing with them. when he attempted to pass her, she threw herself down and clung to his feet, shaking with her terror. when she saw that grôm was at last impressed, she stretched herself out as if dead, and then, after a few moments of ghastly rigidity, with fixed, staring eyes, she came to and held up one hand with the fingers outspread. this frantic pantomime grôm could read in no other way than as an attempt to tell him that the unknown something had killed five of the woman's companions. the information gave him pause. adventurous as he was, he had small respect for mere pig-headed recklessness. he was resolved to solve the problem--but after all it could abide his more thorough preparation. "come back," he ordered, turning to the impetuous mô. "she says they are too many for us two. they have killed five of her people. we will go back to the caves, and after three sleeps for good counsel, we will return with fire and find the destroying thing." ii on their return to the caves, grôm gave the strange woman and her baby to his faithful slave ook-ootsk, who accepted the gift with enthusiasm because, being a bow-leg, he had not been allowed to take any of the cave women to wife. he lavished his attentions upon the unhappy stranger, but he could make no more of her speech than grôm had done. the girl a-ya, however, in a moment of peculiar insight had gathered, or thought she gathered, from the stranger's signs, that the dreadful and destroying thing was something that flew--therefore, a great flesh-eating bird. but she gathered, also, that it was something which in some way bore a resemblance to fire--for the woman, after getting over her first terror of the dancing flames, kept pointing to them and then to her wounds in a most suggestive way. this, however, as grôm rather scornfully pointed out, was too absurd. there was nothing that could be in the least like fire itself; and the wounds of the fugitives had no likeness whatever to the corrosive bites of the flame. a-ya took the correction submissively, but held her own thought; and when a day or two later, events proved her to have been right, she discreetly refrained from calling her lord's attention to the fact--a point upon which grôm was equally reserved. with so provocative a mystery waiting to be solved, grôm could not long rest idle. had she not known well it would be a waste of breath, a-ya would have tried to dissuade him from the perilous, and to her mind profitless, adventure. it was one she shrank from in spite of her tried courage and her unwavering trust in grôm's prowess. the mystery of it daunted her. she feared it in the same way that she feared the dark. but she kept her fears to herself, and claimed her long-established right to go with grôm on the expedition. grôm was willing enough, for there was no one whose readiness and nerve, in a supreme crisis, he could so depend upon, and he wanted her close at hand with her fire-basket. there was nothing to keep her at home, as the children were looked after by ook-ootsk. it was a very little party which started southward from the caves--simply grôm, a-ya, young mô, and a dwarfish kinsman of grôm's, named loob, who was the swiftest runner in the tribe and noted for his cunning as a scout. he could go through underbrush like a shadow, and hide where there was apparently no hiding-place, making himself indistinguishable from the surroundings like a squatting partridge. each one carried a bow, two light spears, and a club--except a-ya, who had no club, and only one spear. the weapon she chiefly relied upon was the bow, which she loved with passion. she considered herself the inventor of it; and in the accuracy of her shooting she outdid even grôm. in addition to these weapons, each member of the party except the leader himself carried a fire-basket, in which a mass of red coals mixed with punk smouldered in a bed of moist clay. the little expedition traveled indian file, grôm leading the way, with a-ya at his heels, then loob the scout, and young mô bringing up the rear. they had started about dawn, when the first of the morning rose was just beginning to pale the cave-mouth fires. they traveled swiftly, but every two hours or so they would make a brief halt beside a spring to drink and breathe themselves and to look to the precious fires in the fire-baskets. when it wanted perhaps an hour of noon, they came to a little patch of meadow surrounding a solitary judas-tree covered with bloom. here they built a fire, for the replenishing of the coals in the fire-baskets, and as a menace to prowling beasts. then they dined on their sun-dried meat and on ripe plantains gathered during the journey. having dined, the three younger members of the party stretched themselves out in the shade for their noon sleep, while grôm, whose restless brain never suffered him to sleep by day, kept watch, and pondered the adventure which lay before them. as grôm sat there, ten or a dozen paces from the fire, absorbed in thought, his eyes gradually focussed themselves upon a big purple-and-lemon orchid bloom, which glowed forth conspicuously from the rank green jungle-growth fringing the meadow. the gorgeous bloom seemed to rise out of a black, curiously gnarled elbow of branch or trunk which thrust itself out through the leafage. grôm's eyes dwelt for a time, unheeding, upon this piece of misshapen tree trunk. suddenly he saw the blackness wink. his startled vision cleared itself instantly, and revealed to him the hideous, two-horned mask of a black rhinoceros, peering forth just under the orchid blossom. grôm's first impulse was to wake the sleepers with a yell and shepherd them to refuge in the tree--for the gigantic woolly rhinoceros, with his armor of impenetrable hide, was a foe whom man had not yet learned to handle with any certainty. but a deeper instinct held grôm motionless. he knew that the monster, whose eyesight was always dim and feeble, could not see him distinctly, and was in all probability staring in stupid wonder at the dancing flames of the camp-fire. as long as no smell of man should reach the brute's sensitive nostrils to rouse its rage, it was not likely to charge. there was no wind, and the air about him was full of the spicy bitterness of the wood-smoke. grôm decided that the safest thing was to keep perfectly still and wait for the next move in the game to come from the monster. he devoutly trusted that the sleepers behind him were sleeping soundly, and that no one would wake and sit up to attract the monster's attention. grôm could now see plainly that it was the fire, and not himself, which the rhinoceros was staring at. the shifting flames, and the smell of the smoke, apparently puzzled it. after a moment or two, it took a step forward, so that half of its huge, black, shaggy bulk projected from the banked greenery as from a frame. then it stood motionless, blinking its little malignant eyes, till the silent suspense grew to be a strain even upon grôm's well-seasoned nerves. at last a large stick, laid across the fire, burned through and fell apart. the flames leapt upwards with redoubled vigor, preceded by a volley of crackling sparks. knowing the temper of the rhinoceros, grôm expected it to fly into a fury and charge upon the fire at once. his mouth opened, indeed, for the yell of warning which should wake the sleepers and send them leaping into the tree. but he checked himself in time. the monster, for once in its life, seemed to be abashed. the curling red flames were too elusive a foe for it. with a grunt of uneasiness, it drew back into the leafage; and in a moment or two grôm heard the giant bulk crashing off through the jungle at a gallop. the unwonted sensation of alarm, once yielded to, had swollen to a panic, and the dull-witted brute fled on for a mile or more before it could forget the cause of its terror. that afternoon toward sundown the expedition reached the point where the fugitive had made her appeal to grôm. for fear of giving information to the unknown enemy, no fires were lighted. the night was passed in a dense and lofty tree-top. for grôm, strung up with excitement, suspense and curiosity, there was little sleep. for the most part he perched on his woven platform with his arms about his knees, listening to the sounds of the night--the occasional sudden rush of a hunting beast, the agonized scream and scuffle, the gurglings and noisy slaverings that told of the unseen tragedies enacted far down in the murderous dark. but there was no sound novel to his own experience. once there came a scratching of claws and a sniffing at the base of the tree. but grôm dropped a live coal from his fire-basket, and chanced to make a lucky shot. with a snarl some heavy body bounced away from the tree. the coal then fell into a tuft of dry grass, which flared up suddenly. grôm had a glimpse of huge shapes and startled, savage eyes backing away from the circle of light. the blaze died down as quickly as it had arisen; and thereafter the night prowlers kept at a distance from the tree. but the sleepers had all been thoroughly aroused and till dawn they sat discussing, for the hundredth time, the chances of the morrow's venture. before the sun was clear of the horizon, the little party was again upon the march, but now going with the wariness of a sable. they no longer went indian file, but flitting singly from tree to tree, from covert to covert, grôm picking up the old trail of the fugitive, the rest of the party keeping him in view and peering ahead for some sign of the unknown terror. the red woman in her flight had left a sharp trail enough; but in the lapse of three days it had been so obliterated that all grôm's wood-craft was needed to decipher it, and his progress was slow. he began to be puzzled at the absence of any other trail, of any footsteps of a mysterious, unknown monster. such tracks as crossed those of the fugitive, however terrible, were all familiar to his eye. suddenly he almost stumbled over a hideous sight. a low whistle brought his followers closing in upon him. the skeleton of a full-grown man lay outstretched in the grass. the bones were fresh--bloodstained and bright--and a swarm of blood-sucking insects arose from them. they were picked minutely clean, except for a portion of the skull, where the long, strong, densely matted hair seemed to have served as an effective armor. the bones were not pulled about, or crushed for their marrow, as they would have been if the victim had been the prey of any of the great carnivorous beasts. and there were no tracks about it save those of a few small rat-like creatures. it was clear that the mystery, whatever it might be, had wings. "a bird!" whispered a-ya, with a gleam of triumph in her eyes, at the same time glancing up into the tree-tops apprehensively. but grôm did not think so. there were no marks of mighty claws on the turf around the skeleton. grôm cast about him an eager but anxious eye. the country was not densely wooded at this point, but studded with low thickets, and set here and there with scattered trees. from a little way ahead came a gleam of calm water through the greenery. it was a scene of peace, and security, and summer loveliness. its very beauty seemed to grôm an added menace, as if some peculiar treachery must lurk behind it. in the center of an open glade, not far from the skeleton, grôm set his party to building a circle of fires, as likely to afford the surest kind of a refuge. a supply of fuel having been gathered, he directed a-ya and mô to remain and tend the fires and not to leave the circle unless he should summon them. loob, the cunning scout, he sent off to the left through the underbrush. he himself followed the trail of the fugitive--now doubled by that of the other fugitive whose skeleton lay there in the sun--down toward that gleam of water through the trees. a-ya gazed after him anxiously as he vanished, half minded to dare his displeasure and follow him. grôm was presently able to make out that the water was a wide, reedy lake or the arm of a shallow river. there was no wind, and the surface shone like clear glass. but once and again his eyes were dazzled by a dart of intense radiance, a great flash of rose or violet or blue-green flame, shooting over the surface of the water. a memory of what a-ya had professed to gather from the stranger woman rushed into his mind. perhaps the destroying thing was like a bird, and nevertheless, at the same time, something like fire. he felt himself confronted by a mystery which made even his tried nerves creep; and he hid himself in the densest undergrowth as he stole forward toward the water. he had forgotten, and forsaken, the trail he was following, in his haste to solve the problem of those darting splendors. a few moments more and he gained the edge of an open glade which led straight to the water. he paused behind the screening leaves. out over the water a bar of ruby light, surrounded by a globe of rose-pink mist, shot by and vanished from his narrow field of vision. he was just about to thrust out his head and crane his neck to follow the gorgeous apparition, when a peculiar dry rustling in the air above checked him. he glanced up cautiously, and saw hovering, not more than twenty or thirty yards away, a beautiful and dreadful being. in shape it was exactly like a dragon-fly; but the length of its flaming violet body was greater than that of grôm's longest arrow. the spread of its two pairs of transparent, crystal-shining, colorless wings was even greater than the length of its body. its enormous eyes, wells of purple fire which took up the whole of the top and sides of its monstrous head, seemed to see everywhere at once; and grôm shivered with the feeling that they had spied him out and were peering into his very soul. the awful eyes may have seen him, indeed; but at that moment they spied out something else which apparently concerned them more. with a pounce like a flash of violet lightning--and, indeed, almost as swift--the bright shape swooped to the grass. the four shining wings waved there for a moment, and there seemed to be a mild struggle. then the giant fly rose again, lightly, into the air, holding in the clutch of its six slender, jointed legs the body of one of those black, rat-like animals which grôm knew so well as infesting the grass of all meadows near the water. the captor flew to a naked branch near the waterside, alighted upon it, and proceeded to make its meal, holding up the body between the end joints of its front pair of legs and turning it over and over deftly while its appalling jaws both crushed and mangled it. the process was amazingly swift. in the space of a couple of minutes all the blood, flesh, and soft material of the rat were squeezed out and sucked down. the remnants were rolled into a hard little ball, perfectly spherical, and scornfully tossed aside. and the monster, leaping into the air with a rustle of its glittering wings, flashed off over the water. almost in the same moment an amazingly loud rustle, like the sweep of a fierce gust of rain upon a rank of palmetto leaves, filled the air above the glade, and grôm, looking up with a start, saw a great shoal of the radiant shapes storm by, as if with the rainbow entangled in their wings. he wondered upon what foray they were bent; and now for the first time he realized, with a creeping of the flesh, what it was that had overtaken the man whose skeleton he had found in the grass. the shoal swept out over the lake a little way, and then down the shore toward the left; and grôm drew a long breath as he assured himself that their course was taking them far from the fires of a-ya and mô. when grôm lowered his eyes to earth again he started. on the side of the stump of a fallen tree, out in the glade not more than eight or ten yards distant, clung one of the monsters, scintillating blue-green and amethyst in the full blaze of the sun. its wings, exquisitely netted and of crystal transparency, were tinged with an ineffable purple iridescence. its jointed body, slightly longer than grôm's arm, was nearly as thick as his wrist, and ended at the tail with a formidable double claw. its six legs, arranged in three pairs under the thorax, were armed on the inner sides with powerful spines, needle-pointed and steel hard, with which to grip and hold its victims. the thorax, from the back of which sprouted the four great wings, was of the thickness of grôm's forearm, while its head was as big as grôm's two great fists put together. it was this head which held grôm's fascinated gaze, giving him more of the sensation of cold fear than he had ever known before. more than two-thirds of the head consisted of a pair of huge, globose eyes, without pupil, ethereally transparent, yet unfathomable. from the depths of them flamed a ceaselessly changing radiance of blue-green, purple and violet. grôm found the stare of those blank, pupilless eyes almost intolerable. it was plainly straight at him, through the ineffectual screen of the leafage, that the dreadful insect was staring. at first it stared with the back of its head. then, very deliberately, it turned its head completely around, without moving its body a hair-breadth, till its mouth was in the same plane with its back. this gave grôm a sense of disgust, and his shrinking dread began to give way to a sort of rage. then he took note of the monster's mouth--and understood those great cup-shaped wounds on the woman and the child. the mouth took up the remaining third of the head, and seemed to consist of globular discs working one over the other, so as either to cut cleanly or to grind. they were working, slowly, now--and grôm felt suddenly that he must put a stop to it, that he must put out the awful light in those monstrous devil eyes. stealthily, almost imperceptibly, he fitted an arrow to his bow, raised it, drew it, and took a long, steady aim. he must not miss. the shaft flew--and the great fly was pinned, through the thorax, to the soft, rotten wood of its perch. to grôm's horror that stroke, which to any beast he knew would have at once been fatal, did not kill the monstrous fly. its struggles, and the beating of its four great wings were so violent that the arrow-head was presently wrenched loose from its hold in the wood, and the raging splendor, with the shaft half-way through its thorax, bounded into the air. it darted straight at grôm, who had prudently edged in among a tangle of stems. its fury carried it through the screen of leafage--but then, its wings impeded by the branches, and the arrow hampering it, it dashed itself to the earth. instantly grôm was upon it, stamping its slim body, as it lay there blazing and quivering, into the soil. the violet light in the huge, pupilless eyes still stared up at him implacable, from a head turned squarely over the back. but in a cold fury grôm shattered the gleaming head with his club. then he trod the silver wings to dust. having slaked his wrath effectually, grôm turned to stare forth again at those destroying splendors darting and glittering above the surface of the lake. to his surprise there were no more of them to be seen. then far off down the shore he heard the voice of loob, shouting for help. the shouting changed at once to a scream of terror, and grôm started to the rescue on the full run--taking care, however, to keep within cover of the thickets. but before he had gone a quarter of a mile he heard a-ya's voice calling him, wildly, insistently, mingled with excited yells from mô. he shouted in reply and dashed madly for the fires. the peril of a-ya put all other considerations out of his mind. as he burst forth into the glade of refuge, he saw a-ya and young mô leaping about frantically among their fires, now trying to stir the fires to a fiercer blaze, now beating upwards with their spears, while above them darted and gleamed and swooped and scintillated, with a horrid dry rustling of their silver wings, shoal upon shoal of the devouring monsters. as he burst into the open, with a great shout of encouragement, something dropped upon him. he felt his head instantly caged by six steel-like legs which gripped like jaws, their spines sinking deep into the flesh of neck and cheek. he reached up his left hand, caught his dreadful assailant just where the head and thorax join, and strove to throttle it. this was impossible, by reason of the insect's armor, but he succeeded in holding off those horrid jaws from his face as he dashed for the circle. another monster swooped and struck its spines into his back, and bit a great mouthful out of his shoulder. but he gained the fires, and, holding his breath, sprang right through the fiercest flame. the wings of his assailants shrivelled instantly, and the flame, drawn into the mouth of their breathing tubes, sealed them up. grôm tore them off, and slammed the writhing, wingless bodies into the fire. inside the circle, now that the fires were burning high, it was possible to defend oneself effectually, as the bulk of the assailants seemed to realize that the flames were fatal to their frail wings. but there were enough so headlong in their ferocity that both grôm and mô were kept busy beating them off with spears, while a-ya fed the fires; and the ground inside the circle was littered with the radiant bodies of the dying insects, which, even in dying, bit like bull-dogs if foot or leg came within reach. grôm noticed that their supply of fuel was all but gone, and his heart sank. he measured with his eyes the distance to the nearest thickets that looked dense enough for a shelter. "we'll have to run for those bushes," he said presently. "they can't fly in where the branches are thick. it breaks their wings." "good," said young mô. but a-ya, whose shapely shoulders and thighs were already covered with hideous wounds, trembled at the prospect. at that moment, however an amazing change came over the scene. a black thunder-cloud passed across the face of the sun. the moment the sunshine vanished the destroyers seemed to forget their fury. all the life and energy went out of them. they simply flocked to the nearest trees and hung themselves up, gigantic, jewelled blooms, upon the branches. in less than a minute every dreadful wing was stilled. "now is our time. come!" commanded grôm, leading the way out of the circle. "let's stop and kill them all!" pleaded young mô, his eyes red with rage. but grôm pointed to the cloud. "it will pass quickly," said he. "we must be far from here before the sun shows his face again." he paused, however, to transfix upon his spear-head one of their wounded but still fluttering foes, that he might be able to show the tribe what manner of monsters they had had to deal with. both a-ya and mô followed his example; and they all ran off down the glade searching for loob, whom they soon found and bearing their strange trophies on their spear-heads they went on. the monsters, clinging sullenly to their perches, rolled baleful eyes of emerald and rose and amethyst upon them as they went, but lifted never a wing to follow them. ten minutes later the sun came out again. then the monsters all sprang hurtling into the air, and darted hither and thither above the glade in shoals of iridescent radiance, seeking their prey. but grôm and a-ya, mô and loob triumphant in spite of their wounds, were by this time far away among the inland thickets, where those intolerable eyes could not search them out, nor the clashing wings pursue. chapter x the terrors of the dark i from the topmost summit of that range of pointed hills which held the caves and the cave-mouth fires of his people, grôm stared northward with keen curiosity. to east and south and west he had explored, ever seeking to enlarge the knowledge and strengthen the security of his tribe. but to northward of the pointed hills lay league on league of profound jungle--grotesque and enormous growths knitted together impenetrably by a tangle of gigantic, flame-flowered lianas. and in those rank, green glooms, as grôm had reason to believe, there lurked such monsters as even he, with all his resources of fire and novel weapons, had so far shrunk from challenging. but beyond the expanse of jungle stretched another line of hills, their summits not saw-toothed like his own, but low and gently rounded, and of a smoky purple against the pure turquoise sky. these hills grôm was thirsting to explore. they might contain caves more roomy than those of his own hills--spacious and suitable to give shelter to his tribe, which was now finding itself somewhat cramped. moreover, it had always seemed to grôm that there might be a mystery behind those hills, and to his restless imagination a mystery was always like a stinging goad. in all this neighborhood the crust of earth was thin as plainly appeared from the fringe of wavering volcanic flames which, during all the five years since the coming of the tribe, had been dancing from the lip of the narrow fissure across the mouth of their valley. night and day, now high and vehement, now low and faint, they had danced there, guarding the valley entrance--until just one moon ago. then had come an earthquake, shaking the hearts of all the tribe to water. the dancing flames had died. the fissure had closed up, and its place had been taken by a pool of boiling pitch. and one of the caves had fallen in, burying several members of the tribe, who had been too stupefied with panic to flee into the open at the first alarm. for some days after this catastrophe the tribe had camped in the open, huddled about their great fires. then, but with deep misgivings, they had all crowded back into the remaining caves. but now there was not room enough, and bawr, the wise chief, had taken frequent counsel upon the matter with grôm, whom, loving him greatly he called sometimes his right hand and sometimes the eye of the people. at last, it had been settled that grôm should lead a party through the jungle land to those other hills, to spy out the prospect. and grôm, like the foresighted leader that he was, had spent many hours on the mountain-top, planning his route and studying the luxuriant surface of the jungle outstretched below him, before plunging into its mysterious depths. as was his custom when on a perilous venture, grôm would have few followers to share the peril with him. he took a-ya, not only because of her oft-proved courage and resourcefulness, not only because he wanted her always at his side, but, above all, because he knew he could not leave her behind. had he tried to leave her, she would have disobeyed and followed him by stealth--and perhaps fallen a prey to prowling beasts. he took also a-ya's young brother, the hot-head mô; and loob, the shaggy, little sharp-faced scout, who could run like a hare, hide like a fox, and fight like a cornered weasel. this he would have accounted, ordinarily, a sufficient party. but the present enterprise being one of peculiar difficulty, he decided at the last moment to strengthen his following by the addition of a dark-faced, perpetually-grinning giant named hobbo, who was slow of wit, but thewed like a bull, and a mighty fighter with the stone-headed club. this little but greatly daring band, which grôm, one flaming sunrise, led down into the unknown jungle, was well armed. besides the spear and the club, each member of the party but hobbo (who had displayed no aptitude for its use) carried grôm's wonderful invention--the bow. hobbo, however, because of his immense strength, bore the heavy fire-basket, wherein the smoldering coals were cherished in a bed of clay. as a food reserve, everyone carried a few strips of half-dried meat; but their main dependence, of course, was to be upon the spoils of their hunting and the fruits that they might gather on their march. the forest into whose depths grôm now led the way was in reality a survival from a previous age, into which the forms, both vegetable and animal, of contemporary life had been gradually infiltrating. the soil, of incredible fertility, still poured forth those gigantic tree grasses, and colossal, sappy ferns and psuedo-palms, which had flourished chiefly in the carboniferous period. but here they were mingled with the more enduring hard-wood growths of the later tropical forests; and only these were strong enough to support the massive, strangling coils of the cable-like lianas, which wound their way up the huge trunks and reached out in aërial, swaying bridges from tree-top to tree-top. on every side, high or low, the deep-green gloom was splashed with color from the gorgeous orchids and other epiphytes, which flowered out into grotesque or monstrous wing-petaled shapes of vermilion and purple and orange and rose and white, eyed with velvet black or streaked with iridescent bronze. to men of to-day this jungle would have been impenetrable, except by the incessant use of axe or machete. but grôm and his party were cave-men, and had not yet forgotten all the instincts and capacities of their tree-dwelling ancestors. sometimes, where it seemed easiest, they forced their way along the ground, or followed the trodden trail of some great jungle beast, so long as it led in the right direction. but here they had to be ceaselessly on the watch against surprise by creatures whose monstrous tracks were unlike any that they had ever seen before. whenever possible, therefore, they preferred to journey, after the fashion of their apish ancestors, by way of the high branches and the liana bridges. hampered as they were by their weapons, their progress by this aërial way was slow. but it was comparatively secure. and it was also comparatively cool; while down at the ground-level the steaming heat and the stinging insects were almost beyond endurance. yet before the end of that first day's journey they learned that even in tree-tops it was necessary to be always on the watch. once the little hairy scout, loob, who traveled always on the outskirts of the party, was struck at suddenly by a huge black leopard, which lay ambushed in the crotch of a tree. loob, however, who was so quick-sighted that he seemed to see things before they actually happened, leapt to a higher branch in time to escape the deadly paw. in the next instant he struck down furiously with his spear, catching his assailant between the shoulder-blades and driving the stroke home with all his strength. with a screech, the beast stiffened out, and then, somewhat slowly, collapsed. as loob wrenched his weapon free, the great animal slumped limply from its branch. for a moment or two it hung by the fore-paws, coughing and frothing at the mouth. then this last hold relaxed and it fell, bumping with a curious deliberation from branch to branch. it vanished through a floor of thick leafage, and struck the ground with a dull crash. it must have fallen under the very jaws of an unseen waiting monster; for there arose at once a strange, hooting roar, followed by the sound of rending flesh and cracking bone. loob grinned over his feat, and grôm, glancing at a-ya, muttered quietly: "it is better to be up here than down there." as he spoke, and they all peered downwards, a dreadful head, with the limp body of the leopard gripped like a rat between its long jaws and dripping yellow fang, thrust itself up through the floor of leafage and stared at them with round eyes as cold and black as ice. grôm itched to shoot an arrow into one of those unwinking, devilish eyes. but arrows were too precious to be wasted. that night they slept profoundly on a platform which they wove of branches in one of the tallest and most unscalable trees. they kept watch, of course, turn and turn about; but nothing attempted to approach them, and they cared little for the sounds of strife, the crashings of pursuit and desperate flight, which came up to them at intervals from the blackness far below. on the morrow, however, as they were pursuing their aërial path along the borders of a narrow, sluggish bayou, they were suddenly made to realize that the tree-tops held perils more deadly than that of the lurking leopards. they were all staring down into the water, which swarmed with gigantic crocodiles and boiled immediately beneath them with the turmoil of a life-and-death struggle between two of the brutes, when harsh jabbering in the branches just across the water made them look up. the tree-tops opposite were full of great apes, mowing and gibbering at them with every sign of hate. the beasts were as big and massive as hobbo himself, and covered thickly with long, blackish fur. their faces, half human, half dog-like, were hairless and of a bright but bilious blue, with great livid red circles about the small, furious eyes. with derisive gestures they swung themselves out upon the overhanging branches, till it almost seemed as if they would hurl themselves into the water in their rage against the little knot of human beings. the girl a-ya, overcome with loathing horror because the beasts were so hideous a caricature of man, covered her eyes with one hand. young mô, his fiery temper stung by their challenge, clapped an arrow to his string and raised his bow to shoot. but grôm checked him sternly, dreading to fix any thirst of vengeance in the minds of the terrible troop. "they can't come at us here. let them forget about us," said he. "don't take any more notice of them at all." as he led the way once more through the branches along the edge of the bayou, the apes kept pace with them on the other side. but presently the bayou widened, and then swept sharply off to the west. grôm kept on straight to the north, by the route which he had planned. and the mad gibbering died away into the hot, green silence of the tree-tops. the adventurers now pushed on with redoubled speed, unwilling to pass another night in the tree-tops when such dangerous antagonists were in the neighborhood. the hills, however, were still far off when evening came again. not knowing that the great apes always slept at night, grôm decided to continue the journey in order to lessen the risk of a surprise. when the moon rose, round and huge and honey-colored, over the sea of foliage, traveling through the tree-tops was almost as easy as by day, while the earth below them, with its prowling and battling monsters, was buried in inky gloom. when day broke, there were the rounded hills startlingly close ahead, as if they had crept forward to meet them in the night. and now the hills looked different. between the nearest--a long, rolling, treeless ridge of downland--and the edge of the jungle lay an expanse of open, grassy savannah, dotted with ponds, and here and there a curious, solitary, naked tree-trunk, with what looked like a bunch of grass on its top. they were like gigantic green paint-brushes, with yellow-gray handles, stuck up at random. far off they saw a herd of curious beasts at pasture, and away to the left a giant bird, as tall as the tree by which it stood, seemed to keep watch. a little to the right, where the treeless ridge came abruptly to an end, gleamed a considerable stretch of water. it was toward this point, where the water washed the steep-shouldered promontory, that grôm decided to shape his course across the plain. by the time the sun was some three hours high they had arrived within a couple of hundred yards of the open. sick of the oppressive jungle, and eager for the change to a type of country with which they were more familiar, they were swinging on through the tree-tops at a great pace, when that savage, snarling jabber which they so dreaded was heard in the branches behind them. grôm instantly put a-ya in the lead, while he himself dropped to the rear to meet this deadliest of perils. there was no need to urge his party to haste; but it seemed to them all as if they were standing still, so swiftly did the clamor of the apes come upon them. "down to earth," ordered grôm sharply, seeing that they must be overtaken before they could reach the open, and realizing that in the tree-tops they could not hope to match these four-handed dwellers of the trees. as they dropped nimbly from branch to branch, the foremost of the apes arrived in sight, set up a screech of triumph, and came swooping down after them in vast, swinging leaps. in the hurry hobbo dropped his fire-basket, which broke as it fell and scattered the precious coals. grôm, guarding the rear of the flight, made the mistake of keeping his eye too much on the enemy, too little on where he was going. in a moment or two, he found himself cut off, upon a branch from which there was no escape without a drop of twenty feet to a most uncertain foothold. rather than risk it, he ran in upon his nearest assailant at the base of the branch, thrusting at the blue-faced beast with his spear. but his position being so insecure, his thrust lacked force and precision. the great ape caught it deftly; and grôm, to preserve his balance, had to let the spear be wrenched from his hand. at the same moment another ape dropped on the branch behind him. for just one second grôm thought his hour had come. he crouched to steady himself, then darted forward and hurled his club straight at his foe's protruding and shaggy paunch. again the beast caught the missile in its lightning clutch; but in the next instant it threw up its long arms, without a sound, and fell backwards out of the tree. a-ya, who had been the first to reach the ground, had drawn her bow and shot upwards with sure aim. the shaft had caught the great ape under the center of the jaw, far back at the throat, and pierced straight up to the brain. surprised at seeing their leader fall with so little apparent reason, the other apes halted for a moment in their onset, chattering noisily. in that moment grôm swung himself to the ground. as he reached it both mô and loob discharged their arrows. another ape fell from his perch, but caught himself on a lower branch and hung there writhing; while a third, with a shaft half buried in his paunch, fled back yelling into the tree-top. then the adventurers snatched up their fallen weapons from the ground and made for the open as fast as they could run. and the apes, with a hellish uproar of barks and screams, came swarming after them through the lower branches. at this point, fortunately for the travelers, the jungle was already thinning, and they had a chance to show their speed. the raging blue-faces were speedily distanced, and the fugitives ran out breathless upon the sunny savannah. here, feeling themselves safe, they halted to look back. the lower branches all along the edge of the grass were thronged with leaping brown forms, and gnashing blue masks, and red-rimmed, devilish eyes. but not one of the great beasts, for all their rage, seemed willing to venture forth into the open. "there must be something out here that they fear greatly," commented grôm, peering warily about him. but there was nothing in sight to suggest any danger, and he led the way onward through the rank grass at a long, leisurely trot. ii for the most part the grass grew hardly waist high; but here and there were patches, perhaps an acre or so in extent, where it was more cane than grass and rose to a height of twelve or fifteen feet. to such patches, which might serve as lurking-places to unknown monsters, grôm gave a wide berth. he had a vivid remembrance of that colossal head, with the awful dead eyes, which had reared itself through the leafage to stare up at him. in spite of the strange and enormous trails which crossed their path at times; in spite of occasional massive swayings and crashings in the deep beds of cane, the adventurous party accomplished the journey across the savannah without encountering a single foe. the mid-noon blaze of the sun upon the windless grass, which was almost more than they could endure, was probably keeping the monsters to their lairs; and the only living things to be seen, besides the insects and a high-wheeling vulture or two, were a few shy troops of a kind of small antelope, incredibly swift of foot. grôm drew a breath of relief as they reached the foot of the hills. but just here it was impossible to climb them. a range of high limestone downs, they were fringed at this point by an unbroken line of cliff, perpendicular and at times overhanging, from forty or fifty to perhaps a couple of hundred feet in height, and so smooth that even these goat-footed cave-folk could not scale them. the rich plain-land at their feet had once been a shallow, inland sea, and now its grasses washed along their base in a gold-green, scented foam. turning to the right, grôm led the way close along the cliff-foot toward the water, which glowed like brass about a mile ahead. along the right of their path the ground sloped off gently to a belt of that high cane-like growth which grôm regarded with such suspicion. before they had gone many hundred yards his suspicion was more than justified. from a little way behind them there arose all at once a chorus of explosive gruntings, mixed with a huge crashing of the canes. glancing over their shoulders, they saw a great rust-red animal, about the size of a rhinoceros, which burst forth from the canes and stood staring after them. its hideous head was larger than that of any rhinoceros they had ever seen, and armed with a pair of enormous conical horns, each more than a foot in diameter at the base and tapering to a keen point. set side by side, at a moderate angle, upon the bridge of the snout, they were far more terrible than the horns of any rhinoceros. their bearer lowered them menacingly, and charged down upon grôm's party with a sound that was something between the grunting of a hog and the braying of an ass. immediately upon his massive heels a whole herd of the red monsters surged forth from the canes, and came charging after their leader at a ponderous gallop which seemed literally to shake the earth. for a moment or two grôm's party had paused, confident in their own fleetness of foot, and wondering at that pair of amazing horns on the monster's snout. but when the rest of the terrific herd came thundering down upon them, they fled in all haste. to their amazement, they found that their speed was none too great for their need. the red monsters, in spite of their bulk, were disconcertingly swift. as he neared the swift promontory which terminated with the range of downs, grôm began to fear that he and his followers would have to take refuge in the water. this water, as it chanced, was the brackish estuary of a river which, sweeping down from the east, here made its way to the sea through a long, slanting break in the limestone hills. it was now near low tide, and there opened before the hard-pressed fugitives, as they approached the shore, a strip of damp beach running around the base of the bluff. as they left the grass and ran out upon the beach they were astonished to find that the thundering pursuit had stopped short. just at the turn of the cliff they halted and stared back wonderingly. their pursuers, though swinging their great horns and braying with rage, were evidently unwilling to venture so near the waterside. they drew back, indeed, as if they feared it, and at last went crashing away into the canes. the fugitives, glad of an opportunity to rest their laboring lungs, squatted down with their backs against the cliff and congratulated themselves on having got rid of such perilous attentions. but grôm's sagacious eyes searched the cliff face anxiously, without neglecting to watch the unruffled water. if that water was so dreaded that even the mighty herd of their pursuers durst not approach it, surely its smiling surface must hide some peril of surpassing horror. for the next few hundred yards, till it vanished around the curve, the strip of naked beach was not more than twenty or thirty feet in width. not without some apprehensions, grôm decided to push forward. there seemed nothing else to do, indeed, seeing that the cane-beds behind them were occupied by that irresistible red herd. somewhere ahead, he argued, there must be a break in the cliff which would give access to the rolling downs above, where they might travel in safety. disguising his growing uneasiness that he might not discourage his followers--who were now full of elation at having reached the foot of the hills--he led on again in haste, though there seemed to be no need of haste. both hobbo and young mô, indeed, were for staying a while and sleeping in the shade of an overhanging rock. but a-ya, who sensed through sympathy her lord's disquietude, and the little scout loob, who was always, on principle, ill at ease in any spot where there was no tree to climb, were as eager as their chief to push ahead; and the others would never have dared, in any case, to question grôm's decision. as they rounded the next bend of the cliff, however, a clamor of excited satisfaction arose from all the party. straight ahead, and not fifty paces distant, there opened before them a spacious cave-mouth, with a somewhat wider strip of beach before it. immediately beyond the cave the strip of beach came sharply to an end, and the tide lapped softly against the foot of the cliff. but just then, in the moment of their elation, a terrifying thing happened. as if aroused by their voices, the still surface a few yards from shore boiled up, and was lashed to foam by the strokes of a gigantic tail. "run!" yelled grôm; and they all dashed forward, there being no chance to go back. in the same instant, an appalling head--like that of a thrice magnified and distorted crocodile, with vast, round, painted eyes--was upthrust from the water and came rushing after them at a pace which sent up a curving wave before it. quick as thought, grôm drew his bow and shot at the appalling head. the arrow drove straight into the gaping throat, eliciting a thunderous bellow of rage, but producing no other effect. then grôm sprang after his fleeing companions, and raced for his life toward the cave mouth. the cave might be nothing more than a death-trap for them all; but it seemed to offer the one possibility of escape. as they dashed into the cave the awful, gaping head was close behind them. they had a flashing glimpse, through the gloom, of high-arched distance melting into blackness, of a strip of black water along the right, and to the left a gentle ascent of smooth white sand, whose end was out of sight. up this slope they raced, with the clashing of monstrous fangs close behind them. but they had not gone a dozen strides when the slope quivered, and heaved upwards shudderingly beneath them; and they all fell forward flat upon their faces. from all but grôm there went up a shriek so piercing that in their own ears it disguised the stupendous rending roar which at that moment seemed to stun the air. the mighty arch of the cave mouth had slipped and crashed down, completely jamming the entrance, and opening up a gash of blue heaven above their heads. to grôm's unshaken wits, it was clear on the instant what had happened. he staggered to his feet and looked back through a rain of falling rock-splinters. he had a vision of their colossal pursuer, its jaws stretched to their utmost width, the vast globes of its eyes protruding from their armored sockets, its ponderous, bowed fore-legs pawing the air aimlessly in the final convulsion. the falling rock-mass had caught it on the middle of the back, crushing its mighty frame like an eggshell. for a second or two, grôm stood there rigid, staring, his gnarled fingers clenched upon his weapons. then a second earthquake tremor beneath his feet warned him. with an unerring instinct, he sprang on up the slope after his companions, who had fled as soon as they could pick themselves up. and in the next moment the rock above his head, fissured deep by the rains, slipped again. with a growling screech, as if torn from the bowels of the mountain, it settled slowly down, and sealed the mouth of the cave to utter blackness. grôm stopped short, having no mind to dash out his brains against the rock. there was stillness at last, and silence save for the faint, humming moan of the earthquake which seemed to come from vast depths beneath his feet. profoundly awed, but master of his spirit, he stood leaning upon his spear in the thick dark till the last of that strange humming note had died away. then, through a silence so thick it seemed to choke him, he called aloud: "a-ya! where are you?" "_grôm!_" came the girl's answer, a sobbing cry of relief and joy, from almost, as it seemed, beneath his outstretched hand. "we are all here," came the voices of the three men. they had fallen headlong at the second shock, as at the first; and in the darkness they had not dared to rise again, but lay waiting for their leader to tell them what to do. in half a dozen cautious, groping steps he was among them, and sank down by a-ya's side, clutching her to him to stop her trembling. "what are we to do now?" asked the girl, after a long silence. without grôm, they would probably have died where they were, not daring to stir in the darkness. but their faith in their chief kept them cheerful even in this desperate plight. "we must find a way out," answered grôm, with resolute confidence. "if hobbo had not dropped the fire!" said young mô bitterly. the giant groaned in self-abasement, and beat his chest with his great fists. but grôm, who would allow no dissensions in his following, answered sternly: "be silent. you might have done no better yourself." then for a time there was no more said, while grôm, sitting there in the dark with the girl's face buried in his great shaggy chest, thought out his plans. it was plain to him, from what he had seen in that last instant of daylight, that the entrance was blocked impregnably. moreover, he judged that any attempt to work an opening in that direction would be likely, for the present, to bring more rocks down upon them. it would be better, first, to feel their way on into the cave in the hope of finding another exit. he was not afraid of getting lost, no matter how absolute the dark, because he possessed that sixth sense, so long ago vanished from modern man's equipment--the sense of direction. he knew that, as a matter of course, he could find his way back to this starting-point whenever he would. "come on!" he ordered at last, lifting a-ya and holding her hand in his grasp. reaching out with his spear, he kept tapping the ground before him as he went, and occasionally the wall upon his left. sometimes, too, he would reach upwards to assure himself that there was no lowering of the rocky ceiling. a spear's length to the right, more or less, he got always a splash of water. with their fine senses intensely alert, they were able to make fair progress, even though unaided by their eyes. but grôm checked his advance abruptly. he had a perception of some obstacle before him. he reached out his spear as far as he could. it touched a soft object. the object, whatever it was, surged violently beneath the touch. his flesh crept, and the shaggy hair uplifted on his neck. "back!" he hissed, thrusting a-ya off to arm's length and bracing his spear point before him to receive the expected attack. a pair of faintly phosphorescent eyes, small, but so wide apart as to show that their owner's head must have been enormous, flashed round upon them. there was a hoarse squeal of alarm, and a heavy body went floundering off into the water. they could hear it swimming away in hot haste. every one drew a long breath. then, after a few moments, a-ya laughed softly: "it's good to find something at last that runs away from us instead of after us!" said she. a little further on the cave wall turned to the left. a few steps, and their path came to an end. there was water ahead of them, and on both sides. grôm's exploring spear assured them that it was deep water. "we must swim," said he. "leave your clubs behind." and leading the way down into the unknown tide, he struck out straight ahead. it was nerve-testing work swimming thus through that unseen water to an unguessed goal; but grôm was unhesitating, and his companions rested upon his steady will. the water was of a summer warmth, and slightly salt, which convinced him that it had free communication with the sunlit tides outside. several times he came within touch of the rocky walls of the cavern, and found that they went straight down to a depth he could not guess. but he kept on with hope and confidence at a leisurely pace, which, in that bland and windless flood, he knew that every member of his party could have maintained for half a day. suddenly there appeared ahead of them a faint, bluish gleam upon the water's surface. it was something elusive and unreal, and vaguely menacing. "daylight!" exclaimed young mô eagerly. but grôm said nothing. he did not think it was daylight, and he was apprehensive of some new peril. the strange light grew and spread. it was evident now that it rose from the water, and also that it was advancing rapidly to meet the astonished swimmers. after a few moments it was bright enough in its blue pallor to show the swimmers that they were traversing a vast hall of waters, whose roof was lost in darkness. some fifty yards ahead of them, and a little to the right, a low spit of rock, half awash for the greater part of its length, ran out slantingly from the wall of the stupendous chamber. toward this ledge grôm now led the way, hurling himself through the water on his side at top speed. he could not fathom this mysterious phosphorescence, and he wished to get his people out upon dry land before it reached them. but fast as the adventurers swam, the ghostly radiance spread faster. before they got to the ledge, the light was all about them; but it seemed to be coming from a great depth. nervously they all glanced down, and a low cry of horror broke from their lips. the depths were swarming with monstrous, luminous forms, a moon-bright, crawling, sliding field of claws and feelers, and broad, flat backs, and dreadful, protruding eyes. the eyes all stared straight up at them with a fixed malignancy that froze even grôm's blood. they seemed innumerable, and all together they came suddenly floating upwards. already the fugitives were dragging themselves out upon the ledge, in frantic haste, when the diabolical swarm reached the surface. but hobbo, who was the slowest swimmer, was merely clutching at the rock when the water boiled all about him in a froth of light. a pair of huge, pincer-like claws seized him by the neck, and another pair by one arm, plucking him back. his convulsed face stared upward for an instant, and then, with a choked scream, he was dragged under. he disappeared in a swirl of pale blue, frantically waving claws, and eyes, and feelers, and black-fringed, chopping mouths. beside himself with rage and horror, grôm stabbed down wildly into the whirling struggle, and his example was followed at once by loob and young mô. some of their random blows went home, and as one or another of the gigantic crabs turned over in its death-throes, its nearest fellows seized it, tore it to pieces, and devoured it. but a-ya, who had taken no part in this vengeance, now snatched grôm by the arm, shrieking wildly: "look! they are coming out!" recovering their senses, the three half-maddened men stared about them. on every side the gigantic crabs--some with claws eight or ten feet long, and eyes upon the ends of long waving stalks--were crawling up upon the ledge. the ledge, fortunately, was of some width. at its landward end it rose into a mass of tumbled rocks perhaps twenty or thirty feet above the water. toward this post of vantage the adventurers fought their way, striking and thrusting desperately with their spears as the monsters, crowding up from the water on either side, snatched at them with their terrible mailed claws. over and over again one or another of the party was seized by the foot or the leg; but his companions would beat the long, jointed limb to fragments, or drive their spear-points deep into the awful, drooling mouth, and set him free. at last, bleeding from many wounds, they reached the end of the ledge and clambered to the top. here but three or four of the giant crustaceans tried to follow them. these were easily speared from above, and hurled back disabled among their ravening kin. and the whole swarm, apparently forgetting their intended victims as soon as they were out of reach, fell to fighting hideously among themselves over the convulsed bodies of these wounded. the lower portion of the ledge, and the water all about it, was a crawling mass of horror that seemed to froth with blue light. and a confused noise of crackling, snapping and hissing arose from it. every eye but grôm's was glued in fascination to the baleful scene. but grôm now thought only of using that pervasive light to best advantage while it should last. the wall of the cavern at this point was so broken and fissured that it was not unscalable; and a little way off to the right he marked, at some height above the water, what looked like the entrance to a lateral gallery. "come! while the light lasts," he ordered, setting off over the rocks. the others followed close. now sidling along knife-like ledges, now clinging by fingers and toes to almost imperceptible projections, they made their way across the face of the steep, and gained the mouth of the gallery. it was spacious, and easy to traverse, its floor sloping upwards somewhat steeply. they plunged into it with confidence. and the blue light of the hall of terrors faded out behind them. not many minutes later, another light, as it were a white star, gleamed ahead of them. it grew as they went, and turned to gold. then a patch of turquoise sky, flecked sweetly with small fleeces of cloud, opened before them, and in a moment more they came out upon a high, blossoming down, blown over by a breeze that smelt of honey and salt. below them was a lovely, land-locked bay, with a herd of deer pasturing among scattered trees by the shore. away behind them undulated the gracious line of the downs, inviting their feet. "it is a pleasant land," said grôm, "and we will surely come back to it. but i think we must find another way than that by which we came." chapter xi the feasting of the cave folk i at last, and reluctantly, the folk of the caves had withdrawn from their earthquake-harassed valley and betaken themselves to the new dwelling-place which grôm had found for them, on the green hill-slope beside the bitter waters. they had lost no time, however, in accepting the new conditions; for these caves in the limestone were ample and secure--it was hard for any invader to come at them save by way of the long, bare ridge of the downs running westward behind the caves; a sweet-water brook ran almost past their threshold to fall with a pleasant clamor into the bay,--and the surrounding country was rich in game. the vast basin of marshy plain and colossal jungle, to be sure, which stretched and steamed below the downs to southward, was the habitation of strange monsters; but these, apparently, had no taste for exploring the high, clean, windy downs. on a certain golden morning it chanced that the caves were well-nigh deserted. the men of the tribe, including the chiefs themselves, bawr and grôm, together with most of the women and the half-grown children, had gone off down the shore to a shallow inlet five or six miles distant to gather shell-fish--great luscious mussels and peculiarly plump and savory whelks. the girl a-ya, absorbed in her special occupation of fashioning bows and arrows for the tribe, had remained, with a half-score of old men and women and grôm's giant slave, the lame bow-leg, ook-ootsk, to guard the little children and the tribal fires. as grôm's mate, and his confidential associate in all his greatest ventures, a-ya's prestige in the tribe had come to be only less than that of bawr and grôm themselves. on the open, grassy level before the cave mouth, the two great fires burned steadily in the sun. the giant ook-ootsk, hideous with his ape-like forehead, his upturned, flaring nostrils, his protruding jaw, his shaggy, clay-colored torso, and his short, massive, grotesquely bowed legs--of which one was twisted so that the toes pointed almost backwards--lay sprawling and chuckling benevolently near the entrance, while a swarm of little ones, a-ya's two among them, clambered over him. the old men and the old women most of them dozed in the shade, save two or three of the most diligent, who occupied their gnarled fingers in twisting thin strips of hide into bow-strings, or lashing slivers of stone into the heads of spears. a-ya sat cross-legged a little apart, beside a tiny fire, laboriously fashioning her bows and arrows by charring the wood in the embers and then rubbing it between two rough stones. with her head bent low over her work, the heavy, tangled masses of her hair fell upon it and got in her way, and from time to time she shook them aside impatiently. it was a picture of primeval peace. but peace, in the days when earth was young, was something more precarious than a bubble. from around the green shoulder of the hill came a sound of trampling hooves and labored breathing. a-ya sprang to her feet, snatching up her own well-tried bow and fitting an arrow to the string. at the same time she gave a sharp alarm-cry, at which the lame slave, ook-ootsk, arose, shaking off the swarm of children, and came hobbling towards her with his weapons in both hands. an old woman pounced upon the startled, wide-eyed children, and in a twinkling had them shepherded into the cave-mouth, out of sight. the old men, springing from their sleep, and blinking, hurried forth into the sunlight, with such spears or clubs as they could lay instant hand upon. a breathless moment, while all stood waiting for they knew not what. then around the corner appeared a tall, wide-antlered elk, its eyes showing the whites with terror, its dilated nostrils spattering bloody froth. a long, raking wound ran scarlet down one flank. staggering from weariness or loss of blood, it came on straight toward the cave-mouth, so blinded by its terror that it seemed not to see the human creatures awaiting it, or even the fires before them. a-ya fetched a deep breath of relief when she saw that this was no ravening monster. her immediate thought was the hunter's thought. she drew her bow to the full length of her shaft, and as the panting beast went by she let drive. the arrow pierced to half its span, just behind the straining fore-shoulder. blood burst from the animal's nostrils. it fell on its knees, struggled up again, blundered on for half a dozen strides, and dropped half-way across the second fire. there was a chorus of triumphant shouts from the old men and women; and a-ya started forward with the intention of dragging her prize from the fire. but a look of apprehension and warning in the keen little eyes of ook-ootsk, who had by this time hobbled to her side, checked her. in a flash the meaning of it came to her. "what do you suppose was chasing it, ook-ootsk?" she queried; and whipped about, without waiting for his answer, to stare anxiously at the green shoulder of the hillside. "black lion, maybe," said ook-ootsk, in his harsh, clucking voice, dropping his spear and club beside him and setting a long arrow to the string of his massive bow. but the words were hardly out of his throat, when his guess was proved wrong. around the turn came lumbering, with huge heads hung low and slavering, half-open jaws a pair of those colossal red bears of the caves which had always been a-ya's peculiar terror. "hide the children!" she yelled, and then let fly an arrow, almost without aim, at the foremost of the monsters. she was the best shot in the tribe, and the shaft sped even too true. it struck the bear full in the snout, and pierced through the palate and into the throat--a wound which, though likely to prove mortal after a time, only made the beast more dangerous for the moment. it paused, coughing, and tried to paw the torment from its jaws, and then rushed forward, screaming hideously. in that pause, however, though it was but for a second or two, the second bear had forged ahead of its companion. it was greeted instantly by an arrow from the massive bow of ook-ootsk, aimed with cool deliberation. the long shaft of hickory, delivered thus at close range, caught the enemy in the front of the right shoulder and drove clean in to the joint, so that the leg gave way and the gigantic brute almost fell upon its side. with a roar, it bit off the protruding half of the tough hickory, and then came on again, on three legs. from a-ya's nimble bow it got another arrow, which went half-way through its neck; but to this deadly wound, which sent the blood gushing from its mouth, it seemed to pay no heed whatever. a-ya's next shot missed; and then, screaming for the old men to come into the fray, she snatched up her stone-headed spear and ran around behind the nearest fire, expecting the bears to follow her and be led away from the hiding-place of the children. but she had forgotten that the slave, ook-ootsk, with his twisted and shrunken leg, could not run. that valiant savage, blinking his little eyes rapidly and blowing defiantly through his upturned nostrils as he saw his doom rushing upon him, let drive one more of his long shafts into the red, towering bulk, then dropped his bow, sank upon one knee, and held up his spear slantingly before him, with its butt firmly braced upon the ground. as the monster reared itself and fell upon him, the jagged point of the spear was forced deep into its belly, straight up till it reached the backbone. then the shaft snapped, ook-ootsk sprawled forward upon his face, and the monster, in the paroxysm of its amazement and agony, leapt onward and plunged right over him, involuntarily hurling him aside and clawing most of the flesh off his back with a kick of one gigantic hind paw. he clenched his teeth stoically, shut his eyes, folded his long, hairy arms about his head, and rolled himself into a ball, confidently expecting in the next moment to feel the life crunched out of him. but just as the monster, recovering itself, was turning madly to finish off its insignificant but torturing opponent, a-ya came leaping back to the rescue, with a blazing and sparkling faggot in each hand, and the old men, some with fire-brands, some with spears, clamoring resolutely behind her. with fearless dexterity, she thrust the fire straight into the monster's eyeballs, totally blinding him. as he wheeled to strike her down, she slipped aside with a mocking laugh, and threw one of the brands between his jaws, where he crunched upon it savagely before he felt the torment of it and spat it out. depending now upon his ears, the monster blundered straight forward in the direction of the shouting voices. he had quite forgotten ook-ootsk. he raged to come at this last intolerable foe, who had scorched the light from his eyes. he made for her voice straight enough; but it chanced that exactly in his path lay the second fire--that into which the body of the elk had fallen. already too maddened with the anguish of his wounds to notice the fire at once, he stumbled upon the body. here, surely, was one of his foes. he fell to rending the carcase with his claws, and biting it, crawling forward upon it to reach its throat with the fire licking up derisively about his head; till at length the flames were drawn deep into his laboring lungs, searing them and sealing them so that they could no more perform their office. with a shallow, screeching gasp he threw himself backwards out of the fire, rolled upon the turf, and lay there fighting the air with his paws as he strangled swiftly and convulsively. the second bear, meanwhile, wallowing with astonishing nimbleness on three legs, had charged roaring into the group of old men. in a twinkling he had three or four spears sticking into him; but the arms that hurled the spears were weak, and the monster ramped on unheeding. several fire-brands fell upon him, scorching his long, red fur, but he shook them off, too maddened to remember his natural dread of the flames. the group scattered in all directions. but one brave old gray-beard, who had marked a-ya's success, lingered in the path, and tried to thrust his blazing faggot into the monster's eyes, as she had done. he was not quick enough. the monster threw up its muzzle, dodging the stroke, and the next moment it had struck down its feeble adversary and crushed his head between its tremendous jaws. in its folly, it now forgot its other enemies, and fell to wreaking its madness on the lifeless victim. but in another second or two it was fairly overwhelmed with the red brands descending upon its head. a-ya, with all the force of her strong young arms, drove her short spear half-way through its loins. then, with one eye blinded and its long fur smouldering, its rage gave way suddenly into panic. lifting its giant head high into the air, as if thus to escape its fiery assailants, it turned and scuttled back the way it had come, while the old men swarmed after it, belaboring and jabbing its elephantine rump with their live brands. a-ya, racing like a deer and screaming with exultation, ran round the pack of old men and stabbed the frantic brute in the neck, with her spear held short in both hands. shrinking abjectly from this attack, he swerved off toward the left. it was his left eye that was blinded, and the other was full of smoke and ashes. he missed the path, therefore, and plunged squalling over the edge of the bluff, which at this point dropped about a hundred feet, almost perpendicularly, to the beach. rolling over and over, and bouncing out into space every time he struck the cliff face he fell to the bottom amid a shower of stones and dust, and lay there as shapeless as a fur rug dropped from an upper window. the old men, jabbering in triumph, craned their shaggy gray heads out over the brink to grin down upon him, while a-ya, with a wild light in her eyes and her strong white teeth gleaming savagely, turned back to tend the wounds of her slave, ook-ootsk. ii having assured herself that the hurts of ook-ootsk, dreadful though they were, were yet not mortal (our sires of cave and tree took a lot of killing!), a-ya stepped over to the further fire to see about rescuing the carcase of the slain elk before it should be quite burned up. as a matter of fact, there was little of it actually consumed by the fire, but it was amazingly shredded by the clawing of the blinded bear; and an odor of roasted venison steamed up from it, which seemed rather pleasant to a-ya's nostrils. under her direction, the old men hauled the body from the fire by the hind-legs, and dragged it over to the edge of the bluff before cutting it up, for convenience in getting rid of the offal. every one followed, to secure their due share of the tit-bits, except ook-ootsk and one old woman. this old woman sat rocking and keening beside the body of her mate whom the bear had slain; while ook-ootsk crawled off into a neighboring hollow to look for certain healing herbs which should cleanse and astringe his wounds. the hide of the elk was too much burnt, too ripped and torn by the claws of the bear, to be of any use except for thongs; but the old men skinned it off expertly before dividing the flesh. though their gnarled fingers were feeble, they were amazingly clever in the use of the sharp-edged flakes of stone which served them as knives. a-ya stood by them, watching closely, to see that none of the specially dainty cuts were appropriated. these delicacies were reserved for herself and her two children, and for grôm when he should return. she had the right to them, not only because she was the mate of grôm, but because the kill was hers. as she stood over the carcase--the fore-part of which had been superficially barbecued in the fire--the smell of the roasted flesh began to appeal to her even more strongly than at first. as she sniffed it, curiously, it began to entice her appetite as nothing had ever tempted it before. she touched a well-browned, fatty morsel, and then put her fingers into her mouth. the flavor seemed to her as delightful as the smell. she cast about for a suitable morsel on which to experiment. now it chanced that the elk's tongue, having lain in the heart of the fire, but enclosed within the half-open jaws, had been cooked to a turn. a-ya possessed herself of this ever-coveted delicacy. it looked so queer, in its cooked state, charred black along the lower edge, that she hesitated to taste it. at last, persuaded by its fragrance, she brought herself to nibble at it. a moment more and she was devouring it with a gusto which, had manners been greatly considered in the days when the earth was young, might have seemed unbecoming in the wife of a great chief. never before had she eaten anything that seemed to her half so delicious. it was the food she had all her life been craving. her two little boys, pulling at her, aroused her from her ecstasy. she gave them each a fragment, which they swallowed greedily, demanding more; and between the three of them the great lump of roast tongue quickly vanished. the rest of the crowd meanwhile had been looking on with instinctive disapproval. the portions of the meat which the fire had cooked, or partly cooked, seemed to them spoiled. a-ya might, indeed, like the strange food; but she was different from the rest of them in so many ways! when, however, they saw her two boys follow her example, and noted their enthusiasm, several of the old men ventured to try for themselves. they were instant converts. last of all, the old women and the children--always the most conservative in such matters, took the notion that they were losing something, and dared to essay the novel diet. one taste, as a rule, proved enough to vanquish their prejudices. in a very few minutes every shred of the carcase that could claim acquaintance with the fire had been eaten, and all were clamoring for more. fully three-parts of the carcase remained, indeed, but it was all raw flesh. a-ya looked down upon it with disdain. "take it back and throw it on the fire again!" she ordered angrily. the generous lump of steak, which she had hacked off for herself from the loin, had proved to be merely scorched on the outside, and she was disappointed. she stood fingering the raw mass with resentful aversion, while the old men and women, chattering gleefully and followed by the horde of children dragged the mangled carcase back to the fire, lifted it laboriously by all four legs, and managed to deposit it in the very midst of the flames. a shrill shout of triumph went up from the withered old throats at this achievement, and they all drew back to wait for the fire to do its wonderful work. but a-ya was impatient, and vaguely dissatisfied as she watched that crude roasting in the process. she stood brooding, eyeing the fire and turning her lump of raw flesh over and over in her hands. the attitude of body was one she had caught from grôm, when he was groping for a solution to some problem. and now it seemed as if she had caught his attitude of mind as well. into her brain, for the moment passive and receptive, flashed an idea, she knew not whence. it was as if it had been whispered to her. she picked up a spear, jabbed its stone head firmly into the lump of meat, and thrust the meat into the edge of the fire, as far as it could go without burning the wood of the spear shaft. it took her a very few minutes to realize that her idea was nothing less than an inspiration. moving the morsel backwards and forwards to keep it from charring, she found that it seemed to do best over a mass of hot coals rather than in a flame; and being a thin cut, it cooked quickly. when it was done she burnt her fingers with it, and her big red mouth as well; and her two boys, for whom she had torn off shreds too hot for herself to hold, danced up and down and wept loudly with the smart of it, to be instantly consoled by the savor. noting the supreme success of a-ya's experiment, the spectators rushed in, dragged the carcase once more from the fire, and fell to hacking off suitable morsels, each for himself. in a few minutes every one who could get hold of a long arrow, or a spear, or a pointed stick, was busy learning to cook. even the wailing old mourner, finding the excitement irresistible, forsook the body of her slain mate and came forward to take her share. only the dead man, lying outstretched in the sun by the cave-door, and the crippled giant ook-ootsk, away in the green hollow nursing his honorable wounds, had no part in the rejoicing, in this revel of the first cooked food. the hot meat juices, modified by the action of the fire, were almost as stimulating as alcohol in the veins of these simple livers, and the revel grew to something like an orgie as the shriveled nerves of the elders began to thrill with new life. a-ya, seeing the carcase of the elk melt away like new snow under a spring sun, gave orders to skin and cut up the body of the first bear. but the old men were too absorbed in their feasting to pay any attention to her orders; and she herself was too exhilarated and content to make any serious effort to enforce them. every one, old and young alike, was sucking burnt fingers and radiating greasy, happy smiles, and she felt dimly that anything like discipline would be unpopular at such a moment. during all this excitement the main body of the tribe came straggling back along the beach from their hunting of whelks and mussels. at the foot of the bluff below the cave they found the body of the second bear, and gathered anxiously about it, clamoring over its spear-wounds and the arrows sticking in it, till bawr and grôm, who were in the rear, came up. it was plain there had been a terrific battle at the cave. with most of the warriors the two chiefs dashed on and up the path, to find out how things had gone, while a handful remained behind to skin the bear and cut up the meat. when the anxious warriors arrived before the cave, they were amazed at the hilarity which they found there--and inclined, at first, to resent it, being something to which they had no clue. what were all the old fools doing, dancing and cackling about the fire, and wasting good meat by poking it into the fire on the ends of sticks and spears and arrows? the younger women, coming up behind the warriors, were derisive. they were always critical in their attitude towards a-ya--so far as they dared to be--and now they ran forward to scold and slap their respective children for putting this disgusting burnt meat into their mouths. to grôm and bawr, however, a-ya explained the whole situation in a few pertinent phrases, and followed up her explanation by proffering them each a well-cooked morsel. they both smelled it doubtfully, tasted it, broke into smiles, and devoured it, smacking their bearded lips. "did _you_ do this, girl?" demanded grôm, beaming upon her proudly and holding out his great hairy hand for another sample. but bawr strode forward, thrust the old men aside, hacked himself off a generous collop, stuck it on his spear-head, and thrust it into the fire. in his impatience, bawr kept pulling the roast out every minute or two, to taste it and see if it was done enough. his enthusiasm--and that of grôm, who was now following his example--cured the rest of the warriors of their hesitation, so effectually that in five minutes there was nothing more left of the great elk's carcase but antlers, bone and offal. those who had got nothing fell upon the body of the bear, skinning it and hacking it in greedy haste. the young women, having satisfied convention by slapping their bewildered and protesting brats, soon yielded to curiosity and began surreptitiously to nibble at the greasy cooked morsels which they had confiscated. then they, too, grabbed up spears and sticks for toasting-forks and came clamoring shrilly for their portions. and a-ya, standing a little apart with grôm, smiled with comprehending sarcasm at their conversion. for the next few hours the fires were surrounded each by a seething and squabbling mob, the innermost rings engaged in toasting their collops with one hand, while with the other they tried to shield their faces from the heat. as fast as those in the front rank wriggled out with their browned and juicy tit-bits, others battled in to take their places; and the tribe of the cave men, mindful of nothing but the gratification of this new taste, feasted away the afternoon with such unanimous and improvident rejoicing as they had never known before. at last, radiant with gravy and repletion, they flung themselves down where they would and went to sleep, bawr and grôm, and two or three others of the older warriors, who had been wise enough to banquet without gorging themselves, thought with some misgiving of what might happen if an enemy should steal upon them at such an hour of torpor. but no enemy approached. with the fall of the dew the moon arose over the bay, honey-colored in a violet sky, and played fantastic tricks with the shifting light of the fires. and from within the cave came softly the voice of a-ya, soothing a restless child. chapter xii on the face of the waters i the people of the cave were running short of arrows. the supply of young hickory sprouts, on which they had depended for their shafts, was almost exhausted. and within a two days' journey of the caves there was nothing to be found that would quite take the place of those hickory sprouts. neither grôm himself nor any other member of his tribe had as yet succeeded in so fixing a tip of bone or flint to a shaft of cane as not to interfere with its penetration. some growth must be found that was tough, perfectly straight, and tapering, while at the same time so solid and hard of grain that it would take and hold a point, and heavy enough for driving power. all this was difficult to find, and grôm was convinced that it must be sought for far afield. life had been running uneventfully for months at the great caves, and grôm's restless spirit was craving new knowledge, new adventure. on this quest of the arrow grôm took with him only two companions--his slim, swift-footed mate, a-ya and that cunning little scout, loob, the hairy one. for the space of three days they journeyed due west from the caves. then the range of downland which they had been following swept off sharply to the south. being bent upon exploring to the westward--though he was not very clear as to his reasons for his preference--grôm led the way down from the hills into the rankly wooded plain. for two days more they pushed on through incessant perils, the country swarming with black lions, saber-tooth, and woolly rhinoceros. as they were not fighting, but exploring, the price of safety was a vigilance so unremitting that it soon began to get on their nerves, and they were glad to take a whole day's rest in the spacious security of a banyan top, where nothing could come at them but leopards or pythons. neither leopards nor pythons gave them any great concern. on the second day after quitting their refuge in the banyan top, they emerged from the jungle so suddenly that they nearly fell into a river, whose whitish, turbid flood ran swirling heavily before their feet. it was a mighty stream, a good half-mile in width, and at this point the current was eating away the bank so hungrily that whole ranks of tree and bush had toppled over into the tide. the great river barred their way, flowing as it did toward the north-east, and grôm reluctantly turned the course of the expedition southward, following up the shore. swift as was the current, these folk of the caves might have crossed it by swimming; but grôm knew that such waters were apt to swarm with giant crocodiles of varying type and unvarying ferocity, as well as with ferocious flesh-eating fish that swarmed in wolfish packs, and were able to tear an aurochs or a mastodon in pieces with their razor-edged teeth. he gazed desirously at the opposite shore, however--which looked to him much more beautiful and more interesting than that on which he stood--and wondered if he should ever be able to devise some way of reaching it other than by swimming. along the river shore the travelers had endless variety to keep them interested, with a less exhausting imminence of peril than in the depths of the jungle. sometimes great branches, draped and festooned with gorgeous-flowered lianas, thrust themselves far out over the water, affording easy refuge. sometimes the river was bordered by a strip of grassy level, behind which ran the edge of the jungle in the form of a steep bank of violent green, with here and there a broad splotch of magenta or violet or orange bloom flung over it like a curtain. at times, again, it was necessary to plunge back into the humming and steaming gloom behind this resplendent screen, in order to make a détour around some swampy cove, whose dense growth of sedge, fifteen to twenty feet in height, was traversed by wide trails which showed it to be the abode of unfamiliar monsters. the travelers were curious as to the makers of such colossal trails, but were not tempted to gratify this curiosity by invading their lairs. in all this time, and through all difficulties and dangers, neither grôm nor a-ya, nor the unsleeping loob had lost sight of the object of their journey. every straight and slender sapling and seedling of hard grain they tested, but hitherto they had found nothing that came within measurable distance of their requirements. in the customary order of their going, grôm went first, peering ahead, ever studying, pondering, observing, with his bow and his club swung from his shoulder, his heavy, flint-headed spear always in readiness for use at close quarters. loob the scout, little and dark and hairy, with the eyes of a weasel and the heart of a bull buffalo, went darting and gliding soundlessly through the undergrowth a few paces to the left, guarding against the approach of any attack from the jungle-depths. while a-ya, whose quickness and precision with the bow, her darling weapon, were nothing less than a miracle to all the tribe, covered the rear, lest any prowling monster should be following on their trail. it chanced that a-ya dropped back some paces further, without saying anything to grôm. she had marked a slim shaft of a seedling which looked suitable for an arrow; and in case the discovery should prove a good one, she wanted the credit of it to herself. she stooped to pull the seedling up by the roots, since it seemed too tough to break. it was obstinate. in the effort her naked side and shoulder leaned fully against the trunk of a small tree of which she had taken no notice. in a second it seemed to her as if the tree trunk were made of red-hot coals. the stinging fire of it ran like lightning all over her arms and body. with a piercing scream she sprang away from the tree, and began tearing and beating frantically at her body with both hands. she was covered with furious ants--the great, red, stinging ants whose venom is like drops of liquid flame. at the sound of her scream, grôm was back at her side in two leaps, his hair and beard bristling stiffly, his eyes blazing with rage. but there was no assailant in sight on whom to hurl himself. for a second or two he glared about him wildly, with loob crouched beside him, snarling for vengeance. then, perceiving the woman's plight, he flung himself upon her, trying to envelop her in one sweeping embrace that should crush all the virulent pests at once. in this he failed signally; and in an instant the liquid fire was running over his own body. the torture of it, however, was a small thing to him compared with the torture of seeing them sting the woman, and feeling himself impotent to effect her instant succor. he slapped and beat at her with his great hands, while she covered her face with her own hands to protect it from disfigurement. loob came to help, but grôm, his brain keen in every emergency, stopped him. "keep off!" he ordered. "keep off! and keep watch!" then he seized a-ya by one arm, rushed her to the edge of the bank, and dragged her with him into the water. at this point the water was not much more than three feet deep. they crouched down in it, heads under, for nearly a minute; while loob, spear in hand, stood over them, his wild little eyes scanning the water depths in front and the jungle depths behind for the approach of any foe. when they could hold their breath no longer, they stood up. their red assailants were floating off on the current; but the fiery poison remained, and they bathed each other's scarlet and scorched shoulders assiduously, forgetful for the moment of everything besides. at this moment a gigantic water python reared its head from the leafage close by, fixed its flat, lidless, glittering eyes upon them, and drew back to strike. but in the next second loob's ready spear was thrust clean through its throat, and his yell of warning tore the air. grôm and a-ya whipped up onto the bank like a pair of otters: and the python, mortally stricken, shot out into the water over their heads, carrying loob's spear with it, gripped tight in the constriction of its throat muscles. as the lashing body struck the surface the water boiled about it, suddenly alive with crocodiles. balked of their human prey, they fell upon the python. one of the monsters shot straight up, half-way out of the water, with two convulsive coils of the python's tail wrapped crushingly about its jaws; but the python, with loob's spear through its throat, could only struggle blindly. a moment more and it was bitten in two, and the crocodiles were fighting monstrously among themselves for the writhing fragments. "you got us out of that just in time," said grôm, grinning upon the little scout with approval. a-ya wrung the water out of her heavy hair with both hands, and threw the masses back with an upward toss of her head. "i hate ants," she said, shuddering. "let's get away from here." ii some two hours after sunrise of the following day they came to a place where a belt of woods, perhaps a hundred to two hundred yards in depth, ran bordering the river, while behind it a broad stretch of grassy plain thrust back the jungle. along the edge of the plain, skirting the belt of woods, the grass was short and the traveling was easy; but off to the left the growth was ranker, and interspersed with thickets such as grôm always regarded with suspicion. he had learned by experience that these dense thickets in the grass-land were a favorite lurking-place of the unexpected--and that the unexpected was almost always perilous. suddenly from the deeper grass a couple of hundred yards or so to the left rose heavily the menacing bulk of a red siva moose bull, and stood staring at them with mingled wonder and malevolence in his cruelly vindictive eyes. in stature surpassing the biggest rhinoceros that grôm had ever seen, he gave the impression of combining the terrific power of the rhinoceros with the agile speed and devilish cunning of the buffalo. his ponderous head, with its high-arched eagle-hooked snout, was armed with two pairs of massive, keen-tipped, broad-bladed horns, that seemed to be a deadly-efficient compromise between the horns of a buffalo and the palmated antlers of a moose. this alarming apparition snorted loudly, and at once from behind him lurched to their feet some two score more of his like, and all stood with their eyes fixed upon the little group of travelers by the edge of the wood. grôm had heard vague traditions of the implacable ferocity of these red monsters, but having before never come across them he answered their stare with keen interest. at the same time, edging in closer to the wood, he whispered: "don't run. but if they come we must go up the first tree. they are swift as the wind, these great beasts, and more terrible than the saber-tooth." "can't go in _these_ trees!" said loob, whose piercing eyes had investigated them minutely at the first glimpse of the monsters in the grass. "why not?" demanded grôm, his eyes still fixed upon the monsters. "oh! the bees! the terrible bees!" whispered a-ya. "where can we go?" grôm turned his head and scanned the belt of woodland, his ears now suddenly comprehending a deep, humming sound which he had hitherto referred solely to the winged foragers in the grass-tops. scattered at intervals from the branches, in the shadowy green gloom, hung a number of immense, dark, semi-pear-shaped globes. they looked harmless enough, but grôm knew that their inhabitants, the great jungle-bees, were more to be dreaded than saber-tooth or crocodile. to disturb, or seem to threaten to disturb, one of their nests, meant sure and instant doom. "no, we must trust to our running--and they are very swift," said grôm. "but let us go softly now, and perhaps they will not charge upon us." the words were hardly out of his mouth when the giant red bull, with a grunt of wrath, lurched forward and charged down at them. and instantly the whole herd, with their ridiculous little tails stuck up stiffly in the air, charged after him. swift as thought a-ya drew her bow. the arrow buried itself deep in the red giant's muzzle. with a bawl of fury, he paused, to try and root the burning torment out of his nose. the whole herd paused behind him. it was only for a few seconds, and then he came on again, blowing blood and foam from his nostrils; but they were precious seconds, and the fugitives, running lightly, and stooping low for fear of offending the bees, had gained a start of a hundred yards or more. the three were among the swiftest runners of the tribe; but grôm soon saw that the utmost they could hope was to maintain their distance. and there was the imminent risk that the bees, disturbed by the noise of flight and pursuit, might take umbrage. to lessen this frightful risk, he swerved out till he was some thirty or forty paces distant from the belt of woods. and he noticed, too, that the pursuing herd seemed to have no great anxiety to approach the frontiers of the bee people. they were following on a slant that gave the woods a wide berth. about a mile further on the woods came to an end, and grôm, though he feared the pace might be beginning to tell on a-ya, and though there was no refuge in sight, breathed more freely. he feared the bees more than the yellow monsters, because they were something he could not fight. the grass-land now ran clear to the river's edge, and gave firm footing; and the fugitives raced on, breathing carefully, and trusting to come to trees again before they should be spent. at last a curve of the bank showed them the woods sweeping down again to the water, but three or four miles ahead! grôm, looking back over his shoulder, realized that their pursuers were now gaining upon them appreciably. with an effort he quickened his pace still further. loob responded without difficulty. but a-ya's face showed signs of distress, and at this grôm's heart sank. he began to scan the water, weighing the chances of the crocodiles. it looked as if they were trapped beyond escape. perhaps half a mile up the shore a spit of land ran out against the current, and behind its shelter an eddy had collected a mass of uprooted trees and other flood refuse, all matted with green from the growth of wind-borne seeds. it was in reality a great natural raft, built by the eddy and anchored behind the little point. for this grôm headed with new hope. it might be strong enough--parts of it at least--to bear up the three fugitives. but their furious pursuers would surely not venture their giant bulks upon it. approaching the point he slackened his pace, and steadied a-ya with one hand. at the edge of the eddy he stopped, casting an appraising eye over the collection of débris, in order to pick out a stable retreat and also the most secure path to it. in this pause the monsters swept up with a thunder of trampling hooves and windy snortings. they had their victims at last where there was no escape. the raging brutes were not more than a dozen paces behind, when grôm led the way out upon the floating mass, picking his steps warily and leaping from trunk to trunk. loob and a-ya followed with like care. certain of the trunks gave and sank beneath their feet, but their feet were already away to surer footing. and at the very outermost point of that old collection of débris, where the current and the eddy wavered for mastery, on a toughly interwoven tangle of uprooted trunks and half-dead vines, they found a refuge which did not yield beneath them. here, steadying themselves by upthrust branches, they turned and looked back, half apprehensive and half defiant, at their mighty pursuers. "they'll never dare to try to follow us here," gasped a-ya. but she was wrong. quite blind with rage through that galling shaft in his muzzle, the giant bull came plunging on, and half a dozen of his closest followers, infected with his madness, came with him. the inner edge of the mass gave way at once beneath them--and the bank at this point was straight up and down. the monsters floundered in deep water, snorting and spluttering, while their fellows on the shore checked themselves violently and drew back bawling with bewilderment. as the drowning monsters battled to get their front legs up upon the raft, the edges gave way continually beneath them, plunging them again and again beneath the surface, while a-ya stabbed at them vengefully with her spear, and loob shot arrows into them till grôm stopped him, saying that the arrows were too precious to waste. thereupon loob tripped delicately over the surging trunks and smote at the struggling monsters' heads with his light club. the anchorage of this natural raft having been broken, the weight of the monsters striving to gain a foothold upon it soon thrust its firm outer portion forth into the grip of the current. in a minute or two more this solid portion was torn away from the rest, and went sailing off slowly down stream with its living freight. the incoherent remnant was left in the eddy, where the snorting monsters struggled and threshed about amongst it, now climbing half-way out upon some great trunk, which forthwith reared on end and slid them off, now vanishing for a moment beneath the beaten stew of leaves and vines. a couple of the horned giants, being close to the bank, now seemed to recover their wits sufficiently to turn and clamber ashore. but the others were mad with terror. and in a moment more the fascinated watchers on the raft perceived the cause of this madness. all round the scene of the turmoil the water seethed with lashing tails and snapping jaws; and then one of the monsters, which had struggled out into clear water, was dragged down in a boiling vortex of jaws and bloody foam. a few moments more and the whole eddy became a bubbling hell of slaughter, and great broad washes of crimson streamed out upon the current. the monsters, for all their giant strength, and the pile-driving blows of their huge hoofs, were as helpless as rabbits against their swarming and ravenous assailants; and the battle--which indeed was no battle at all--soon was over. the eddy had become but a writhing nest of crocodiles. "it was hardly worth while wasting arrows, you see?" said grôm, standing erect on the raft and watching the scene with brooding interest. "do you suppose those swimming beasts with the great jaws can get at us here?" demanded a-ya with a shudder. "while this thing that carries us holds together, i think we can fight them off," replied grôm. and straightway he set himself to examine how securely the trees were interknit. the trunks had been piled by flood one upon another, and the structure seemed substantial; but to further strengthen it he set all to work interweaving the free branches and such creepers as the mass contained, with the skill that came of much practice in the weaving of tree-top nests. when all was done that could be done, the voyagers took time to look about them. they had by now been swept far out into the river, and the shores on either side seemed low and remote. a-ya felt oppressed, the face of the waters seeming to her so vast, inscrutable and menacing. she stole close up to grôm and edged herself under his massive arm for reassurance. the little scout sat like a monkey between two branches, and scratched his hairy arms, and, with an expression of pleased interest, scanned the water for the approach of new foes. as for grôm, he was entranced. this, at last, was what he had really come in search of, the stuff for arrows being merely his excuse to himself. this was the utterly new experience, the new achievement. he was traveling by water, not in it, but upon it--upborne, dry and without discomfort, upon its surface. for a little while he did not ask whither he was being borne. to his surprise the crocodiles and other formidable water-dwellers, which were quite unknown to him, paid them no attention whatever; and he concluded that they looked upon the raft as nothing more than a mass of floating driftwood containing nothing for them to eat. he could see them everywhere about, swimming with brute snouts half above water or basking on sandy spits of shore. then he observed that the current was bearing them gradually towards that further shore which he so longed to visit, and he thrilled with new anticipation. but when, after perhaps an hour, the capricious tide blew them again to mid-stream, a new idea took possession of him. he must find some way of influencing the direction of their voyage. he could not long relinquish himself to the blind whim and chance of the current. just as he was beginning to grapple with this problem, a-ya anticipated his thought--as he had noticed that she often did. looking up at him through her tossed hair, she enquired where they were going. "i am just trying to think," he answered, "how to make this thing take us where we want to go." "if the water is not too deep, couldn't you push with your long spear?" suggested the girl. acting at once on the suggestion, grôm leaned over the edge and thrust the spear straight downwards. but he could find no bottom. "it is too deep," said he, "but i'll find a way." as he stood near the forward end of the raft he began sweeping the spear in a wide arc through the water, as if it were a paddle, but with the idea merely of testing the resistance of the water. poor substitute as the spear was for a paddle or an oar, his great strength made up for its inefficiency, and after a few sweeps he was astonished and delighted to notice that the head of the raft had swung away from him, so that it was heading for the shore from which they had come. he pondered this in silence for a little, then stepped over to the other side and repeated the experiment. after several vigorous efforts the unwieldy craft yielded. its head swung straight, and then, very gradually, toward the other side. yes, there was no doubt about it. he had found a way of influencing their direction. "i am going to take you over to the other shore," he announced proudly. and now, laboring in a keen excitement, he set himself to carry out his boast. first he so overdid it that he made the raft turn clean about and head upstream. he puzzled over this for a time, but at length got it once more headed in the direction which he wished it to take. then he found that he could keep it to this direction--more or less--by taking a few strokes on one side, then hurriedly crossing to take a few strokes on the other. and in this way they began once more to approach the other bank. the process, however, was slow; and grôm presently concluded that it was wasteful. he hit upon the idea of setting a-ya and loob together to stroking with their spears on one side, while he, with his great strength, balanced their effort on the other. whereupon the sluggish craft woke up a little and began to make perceptible progress, on a slant across the current toward shore. "i have found it!" he exclaimed in exultation. "on this thing we can travel over the water where we will." "but not against the current," objected a-ya, whose enthusiasm was a little damped by the fact that she did not like the look of that further shore. "that will come in time," declared grôm confidently. "here's something coming now," announced loob, springing to his feet and grabbing his bow. at the same moment the flat, villainous head of a big crocodile shot up over the edge of the raft, and its owner, with enormous jaws half open, started to scramble aboard. a-ya's bow was bent as swiftly as loob's, and the two arrows sped together, both into the monster's gaping gullet. amazed at this reception it shut its jaws with a loud snap, halted and came on again. then a stab of grôm's great spear caught it full in the eye, and this wound struck fear into its dull mind. it rolled back hastily into the water and sank, leaving a foamy wake of blood behind it. by this time they were getting nearer the other shore. but on close view, grôm was bound to admit that it was not alluring. it was so low as to be all awash, and fringed deep with towering reeds, which were traversed by narrow lanes of water. of dry land there was none to be seen. "oh, we don't want to go ashore there!" protested a-ya fervently. as she spoke a hideous head, with immense, round, bulging eyes and long, beak-like mouth arose over the sedge tops on a long, swaying neck and stared at them fixedly. "no, we don't," said grôm, with decision, making haste to swing the head of the raft once more out into the channel. they were pursued by a dense crowd of mosquitoes, voracious and venomous, which followed them to mid-stream and kept tormenting them till an up-river gust blew them off. grôm made up his mind that the exploration of that unknown shore could wait a more convenient season. he was now deeply absorbed in the complex problem of directing and managing his raft. as he pulled his spear through the water, and noted the additional effect of its flat head, the conception came to him of something that would get a more propulsive grip upon the water than was possible to a round pole. furthermore, he was quick to realize that the immense, shapeless mass of débris on which they were traveling might be replaced by something light and manageable which he would make by lashing some trimmed trunks together with lengths of bamboo to give additional buoyancy. as he brooded this in silence, with that deep, inward look in his eyes which always kept a-ya from breaking in upon his vision, he came to the idea of a formal raft, and a formal paddle. and to this he added, with a full sense of its value, a-ya's suggestion that this new structure might very well be pushed along, in shallow water, with a pole. having thought this out, he drew a deep breath, looked up, and met a-ya's eyes with a smile. his eager desire now was to get back home and put his new scheme into execution. "where are we going now?" asked a-ya. grôm looked about him wildly--at the sky, at the far-off hills on their right, at the course of the stream, which had changed within the past few miles. his sense of direction was unerring. "this river," he answered, "flows towards the rising sun, and must empty into the bitter waters not more than a day or a half day from the caves. we are going home. we will come again to look for arrows in a new raft which i will make." as he spoke, loob's spear darted down beside the raft, and came up with a big, silvery fish writhing upon it. he broke its neck with a blow and laid the prize at a-ya's feet. "i wish we had fire with us, to cook it with," said she. "on the new raft, as i will make it," said grôm, "that may very well be. our journey will be safe and easy, and the good fire we will have always with us." chapter xiii the fear the people of the caves were beginning to dread their good fortune. plenty was being showered upon them with so lavish and sudden a hand that they looked at it askance, distrustful of the unsought-for largess. for a week or more their hunting-grounds had been swarming with game, in amazing and daily increasing numbers, till there was little more of chance or of excitement in the hunt than in plucking a ripe mango from its branch. it was game of the choicest kinds, too--deer of many varieties, and antelope, and the little wild horse whose flesh they accounted such a delicacy. they slew, and slew, and their cooking-fires were busy night and day, and the flesh they could not devour was dried in the sun in long strips or smoked in the reek of green-wood fires. they feasted greedily, but there was something sinister in the whole matter, something ominous; and they would stop at times to wonder anxiously what stroke of fate could be hanging over the caves. during the past day or two, moreover, there had been a disquieting influx of those great and fierce beasts which the cave men were by no means anxious to hunt. the giant white and the woolly rhinoceros had arrived by the score in the dense thickets of the steaming savannah which unrolled its green-and-yellow breadths along the southward base of the downs. these half-blind brutes appeared to be waging a dreadful and doubtful war with the red herds of those monstrous, cone-horned survivals from an earlier age, the arsinotheria, who had ruled the reeking savannah for countless cycles. the roar and trampling of the struggle came up from time to time to the dwellers in the caves, when the hot breeze came up from the southward. what concerned the cave folk far more than any near-sighted and blundering rhinoceros, however malignant, was the sudden arrival of the great red bears, the black lions, the grinning and implacable saber-tooth tigers, and giant black-gray wolves which hunted in small, handy packs of six or seven in number. all these, the dread foes of man for as long as tradition could remember, had been mercifully few and scattered. now, in a night, they had become as common as conies; and not a child could be allowed to play beyond shelter of the cave-mouth fires, not a woman durst venture to the spring without a brightly blazing fire-brand in her hand. yet--and this seemed to the tribe the most portentous sign of all--these blood-thirsty beasts appeared to have lost much of their ancient hostility to man. they were all well fed, of course, their accustomed prey being now so abundant that they had little more to do than put forth an armed paw and seize it. but they all seemed uneasy and half-cowed, as if weighed down by a menace which they did not know how to face. when a man confronted them, the fiercest of them made way with a deprecating air, as if to say that they had troubles enough on their minds. * * * * * bawr, the chief, and grôm, his right hand and his counselor, stood upon the bare green ridge above the cave-mouth, and stared down anxiously upon the sun-drenched plain. of old it had taken keen eyes to discern the varied life which populated its bamboo-thickets and cane-choked marshes. now it was as thronged as the home pastures of a cattle-farm. here and there a battle raged between such small-brained brutes as the white rhinoceros and the cone-horned monster; but for the most part there was an apprehensive sort of truce, the different kinds of beasts keeping as far as possible to themselves. further out in the plain pastured a herd of gigantic creatures such as neither bawr nor grôm had ever seen before. a pair of rhinoceros looked like pygmies beside them. they were both tall and massive, of a dark mud-color, with colossal heads, no necks whatever, huge ears that flapped like wings, immensely long, up-curving tusks of gleaming yellow--mighty enough to carry a bison cradled in their curve--and it seemed to the astonished watchers on the ridge that from the snout of each monster grew a great snake, which reared itself into the air, and waved terribly, and pulled down the tops of trees for the monster's food. it was the cave man's first view of the mammoth--which had not yet developed the shaggy coat it was later to grow on the cold sub-artic plains. recovering at length from his amazement, bawr remarked: "they seem to have two tails, those new beasts--a little tail behind, in the usual place, and a very big tail in front, which they use as a hand. they are very many, and very terrible. do you think it is they who are driving all these other beasts upon us to overwhelm us?" grôm thought long before replying. "no," said he, "they are not flesh-eaters. see! they do not heed the other beasts. they eat trees. and they, too, seem restless. i think they are themselves driven. but what dreadful beings must be they who can drive them!" "if they are driven over us," muttered bawr, "they will grind us and our fires into the dust." "it must be men," mused grôm aloud, "men far mightier than ourselves and so countless that the hordes of the tree men would seem a handful in comparison. only men, or gods, and in swarms like locusts, could so drive all these mighty beasts before them as a child drives rabbits." "before they come," said bawr, dropping his great craggy chin upon his breast, "the people of the caves will be trodden out. whither can we escape from such foes? we will build great fires before the caves, and we will go down fighting, as befits men." he lifted his maned and massive head, and shook his great spear defiantly at the unknown doom that was coming up from the south. but grôm's eyes were sunken deep under his brows in brooding thought. "there is one way, perhaps," he said at length. "we have learned to journey on the water. we must build us rafts, many rafts, to carry all the tribe. and when we can no longer hold our fires and our caves we will push out upon the water, and perhaps make our way to that blue shore yonder, where they cannot follow us." "the waves, and the monsters of the waves, will swallow us up," suggested bawr. "some of us, perhaps many of us," agreed grôm. "but many of us will escape, to keep the tribe-fires burning, if the gods be kind upon that day and bind down the winds till we get over. if we stay here we shall all die." "it is well," grunted bawr, turning to hurry down the steep. "we will build rafts. let us hasten." * * * * * on the beach below the caves the men of the tribe worked furiously, dragging the trunks of trees together at the water's edge, lashing them with ropes of vine and cords of hide, and laboriously lopping some of the more obstructive branches by the combined use of fire and split stones. the women, and the lame slave ook-ootsk--with the old men, who, though their hearts were still high, were too frail of their hands for such a heavy task as raft-building--remained before the caves under the command of a-ya, grôm's mate. they had enough to do in feeding the chain of fires, keeping the children out of danger, and fighting back with spear and arrow the ever-encroaching mob of wild-eyed beasts. the beasts feared the fires, and feared the human beings who leaped and screamed and smote from among the fires. but still more they seemed to fear some unknown thing behind them. for a time, however, the crackling flames and the biting shafts proved a sufficient barrier, and the motley but terrifying invaders went sheering off irresolutely to westward over the downs. down by the edge of the tide the raft-builders worked under grôm's guidance. the broad water--some four or five miles across--was the tidal estuary of a great river which flowed out of the north-west. its brimming current bore down from the interior jungles the trunks of many uprooted trees, which the tides of the estuary hurled back and strewed along the beach. the raft-builders, therefore, had plenty of material to work with. and the fear that lay chill upon their hearts urged them to a diligence that was far from their habit. it was rather like working in a nightmare. from time to time would come a rush, a stampede, of deer or tapirs, along the strip of beach between the water and the cliff. the toiling men would draw aside till the rabble went by, then fall to work again. once, however, it was a herd of wild cattle, snorting, and tossing their wide, keen-pointed horns; and their trampling onrush filled the whole space so that the men had to plunge out into deep water to escape. several, afraid of the big-mouthed, flesh-eating fish which infested the estuary at high tide, stayed too close in shore, and paid for their irresolution by being gored savagely. it was about the full of the moon and the time of the longest days, and the raft-builders toiled feverishly the whole night through. by sunrise bawr and grôm estimated that there were rafts enough to carry the whole tribe, provided the present calm held on. they decided, however, to construct several more, in case some should prove less buoyant than they hoped. but for this most wise provision fate refused to grant the time. a naked slip of a girl, her one scant garment of leopard skin caught upon a rock and twitched from off her loins as she ran, came fleeing down the hill-path, her hair afloat upon the fresh morning air. straggling far behind her came a crowd of children, and old women carrying babies or bundles of dried meat. "they must not come yet. they'll be in the way!" cried bawr angrily, waving them back. but they paid no attention--which showed that there was something they feared more even than the iron-fisted chief. "there are none of the young women or the old men, who can fight, among them," said grôm. "a-ya must have sent them, because the time has come. let us wait for the young girl, who seems to bring a message." breathless, and clutching at her bosom with one hand, the girl fell at bawr's feet. "a-ya says, 'come quick!'" she gasped. "they are too many. they run over the fires and trample us." grôm sprang forward with a cry, then stopped and looked at his chief. "go, you," said bawr, "and bring them to us. i will stay here and look to the rafts." taking a half-score of the strongest warriors with him, grôm raced up the steep, torn with anxiety for the fate of a-ya and the children. it was now about three-quarters tide, and the flood rising strongly. by way of precaution some of the rafts had been kept afloat, let down with ropes of vine to follow the last ebb, and guided carefully back on the returning flood. but most of them were lying where they had been built, or left by the preceding tide, along high-water mark, as hopelessly stranded, for the next two hours, as a birch log after a freshet. as the old women with children arrived, bawr rushed them down the wet beach to the rafts which were afloat, appointing to each clumsy raft four men, with long, rough flattened poles, to manage it. for the moment, all these men had to do was hold their charges in place that they might not be swept away by the incoming tide. when grôm and his eager handful, passing a stream of trembling fugitives on the way, reached the level ground before the caves, the sight that greeted them was tremendous and appalling. it looked as if some great country to the southward had gathered together all its beasts and then vomited them forth in one vast torrent, confused and irresistible, to the north. it was a wholesale migration, on such a scale as the modern world has never even dreamed of, but suggested in a feeble way by the torrential drift of the bison across the north american plains half a century ago, or the sudden, inexplicable marches of the lemming myriads out of the scandinavian barrens that give them birth. the shrill cries of the women, fighting like she-wolves in defense of the children and the home-caves, the hoarse shouts of the old men, weak but indomitable, were mingled with an indescribable medley of noises--gruntings, bellowings, howlings, roarings, bleatings and brayings--from the dreadful mob of beasts which besieged the open space behind the fires. some of the beasts were maddened with their terror, some were in a fighting rage, some only wanted to escape the throng behind them. but all seemed bent upon passing the fires and getting into the caves, as if they thought there to find refuge from the unknown fear. at the extreme right of the line the two farthest fires were already overwhelmed, trodden out by frantic hooves, and three or four old men, with a couple of desperate young women, behind a barrier of slain elk and stags were fighting like furies to hold back the victorious onrush. two of the old men were down, trodden out between the fires by blind hooves, and a third, jammed limply against the rocky wall beside the furthest cave, was being worried by a bear--hideously but aimlessly, as if the great beast hardly heeded what it was doing. there was something peculiarly terrifying in the animal's preoccupation. at the center of the line, immediately before the main cave-mouth--whose yawning entrance seemed to be the objective of the swarming beasts--a-ya was heading the battle, with the lame slave, ook-ootsk, crouched fighting at her side like a colossal frog gone mad. here the fires were almost extinguished--but the line of slain beasts formed a tolerable barricade, upon the top of which the women leapt, stabbing with their spears and screeching shrill taunts, while the old men leaned upon the gory pile to save their strength with frugal precision. here and there among the carcases was the body of a woman or an old man, impaled on the horn of a bull or ripped open by the rending antler of an elk. as grôm and his men came shouting across the level a huge woolly rhinoceros plunged over the barrier, his bloody horn ploughing the carcases, trod down a couple of the defenders without appearing to see them, dashed through the nearest fire, and charged blindly into the cave-mouth with his matted coat all ablaze. the children and old women who had not already fled down to the beach shrieked in horror. the frantic monster heeded them not at all, but went thundering on into the bowels of the cavern. "go back, all you women!" yelled grôm above the tumult, as he and his men raced to the barrier. "get down to the beach with the children. we'll hold the rush back till you get down. run! run!" sobbing with the fury of the struggle, the women obeyed, darting back and pouncing upon their own little ones--all but a-ya, who remained doggedly at grôm's side. "go," ordered grôm fiercely. "the children need you. get them all down." sullenly the woman obeyed, seeing he was right, but still lusting for the fight, though her wearied arm could now do little more than lift the spear. under the shock of these fresh fighters, with lionlike heads, masterful eyes, and smashing, irresistible weapons, the front ranks of the animals recoiled, trampling those behind them; and for a few minutes the pressure was relieved. grôm turned to the old men. "you go now," he ordered. but they refused. "we stay here," cried one, breathless, but with fire in his ancient eyes. "none too much room on the rafts." and they fell again grimly to the fight. grôm laughed proudly. with such mettle even in withered veins, the tribe, he thought, was destined to great things. he turned to the lame slave, whom he had ever favored for his faithfulness. "you go! you are lame and cannot run." the crouching giant looked up at him with a widemouthed grin. "i am no woman," said he. "i stay and hold them back when you all go. i kill, and kill. and then i go very far." he waved one great gnarled hand, dripping with blood, toward the sun and the high spaces of air. before grôm could answer, from below the southward edge of the plateau there came a mad, high trumpeting, so loud that every other voice in that pandemonium was silenced by it. at that dread sound the rabble of beasts surged forward again upon the barrier, upon the clubs and spears of the defenders. up over the brow of the slope came a forest of waving trunks, and tossing tusks, and ponderous black foreheads. "the two-tails are upon us!" cried grôm, in a voice of awe. and his followers gasped, as the colossal shapes shouldered up into full view. grôm looked behind him, and saw the last of the women and children, shepherded vehemently by a-ya with the butt of her spear, vanishing down the steep toward the beach. "it is time for us to go too," shouted grôm, clutching the lame slave by the arm to drag him off. but ook-ootsk wrenched himself free. "i'll hold them back till you get away," he growled, and drove his great spear into the heart of a bull which came over the barrier at that instant. grôm saw it would be useless now to try and save him. with the rest of his band he ran for paths leading down to the beach. it was well, he thought, that the valiant slave should die for the tribe. the beasts came over the barrier and the fires like a yelling flood. but now, finding all opposition so suddenly withdrawn, the flood divided upon the massive, thrusting figure of ook-ootsk as upon a black rock in mid-stream. it united again behind him, surging pell-mell for the cave-mouths, where in the crush the weaker and lighter were savagely torn and trampled underfoot. then the mammoths came thundering and trumpeting across the plateau, going through and over the lesser beasts like a tidal wave. grôm, having seen the last of his warriors pass down the beach paths, turned for one more glimpse of the monstrous and incredible scene. he had a swift vision of the squatting form of ook-ootsk thrusting upward with reddened spear at the breast of a black monster which hung over him like a mountain. then the mountain rolled forward upon him, blotting him out, and grôm slipped hurriedly over the brink and down the path. * * * * * at the rafts it was bedlam. a score or more of the women and children, as they were crossing to the water's edge, had been wiped out of existence by the rush of maddened bison along the beach, and the keenings of their relatives rose above the shouts and cries of embarkation. fully half the rafts were afloat, with their loads, by now, and men grunted heavily in the effort to pry the others free, while women and children crowded into the water around them, waiting to struggle aboard as soon as the men would let them. as grôm and his panting band, covered with blood from head to foot, reached the waterside and flung their dripping weapons upon the rafts, a fringe of animals came over the edge of the steep, crowded aside from the caves. some, being sure-footed, like the lions and bears, made their way with care down the paths. others, pushed over and struggling frantically, came rolling downward, bouncing from rock and ledge, and landing on the beach a mass of broken bones. then behind them, along the brink, black and gigantic against the blue sky-line, appeared a group of the mammoths. they waved their long trunks, and trumpeted piercingly, but hesitated to try the descent. "hurry! hurry!" thundered bawr, straining at the stranded timbers till the great veins stood out on neck and forehead as if they would burst. under the added efforts of grôm and his band the last of the rafts floated. the children were thrown aboard, the women clambered after them, and the men, wading and guiding, lest the rafts should ground again, began to follow cautiously. at this moment, along the beach came a new rush of animals--chiefly buffalo, headed by three huge white rhinoceros. these all seemed quite blind with panic. they dashed on straight ahead, paying no heed whatever either to the people on the rafts or to the other beasts coming down the steep. on their heels thundered a second herd of mammoths, their trunks held high in the air, the red caverns of their mouths wide open. as these colossal, rolling bulks came abreast of the rafts, a child shrieked at the terrifying sight. the leader of the herd turned his malignant little eye upon the rafts, seeming to perceive them for the first time. without pausing in his huge stride he reached down his trunk, whipped it about the waist of bawr, and swung him aloft, crushing in his ribs with the terrific pressure, and carried him along high in the air above the trumpeting ranks. a howl of rage went up from the rafts; and a-ya, whose bow was quick as thought, let fly an arrow before grôm could stay her hand. the shaft struck deep in the monster's trunk. dashing down its lifeless victim among the feet of the herd, the monster tried to turn back to take vengeance for the strange wound. but unable to stem the avalanche behind, it was borne up the beach, screaming with rage. grôm, who was now sole chief and master of the tribe, signed every raft to push out into deep water, beyond reach of further attack. with all responsibility now upon his shoulders, he had little time to grieve for the death of bawr, who, after all, had died greatly, as a chief should. the rafts were now traveling inland at a fair rate, on the last half-hour of the flood; and, as the estuary narrowed rapidly above their starting-place, he hoped to be able, during the slack of tide, to work the clumsy rafts well over towards the northern shore before getting caught in the full strength of the ebb. as he studied out this problem, and urged the warriors to their utmost effort on the heavy and awkward pole-paddles, he kept puzzling all the time over the great mystery. what was it that swept even the mighty mammoths before its face? how should he name the fear? then all at once, when the rafts were about three or four hundred yards out from shore, he saw. a low cry of wonder broke from his lips, and was reechoed in chorus from all the burdened rafts. down over the heights where the cave folk had been dwelling, up along the beach from which the rafts had just escaped, in countless ravening, snapping swarms, poured hyenas by the myriad--huge hyenas, bigger than the mightiest timber wolves, their deep-jowled heads carried close to the ground. it was clear in a moment that they were mad with hunger, driven by nothing but their own raging appetites. they fled from nothing, but some of them stopped, in struggling masses, to devour the bodies of the beasts which they found slain, while the rest poured on insatiably, to pull down by sheer weight of numbers and the might of their bone-crushing jaws the mightiest of the monsters which fled before them. here and there a mammoth cow, maddened by the slaughter of her calf, or an old rhinoceros bull, indignant at being hunted by such vermin, would turn and run amuck through the mass, stamping them out by the hundred. but this made no impression at all, either upon their numbers or the rage of their hunger, and in a few minutes the colossus, its feet half eaten off, would come crashing down, to be swarmed over and disappear like a fat grub in an ant-heap. here and there, too, a mammoth, more sagacious than its fellows, would wade out belly deep into the water--upon finding its escape cut off--and stand there plucking its foes one by one from the shore to trample them under its feet, screaming shrill triumph. grôm turned with a deep breath from the unspeakable spectacle, looked across to the green line of the opposite shore, and thanked his unknown gods that it was so far off. with that great river rolling its flood between, he thought the tribe might rest secure from these fiends and once more build up its fortunes. chapter xiv the lake of long sleep driven from their home beside the bitter water by the great migration of the beasts, the tribe of the cave folk, diminished in numbers and stricken in spirit, had escaped on rafts across the broad river-estuary which washed the northern border of their domain. there they had found a breathing-space, but it had proved a perilous one. the whole region north of the estuary was little better than a steaming swamp, infested with poisonous snakes and insects, and with strange monsters, survivals from a still earlier age, whose ferocity drove the cave folk back to their ancestral life in the tree-tops. under these conditions it was all but impossible to keep alight the sacred fires--as precious to the tribe as life itself--which they had brought with them in their flight upon the rafts. and grôm, the chief, saw his harassed people in danger of sinking back into the degradation from which his discovery and conquest of fire had so wonderfully uplifted them. from the top of a solitary jobo tree, which towered above the rank surrounding jungle, grôm could make out what looked like a low bank of purple cloud along the western and north-western horizon. as it was always there, whenever he climbed to look at it, he concluded that it was not a cloud-bank, but a line of hills. where there were hills there might be caves. in any case, the people must have some better place to inhabit than this region of swamps and monsters. the way to that blue line of promise lay across what would surely be the path of the migrating beasts, if they should take it into their heads to swim across the river. the possibility was one from which even his resolute spirit shrank. but he felt that he must face any risk in the hope of winning his way to those cloudy hills. within an hour of his reaching this decision the tribe of the cave folk was once more on the march. the first few days of the march were like a nightmare. grôm led the way along the shore of the river, both because that seemed the shortest way to the hills, and because, in case of emergency, the open water afforded a door of escape by raft. had it been possible to make the journey by raft matters would have been simplified; but grôm had already proved by experience that his heavy unwieldy rafts could not be forced upwards against the mighty current of the river. at the last point to which the flood-tides would carry them the rafts had been abandoned--herded together into a quiet cove, and lashed to the shore by twisted vine-ropes against some possible future need. at the head of the dismal march went grôm, with his mate a-ya, and her two children, and the hairy little scout loob, whose feet were as quick as his eyes and ears and nostrils, and whose sinews were as untiring as those of the gray wolf. immediately behind these came the main body of the warriors, on a wide line so as to guard against surprise on the flank. then followed the women and children, bunched as closely as possible behind the center of the line; and a knot of picked warriors, under young mô, the brother of a-ya, guarded the rear. there were no old men and women, all these having gone down in the last great battle at the caves, selling their lives as dearly as possible to cover the retreat. such of the young women as had no small children to carry bore the heavy burdens of the fire-baskets, or bundles of smoke-dried meat, leaving the warriors free to use their bows and spears. in traversing the swamp the march was sometimes at ground-level, sometimes high in the tree-tops. in the tree-tops it was safer, but the progress was slow and laborious. at ground-level the swarms of stinging insects were always with them, till grôm invented the use of smudges. when every alternate member of the tribe carried a torch of dry grass and half-green bark, the march was enveloped in a cloud of acrid smoke, which the insects found more or less disconcerting. of the grave perils of this weary march to the hills a single instance may suffice. the nights, as a rule, were passed by the whole tribe in the tree-tops, both for the greater security, and because there was seldom enough dry ground to sleep upon. but one evening, toward sunset, they came upon a sort of little island in the reeking jungle. its surface was four or five feet above the level of the swamp. the trees which dotted it were smooth, straight, towering shafts with wide fans of foliage at their far-off tops. and the ground between these clean, symmetrical trunks was unencumbered, being clothed only with a rich, soft, spicy-scented herbage, akin to the thymes and mints. such an opportunity for rest and refreshment was not to be let slip, and grôm ordered an immediate halt. a fat, pig-like water beast, of the nature of the dugong, had been speared that day in a bayou beside the line of march, and with great contentment the tribe settled themselves down to such a comfortable feasting as they had not known for many days. while the fat dugong was being hacked to pieces and divided under the astute direction of a-ya, grôm made haste to establish the camp-fires in a chain completely encircling the encampment, as a protection against night-prowlers from the surrounding jungle. as darkness fell the flames lit up the soaring trunks, but the roof of the over-arching foliage was so high that the smoky illumination was lost in it. while the rest of the tribe gave itself up to the feasting, grôm and loob, and half a dozen of the other warriors, kept vigilant watch whilst they ate, distrusting the black depths of jungle and the deep, reed-fringed pools beyond the circle of light. suddenly, all along one side of the island there arose a sound of heavy splashing, and out of the darkness came a row of small, malignant eyes, all fixed upon the feasters. then into the circle of light swam the masks of giant alligators and strange, tusked caymans. quite unawed by the fires they came ashore with a clumsy rush, open-mouthed. while the clamoring women snatched the children away to the other side of the encampment, grôm and the other warriors hurled themselves upon the hideous invaders as they came waddling with amazing nimbleness in between the fires. but these were no assailants to be met with bow and spear. at grôm's sharp orders each warrior snatched a blazing brand from the fire, and drove it into the gaping throat of his nearest assailant. in their stupid ferocity the monsters invariably bit upon the brand before they realized its nature. then, bellowing with pain, they wheeled about and scrambled back toward the water, lashing out with their gigantic tails, so that three of the warriors were knocked over and half a dozen of the fires were scattered. the feasters had hardly more than settled down after this startling visitation, when from the darkness inland came a hoarse, hooting cry, followed by a succession of crashing thuds, as if a pair of mammoths were playing leap-frog in the jungle. all the men sprang again to their weapons, and stood waiting, in a sudden hush, straining their eyes into the perilous dark. some of the women herded the children into the very center of the island, while others fed the fires with feverish haste. the hooting call, and the heavy, leaping thuds, came nearer and nearer at a terrifying speed; and suddenly, amid the far-off, vaguely-lighted tangle of the tree-trunks appeared a giant form, seven or eight times the height of grôm himself. leaping upon its mighty hind-legs, and holding its mailed fore-paws before its chest, it came bounding like a colossal kangaroo through the jungle, smashing down the branches and smaller trees as it came, and balancing itself at each spring with its massive, reptilian tail. its vast head, something like a cross between that of a monstrous horse and that of an alligator, was upborne upon a long, snaky neck, and its eyes, huge and round and lidless, were like two discs of shining and enamelled metal where they caught the flash of the camp-fires. this appalling shape had apparently no dread whatever of the flames. when it was within some thirty or forty yards of the line of fire, grôm yelled an order and a swarm of arrows darted from the bows to meet it. but they fell futile from its armored hide, which gleamed like dull bronze in the fire-light. grôm shouted again, and this time the warriors hurled their spears--and they, too, fell harmless from the monster's armor. its next crashing bound brought the monster to the edge of the encampment, where one of its ponderous feet obliterated a fire. with a lightning swoop of its gigantic head it seized the nearest warrior in its jaws and swung him, screaming, high into the air, as a heron might snatch up a sprawling frog. at the same instant a-ya, who was the one unerring archer in the tribe, let fly an arrow which pierced full half its length into the center of one of those horrifying enamelled eyes; while grôm, who alone, of all the warriors, had not recoiled in terror, succeeded in driving a spear deep into the unarmored inner side of the monster's thigh. but both these wounds, dreadful though they were, failed to make the colossus drop its prey. with mighty, braying noises through its nostrils it brushed the spear shaft from its hold like a straw, flopped about, and with the arrow still sticking in its eye, went leaping off again into the darkness to devour its victim. for several hours, with the fires trebled in number and stirred to fiercer heat, the tribe waited for the monster to return and claim another victim. but it did not return. at length grôm concluded that his spear-head in its groin and a-ya's arrow in its eye had given it something else to think of. once more he set the guards, and gradually the tribe, inured to horrors, settled itself down to sleep. it slept out the rest of the night without disturbance--but the following night, and the next two nights thereafter, were spent in the tree-tops. then, on the fourth day, the harassed travelers emerged from the swamp into a pleasant region of grassy, mimosa-dotted, gently-rolling plain. the hills, now showing green and richly wooded, were not more than a day's march ahead. and just here, as the fates which had of late been pursuing them would have it, the worn travelers found themselves once more in the line of the hordes of migrating beasts. grôm's heart sank. to reach the refuge of the hills across the march of those maddened hordes was obviously impossible. were his people to be forced back into the swamp, to resume the cramped and ape-like life among the branches? having ordered the building of a half-circle of fire around a spur of the jungle, he climbed a tree to reconnoiter. the river ran but a mile or two distant upon his left. immediately before him the fleeing beasts were not numerous, consisting merely of small herds and terrified stragglers. further out, however, toward the hills, the plain was blackened by the fugitives, who were thrust on by the myriads swimming the river behind them. assuredly, it was not to be thought of that he should attempt to lead his people across the path of that desperate flight. but a point that grôm noted with relief was that only certain kinds of beasts had ventured the crossing of the river. he saw no bears, lions or saber-tooths among those streaming hordes. he saw deer of every kind--good swimmers all of them--with immense, rolling herds of buffalo and aurochs, and scattered companies of the terrible siva moose, and some bands of the giant elk, their antlers topping the mimosa thickets. here and there, lumbering along sullenly as if reluctant to retreat before any peril, journeyed a huge rhinoceros, stopping from time to time for a few hurried mouthfuls of the rich plains grass. but as yet there was not a mammoth in sight--whereat grôm wondered, as he thought they would have been among the first to dare the crossing of the river. had they kept on up the other shore, hesitating to trust their colossal bulks to the current, or had they turned at bay, at last, in uncontrollable indignation, and gone down before the countless hordes of their ignoble assailants? the absence of the mammoths, which he dreaded more than all the other beasts because of the fierce intelligence that gleamed in their eyes, decided grôm. he would lead his people along to the right, skirting the swamp and marching parallel to the flight of the beasts, calculating thus to have the jungle always for a refuge, though not for a dwelling, until they should come to a region of hills and caves too difficult for the migrating beasts to traverse. for several days this plan answered to a marvel. the fugitives nearest to the swamp-edge were mostly deer of various species, which swerved away nervously from the line of march, but at the same time afforded such good hunting that the travelers revelled in abundance and rapidly recovered their spirits. once, when a great wave of maddened buffalo surged over upon them, the whole tribe fled back into the jungle, clambering into the trees, and stabbing down, with angry shouts, at the nearest of their assailants. but the assault was a blind one. the buffalo, a black mass that seemed to foam with tossing horns and rolling eyes, soon passed on to their unknown destination. and the tribe, dropping down from the branches, quite cheerfully resumed its march. on the fifth day of the march they saw the jungle on their right come to an end. it was succeeded by a vast expanse of shallow mere dotted with half-drowned, rushy islets, and swarming with crocodiles. after some hesitation, grôm decided to go on, though he was uneasy about forsaking the refuge of the trees. some leagues ahead, however, and a little toward the left, he could see a low, thick-wooded hill, which he thought might serve the tribe for a shelter. with many misgivings, he led the way directly towards it, swerving out across the path of a vast but straggling horde of sambur deer which seemed almost exhausted. to grôm's surprise these stately and beautiful animals showed neither hostility nor fear toward human beings. according to all his previous experience, the attitude of every beast toward man was one of fear or fierce hate. these sambur, on the contrary, seemed rather to welcome the companionship of the tribe, as if looking to it for some protection against the strange pursuing peril. his sleepless sagacity perceiving the value of this great escort as a buffer against the contact of less kindly hordes, grôm gave strict orders that none of these beasts should be molested. and the cave folk, not without apprehension, found themselves traveling in the vanguard of an army of tall, high-antlered beasts which stared at them with mild eyes of inquiry and appeal. marching at their best speed, the tribe kept easily in the van of the distressed sambur, and more than once in the next few hours, grôm had reason to congratulate himself upon his venture into this strange fellowship. first, for instance, he saw a herd of black buffalo overtake the sambur host and dash heavily into its rear ranks. the frightened sambur closed up, instead of scattering, and the impetus of the buffalo presently spent itself upon the unresisting mass. they edged their way through to the left leaving swathes of gored and trodden sambur in their wake, and went thundering off on another line of retreat, caroming into a herd of aurochs, which fought them off and punished them murderously. it was obvious to grôm, as he studied the dust-clouds of this last encounter, that the buffalo herd, here in the open, would have rolled over the tribe irresistibly, and trampled it flat. journeying thus at top speed toward that hill of promise before them, the travelers came at length to a wide space of absolutely level ground which presented a most curious appearance. it was as level as a windless lake, and almost without vegetation. the naked surface was of a sort of indeterminate dust-color, but dotted here and there with tiny patches of vegetation so stunted that it was little more than moss. grôm, with his inquiring mind, would have liked to stop to investigate this curious surface, unlike anything he had ever seen before. but the hordes of the sambur were behind, pressing the tribe onwards, and straight ahead was the wooded hill, dense with foliage, luring with its promise of safe and convenient shelter. he led the way, therefore, without hesitation, out across the baked and barren waste, sniffing curiously, as he went, at a strange smell, pungent but not unpleasant, which steamed up from the dry, hot surface all about him. the first peculiarity that he noticed was a remarkable springiness in the surface upon which he trod. then he was struck by the fact that the dust-brown surface was seamed and criss-crossed in many places by small cracks--like those in sun-scorched mud, except that the cracks were almost black in color. these things caused him no misgivings. but presently, to his consternation, he detected a slight but amazing undulation, an immensely long, immensely slow wave rolling across the dry surface before him. he could hardly believe his eyes--for assuredly nothing could look more like good solid land than that stretch of barren plain. he stopped short, rubbing his eyes in wonder. a-ya grabbed him by the arm. "what is it?" she whispered, staring at the unstable surface in a kind of horror. before he could reply, cries and shouts arose among the tribe behind him, and they all rushed forward, almost sweeping grôm and a-ya from their feet. the surface of the barren, all along the edge of the grass land, had given way beneath the weight of the sambur herds, and the front ranks were being engulfed with frantic snortings and awful groans, in what looked like a dense, blackish, glistening ooze. the ranks behind were being forced forward to this awful doom, in spite of their panic-stricken struggles to hold back; and it was the pressure of this battling mass that was creating the horrible, bulging undulation on the plain. grôm's quick intelligence took in the situation on the instant. the naked brown surface beneath the feet of the tribe was nothing more than a thin crust overlying a lake of some dense, dark, strange-smelling liquid. his first impulse, naturally, was to turn back--and a-ya, with wide eyes of terror, was already dragging fiercely at his elbow. but to turn back was utterly impossible. that way lay the long strip of engulfing pitch, swallowing up insatiably the ranks of the groaning and kicking sambur. there was but one possible way of escape left open, and that was straight ahead. but would the crust continue to uphold them? already, under the weight of the whole tribe pressing together, it was beginning to sag hideously. with furious words and blows he tried to make the tribe scatter to right and left, so as to spread the pressure as widely as possible. perceiving his purpose, a-ya and loob, and several of the leading warriors, seconded his efforts with frantic vehemence; till in a few minutes the whole tribe, amazed and quaking with awe, was extended like a fan over a front of three or four hundred yards. seeing that the perilous sagging of the crust was at once relieved, grôm then ordered the tribe to advance cautiously, keeping the same wide-open formation, while he himself brought up the rear. but in a few minutes every one, from grôm downwards, came to a halt irresistibly, in order to watch the monstrous drama unfolding behind them. for nearly half a mile to either side of their immediate rear, between the still unbroken surface of the dust-brown expanse and the edge of the trampled grassy plain, stretched a sort of canal, perhaps ten paces wide, of brown-black, glistening pitch, beaten up with thrashing antlers, and tossing heads that whistled despairingly through wide nostrils, and heaving, agonizing bulks that went down slowly to their doom. after several ranks of the herd had been engulfed those next behind turned about in terror and fought madly to force their way back from the fatal brink. but the inexorable masses behind them rolled them on backwards, and slowly they too were thrust down into the pitch, till the canal was filled to the brink, and writhed horribly along its whole length. by this time, however, the alarm had spread through the rest of the sambur ranks. by a desperate effort they got themselves turned, and went surging off to the left in a direction parallel to the edge of the plain of death. thrilled with the wonder and the horror of it, grôm drew a deep breath and relaxed the tension of his watching. he was just about to turn and order the tribe forward again, when he was arrested by the sight of a vast cloud of dust rolling up swiftly upon the left flank of the retreating sambur. a confused cry of alarm went up from the watching tribe, as they saw a forest of waving trunks appear in the front of the dust-cloud. a second or two more and a long array of mammoths emerged along the path of the cloud. among the mammoths, here and there, raced a black or a white rhinoceros, or a towering, spotted giraffe. behind this front rank, vague and portentous through the veiling cloud, came further colossal hordes, filling the distance as far as eye could see. this advance looked as if nothing on earth, not even the lake of pitch, could ever stop it, and certain of the tribe started to flee. but grôm, after a moment of misgiving and hasty calculation, checked the flight sternly. he must, at all risks see the incredible thing that was about to happen. and he felt certain that, at this distance out upon the crust of the gulf, the tribe would be secure. the stupendous wave of dust and waving trunks and galloping black bulks thundered up at a terrific pace, and fell with irresistible impact upon the flank of the marching sambur. these unhappy beasts went down like grass before it. they were rolled flat, trodden out like a fire in thin grass, annihilated. and the screaming, trumpeting monsters, hardly aware that there had been an obstacle in their path, arrived at the edge of the canal. here and there an old bull, leading, took alarm, trumpeted wildly, and strove to stop. but the belt of pitch was full to the brink with the packed bodies of the sambur, and did not look to be a very serious barrier to the spacious brown levels beyond it. moreover, the panic of a long flight was upon them, and the rear ranks were thrusting them on. the trumpeting leaders were overborne in a twinkling. the ponderous feet of the front rank sank into the mass of bodies and horns and pitch, stumbled forward, belly deep, and strove to clamber out upon the solid-looking further edge. with trunks eagerly outstretched as if seeking to grip something, the huge, bat-eared heads heaved themselves up. the next moment the treacherous crust crumbled away beneath them like an eggshell, and with screams that tore the heavens they sank into the gulfs of pitch. the next two or three ranks went over on them, trod them deeper down, heaved and surged and battled for some moments along the edge of the crumbling crust. with mad trumpetings, they were themselves swallowed up in that sluggish, implacable flood. here and there a black trunk, twisting in agony, lingered long, awful moments above the pitch. here and there the pallid head of a giraffe, tongue protruding and eyes bursting from their sockets, stood up rigid on its long neck and screamed hideously. as the thick tide closed slowly, slowly over its prey, the hosts in the rear, having taken alarm at the agonized trumpetings, succeeded by a gigantic effort in checking their career. those nearest the edge of doom reared up and fell back upon those next behind, to be ripped with frantic tusks in the mad confusion. but presently the whole colossal array brought itself to a halt, got itself turned to the left, and went thundering off on the trail of the sambur remnants. grôm stood staring for a long time, with wide, brooding eyes, at the still-bubbling and heaving breadths of dark pitch. he was stunned by the sudden engulfing and utter disappearance of such a monstrous horde. he seemed to see the countless gigantic shapes heaped one upon the other, laid to their long sleep there in the deeps of the pitch. at last he shook himself, passed his shaggy hand over his eyes, and shouted to the tribe that all was well. then he set himself once more at their head, and led them, slowly and cautiously, onward across the dreadful level, till they gained the shelter of that sweetly wooded and rivulet-watered hill. the end none the lost world i have wrought my simple plan if i give one hour of joy to the boy who's half a man, or the man who's half a boy. the lost world by sir arthur conan doyle copyright, foreword mr. e. d. malone desires to state that both the injunction for restraint and the libel action have been withdrawn unreservedly by professor g. e. challenger, who, being satisfied that no criticism or comment in this book is meant in an offensive spirit, has guaranteed that he will place no impediment to its publication and circulation. contents chapter i. "there are heroisms all round us" ii. "try your luck with professor challenger" iii. "he is a perfectly impossible person" iv. "it's just the very biggest thing in the world" v. "question!" vi. "i was the flail of the lord" vii. "to-morrow we disappear into the unknown" viii. "the outlying pickets of the new world" ix. "who could have foreseen it?" x. "the most wonderful things have happened" xi. "for once i was the hero" xii. "it was dreadful in the forest" xiii. "a sight i shall never forget" xiv. "those were the real conquests" xv. "our eyes have seen great wonders" xvi. "a procession! a procession!" the lost world the lost world chapter i "there are heroisms all round us" mr. hungerton, her father, really was the most tactless person upon earth,--a fluffy, feathery, untidy cockatoo of a man, perfectly good-natured, but absolutely centered upon his own silly self. if anything could have driven me from gladys, it would have been the thought of such a father-in-law. i am convinced that he really believed in his heart that i came round to the chestnuts three days a week for the pleasure of his company, and very especially to hear his views upon bimetallism, a subject upon which he was by way of being an authority. for an hour or more that evening i listened to his monotonous chirrup about bad money driving out good, the token value of silver, the depreciation of the rupee, and the true standards of exchange. "suppose," he cried with feeble violence, "that all the debts in the world were called up simultaneously, and immediate payment insisted upon,--what under our present conditions would happen then?" i gave the self-evident answer that i should be a ruined man, upon which he jumped from his chair, reproved me for my habitual levity, which made it impossible for him to discuss any reasonable subject in my presence, and bounced off out of the room to dress for a masonic meeting. at last i was alone with gladys, and the moment of fate had come! all that evening i had felt like the soldier who awaits the signal which will send him on a forlorn hope; hope of victory and fear of repulse alternating in his mind. she sat with that proud, delicate profile of hers outlined against the red curtain. how beautiful she was! and yet how aloof! we had been friends, quite good friends; but never could i get beyond the same comradeship which i might have established with one of my fellow-reporters upon the gazette,--perfectly frank, perfectly kindly, and perfectly unsexual. my instincts are all against a woman being too frank and at her ease with me. it is no compliment to a man. where the real sex feeling begins, timidity and distrust are its companions, heritage from old wicked days when love and violence went often hand in hand. the bent head, the averted eye, the faltering voice, the wincing figure--these, and not the unshrinking gaze and frank reply, are the true signals of passion. even in my short life i had learned as much as that--or had inherited it in that race memory which we call instinct. gladys was full of every womanly quality. some judged her to be cold and hard; but such a thought was treason. that delicately bronzed skin, almost oriental in its coloring, that raven hair, the large liquid eyes, the full but exquisite lips,--all the stigmata of passion were there. but i was sadly conscious that up to now i had never found the secret of drawing it forth. however, come what might, i should have done with suspense and bring matters to a head to-night. she could but refuse me, and better be a repulsed lover than an accepted brother. so far my thoughts had carried me, and i was about to break the long and uneasy silence, when two critical, dark eyes looked round at me, and the proud head was shaken in smiling reproof. "i have a presentiment that you are going to propose, ned. i do wish you wouldn't; for things are so much nicer as they are." i drew my chair a little nearer. "now, how did you know that i was going to propose?" i asked in genuine wonder. "don't women always know? do you suppose any woman in the world was ever taken unawares? but--oh, ned, our friendship has been so good and so pleasant! what a pity to spoil it! don't you feel how splendid it is that a young man and a young woman should be able to talk face to face as we have talked?" "i don't know, gladys. you see, i can talk face to face with--with the station-master." i can't imagine how that official came into the matter; but in he trotted, and set us both laughing. "that does not satisfy me in the least. i want my arms round you, and your head on my breast, and--oh, gladys, i want----" she had sprung from her chair, as she saw signs that i proposed to demonstrate some of my wants. "you've spoiled everything, ned," she said. "it's all so beautiful and natural until this kind of thing comes in! it is such a pity! why can't you control yourself?" "i didn't invent it," i pleaded. "it's nature. it's love." "well, perhaps if both love, it may be different. i have never felt it." "but you must--you, with your beauty, with your soul! oh, gladys, you were made for love! you must love!" "one must wait till it comes." "but why can't you love me, gladys? is it my appearance, or what?" she did unbend a little. she put forward a hand--such a gracious, stooping attitude it was--and she pressed back my head. then she looked into my upturned face with a very wistful smile. "no it isn't that," she said at last. "you're not a conceited boy by nature, and so i can safely tell you it is not that. it's deeper." "my character?" she nodded severely. "what can i do to mend it? do sit down and talk it over. no, really, i won't if you'll only sit down!" she looked at me with a wondering distrust which was much more to my mind than her whole-hearted confidence. how primitive and bestial it looks when you put it down in black and white!--and perhaps after all it is only a feeling peculiar to myself. anyhow, she sat down. "now tell me what's amiss with me?" "i'm in love with somebody else," said she. it was my turn to jump out of my chair. "it's nobody in particular," she explained, laughing at the expression of my face: "only an ideal. i've never met the kind of man i mean." "tell me about him. what does he look like?" "oh, he might look very much like you." "how dear of you to say that! well, what is it that he does that i don't do? just say the word,--teetotal, vegetarian, aeronaut, theosophist, superman. i'll have a try at it, gladys, if you will only give me an idea what would please you." she laughed at the elasticity of my character. "well, in the first place, i don't think my ideal would speak like that," said she. "he would be a harder, sterner man, not so ready to adapt himself to a silly girl's whim. but, above all, he must be a man who could do, who could act, who could look death in the face and have no fear of him, a man of great deeds and strange experiences. it is never a man that i should love, but always the glories he had won; for they would be reflected upon me. think of richard burton! when i read his wife's life of him i could so understand her love! and lady stanley! did you ever read the wonderful last chapter of that book about her husband? these are the sort of men that a woman could worship with all her soul, and yet be the greater, not the less, on account of her love, honored by all the world as the inspirer of noble deeds." she looked so beautiful in her enthusiasm that i nearly brought down the whole level of the interview. i gripped myself hard, and went on with the argument. "we can't all be stanleys and burtons," said i; "besides, we don't get the chance,--at least, i never had the chance. if i did, i should try to take it." "but chances are all around you. it is the mark of the kind of man i mean that he makes his own chances. you can't hold him back. i've never met him, and yet i seem to know him so well. there are heroisms all round us waiting to be done. it's for men to do them, and for women to reserve their love as a reward for such men. look at that young frenchman who went up last week in a balloon. it was blowing a gale of wind; but because he was announced to go he insisted on starting. the wind blew him fifteen hundred miles in twenty-four hours, and he fell in the middle of russia. that was the kind of man i mean. think of the woman he loved, and how other women must have envied her! that's what i should like to be,--envied for my man." "i'd have done it to please you." "but you shouldn't do it merely to please me. you should do it because you can't help yourself, because it's natural to you, because the man in you is crying out for heroic expression. now, when you described the wigan coal explosion last month, could you not have gone down and helped those people, in spite of the choke-damp?" "i did." "you never said so." "there was nothing worth bucking about." "i didn't know." she looked at me with rather more interest. "that was brave of you." "i had to. if you want to write good copy, you must be where the things are." "what a prosaic motive! it seems to take all the romance out of it. but, still, whatever your motive, i am glad that you went down that mine." she gave me her hand; but with such sweetness and dignity that i could only stoop and kiss it. "i dare say i am merely a foolish woman with a young girl's fancies. and yet it is so real with me, so entirely part of my very self, that i cannot help acting upon it. if i marry, i do want to marry a famous man!" "why should you not?" i cried. "it is women like you who brace men up. give me a chance, and see if i will take it! besides, as you say, men ought to make their own chances, and not wait until they are given. look at clive--just a clerk, and he conquered india! by george! i'll do something in the world yet!" she laughed at my sudden irish effervescence. "why not?" she said. "you have everything a man could have,--youth, health, strength, education, energy. i was sorry you spoke. and now i am glad--so glad--if it wakens these thoughts in you!" "and if i do----" her dear hand rested like warm velvet upon my lips. "not another word, sir! you should have been at the office for evening duty half an hour ago; only i hadn't the heart to remind you. some day, perhaps, when you have won your place in the world, we shall talk it over again." and so it was that i found myself that foggy november evening pursuing the camberwell tram with my heart glowing within me, and with the eager determination that not another day should elapse before i should find some deed which was worthy of my lady. but who--who in all this wide world could ever have imagined the incredible shape which that deed was to take, or the strange steps by which i was led to the doing of it? and, after all, this opening chapter will seem to the reader to have nothing to do with my narrative; and yet there would have been no narrative without it, for it is only when a man goes out into the world with the thought that there are heroisms all round him, and with the desire all alive in his heart to follow any which may come within sight of him, that he breaks away as i did from the life he knows, and ventures forth into the wonderful mystic twilight land where lie the great adventures and the great rewards. behold me, then, at the office of the daily gazette, on the staff of which i was a most insignificant unit, with the settled determination that very night, if possible, to find the quest which should be worthy of my gladys! was it hardness, was it selfishness, that she should ask me to risk my life for her own glorification? such thoughts may come to middle age; but never to ardent three-and-twenty in the fever of his first love. chapter ii "try your luck with professor challenger" i always liked mcardle, the crabbed, old, round-backed, red-headed news editor, and i rather hoped that he liked me. of course, beaumont was the real boss; but he lived in the rarefied atmosphere of some olympian height from which he could distinguish nothing smaller than an international crisis or a split in the cabinet. sometimes we saw him passing in lonely majesty to his inner sanctum, with his eyes staring vaguely and his mind hovering over the balkans or the persian gulf. he was above and beyond us. but mcardle was his first lieutenant, and it was he that we knew. the old man nodded as i entered the room, and he pushed his spectacles far up on his bald forehead. "well, mr. malone, from all i hear, you seem to be doing very well," said he in his kindly scotch accent. i thanked him. "the colliery explosion was excellent. so was the southwark fire. you have the true descreeptive touch. what did you want to see me about?" "to ask a favor." he looked alarmed, and his eyes shunned mine. "tut, tut! what is it?" "do you think, sir, that you could possibly send me on some mission for the paper? i would do my best to put it through and get you some good copy." "what sort of meesion had you in your mind, mr. malone?" "well, sir, anything that had adventure and danger in it. i really would do my very best. the more difficult it was, the better it would suit me." "you seem very anxious to lose your life." "to justify my life, sir." "dear me, mr. malone, this is very--very exalted. i'm afraid the day for this sort of thing is rather past. the expense of the 'special meesion' business hardly justifies the result, and, of course, in any case it would only be an experienced man with a name that would command public confidence who would get such an order. the big blank spaces in the map are all being filled in, and there's no room for romance anywhere. wait a bit, though!" he added, with a sudden smile upon his face. "talking of the blank spaces of the map gives me an idea. what about exposing a fraud--a modern munchausen--and making him rideeculous? you could show him up as the liar that he is! eh, man, it would be fine. how does it appeal to you?" "anything--anywhere--i care nothing." mcardle was plunged in thought for some minutes. "i wonder whether you could get on friendly--or at least on talking terms with the fellow," he said, at last. "you seem to have a sort of genius for establishing relations with people--seempathy, i suppose, or animal magnetism, or youthful vitality, or something. i am conscious of it myself." "you are very good, sir." "so why should you not try your luck with professor challenger, of enmore park?" i dare say i looked a little startled. "challenger!" i cried. "professor challenger, the famous zoologist! wasn't he the man who broke the skull of blundell, of the telegraph?" the news editor smiled grimly. "do you mind? didn't you say it was adventures you were after?" "it is all in the way of business, sir," i answered. "exactly. i don't suppose he can always be so violent as that. i'm thinking that blundell got him at the wrong moment, maybe, or in the wrong fashion. you may have better luck, or more tact in handling him. there's something in your line there, i am sure, and the gazette should work it." "i really know nothing about him," said i. "i only remember his name in connection with the police-court proceedings, for striking blundell." "i have a few notes for your guidance, mr. malone. i've had my eye on the professor for some little time." he took a paper from a drawer. "here is a summary of his record. i give it you briefly:-- "'challenger, george edward. born: largs, n. b., . educ.: largs academy; edinburgh university. british museum assistant, . assistant-keeper of comparative anthropology department, . resigned after acrimonious correspondence same year. winner of crayston medal for zoological research. foreign member of'--well, quite a lot of things, about two inches of small type--'societe belge, american academy of sciences, la plata, etc., etc. ex-president palaeontological society. section h, british association'--so on, so on!--'publications: "some observations upon a series of kalmuck skulls"; "outlines of vertebrate evolution"; and numerous papers, including "the underlying fallacy of weissmannism," which caused heated discussion at the zoological congress of vienna. recreations: walking, alpine climbing. address: enmore park, kensington, w.' "there, take it with you. i've nothing more for you to-night." i pocketed the slip of paper. "one moment, sir," i said, as i realized that it was a pink bald head, and not a red face, which was fronting me. "i am not very clear yet why i am to interview this gentleman. what has he done?" the face flashed back again. "went to south america on a solitary expedeetion two years ago. came back last year. had undoubtedly been to south america, but refused to say exactly where. began to tell his adventures in a vague way, but somebody started to pick holes, and he just shut up like an oyster. something wonderful happened--or the man's a champion liar, which is the more probable supposeetion. had some damaged photographs, said to be fakes. got so touchy that he assaults anyone who asks questions, and heaves reporters down the stairs. in my opinion he's just a homicidal megalomaniac with a turn for science. that's your man, mr. malone. now, off you run, and see what you can make of him. you're big enough to look after yourself. anyway, you are all safe. employers' liability act, you know." a grinning red face turned once more into a pink oval, fringed with gingery fluff; the interview was at an end. i walked across to the savage club, but instead of turning into it i leaned upon the railings of adelphi terrace and gazed thoughtfully for a long time at the brown, oily river. i can always think most sanely and clearly in the open air. i took out the list of professor challenger's exploits, and i read it over under the electric lamp. then i had what i can only regard as an inspiration. as a pressman, i felt sure from what i had been told that i could never hope to get into touch with this cantankerous professor. but these recriminations, twice mentioned in his skeleton biography, could only mean that he was a fanatic in science. was there not an exposed margin there upon which he might be accessible? i would try. i entered the club. it was just after eleven, and the big room was fairly full, though the rush had not yet set in. i noticed a tall, thin, angular man seated in an arm-chair by the fire. he turned as i drew my chair up to him. it was the man of all others whom i should have chosen--tarp henry, of the staff of nature, a thin, dry, leathery creature, who was full, to those who knew him, of kindly humanity. i plunged instantly into my subject. "what do you know of professor challenger?" "challenger?" he gathered his brows in scientific disapproval. "challenger was the man who came with some cock-and-bull story from south america." "what story?" "oh, it was rank nonsense about some queer animals he had discovered. i believe he has retracted since. anyhow, he has suppressed it all. he gave an interview to reuter's, and there was such a howl that he saw it wouldn't do. it was a discreditable business. there were one or two folk who were inclined to take him seriously, but he soon choked them off." "how?" "well, by his insufferable rudeness and impossible behavior. there was poor old wadley, of the zoological institute. wadley sent a message: 'the president of the zoological institute presents his compliments to professor challenger, and would take it as a personal favor if he would do them the honor to come to their next meeting.' the answer was unprintable." "you don't say?" "well, a bowdlerized version of it would run: 'professor challenger presents his compliments to the president of the zoological institute, and would take it as a personal favor if he would go to the devil.'" "good lord!" "yes, i expect that's what old wadley said. i remember his wail at the meeting, which began: 'in fifty years experience of scientific intercourse----' it quite broke the old man up." "anything more about challenger?" "well, i'm a bacteriologist, you know. i live in a nine-hundred-diameter microscope. i can hardly claim to take serious notice of anything that i can see with my naked eye. i'm a frontiersman from the extreme edge of the knowable, and i feel quite out of place when i leave my study and come into touch with all you great, rough, hulking creatures. i'm too detached to talk scandal, and yet at scientific conversaziones i have heard something of challenger, for he is one of those men whom nobody can ignore. he's as clever as they make 'em--a full-charged battery of force and vitality, but a quarrelsome, ill-conditioned faddist, and unscrupulous at that. he had gone the length of faking some photographs over the south american business." "you say he is a faddist. what is his particular fad?" "he has a thousand, but the latest is something about weissmann and evolution. he had a fearful row about it in vienna, i believe." "can't you tell me the point?" "not at the moment, but a translation of the proceedings exists. we have it filed at the office. would you care to come?" "it's just what i want. i have to interview the fellow, and i need some lead up to him. it's really awfully good of you to give me a lift. i'll go with you now, if it is not too late." half an hour later i was seated in the newspaper office with a huge tome in front of me, which had been opened at the article "weissmann versus darwin," with the sub heading, "spirited protest at vienna. lively proceedings." my scientific education having been somewhat neglected, i was unable to follow the whole argument, but it was evident that the english professor had handled his subject in a very aggressive fashion, and had thoroughly annoyed his continental colleagues. "protests," "uproar," and "general appeal to the chairman" were three of the first brackets which caught my eye. most of the matter might have been written in chinese for any definite meaning that it conveyed to my brain. "i wish you could translate it into english for me," i said, pathetically, to my help-mate. "well, it is a translation." "then i'd better try my luck with the original." "it is certainly rather deep for a layman." "if i could only get a single good, meaty sentence which seemed to convey some sort of definite human idea, it would serve my turn. ah, yes, this one will do. i seem in a vague way almost to understand it. i'll copy it out. this shall be my link with the terrible professor." "nothing else i can do?" "well, yes; i propose to write to him. if i could frame the letter here, and use your address it would give atmosphere." "we'll have the fellow round here making a row and breaking the furniture." "no, no; you'll see the letter--nothing contentious, i assure you." "well, that's my chair and desk. you'll find paper there. i'd like to censor it before it goes." it took some doing, but i flatter myself that it wasn't such a bad job when it was finished. i read it aloud to the critical bacteriologist with some pride in my handiwork. "dear professor challenger," it said, "as a humble student of nature, i have always taken the most profound interest in your speculations as to the differences between darwin and weissmann. i have recently had occasion to refresh my memory by re-reading----" "you infernal liar!" murmured tarp henry. --"by re-reading your masterly address at vienna. that lucid and admirable statement seems to be the last word in the matter. there is one sentence in it, however--namely: 'i protest strongly against the insufferable and entirely dogmatic assertion that each separate id is a microcosm possessed of an historical architecture elaborated slowly through the series of generations.' have you no desire, in view of later research, to modify this statement? do you not think that it is over-accentuated? with your permission, i would ask the favor of an interview, as i feel strongly upon the subject, and have certain suggestions which i could only elaborate in a personal conversation. with your consent, i trust to have the honor of calling at eleven o'clock the day after to-morrow (wednesday) morning. "i remain, sir, with assurances of profound respect, yours very truly, edward d. malone." "how's that?" i asked, triumphantly. "well if your conscience can stand it----" "it has never failed me yet." "but what do you mean to do?" "to get there. once i am in his room i may see some opening. i may even go the length of open confession. if he is a sportsman he will be tickled." "tickled, indeed! he's much more likely to do the tickling. chain mail, or an american football suit--that's what you'll want. well, good-bye. i'll have the answer for you here on wednesday morning--if he ever deigns to answer you. he is a violent, dangerous, cantankerous character, hated by everyone who comes across him, and the butt of the students, so far as they dare take a liberty with him. perhaps it would be best for you if you never heard from the fellow at all." chapter iii "he is a perfectly impossible person" my friend's fear or hope was not destined to be realized. when i called on wednesday there was a letter with the west kensington postmark upon it, and my name scrawled across the envelope in a handwriting which looked like a barbed-wire railing. the contents were as follows:-- "enmore park, w. "sir,--i have duly received your note, in which you claim to endorse my views, although i am not aware that they are dependent upon endorsement either from you or anyone else. you have ventured to use the word 'speculation' with regard to my statement upon the subject of darwinism, and i would call your attention to the fact that such a word in such a connection is offensive to a degree. the context convinces me, however, that you have sinned rather through ignorance and tactlessness than through malice, so i am content to pass the matter by. you quote an isolated sentence from my lecture, and appear to have some difficulty in understanding it. i should have thought that only a sub-human intelligence could have failed to grasp the point, but if it really needs amplification i shall consent to see you at the hour named, though visits and visitors of every sort are exceeding distasteful to me. as to your suggestion that i may modify my opinion, i would have you know that it is not my habit to do so after a deliberate expression of my mature views. you will kindly show the envelope of this letter to my man, austin, when you call, as he has to take every precaution to shield me from the intrusive rascals who call themselves 'journalists.' "yours faithfully, "george edward challenger." this was the letter that i read aloud to tarp henry, who had come down early to hear the result of my venture. his only remark was, "there's some new stuff, cuticura or something, which is better than arnica." some people have such extraordinary notions of humor. it was nearly half-past ten before i had received my message, but a taxicab took me round in good time for my appointment. it was an imposing porticoed house at which we stopped, and the heavily-curtained windows gave every indication of wealth upon the part of this formidable professor. the door was opened by an odd, swarthy, dried-up person of uncertain age, with a dark pilot jacket and brown leather gaiters. i found afterwards that he was the chauffeur, who filled the gaps left by a succession of fugitive butlers. he looked me up and down with a searching light blue eye. "expected?" he asked. "an appointment." "got your letter?" i produced the envelope. "right!" he seemed to be a person of few words. following him down the passage i was suddenly interrupted by a small woman, who stepped out from what proved to be the dining-room door. she was a bright, vivacious, dark-eyed lady, more french than english in her type. "one moment," she said. "you can wait, austin. step in here, sir. may i ask if you have met my husband before?" "no, madam, i have not had the honor." "then i apologize to you in advance. i must tell you that he is a perfectly impossible person--absolutely impossible. if you are forewarned you will be the more ready to make allowances." "it is most considerate of you, madam." "get quickly out of the room if he seems inclined to be violent. don't wait to argue with him. several people have been injured through doing that. afterwards there is a public scandal and it reflects upon me and all of us. i suppose it wasn't about south america you wanted to see him?" i could not lie to a lady. "dear me! that is his most dangerous subject. you won't believe a word he says--i'm sure i don't wonder. but don't tell him so, for it makes him very violent. pretend to believe him, and you may get through all right. remember he believes it himself. of that you may be assured. a more honest man never lived. don't wait any longer or he may suspect. if you find him dangerous--really dangerous--ring the bell and hold him off until i come. even at his worst i can usually control him." with these encouraging words the lady handed me over to the taciturn austin, who had waited like a bronze statue of discretion during our short interview, and i was conducted to the end of the passage. there was a tap at a door, a bull's bellow from within, and i was face to face with the professor. he sat in a rotating chair behind a broad table, which was covered with books, maps, and diagrams. as i entered, his seat spun round to face me. his appearance made me gasp. i was prepared for something strange, but not for so overpowering a personality as this. it was his size which took one's breath away--his size and his imposing presence. his head was enormous, the largest i have ever seen upon a human being. i am sure that his top-hat, had i ever ventured to don it, would have slipped over me entirely and rested on my shoulders. he had the face and beard which i associate with an assyrian bull; the former florid, the latter so black as almost to have a suspicion of blue, spade-shaped and rippling down over his chest. the hair was peculiar, plastered down in front in a long, curving wisp over his massive forehead. the eyes were blue-gray under great black tufts, very clear, very critical, and very masterful. a huge spread of shoulders and a chest like a barrel were the other parts of him which appeared above the table, save for two enormous hands covered with long black hair. this and a bellowing, roaring, rumbling voice made up my first impression of the notorious professor challenger. "well?" said he, with a most insolent stare. "what now?" i must keep up my deception for at least a little time longer, otherwise here was evidently an end of the interview. "you were good enough to give me an appointment, sir," said i, humbly, producing his envelope. he took my letter from his desk and laid it out before him. "oh, you are the young person who cannot understand plain english, are you? my general conclusions you are good enough to approve, as i understand?" "entirely, sir--entirely!" i was very emphatic. "dear me! that strengthens my position very much, does it not? your age and appearance make your support doubly valuable. well, at least you are better than that herd of swine in vienna, whose gregarious grunt is, however, not more offensive than the isolated effort of the british hog." he glared at me as the present representative of the beast. "they seem to have behaved abominably," said i. "i assure you that i can fight my own battles, and that i have no possible need of your sympathy. put me alone, sir, and with my back to the wall. g. e. c. is happiest then. well, sir, let us do what we can to curtail this visit, which can hardly be agreeable to you, and is inexpressibly irksome to me. you had, as i have been led to believe, some comments to make upon the proposition which i advanced in my thesis." there was a brutal directness about his methods which made evasion difficult. i must still make play and wait for a better opening. it had seemed simple enough at a distance. oh, my irish wits, could they not help me now, when i needed help so sorely? he transfixed me with two sharp, steely eyes. "come, come!" he rumbled. "i am, of course, a mere student," said i, with a fatuous smile, "hardly more, i might say, than an earnest inquirer. at the same time, it seemed to me that you were a little severe upon weissmann in this matter. has not the general evidence since that date tended to--well, to strengthen his position?" "what evidence?" he spoke with a menacing calm. "well, of course, i am aware that there is not any what you might call definite evidence. i alluded merely to the trend of modern thought and the general scientific point of view, if i might so express it." he leaned forward with great earnestness. "i suppose you are aware," said he, checking off points upon his fingers, "that the cranial index is a constant factor?" "naturally," said i. "and that telegony is still sub judice?" "undoubtedly." "and that the germ plasm is different from the parthenogenetic egg?" "why, surely!" i cried, and gloried in my own audacity. "but what does that prove?" he asked, in a gentle, persuasive voice. "ah, what indeed?" i murmured. "what does it prove?" "shall i tell you?" he cooed. "pray do." "it proves," he roared, with a sudden blast of fury, "that you are the damnedest imposter in london--a vile, crawling journalist, who has no more science than he has decency in his composition!" he had sprung to his feet with a mad rage in his eyes. even at that moment of tension i found time for amazement at the discovery that he was quite a short man, his head not higher than my shoulder--a stunted hercules whose tremendous vitality had all run to depth, breadth, and brain. "gibberish!" he cried, leaning forward, with his fingers on the table and his face projecting. "that's what i have been talking to you, sir--scientific gibberish! did you think you could match cunning with me--you with your walnut of a brain? you think you are omnipotent, you infernal scribblers, don't you? that your praise can make a man and your blame can break him? we must all bow to you, and try to get a favorable word, must we? this man shall have a leg up, and this man shall have a dressing down! creeping vermin, i know you! you've got out of your station. time was when your ears were clipped. you've lost your sense of proportion. swollen gas-bags! i'll keep you in your proper place. yes, sir, you haven't got over g. e. c. there's one man who is still your master. he warned you off, but if you will come, by the lord you do it at your own risk. forfeit, my good mr. malone, i claim forfeit! you have played a rather dangerous game, and it strikes me that you have lost it." "look here, sir," said i, backing to the door and opening it; "you can be as abusive as you like. but there is a limit. you shall not assault me." "shall i not?" he was slowly advancing in a peculiarly menacing way, but he stopped now and put his big hands into the side-pockets of a rather boyish short jacket which he wore. "i have thrown several of you out of the house. you will be the fourth or fifth. three pound fifteen each--that is how it averaged. expensive, but very necessary. now, sir, why should you not follow your brethren? i rather think you must." he resumed his unpleasant and stealthy advance, pointing his toes as he walked, like a dancing master. i could have bolted for the hall door, but it would have been too ignominious. besides, a little glow of righteous anger was springing up within me. i had been hopelessly in the wrong before, but this man's menaces were putting me in the right. "i'll trouble you to keep your hands off, sir. i'll not stand it." "dear me!" his black moustache lifted and a white fang twinkled in a sneer. "you won't stand it, eh?" "don't be such a fool, professor!" i cried. "what can you hope for? i'm fifteen stone, as hard as nails, and play center three-quarter every saturday for the london irish. i'm not the man----" it was at that moment that he rushed me. it was lucky that i had opened the door, or we should have gone through it. we did a catharine-wheel together down the passage. somehow we gathered up a chair upon our way, and bounded on with it towards the street. my mouth was full of his beard, our arms were locked, our bodies intertwined, and that infernal chair radiated its legs all round us. the watchful austin had thrown open the hall door. we went with a back somersault down the front steps. i have seen the two macs attempt something of the kind at the halls, but it appears to take some practise to do it without hurting oneself. the chair went to matchwood at the bottom, and we rolled apart into the gutter. he sprang to his feet, waving his fists and wheezing like an asthmatic. "had enough?" he panted. "you infernal bully!" i cried, as i gathered myself together. then and there we should have tried the thing out, for he was effervescing with fight, but fortunately i was rescued from an odious situation. a policeman was beside us, his notebook in his hand. "what's all this? you ought to be ashamed" said the policeman. it was the most rational remark which i had heard in enmore park. "well," he insisted, turning to me, "what is it, then?" "this man attacked me," said i. "did you attack him?" asked the policeman. the professor breathed hard and said nothing. "it's not the first time, either," said the policeman, severely, shaking his head. "you were in trouble last month for the same thing. you've blackened this young man's eye. do you give him in charge, sir?" i relented. "no," said i, "i do not." "what's that?" said the policeman. "i was to blame myself. i intruded upon him. he gave me fair warning." the policeman snapped up his notebook. "don't let us have any more such goings-on," said he. "now, then! move on, there, move on!" this to a butcher's boy, a maid, and one or two loafers who had collected. he clumped heavily down the street, driving this little flock before him. the professor looked at me, and there was something humorous at the back of his eyes. "come in!" said he. "i've not done with you yet." the speech had a sinister sound, but i followed him none the less into the house. the man-servant, austin, like a wooden image, closed the door behind us. chapter iv "it's just the very biggest thing in the world" hardly was it shut when mrs. challenger darted out from the dining-room. the small woman was in a furious temper. she barred her husband's way like an enraged chicken in front of a bulldog. it was evident that she had seen my exit, but had not observed my return. "you brute, george!" she screamed. "you've hurt that nice young man." he jerked backwards with his thumb. "here he is, safe and sound behind me." she was confused, but not unduly so. "i am so sorry, i didn't see you." "i assure you, madam, that it is all right." "he has marked your poor face! oh, george, what a brute you are! nothing but scandals from one end of the week to the other. everyone hating and making fun of you. you've finished my patience. this ends it." "dirty linen," he rumbled. "it's not a secret," she cried. "do you suppose that the whole street--the whole of london, for that matter---- get away, austin, we don't want you here. do you suppose they don't all talk about you? where is your dignity? you, a man who should have been regius professor at a great university with a thousand students all revering you. where is your dignity, george?" "how about yours, my dear?" "you try me too much. a ruffian--a common brawling ruffian--that's what you have become." "be good, jessie." "a roaring, raging bully!" "that's done it! stool of penance!" said he. to my amazement he stooped, picked her up, and placed her sitting upon a high pedestal of black marble in the angle of the hall. it was at least seven feet high, and so thin that she could hardly balance upon it. a more absurd object than she presented cocked up there with her face convulsed with anger, her feet dangling, and her body rigid for fear of an upset, i could not imagine. "let me down!" she wailed. "say 'please.'" "you brute, george! let me down this instant!" "come into the study, mr. malone." "really, sir----!" said i, looking at the lady. "here's mr. malone pleading for you, jessie. say 'please,' and down you come." "oh, you brute! please! please!" he took her down as if she had been a canary. "you must behave yourself, dear. mr. malone is a pressman. he will have it all in his rag to-morrow, and sell an extra dozen among our neighbors. 'strange story of high life'--you felt fairly high on that pedestal, did you not? then a sub-title, 'glimpse of a singular menage.' he's a foul feeder, is mr. malone, a carrion eater, like all of his kind--porcus ex grege diaboli--a swine from the devil's herd. that's it, malone--what?" "you are really intolerable!" said i, hotly. he bellowed with laughter. "we shall have a coalition presently," he boomed, looking from his wife to me and puffing out his enormous chest. then, suddenly altering his tone, "excuse this frivolous family badinage, mr. malone. i called you back for some more serious purpose than to mix you up with our little domestic pleasantries. run away, little woman, and don't fret." he placed a huge hand upon each of her shoulders. "all that you say is perfectly true. i should be a better man if i did what you advise, but i shouldn't be quite george edward challenger. there are plenty of better men, my dear, but only one g. e. c. so make the best of him." he suddenly gave her a resounding kiss, which embarrassed me even more than his violence had done. "now, mr. malone," he continued, with a great accession of dignity, "this way, if you please." we re-entered the room which we had left so tumultuously ten minutes before. the professor closed the door carefully behind us, motioned me into an arm-chair, and pushed a cigar-box under my nose. "real san juan colorado," he said. "excitable people like you are the better for narcotics. heavens! don't bite it! cut--and cut with reverence! now lean back, and listen attentively to whatever i may care to say to you. if any remark should occur to you, you can reserve it for some more opportune time. "first of all, as to your return to my house after your most justifiable expulsion"--he protruded his beard, and stared at me as one who challenges and invites contradiction--"after, as i say, your well-merited expulsion. the reason lay in your answer to that most officious policeman, in which i seemed to discern some glimmering of good feeling upon your part--more, at any rate, than i am accustomed to associate with your profession. in admitting that the fault of the incident lay with you, you gave some evidence of a certain mental detachment and breadth of view which attracted my favorable notice. the sub-species of the human race to which you unfortunately belong has always been below my mental horizon. your words brought you suddenly above it. you swam up into my serious notice. for this reason i asked you to return with me, as i was minded to make your further acquaintance. you will kindly deposit your ash in the small japanese tray on the bamboo table which stands at your left elbow." all this he boomed forth like a professor addressing his class. he had swung round his revolving chair so as to face me, and he sat all puffed out like an enormous bull-frog, his head laid back and his eyes half-covered by supercilious lids. now he suddenly turned himself sideways, and all i could see of him was tangled hair with a red, protruding ear. he was scratching about among the litter of papers upon his desk. he faced me presently with what looked like a very tattered sketch-book in his hand. "i am going to talk to you about south america," said he. "no comments if you please. first of all, i wish you to understand that nothing i tell you now is to be repeated in any public way unless you have my express permission. that permission will, in all human probability, never be given. is that clear?" "it is very hard," said i. "surely a judicious account----" he replaced the notebook upon the table. "that ends it," said he. "i wish you a very good morning." "no, no!" i cried. "i submit to any conditions. so far as i can see, i have no choice." "none in the world," said he. "well, then, i promise." "word of honor?" "word of honor." he looked at me with doubt in his insolent eyes. "after all, what do i know about your honor?" said he. "upon my word, sir," i cried, angrily, "you take very great liberties! i have never been so insulted in my life." he seemed more interested than annoyed at my outbreak. "round-headed," he muttered. "brachycephalic, gray-eyed, black-haired, with suggestion of the negroid. celtic, i presume?" "i am an irishman, sir." "irish irish?" "yes, sir." "that, of course, explains it. let me see; you have given me your promise that my confidence will be respected? that confidence, i may say, will be far from complete. but i am prepared to give you a few indications which will be of interest. in the first place, you are probably aware that two years ago i made a journey to south america--one which will be classical in the scientific history of the world? the object of my journey was to verify some conclusions of wallace and of bates, which could only be done by observing their reported facts under the same conditions in which they had themselves noted them. if my expedition had no other results it would still have been noteworthy, but a curious incident occurred to me while there which opened up an entirely fresh line of inquiry. "you are aware--or probably, in this half-educated age, you are not aware--that the country round some parts of the amazon is still only partially explored, and that a great number of tributaries, some of them entirely uncharted, run into the main river. it was my business to visit this little-known back-country and to examine its fauna, which furnished me with the materials for several chapters for that great and monumental work upon zoology which will be my life's justification. i was returning, my work accomplished, when i had occasion to spend a night at a small indian village at a point where a certain tributary--the name and position of which i withhold--opens into the main river. the natives were cucama indians, an amiable but degraded race, with mental powers hardly superior to the average londoner. i had effected some cures among them upon my way up the river, and had impressed them considerably with my personality, so that i was not surprised to find myself eagerly awaited upon my return. i gathered from their signs that someone had urgent need of my medical services, and i followed the chief to one of his huts. when i entered i found that the sufferer to whose aid i had been summoned had that instant expired. he was, to my surprise, no indian, but a white man; indeed, i may say a very white man, for he was flaxen-haired and had some characteristics of an albino. he was clad in rags, was very emaciated, and bore every trace of prolonged hardship. so far as i could understand the account of the natives, he was a complete stranger to them, and had come upon their village through the woods alone and in the last stage of exhaustion. "the man's knapsack lay beside the couch, and i examined the contents. his name was written upon a tab within it--maple white, lake avenue, detroit, michigan. it is a name to which i am prepared always to lift my hat. it is not too much to say that it will rank level with my own when the final credit of this business comes to be apportioned. "from the contents of the knapsack it was evident that this man had been an artist and poet in search of effects. there were scraps of verse. i do not profess to be a judge of such things, but they appeared to me to be singularly wanting in merit. there were also some rather commonplace pictures of river scenery, a paint-box, a box of colored chalks, some brushes, that curved bone which lies upon my inkstand, a volume of baxter's 'moths and butterflies,' a cheap revolver, and a few cartridges. of personal equipment he either had none or he had lost it in his journey. such were the total effects of this strange american bohemian. "i was turning away from him when i observed that something projected from the front of his ragged jacket. it was this sketch-book, which was as dilapidated then as you see it now. indeed, i can assure you that a first folio of shakespeare could not be treated with greater reverence than this relic has been since it came into my possession. i hand it to you now, and i ask you to take it page by page and to examine the contents." he helped himself to a cigar and leaned back with a fiercely critical pair of eyes, taking note of the effect which this document would produce. i had opened the volume with some expectation of a revelation, though of what nature i could not imagine. the first page was disappointing, however, as it contained nothing but the picture of a very fat man in a pea-jacket, with the legend, "jimmy colver on the mail-boat," written beneath it. there followed several pages which were filled with small sketches of indians and their ways. then came a picture of a cheerful and corpulent ecclesiastic in a shovel hat, sitting opposite a very thin european, and the inscription: "lunch with fra cristofero at rosario." studies of women and babies accounted for several more pages, and then there was an unbroken series of animal drawings with such explanations as "manatee upon sandbank," "turtles and their eggs," "black ajouti under a miriti palm"--the matter disclosing some sort of pig-like animal; and finally came a double page of studies of long-snouted and very unpleasant saurians. i could make nothing of it, and said so to the professor. "surely these are only crocodiles?" "alligators! alligators! there is hardly such a thing as a true crocodile in south america. the distinction between them----" "i meant that i could see nothing unusual--nothing to justify what you have said." he smiled serenely. "try the next page," said he. i was still unable to sympathize. it was a full-page sketch of a landscape roughly tinted in color--the kind of painting which an open-air artist takes as a guide to a future more elaborate effort. there was a pale-green foreground of feathery vegetation, which sloped upwards and ended in a line of cliffs dark red in color, and curiously ribbed like some basaltic formations which i have seen. they extended in an unbroken wall right across the background. at one point was an isolated pyramidal rock, crowned by a great tree, which appeared to be separated by a cleft from the main crag. behind it all, a blue tropical sky. a thin green line of vegetation fringed the summit of the ruddy cliff. "well?" he asked. "it is no doubt a curious formation," said i "but i am not geologist enough to say that it is wonderful." "wonderful!" he repeated. "it is unique. it is incredible. no one on earth has ever dreamed of such a possibility. now the next." i turned it over, and gave an exclamation of surprise. there was a full-page picture of the most extraordinary creature that i had ever seen. it was the wild dream of an opium smoker, a vision of delirium. the head was like that of a fowl, the body that of a bloated lizard, the trailing tail was furnished with upward-turned spikes, and the curved back was edged with a high serrated fringe, which looked like a dozen cocks' wattles placed behind each other. in front of this creature was an absurd mannikin, or dwarf, in human form, who stood staring at it. "well, what do you think of that?" cried the professor, rubbing his hands with an air of triumph. "it is monstrous--grotesque." "but what made him draw such an animal?" "trade gin, i should think." "oh, that's the best explanation you can give, is it?" "well, sir, what is yours?" "the obvious one that the creature exists. that is actually sketched from the life." i should have laughed only that i had a vision of our doing another catharine-wheel down the passage. "no doubt," said i, "no doubt," as one humors an imbecile. "i confess, however," i added, "that this tiny human figure puzzles me. if it were an indian we could set it down as evidence of some pigmy race in america, but it appears to be a european in a sun-hat." the professor snorted like an angry buffalo. "you really touch the limit," said he. "you enlarge my view of the possible. cerebral paresis! mental inertia! wonderful!" he was too absurd to make me angry. indeed, it was a waste of energy, for if you were going to be angry with this man you would be angry all the time. i contented myself with smiling wearily. "it struck me that the man was small," said i. "look here!" he cried, leaning forward and dabbing a great hairy sausage of a finger on to the picture. "you see that plant behind the animal; i suppose you thought it was a dandelion or a brussels sprout--what? well, it is a vegetable ivory palm, and they run to about fifty or sixty feet. don't you see that the man is put in for a purpose? he couldn't really have stood in front of that brute and lived to draw it. he sketched himself in to give a scale of heights. he was, we will say, over five feet high. the tree is ten times bigger, which is what one would expect." "good heavens!" i cried. "then you think the beast was---- why, charing cross station would hardly make a kennel for such a brute!" "apart from exaggeration, he is certainly a well-grown specimen," said the professor, complacently. "but," i cried, "surely the whole experience of the human race is not to be set aside on account of a single sketch"--i had turned over the leaves and ascertained that there was nothing more in the book--"a single sketch by a wandering american artist who may have done it under hashish, or in the delirium of fever, or simply in order to gratify a freakish imagination. you can't, as a man of science, defend such a position as that." for answer the professor took a book down from a shelf. "this is an excellent monograph by my gifted friend, ray lankester!" said he. "there is an illustration here which would interest you. ah, yes, here it is! the inscription beneath it runs: 'probable appearance in life of the jurassic dinosaur stegosaurus. the hind leg alone is twice as tall as a full-grown man.' well, what do you make of that?" he handed me the open book. i started as i looked at the picture. in this reconstructed animal of a dead world there was certainly a very great resemblance to the sketch of the unknown artist. "that is certainly remarkable," said i. "but you won't admit that it is final?" "surely it might be a coincidence, or this american may have seen a picture of the kind and carried it in his memory. it would be likely to recur to a man in a delirium." "very good," said the professor, indulgently; "we leave it at that. i will now ask you to look at this bone." he handed over the one which he had already described as part of the dead man's possessions. it was about six inches long, and thicker than my thumb, with some indications of dried cartilage at one end of it. "to what known creature does that bone belong?" asked the professor. i examined it with care and tried to recall some half-forgotten knowledge. "it might be a very thick human collar-bone," i said. my companion waved his hand in contemptuous deprecation. "the human collar-bone is curved. this is straight. there is a groove upon its surface showing that a great tendon played across it, which could not be the case with a clavicle." "then i must confess that i don't know what it is." "you need not be ashamed to expose your ignorance, for i don't suppose the whole south kensington staff could give a name to it." he took a little bone the size of a bean out of a pill-box. "so far as i am a judge this human bone is the analogue of the one which you hold in your hand. that will give you some idea of the size of the creature. you will observe from the cartilage that this is no fossil specimen, but recent. what do you say to that?" "surely in an elephant----" he winced as if in pain. "don't! don't talk of elephants in south america. even in these days of board schools----" "well," i interrupted, "any large south american animal--a tapir, for example." "you may take it, young man, that i am versed in the elements of my business. this is not a conceivable bone either of a tapir or of any other creature known to zoology. it belongs to a very large, a very strong, and, by all analogy, a very fierce animal which exists upon the face of the earth, but has not yet come under the notice of science. you are still unconvinced?" "i am at least deeply interested." "then your case is not hopeless. i feel that there is reason lurking in you somewhere, so we will patiently grope round for it. we will now leave the dead american and proceed with my narrative. you can imagine that i could hardly come away from the amazon without probing deeper into the matter. there were indications as to the direction from which the dead traveler had come. indian legends would alone have been my guide, for i found that rumors of a strange land were common among all the riverine tribes. you have heard, no doubt, of curupuri?" "never." "curupuri is the spirit of the woods, something terrible, something malevolent, something to be avoided. none can describe its shape or nature, but it is a word of terror along the amazon. now all tribes agree as to the direction in which curupuri lives. it was the same direction from which the american had come. something terrible lay that way. it was my business to find out what it was." "what did you do?" my flippancy was all gone. this massive man compelled one's attention and respect. "i overcame the extreme reluctance of the natives--a reluctance which extends even to talk upon the subject--and by judicious persuasion and gifts, aided, i will admit, by some threats of coercion, i got two of them to act as guides. after many adventures which i need not describe, and after traveling a distance which i will not mention, in a direction which i withhold, we came at last to a tract of country which has never been described, nor, indeed, visited save by my unfortunate predecessor. would you kindly look at this?" he handed me a photograph--half-plate size. "the unsatisfactory appearance of it is due to the fact," said he, "that on descending the river the boat was upset and the case which contained the undeveloped films was broken, with disastrous results. nearly all of them were totally ruined--an irreparable loss. this is one of the few which partially escaped. this explanation of deficiencies or abnormalities you will kindly accept. there was talk of faking. i am not in a mood to argue such a point." the photograph was certainly very off-colored. an unkind critic might easily have misinterpreted that dim surface. it was a dull gray landscape, and as i gradually deciphered the details of it i realized that it represented a long and enormously high line of cliffs exactly like an immense cataract seen in the distance, with a sloping, tree-clad plain in the foreground. "i believe it is the same place as the painted picture," said i. "it is the same place," the professor answered. "i found traces of the fellow's camp. now look at this." it was a nearer view of the same scene, though the photograph was extremely defective. i could distinctly see the isolated, tree-crowned pinnacle of rock which was detached from the crag. "i have no doubt of it at all," said i. "well, that is something gained," said he. "we progress, do we not? now, will you please look at the top of that rocky pinnacle? do you observe something there?" "an enormous tree." "but on the tree?" "a large bird," said i. he handed me a lens. "yes," i said, peering through it, "a large bird stands on the tree. it appears to have a considerable beak. i should say it was a pelican." "i cannot congratulate you upon your eyesight," said the professor. "it is not a pelican, nor, indeed, is it a bird. it may interest you to know that i succeeded in shooting that particular specimen. it was the only absolute proof of my experiences which i was able to bring away with me." "you have it, then?" here at last was tangible corroboration. "i had it. it was unfortunately lost with so much else in the same boat accident which ruined my photographs. i clutched at it as it disappeared in the swirl of the rapids, and part of its wing was left in my hand. i was insensible when washed ashore, but the miserable remnant of my superb specimen was still intact; i now lay it before you." from a drawer he produced what seemed to me to be the upper portion of the wing of a large bat. it was at least two feet in length, a curved bone, with a membranous veil beneath it. "a monstrous bat!" i suggested. "nothing of the sort," said the professor, severely. "living, as i do, in an educated and scientific atmosphere, i could not have conceived that the first principles of zoology were so little known. is it possible that you do not know the elementary fact in comparative anatomy, that the wing of a bird is really the forearm, while the wing of a bat consists of three elongated fingers with membranes between? now, in this case, the bone is certainly not the forearm, and you can see for yourself that this is a single membrane hanging upon a single bone, and therefore that it cannot belong to a bat. but if it is neither bird nor bat, what is it?" my small stock of knowledge was exhausted. "i really do not know," said i. he opened the standard work to which he had already referred me. "here," said he, pointing to the picture of an extraordinary flying monster, "is an excellent reproduction of the dimorphodon, or pterodactyl, a flying reptile of the jurassic period. on the next page is a diagram of the mechanism of its wing. kindly compare it with the specimen in your hand." a wave of amazement passed over me as i looked. i was convinced. there could be no getting away from it. the cumulative proof was overwhelming. the sketch, the photographs, the narrative, and now the actual specimen--the evidence was complete. i said so--i said so warmly, for i felt that the professor was an ill-used man. he leaned back in his chair with drooping eyelids and a tolerant smile, basking in this sudden gleam of sunshine. "it's just the very biggest thing that i ever heard of!" said i, though it was my journalistic rather than my scientific enthusiasm that was roused. "it is colossal. you are a columbus of science who has discovered a lost world. i'm awfully sorry if i seemed to doubt you. it was all so unthinkable. but i understand evidence when i see it, and this should be good enough for anyone." the professor purred with satisfaction. "and then, sir, what did you do next?" "it was the wet season, mr. malone, and my stores were exhausted. i explored some portion of this huge cliff, but i was unable to find any way to scale it. the pyramidal rock upon which i saw and shot the pterodactyl was more accessible. being something of a cragsman, i did manage to get half way to the top of that. from that height i had a better idea of the plateau upon the top of the crags. it appeared to be very large; neither to east nor to west could i see any end to the vista of green-capped cliffs. below, it is a swampy, jungly region, full of snakes, insects, and fever. it is a natural protection to this singular country." "did you see any other trace of life?" "no, sir, i did not; but during the week that we lay encamped at the base of the cliff we heard some very strange noises from above." "but the creature that the american drew? how do you account for that?" "we can only suppose that he must have made his way to the summit and seen it there. we know, therefore, that there is a way up. we know equally that it must be a very difficult one, otherwise the creatures would have come down and overrun the surrounding country. surely that is clear?" "but how did they come to be there?" "i do not think that the problem is a very obscure one," said the professor; "there can only be one explanation. south america is, as you may have heard, a granite continent. at this single point in the interior there has been, in some far distant age, a great, sudden volcanic upheaval. these cliffs, i may remark, are basaltic, and therefore plutonic. an area, as large perhaps as sussex, has been lifted up en bloc with all its living contents, and cut off by perpendicular precipices of a hardness which defies erosion from all the rest of the continent. what is the result? why, the ordinary laws of nature are suspended. the various checks which influence the struggle for existence in the world at large are all neutralized or altered. creatures survive which would otherwise disappear. you will observe that both the pterodactyl and the stegosaurus are jurassic, and therefore of a great age in the order of life. they have been artificially conserved by those strange accidental conditions." "but surely your evidence is conclusive. you have only to lay it before the proper authorities." "so in my simplicity, i had imagined," said the professor, bitterly. "i can only tell you that it was not so, that i was met at every turn by incredulity, born partly of stupidity and partly of jealousy. it is not my nature, sir, to cringe to any man, or to seek to prove a fact if my word has been doubted. after the first i have not condescended to show such corroborative proofs as i possess. the subject became hateful to me--i would not speak of it. when men like yourself, who represent the foolish curiosity of the public, came to disturb my privacy i was unable to meet them with dignified reserve. by nature i am, i admit, somewhat fiery, and under provocation i am inclined to be violent. i fear you may have remarked it." i nursed my eye and was silent. "my wife has frequently remonstrated with me upon the subject, and yet i fancy that any man of honor would feel the same. to-night, however, i propose to give an extreme example of the control of the will over the emotions. i invite you to be present at the exhibition." he handed me a card from his desk. "you will perceive that mr. percival waldron, a naturalist of some popular repute, is announced to lecture at eight-thirty at the zoological institute's hall upon 'the record of the ages.' i have been specially invited to be present upon the platform, and to move a vote of thanks to the lecturer. while doing so, i shall make it my business, with infinite tact and delicacy, to throw out a few remarks which may arouse the interest of the audience and cause some of them to desire to go more deeply into the matter. nothing contentious, you understand, but only an indication that there are greater deeps beyond. i shall hold myself strongly in leash, and see whether by this self-restraint i attain a more favorable result." "and i may come?" i asked eagerly. "why, surely," he answered, cordially. he had an enormously massive genial manner, which was almost as overpowering as his violence. his smile of benevolence was a wonderful thing, when his cheeks would suddenly bunch into two red apples, between his half-closed eyes and his great black beard. "by all means, come. it will be a comfort to me to know that i have one ally in the hall, however inefficient and ignorant of the subject he may be. i fancy there will be a large audience, for waldron, though an absolute charlatan, has a considerable popular following. now, mr. malone, i have given you rather more of my time than i had intended. the individual must not monopolize what is meant for the world. i shall be pleased to see you at the lecture to-night. in the meantime, you will understand that no public use is to be made of any of the material that i have given you." "but mr. mcardle--my news editor, you know--will want to know what i have done." "tell him what you like. you can say, among other things, that if he sends anyone else to intrude upon me i shall call upon him with a riding-whip. but i leave it to you that nothing of all this appears in print. very good. then the zoological institute's hall at eight-thirty to-night." i had a last impression of red cheeks, blue rippling beard, and intolerant eyes, as he waved me out of the room. chapter v "question!" what with the physical shocks incidental to my first interview with professor challenger and the mental ones which accompanied the second, i was a somewhat demoralized journalist by the time i found myself in enmore park once more. in my aching head the one thought was throbbing that there really was truth in this man's story, that it was of tremendous consequence, and that it would work up into inconceivable copy for the gazette when i could obtain permission to use it. a taxicab was waiting at the end of the road, so i sprang into it and drove down to the office. mcardle was at his post as usual. "well," he cried, expectantly, "what may it run to? i'm thinking, young man, you have been in the wars. don't tell me that he assaulted you." "we had a little difference at first." "what a man it is! what did you do?" "well, he became more reasonable and we had a chat. but i got nothing out of him--nothing for publication." "i'm not so sure about that. you got a black eye out of him, and that's for publication. we can't have this reign of terror, mr. malone. we must bring the man to his bearings. i'll have a leaderette on him to-morrow that will raise a blister. just give me the material and i will engage to brand the fellow for ever. professor munchausen--how's that for an inset headline? sir john mandeville redivivus--cagliostro--all the imposters and bullies in history. i'll show him up for the fraud he is." "i wouldn't do that, sir." "why not?" "because he is not a fraud at all." "what!" roared mcardle. "you don't mean to say you really believe this stuff of his about mammoths and mastodons and great sea sairpents?" "well, i don't know about that. i don't think he makes any claims of that kind. but i do believe he has got something new." "then for heaven's sake, man, write it up!" "i'm longing to, but all i know he gave me in confidence and on condition that i didn't." i condensed into a few sentences the professor's narrative. "that's how it stands." mcardle looked deeply incredulous. "well, mr. malone," he said at last, "about this scientific meeting to-night; there can be no privacy about that, anyhow. i don't suppose any paper will want to report it, for waldron has been reported already a dozen times, and no one is aware that challenger will speak. we may get a scoop, if we are lucky. you'll be there in any case, so you'll just give us a pretty full report. i'll keep space up to midnight." my day was a busy one, and i had an early dinner at the savage club with tarp henry, to whom i gave some account of my adventures. he listened with a sceptical smile on his gaunt face, and roared with laughter on hearing that the professor had convinced me. "my dear chap, things don't happen like that in real life. people don't stumble upon enormous discoveries and then lose their evidence. leave that to the novelists. the fellow is as full of tricks as the monkey-house at the zoo. it's all bosh." "but the american poet?" "he never existed." "i saw his sketch-book." "challenger's sketch-book." "you think he drew that animal?" "of course he did. who else?" "well, then, the photographs?" "there was nothing in the photographs. by your own admission you only saw a bird." "a pterodactyl." "that's what he says. he put the pterodactyl into your head." "well, then, the bones?" "first one out of an irish stew. second one vamped up for the occasion. if you are clever and know your business you can fake a bone as easily as you can a photograph." i began to feel uneasy. perhaps, after all, i had been premature in my acquiescence. then i had a sudden happy thought. "will you come to the meeting?" i asked. tarp henry looked thoughtful. "he is not a popular person, the genial challenger," said he. "a lot of people have accounts to settle with him. i should say he is about the best-hated man in london. if the medical students turn out there will be no end of a rag. i don't want to get into a bear-garden." "you might at least do him the justice to hear him state his own case." "well, perhaps it's only fair. all right. i'm your man for the evening." when we arrived at the hall we found a much greater concourse than i had expected. a line of electric broughams discharged their little cargoes of white-bearded professors, while the dark stream of humbler pedestrians, who crowded through the arched door-way, showed that the audience would be popular as well as scientific. indeed, it became evident to us as soon as we had taken our seats that a youthful and even boyish spirit was abroad in the gallery and the back portions of the hall. looking behind me, i could see rows of faces of the familiar medical student type. apparently the great hospitals had each sent down their contingent. the behavior of the audience at present was good-humored, but mischievous. scraps of popular songs were chorused with an enthusiasm which was a strange prelude to a scientific lecture, and there was already a tendency to personal chaff which promised a jovial evening to others, however embarrassing it might be to the recipients of these dubious honors. thus, when old doctor meldrum, with his well-known curly-brimmed opera-hat, appeared upon the platform, there was such a universal query of "where did you get that tile?" that he hurriedly removed it, and concealed it furtively under his chair. when gouty professor wadley limped down to his seat there were general affectionate inquiries from all parts of the hall as to the exact state of his poor toe, which caused him obvious embarrassment. the greatest demonstration of all, however, was at the entrance of my new acquaintance, professor challenger, when he passed down to take his place at the extreme end of the front row of the platform. such a yell of welcome broke forth when his black beard first protruded round the corner that i began to suspect tarp henry was right in his surmise, and that this assemblage was there not merely for the sake of the lecture, but because it had got rumored abroad that the famous professor would take part in the proceedings. there was some sympathetic laughter on his entrance among the front benches of well-dressed spectators, as though the demonstration of the students in this instance was not unwelcome to them. that greeting was, indeed, a frightful outburst of sound, the uproar of the carnivora cage when the step of the bucket-bearing keeper is heard in the distance. there was an offensive tone in it, perhaps, and yet in the main it struck me as mere riotous outcry, the noisy reception of one who amused and interested them, rather than of one they disliked or despised. challenger smiled with weary and tolerant contempt, as a kindly man would meet the yapping of a litter of puppies. he sat slowly down, blew out his chest, passed his hand caressingly down his beard, and looked with drooping eyelids and supercilious eyes at the crowded hall before him. the uproar of his advent had not yet died away when professor ronald murray, the chairman, and mr. waldron, the lecturer, threaded their way to the front, and the proceedings began. professor murray will, i am sure, excuse me if i say that he has the common fault of most englishmen of being inaudible. why on earth people who have something to say which is worth hearing should not take the slight trouble to learn how to make it heard is one of the strange mysteries of modern life. their methods are as reasonable as to try to pour some precious stuff from the spring to the reservoir through a non-conducting pipe, which could by the least effort be opened. professor murray made several profound remarks to his white tie and to the water-carafe upon the table, with a humorous, twinkling aside to the silver candlestick upon his right. then he sat down, and mr. waldron, the famous popular lecturer, rose amid a general murmur of applause. he was a stern, gaunt man, with a harsh voice, and an aggressive manner, but he had the merit of knowing how to assimilate the ideas of other men, and to pass them on in a way which was intelligible and even interesting to the lay public, with a happy knack of being funny about the most unlikely objects, so that the precession of the equinox or the formation of a vertebrate became a highly humorous process as treated by him. it was a bird's-eye view of creation, as interpreted by science, which, in language always clear and sometimes picturesque, he unfolded before us. he told us of the globe, a huge mass of flaming gas, flaring through the heavens. then he pictured the solidification, the cooling, the wrinkling which formed the mountains, the steam which turned to water, the slow preparation of the stage upon which was to be played the inexplicable drama of life. on the origin of life itself he was discreetly vague. that the germs of it could hardly have survived the original roasting was, he declared, fairly certain. therefore it had come later. had it built itself out of the cooling, inorganic elements of the globe? very likely. had the germs of it arrived from outside upon a meteor? it was hardly conceivable. on the whole, the wisest man was the least dogmatic upon the point. we could not--or at least we had not succeeded up to date in making organic life in our laboratories out of inorganic materials. the gulf between the dead and the living was something which our chemistry could not as yet bridge. but there was a higher and subtler chemistry of nature, which, working with great forces over long epochs, might well produce results which were impossible for us. there the matter must be left. this brought the lecturer to the great ladder of animal life, beginning low down in molluscs and feeble sea creatures, then up rung by rung through reptiles and fishes, till at last we came to a kangaroo-rat, a creature which brought forth its young alive, the direct ancestor of all mammals, and presumably, therefore, of everyone in the audience. ("no, no," from a sceptical student in the back row.) if the young gentleman in the red tie who cried "no, no," and who presumably claimed to have been hatched out of an egg, would wait upon him after the lecture, he would be glad to see such a curiosity. (laughter.) it was strange to think that the climax of all the age-long process of nature had been the creation of that gentleman in the red tie. but had the process stopped? was this gentleman to be taken as the final type--the be-all and end-all of development? he hoped that he would not hurt the feelings of the gentleman in the red tie if he maintained that, whatever virtues that gentleman might possess in private life, still the vast processes of the universe were not fully justified if they were to end entirely in his production. evolution was not a spent force, but one still working, and even greater achievements were in store. having thus, amid a general titter, played very prettily with his interrupter, the lecturer went back to his picture of the past, the drying of the seas, the emergence of the sand-bank, the sluggish, viscous life which lay upon their margins, the overcrowded lagoons, the tendency of the sea creatures to take refuge upon the mud-flats, the abundance of food awaiting them, their consequent enormous growth. "hence, ladies and gentlemen," he added, "that frightful brood of saurians which still affright our eyes when seen in the wealden or in the solenhofen slates, but which were fortunately extinct long before the first appearance of mankind upon this planet." "question!" boomed a voice from the platform. mr. waldron was a strict disciplinarian with a gift of acid humor, as exemplified upon the gentleman with the red tie, which made it perilous to interrupt him. but this interjection appeared to him so absurd that he was at a loss how to deal with it. so looks the shakespearean who is confronted by a rancid baconian, or the astronomer who is assailed by a flat-earth fanatic. he paused for a moment, and then, raising his voice, repeated slowly the words: "which were extinct before the coming of man." "question!" boomed the voice once more. waldron looked with amazement along the line of professors upon the platform until his eyes fell upon the figure of challenger, who leaned back in his chair with closed eyes and an amused expression, as if he were smiling in his sleep. "i see!" said waldron, with a shrug. "it is my friend professor challenger," and amid laughter he renewed his lecture as if this was a final explanation and no more need be said. but the incident was far from being closed. whatever path the lecturer took amid the wilds of the past seemed invariably to lead him to some assertion as to extinct or prehistoric life which instantly brought the same bulls' bellow from the professor. the audience began to anticipate it and to roar with delight when it came. the packed benches of students joined in, and every time challenger's beard opened, before any sound could come forth, there was a yell of "question!" from a hundred voices, and an answering counter cry of "order!" and "shame!" from as many more. waldron, though a hardened lecturer and a strong man, became rattled. he hesitated, stammered, repeated himself, got snarled in a long sentence, and finally turned furiously upon the cause of his troubles. "this is really intolerable!" he cried, glaring across the platform. "i must ask you, professor challenger, to cease these ignorant and unmannerly interruptions." there was a hush over the hall, the students rigid with delight at seeing the high gods on olympus quarrelling among themselves. challenger levered his bulky figure slowly out of his chair. "i must in turn ask you, mr. waldron," he said, "to cease to make assertions which are not in strict accordance with scientific fact." the words unloosed a tempest. "shame! shame!" "give him a hearing!" "put him out!" "shove him off the platform!" "fair play!" emerged from a general roar of amusement or execration. the chairman was on his feet flapping both his hands and bleating excitedly. "professor challenger--personal--views--later," were the solid peaks above his clouds of inaudible mutter. the interrupter bowed, smiled, stroked his beard, and relapsed into his chair. waldron, very flushed and warlike, continued his observations. now and then, as he made an assertion, he shot a venomous glance at his opponent, who seemed to be slumbering deeply, with the same broad, happy smile upon his face. at last the lecture came to an end--i am inclined to think that it was a premature one, as the peroration was hurried and disconnected. the thread of the argument had been rudely broken, and the audience was restless and expectant. waldron sat down, and, after a chirrup from the chairman, professor challenger rose and advanced to the edge of the platform. in the interests of my paper i took down his speech verbatim. "ladies and gentlemen," he began, amid a sustained interruption from the back. "i beg pardon--ladies, gentlemen, and children--i must apologize, i had inadvertently omitted a considerable section of this audience" (tumult, during which the professor stood with one hand raised and his enormous head nodding sympathetically, as if he were bestowing a pontifical blessing upon the crowd), "i have been selected to move a vote of thanks to mr. waldron for the very picturesque and imaginative address to which we have just listened. there are points in it with which i disagree, and it has been my duty to indicate them as they arose, but, none the less, mr. waldron has accomplished his object well, that object being to give a simple and interesting account of what he conceives to have been the history of our planet. popular lectures are the easiest to listen to, but mr. waldron" (here he beamed and blinked at the lecturer) "will excuse me when i say that they are necessarily both superficial and misleading, since they have to be graded to the comprehension of an ignorant audience." (ironical cheering.) "popular lecturers are in their nature parasitic." (angry gesture of protest from mr. waldron.) "they exploit for fame or cash the work which has been done by their indigent and unknown brethren. one smallest new fact obtained in the laboratory, one brick built into the temple of science, far outweighs any second-hand exposition which passes an idle hour, but can leave no useful result behind it. i put forward this obvious reflection, not out of any desire to disparage mr. waldron in particular, but that you may not lose your sense of proportion and mistake the acolyte for the high priest." (at this point mr. waldron whispered to the chairman, who half rose and said something severely to his water-carafe.) "but enough of this!" (loud and prolonged cheers.) "let me pass to some subject of wider interest. what is the particular point upon which i, as an original investigator, have challenged our lecturer's accuracy? it is upon the permanence of certain types of animal life upon the earth. i do not speak upon this subject as an amateur, nor, i may add, as a popular lecturer, but i speak as one whose scientific conscience compels him to adhere closely to facts, when i say that mr. waldron is very wrong in supposing that because he has never himself seen a so-called prehistoric animal, therefore these creatures no longer exist. they are indeed, as he has said, our ancestors, but they are, if i may use the expression, our contemporary ancestors, who can still be found with all their hideous and formidable characteristics if one has but the energy and hardihood to seek their haunts. creatures which were supposed to be jurassic, monsters who would hunt down and devour our largest and fiercest mammals, still exist." (cries of "bosh!" "prove it!" "how do you know?" "question!") "how do i know, you ask me? i know because i have visited their secret haunts. i know because i have seen some of them." (applause, uproar, and a voice, "liar!") "am i a liar?" (general hearty and noisy assent.) "did i hear someone say that i was a liar? will the person who called me a liar kindly stand up that i may know him?" (a voice, "here he is, sir!" and an inoffensive little person in spectacles, struggling violently, was held up among a group of students.) "did you venture to call me a liar?" ("no, sir, no!" shouted the accused, and disappeared like a jack-in-the-box.) "if any person in this hall dares to doubt my veracity, i shall be glad to have a few words with him after the lecture." ("liar!") "who said that?" (again the inoffensive one plunging desperately, was elevated high into the air.) "if i come down among you----" (general chorus of "come, love, come!" which interrupted the proceedings for some moments, while the chairman, standing up and waving both his arms, seemed to be conducting the music. the professor, with his face flushed, his nostrils dilated, and his beard bristling, was now in a proper berserk mood.) "every great discoverer has been met with the same incredulity--the sure brand of a generation of fools. when great facts are laid before you, you have not the intuition, the imagination which would help you to understand them. you can only throw mud at the men who have risked their lives to open new fields to science. you persecute the prophets! galileo! darwin, and i----" (prolonged cheering and complete interruption.) all this is from my hurried notes taken at the time, which give little notion of the absolute chaos to which the assembly had by this time been reduced. so terrific was the uproar that several ladies had already beaten a hurried retreat. grave and reverend seniors seemed to have caught the prevailing spirit as badly as the students, and i saw white-bearded men rising and shaking their fists at the obdurate professor. the whole great audience seethed and simmered like a boiling pot. the professor took a step forward and raised both his hands. there was something so big and arresting and virile in the man that the clatter and shouting died gradually away before his commanding gesture and his masterful eyes. he seemed to have a definite message. they hushed to hear it. "i will not detain you," he said. "it is not worth it. truth is truth, and the noise of a number of foolish young men--and, i fear i must add, of their equally foolish seniors--cannot affect the matter. i claim that i have opened a new field of science. you dispute it." (cheers.) "then i put you to the test. will you accredit one or more of your own number to go out as your representatives and test my statement in your name?" mr. summerlee, the veteran professor of comparative anatomy, rose among the audience, a tall, thin, bitter man, with the withered aspect of a theologian. he wished, he said, to ask professor challenger whether the results to which he had alluded in his remarks had been obtained during a journey to the headwaters of the amazon made by him two years before. professor challenger answered that they had. mr. summerlee desired to know how it was that professor challenger claimed to have made discoveries in those regions which had been overlooked by wallace, bates, and other previous explorers of established scientific repute. professor challenger answered that mr. summerlee appeared to be confusing the amazon with the thames; that it was in reality a somewhat larger river; that mr. summerlee might be interested to know that with the orinoco, which communicated with it, some fifty thousand miles of country were opened up, and that in so vast a space it was not impossible for one person to find what another had missed. mr. summerlee declared, with an acid smile, that he fully appreciated the difference between the thames and the amazon, which lay in the fact that any assertion about the former could be tested, while about the latter it could not. he would be obliged if professor challenger would give the latitude and the longitude of the country in which prehistoric animals were to be found. professor challenger replied that he reserved such information for good reasons of his own, but would be prepared to give it with proper precautions to a committee chosen from the audience. would mr. summerlee serve on such a committee and test his story in person? mr. summerlee: "yes, i will." (great cheering.) professor challenger: "then i guarantee that i will place in your hands such material as will enable you to find your way. it is only right, however, since mr. summerlee goes to check my statement that i should have one or more with him who may check his. i will not disguise from you that there are difficulties and dangers. mr. summerlee will need a younger colleague. may i ask for volunteers?" it is thus that the great crisis of a man's life springs out at him. could i have imagined when i entered that hall that i was about to pledge myself to a wilder adventure than had ever come to me in my dreams? but gladys--was it not the very opportunity of which she spoke? gladys would have told me to go. i had sprung to my feet. i was speaking, and yet i had prepared no words. tarp henry, my companion, was plucking at my skirts and i heard him whispering, "sit down, malone! don't make a public ass of yourself." at the same time i was aware that a tall, thin man, with dark gingery hair, a few seats in front of me, was also upon his feet. he glared back at me with hard angry eyes, but i refused to give way. "i will go, mr. chairman," i kept repeating over and over again. "name! name!" cried the audience. "my name is edward dunn malone. i am the reporter of the daily gazette. i claim to be an absolutely unprejudiced witness." "what is your name, sir?" the chairman asked of my tall rival. "i am lord john roxton. i have already been up the amazon, i know all the ground, and have special qualifications for this investigation." "lord john roxton's reputation as a sportsman and a traveler is, of course, world-famous," said the chairman; "at the same time it would certainly be as well to have a member of the press upon such an expedition." "then i move," said professor challenger, "that both these gentlemen be elected, as representatives of this meeting, to accompany professor summerlee upon his journey to investigate and to report upon the truth of my statements." and so, amid shouting and cheering, our fate was decided, and i found myself borne away in the human current which swirled towards the door, with my mind half stunned by the vast new project which had risen so suddenly before it. as i emerged from the hall i was conscious for a moment of a rush of laughing students--down the pavement, and of an arm wielding a heavy umbrella, which rose and fell in the midst of them. then, amid a mixture of groans and cheers, professor challenger's electric brougham slid from the curb, and i found myself walking under the silvery lights of regent street, full of thoughts of gladys and of wonder as to my future. suddenly there was a touch at my elbow. i turned, and found myself looking into the humorous, masterful eyes of the tall, thin man who had volunteered to be my companion on this strange quest. "mr. malone, i understand," said he. "we are to be companions--what? my rooms are just over the road, in the albany. perhaps you would have the kindness to spare me half an hour, for there are one or two things that i badly want to say to you." chapter vi "i was the flail of the lord" lord john roxton and i turned down vigo street together and through the dingy portals of the famous aristocratic rookery. at the end of a long drab passage my new acquaintance pushed open a door and turned on an electric switch. a number of lamps shining through tinted shades bathed the whole great room before us in a ruddy radiance. standing in the doorway and glancing round me, i had a general impression of extraordinary comfort and elegance combined with an atmosphere of masculine virility. everywhere there were mingled the luxury of the wealthy man of taste and the careless untidiness of the bachelor. rich furs and strange iridescent mats from some oriental bazaar were scattered upon the floor. pictures and prints which even my unpractised eyes could recognize as being of great price and rarity hung thick upon the walls. sketches of boxers, of ballet-girls, and of racehorses alternated with a sensuous fragonard, a martial girardet, and a dreamy turner. but amid these varied ornaments there were scattered the trophies which brought back strongly to my recollection the fact that lord john roxton was one of the great all-round sportsmen and athletes of his day. a dark-blue oar crossed with a cherry-pink one above his mantel-piece spoke of the old oxonian and leander man, while the foils and boxing-gloves above and below them were the tools of a man who had won supremacy with each. like a dado round the room was the jutting line of splendid heavy game-heads, the best of their sort from every quarter of the world, with the rare white rhinoceros of the lado enclave drooping its supercilious lip above them all. in the center of the rich red carpet was a black and gold louis quinze table, a lovely antique, now sacrilegiously desecrated with marks of glasses and the scars of cigar-stumps. on it stood a silver tray of smokables and a burnished spirit-stand, from which and an adjacent siphon my silent host proceeded to charge two high glasses. having indicated an arm-chair to me and placed my refreshment near it, he handed me a long, smooth havana. then, seating himself opposite to me, he looked at me long and fixedly with his strange, twinkling, reckless eyes--eyes of a cold light blue, the color of a glacier lake. through the thin haze of my cigar-smoke i noted the details of a face which was already familiar to me from many photographs--the strongly-curved nose, the hollow, worn cheeks, the dark, ruddy hair, thin at the top, the crisp, virile moustaches, the small, aggressive tuft upon his projecting chin. something there was of napoleon iii., something of don quixote, and yet again something which was the essence of the english country gentleman, the keen, alert, open-air lover of dogs and of horses. his skin was of a rich flower-pot red from sun and wind. his eyebrows were tufted and overhanging, which gave those naturally cold eyes an almost ferocious aspect, an impression which was increased by his strong and furrowed brow. in figure he was spare, but very strongly built--indeed, he had often proved that there were few men in england capable of such sustained exertions. his height was a little over six feet, but he seemed shorter on account of a peculiar rounding of the shoulders. such was the famous lord john roxton as he sat opposite to me, biting hard upon his cigar and watching me steadily in a long and embarrassing silence. "well," said he, at last, "we've gone and done it, young fellah my lad." (this curious phrase he pronounced as if it were all one word--"young-fellah-me-lad.") "yes, we've taken a jump, you an' me. i suppose, now, when you went into that room there was no such notion in your head--what?" "no thought of it." "the same here. no thought of it. and here we are, up to our necks in the tureen. why, i've only been back three weeks from uganda, and taken a place in scotland, and signed the lease and all. pretty goin's on--what? how does it hit you?" "well, it is all in the main line of my business. i am a journalist on the gazette." "of course--you said so when you took it on. by the way, i've got a small job for you, if you'll help me." "with pleasure." "don't mind takin' a risk, do you?" "what is the risk?" "well, it's ballinger--he's the risk. you've heard of him?" "no." "why, young fellah, where have you lived? sir john ballinger is the best gentleman jock in the north country. i could hold him on the flat at my best, but over jumps he's my master. well, it's an open secret that when he's out of trainin' he drinks hard--strikin' an average, he calls it. he got delirium on toosday, and has been ragin' like a devil ever since. his room is above this. the doctors say that it is all up with the old dear unless some food is got into him, but as he lies in bed with a revolver on his coverlet, and swears he will put six of the best through anyone that comes near him, there's been a bit of a strike among the serving-men. he's a hard nail, is jack, and a dead shot, too, but you can't leave a grand national winner to die like that--what?" "what do you mean to do, then?" i asked. "well, my idea was that you and i could rush him. he may be dozin', and at the worst he can only wing one of us, and the other should have him. if we can get his bolster-cover round his arms and then 'phone up a stomach-pump, we'll give the old dear the supper of his life." it was a rather desperate business to come suddenly into one's day's work. i don't think that i am a particularly brave man. i have an irish imagination which makes the unknown and the untried more terrible than they are. on the other hand, i was brought up with a horror of cowardice and with a terror of such a stigma. i dare say that i could throw myself over a precipice, like the hun in the history books, if my courage to do it were questioned, and yet it would surely be pride and fear, rather than courage, which would be my inspiration. therefore, although every nerve in my body shrank from the whisky-maddened figure which i pictured in the room above, i still answered, in as careless a voice as i could command, that i was ready to go. some further remark of lord roxton's about the danger only made me irritable. "talking won't make it any better," said i. "come on." i rose from my chair and he from his. then with a little confidential chuckle of laughter, he patted me two or three times on the chest, finally pushing me back into my chair. "all right, sonny my lad--you'll do," said he. i looked up in surprise. "i saw after jack ballinger myself this mornin'. he blew a hole in the skirt of my kimono, bless his shaky old hand, but we got a jacket on him, and he's to be all right in a week. i say, young fellah, i hope you don't mind--what? you see, between you an' me close-tiled, i look on this south american business as a mighty serious thing, and if i have a pal with me i want a man i can bank on. so i sized you down, and i'm bound to say that you came well out of it. you see, it's all up to you and me, for this old summerlee man will want dry-nursin' from the first. by the way, are you by any chance the malone who is expected to get his rugby cap for ireland?" "a reserve, perhaps." "i thought i remembered your face. why, i was there when you got that try against richmond--as fine a swervin' run as i saw the whole season. i never miss a rugby match if i can help it, for it is the manliest game we have left. well, i didn't ask you in here just to talk sport. we've got to fix our business. here are the sailin's, on the first page of the times. there's a booth boat for para next wednesday week, and if the professor and you can work it, i think we should take it--what? very good, i'll fix it with him. what about your outfit?" "my paper will see to that." "can you shoot?" "about average territorial standard." "good lord! as bad as that? it's the last thing you young fellahs think of learnin'. you're all bees without stings, so far as lookin' after the hive goes. you'll look silly, some o' these days, when someone comes along an' sneaks the honey. but you'll need to hold your gun straight in south america, for, unless our friend the professor is a madman or a liar, we may see some queer things before we get back. what gun have you?" he crossed to an oaken cupboard, and as he threw it open i caught a glimpse of glistening rows of parallel barrels, like the pipes of an organ. "i'll see what i can spare you out of my own battery," said he. one by one he took out a succession of beautiful rifles, opening and shutting them with a snap and a clang, and then patting them as he put them back into the rack as tenderly as a mother would fondle her children. "this is a bland's . axite express," said he. "i got that big fellow with it." he glanced up at the white rhinoceros. "ten more yards, and he'd would have added me to his collection. 'on that conical bullet his one chance hangs, 'tis the weak one's advantage fair.' hope you know your gordon, for he's the poet of the horse and the gun and the man that handles both. now, here's a useful tool--. , telescopic sight, double ejector, point-blank up to three-fifty. that's the rifle i used against the peruvian slave-drivers three years ago. i was the flail of the lord up in those parts, i may tell you, though you won't find it in any blue-book. there are times, young fellah, when every one of us must make a stand for human right and justice, or you never feel clean again. that's why i made a little war on my own. declared it myself, waged it myself, ended it myself. each of those nicks is for a slave murderer--a good row of them--what? that big one is for pedro lopez, the king of them all, that i killed in a backwater of the putomayo river. now, here's something that would do for you." he took out a beautiful brown-and-silver rifle. "well rubbered at the stock, sharply sighted, five cartridges to the clip. you can trust your life to that." he handed it to me and closed the door of his oak cabinet. "by the way," he continued, coming back to his chair, "what do you know of this professor challenger?" "i never saw him till to-day." "well, neither did i. it's funny we should both sail under sealed orders from a man we don't know. he seemed an uppish old bird. his brothers of science don't seem too fond of him, either. how came you to take an interest in the affair?" i told him shortly my experiences of the morning, and he listened intently. then he drew out a map of south america and laid it on the table. "i believe every single word he said to you was the truth," said he, earnestly, "and, mind you, i have something to go on when i speak like that. south america is a place i love, and i think, if you take it right through from darien to fuego, it's the grandest, richest, most wonderful bit of earth upon this planet. people don't know it yet, and don't realize what it may become. i've been up an' down it from end to end, and had two dry seasons in those very parts, as i told you when i spoke of the war i made on the slave-dealers. well, when i was up there i heard some yarns of the same kind--traditions of indians and the like, but with somethin' behind them, no doubt. the more you knew of that country, young fellah, the more you would understand that anythin' was possible--anythin'! there are just some narrow water-lanes along which folk travel, and outside that it is all darkness. now, down here in the matto grande"--he swept his cigar over a part of the map--"or up in this corner where three countries meet, nothin' would surprise me. as that chap said to-night, there are fifty-thousand miles of water-way runnin' through a forest that is very near the size of europe. you and i could be as far away from each other as scotland is from constantinople, and yet each of us be in the same great brazilian forest. man has just made a track here and a scrape there in the maze. why, the river rises and falls the best part of forty feet, and half the country is a morass that you can't pass over. why shouldn't somethin' new and wonderful lie in such a country? and why shouldn't we be the men to find it out? besides," he added, his queer, gaunt face shining with delight, "there's a sportin' risk in every mile of it. i'm like an old golf-ball--i've had all the white paint knocked off me long ago. life can whack me about now, and it can't leave a mark. but a sportin' risk, young fellah, that's the salt of existence. then it's worth livin' again. we're all gettin' a deal too soft and dull and comfy. give me the great waste lands and the wide spaces, with a gun in my fist and somethin' to look for that's worth findin'. i've tried war and steeplechasin' and aeroplanes, but this huntin' of beasts that look like a lobster-supper dream is a brand-new sensation." he chuckled with glee at the prospect. perhaps i have dwelt too long upon this new acquaintance, but he is to be my comrade for many a day, and so i have tried to set him down as i first saw him, with his quaint personality and his queer little tricks of speech and of thought. it was only the need of getting in the account of my meeting which drew me at last from his company. i left him seated amid his pink radiance, oiling the lock of his favorite rifle, while he still chuckled to himself at the thought of the adventures which awaited us. it was very clear to me that if dangers lay before us i could not in all england have found a cooler head or a braver spirit with which to share them. that night, wearied as i was after the wonderful happenings of the day, i sat late with mcardle, the news editor, explaining to him the whole situation, which he thought important enough to bring next morning before the notice of sir george beaumont, the chief. it was agreed that i should write home full accounts of my adventures in the shape of successive letters to mcardle, and that these should either be edited for the gazette as they arrived, or held back to be published later, according to the wishes of professor challenger, since we could not yet know what conditions he might attach to those directions which should guide us to the unknown land. in response to a telephone inquiry, we received nothing more definite than a fulmination against the press, ending up with the remark that if we would notify our boat he would hand us any directions which he might think it proper to give us at the moment of starting. a second question from us failed to elicit any answer at all, save a plaintive bleat from his wife to the effect that her husband was in a very violent temper already, and that she hoped we would do nothing to make it worse. a third attempt, later in the day, provoked a terrific crash, and a subsequent message from the central exchange that professor challenger's receiver had been shattered. after that we abandoned all attempt at communication. and now my patient readers, i can address you directly no longer. from now onwards (if, indeed, any continuation of this narrative should ever reach you) it can only be through the paper which i represent. in the hands of the editor i leave this account of the events which have led up to one of the most remarkable expeditions of all time, so that if i never return to england there shall be some record as to how the affair came about. i am writing these last lines in the saloon of the booth liner francisca, and they will go back by the pilot to the keeping of mr. mcardle. let me draw one last picture before i close the notebook--a picture which is the last memory of the old country which i bear away with me. it is a wet, foggy morning in the late spring; a thin, cold rain is falling. three shining mackintoshed figures are walking down the quay, making for the gang-plank of the great liner from which the blue-peter is flying. in front of them a porter pushes a trolley piled high with trunks, wraps, and gun-cases. professor summerlee, a long, melancholy figure, walks with dragging steps and drooping head, as one who is already profoundly sorry for himself. lord john roxton steps briskly, and his thin, eager face beams forth between his hunting-cap and his muffler. as for myself, i am glad to have got the bustling days of preparation and the pangs of leave-taking behind me, and i have no doubt that i show it in my bearing. suddenly, just as we reach the vessel, there is a shout behind us. it is professor challenger, who had promised to see us off. he runs after us, a puffing, red-faced, irascible figure. "no thank you," says he; "i should much prefer not to go aboard. i have only a few words to say to you, and they can very well be said where we are. i beg you not to imagine that i am in any way indebted to you for making this journey. i would have you to understand that it is a matter of perfect indifference to me, and i refuse to entertain the most remote sense of personal obligation. truth is truth, and nothing which you can report can affect it in any way, though it may excite the emotions and allay the curiosity of a number of very ineffectual people. my directions for your instruction and guidance are in this sealed envelope. you will open it when you reach a town upon the amazon which is called manaos, but not until the date and hour which is marked upon the outside. have i made myself clear? i leave the strict observance of my conditions entirely to your honor. no, mr. malone, i will place no restriction upon your correspondence, since the ventilation of the facts is the object of your journey; but i demand that you shall give no particulars as to your exact destination, and that nothing be actually published until your return. good-bye, sir. you have done something to mitigate my feelings for the loathsome profession to which you unhappily belong. good-bye, lord john. science is, as i understand, a sealed book to you; but you may congratulate yourself upon the hunting-field which awaits you. you will, no doubt, have the opportunity of describing in the field how you brought down the rocketing dimorphodon. and good-bye to you also, professor summerlee. if you are still capable of self-improvement, of which i am frankly unconvinced, you will surely return to london a wiser man." so he turned upon his heel, and a minute later from the deck i could see his short, squat figure bobbing about in the distance as he made his way back to his train. well, we are well down channel now. there's the last bell for letters, and it's good-bye to the pilot. we'll be "down, hull-down, on the old trail" from now on. god bless all we leave behind us, and send us safely back. chapter vii "to-morrow we disappear into the unknown" i will not bore those whom this narrative may reach by an account of our luxurious voyage upon the booth liner, nor will i tell of our week's stay at para (save that i should wish to acknowledge the great kindness of the pereira da pinta company in helping us to get together our equipment). i will also allude very briefly to our river journey, up a wide, slow-moving, clay-tinted stream, in a steamer which was little smaller than that which had carried us across the atlantic. eventually we found ourselves through the narrows of obidos and reached the town of manaos. here we were rescued from the limited attractions of the local inn by mr. shortman, the representative of the british and brazilian trading company. in his hospitable fazenda we spent our time until the day when we were empowered to open the letter of instructions given to us by professor challenger. before i reach the surprising events of that date i would desire to give a clearer sketch of my comrades in this enterprise, and of the associates whom we had already gathered together in south america. i speak freely, and i leave the use of my material to your own discretion, mr. mcardle, since it is through your hands that this report must pass before it reaches the world. the scientific attainments of professor summerlee are too well known for me to trouble to recapitulate them. he is better equipped for a rough expedition of this sort than one would imagine at first sight. his tall, gaunt, stringy figure is insensible to fatigue, and his dry, half-sarcastic, and often wholly unsympathetic manner is uninfluenced by any change in his surroundings. though in his sixty-sixth year, i have never heard him express any dissatisfaction at the occasional hardships which we have had to encounter. i had regarded his presence as an encumbrance to the expedition, but, as a matter of fact, i am now well convinced that his power of endurance is as great as my own. in temper he is naturally acid and sceptical. from the beginning he has never concealed his belief that professor challenger is an absolute fraud, that we are all embarked upon an absurd wild-goose chase and that we are likely to reap nothing but disappointment and danger in south america, and corresponding ridicule in england. such are the views which, with much passionate distortion of his thin features and wagging of his thin, goat-like beard, he poured into our ears all the way from southampton to manaos. since landing from the boat he has obtained some consolation from the beauty and variety of the insect and bird life around him, for he is absolutely whole-hearted in his devotion to science. he spends his days flitting through the woods with his shot-gun and his butterfly-net, and his evenings in mounting the many specimens he has acquired. among his minor peculiarities are that he is careless as to his attire, unclean in his person, exceedingly absent-minded in his habits, and addicted to smoking a short briar pipe, which is seldom out of his mouth. he has been upon several scientific expeditions in his youth (he was with robertson in papua), and the life of the camp and the canoe is nothing fresh to him. lord john roxton has some points in common with professor summerlee, and others in which they are the very antithesis to each other. he is twenty years younger, but has something of the same spare, scraggy physique. as to his appearance, i have, as i recollect, described it in that portion of my narrative which i have left behind me in london. he is exceedingly neat and prim in his ways, dresses always with great care in white drill suits and high brown mosquito-boots, and shaves at least once a day. like most men of action, he is laconic in speech, and sinks readily into his own thoughts, but he is always quick to answer a question or join in a conversation, talking in a queer, jerky, half-humorous fashion. his knowledge of the world, and very especially of south america, is surprising, and he has a whole-hearted belief in the possibilities of our journey which is not to be dashed by the sneers of professor summerlee. he has a gentle voice and a quiet manner, but behind his twinkling blue eyes there lurks a capacity for furious wrath and implacable resolution, the more dangerous because they are held in leash. he spoke little of his own exploits in brazil and peru, but it was a revelation to me to find the excitement which was caused by his presence among the riverine natives, who looked upon him as their champion and protector. the exploits of the red chief, as they called him, had become legends among them, but the real facts, as far as i could learn them, were amazing enough. these were that lord john had found himself some years before in that no-man's-land which is formed by the half-defined frontiers between peru, brazil, and columbia. in this great district the wild rubber tree flourishes, and has become, as in the congo, a curse to the natives which can only be compared to their forced labor under the spaniards upon the old silver mines of darien. a handful of villainous half-breeds dominated the country, armed such indians as would support them, and turned the rest into slaves, terrorizing them with the most inhuman tortures in order to force them to gather the india-rubber, which was then floated down the river to para. lord john roxton expostulated on behalf of the wretched victims, and received nothing but threats and insults for his pains. he then formally declared war against pedro lopez, the leader of the slave-drivers, enrolled a band of runaway slaves in his service, armed them, and conducted a campaign, which ended by his killing with his own hands the notorious half-breed and breaking down the system which he represented. no wonder that the ginger-headed man with the silky voice and the free and easy manners was now looked upon with deep interest upon the banks of the great south american river, though the feelings he inspired were naturally mixed, since the gratitude of the natives was equaled by the resentment of those who desired to exploit them. one useful result of his former experiences was that he could talk fluently in the lingoa geral, which is the peculiar talk, one-third portuguese and two-thirds indian, which is current all over brazil. i have said before that lord john roxton was a south americomaniac. he could not speak of that great country without ardor, and this ardor was infectious, for, ignorant as i was, he fixed my attention and stimulated my curiosity. how i wish i could reproduce the glamour of his discourses, the peculiar mixture of accurate knowledge and of racy imagination which gave them their fascination, until even the professor's cynical and sceptical smile would gradually vanish from his thin face as he listened. he would tell the history of the mighty river so rapidly explored (for some of the first conquerors of peru actually crossed the entire continent upon its waters), and yet so unknown in regard to all that lay behind its ever-changing banks. "what is there?" he would cry, pointing to the north. "wood and marsh and unpenetrated jungle. who knows what it may shelter? and there to the south? a wilderness of swampy forest, where no white man has ever been. the unknown is up against us on every side. outside the narrow lines of the rivers what does anyone know? who will say what is possible in such a country? why should old man challenger not be right?" at which direct defiance the stubborn sneer would reappear upon professor summerlee's face, and he would sit, shaking his sardonic head in unsympathetic silence, behind the cloud of his briar-root pipe. so much, for the moment, for my two white companions, whose characters and limitations will be further exposed, as surely as my own, as this narrative proceeds. but already we have enrolled certain retainers who may play no small part in what is to come. the first is a gigantic negro named zambo, who is a black hercules, as willing as any horse, and about as intelligent. him we enlisted at para, on the recommendation of the steamship company, on whose vessels he had learned to speak a halting english. it was at para also that we engaged gomez and manuel, two half-breeds from up the river, just come down with a cargo of redwood. they were swarthy fellows, bearded and fierce, as active and wiry as panthers. both of them had spent their lives in those upper waters of the amazon which we were about to explore, and it was this recommendation which had caused lord john to engage them. one of them, gomez, had the further advantage that he could speak excellent english. these men were willing to act as our personal servants, to cook, to row, or to make themselves useful in any way at a payment of fifteen dollars a month. besides these, we had engaged three mojo indians from bolivia, who are the most skilful at fishing and boat work of all the river tribes. the chief of these we called mojo, after his tribe, and the others are known as jose and fernando. three white men, then, two half-breeds, one negro, and three indians made up the personnel of the little expedition which lay waiting for its instructions at manaos before starting upon its singular quest. at last, after a weary week, the day had come and the hour. i ask you to picture the shaded sitting-room of the fazenda st. ignatio, two miles inland from the town of manaos. outside lay the yellow, brassy glare of the sunshine, with the shadows of the palm trees as black and definite as the trees themselves. the air was calm, full of the eternal hum of insects, a tropical chorus of many octaves, from the deep drone of the bee to the high, keen pipe of the mosquito. beyond the veranda was a small cleared garden, bounded with cactus hedges and adorned with clumps of flowering shrubs, round which the great blue butterflies and the tiny humming-birds fluttered and darted in crescents of sparkling light. within we were seated round the cane table, on which lay a sealed envelope. inscribed upon it, in the jagged handwriting of professor challenger, were the words:-- "instructions to lord john roxton and party. to be opened at manaos upon july th, at o'clock precisely." lord john had placed his watch upon the table beside him. "we have seven more minutes," said he. "the old dear is very precise." professor summerlee gave an acid smile as he picked up the envelope in his gaunt hand. "what can it possibly matter whether we open it now or in seven minutes?" said he. "it is all part and parcel of the same system of quackery and nonsense, for which i regret to say that the writer is notorious." "oh, come, we must play the game accordin' to rules," said lord john. "it's old man challenger's show and we are here by his good will, so it would be rotten bad form if we didn't follow his instructions to the letter." "a pretty business it is!" cried the professor, bitterly. "it struck me as preposterous in london, but i'm bound to say that it seems even more so upon closer acquaintance. i don't know what is inside this envelope, but, unless it is something pretty definite, i shall be much tempted to take the next down-river boat and catch the bolivia at para. after all, i have some more responsible work in the world than to run about disproving the assertions of a lunatic. now, roxton, surely it is time." "time it is," said lord john. "you can blow the whistle." he took up the envelope and cut it with his penknife. from it he drew a folded sheet of paper. this he carefully opened out and flattened on the table. it was a blank sheet. he turned it over. again it was blank. we looked at each other in a bewildered silence, which was broken by a discordant burst of derisive laughter from professor summerlee. "it is an open admission," he cried. "what more do you want? the fellow is a self-confessed humbug. we have only to return home and report him as the brazen imposter that he is." "invisible ink!" i suggested. "i don't think!" said lord roxton, holding the paper to the light. "no, young fellah my lad, there is no use deceiving yourself. i'll go bail for it that nothing has ever been written upon this paper." "may i come in?" boomed a voice from the veranda. the shadow of a squat figure had stolen across the patch of sunlight. that voice! that monstrous breadth of shoulder! we sprang to our feet with a gasp of astonishment as challenger, in a round, boyish straw-hat with a colored ribbon--challenger, with his hands in his jacket-pockets and his canvas shoes daintily pointing as he walked--appeared in the open space before us. he threw back his head, and there he stood in the golden glow with all his old assyrian luxuriance of beard, all his native insolence of drooping eyelids and intolerant eyes. "i fear," said he, taking out his watch, "that i am a few minutes too late. when i gave you this envelope i must confess that i had never intended that you should open it, for it had been my fixed intention to be with you before the hour. the unfortunate delay can be apportioned between a blundering pilot and an intrusive sandbank. i fear that it has given my colleague, professor summerlee, occasion to blaspheme." "i am bound to say, sir," said lord john, with some sternness of voice, "that your turning up is a considerable relief to us, for our mission seemed to have come to a premature end. even now i can't for the life of me understand why you should have worked it in so extraordinary a manner." instead of answering, professor challenger entered, shook hands with myself and lord john, bowed with ponderous insolence to professor summerlee, and sank back into a basket-chair, which creaked and swayed beneath his weight. "is all ready for your journey?" he asked. "we can start to-morrow." "then so you shall. you need no chart of directions now, since you will have the inestimable advantage of my own guidance. from the first i had determined that i would myself preside over your investigation. the most elaborate charts would, as you will readily admit, be a poor substitute for my own intelligence and advice. as to the small ruse which i played upon you in the matter of the envelope, it is clear that, had i told you all my intentions, i should have been forced to resist unwelcome pressure to travel out with you." "not from me, sir!" exclaimed professor summerlee, heartily. "so long as there was another ship upon the atlantic." challenger waved him away with his great hairy hand. "your common sense will, i am sure, sustain my objection and realize that it was better that i should direct my own movements and appear only at the exact moment when my presence was needed. that moment has now arrived. you are in safe hands. you will not now fail to reach your destination. from henceforth i take command of this expedition, and i must ask you to complete your preparations to-night, so that we may be able to make an early start in the morning. my time is of value, and the same thing may be said, no doubt, in a lesser degree of your own. i propose, therefore, that we push on as rapidly as possible, until i have demonstrated what you have come to see." lord john roxton has chartered a large steam launch, the esmeralda, which was to carry us up the river. so far as climate goes, it was immaterial what time we chose for our expedition, as the temperature ranges from seventy-five to ninety degrees both summer and winter, with no appreciable difference in heat. in moisture, however, it is otherwise; from december to may is the period of the rains, and during this time the river slowly rises until it attains a height of nearly forty feet above its low-water mark. it floods the banks, extends in great lagoons over a monstrous waste of country, and forms a huge district, called locally the gapo, which is for the most part too marshy for foot-travel and too shallow for boating. about june the waters begin to fall, and are at their lowest at october or november. thus our expedition was at the time of the dry season, when the great river and its tributaries were more or less in a normal condition. the current of the river is a slight one, the drop being not greater than eight inches in a mile. no stream could be more convenient for navigation, since the prevailing wind is south-east, and sailing boats may make a continuous progress to the peruvian frontier, dropping down again with the current. in our own case the excellent engines of the esmeralda could disregard the sluggish flow of the stream, and we made as rapid progress as if we were navigating a stagnant lake. for three days we steamed north-westwards up a stream which even here, a thousand miles from its mouth, was still so enormous that from its center the two banks were mere shadows upon the distant skyline. on the fourth day after leaving manaos we turned into a tributary which at its mouth was little smaller than the main stream. it narrowed rapidly, however, and after two more days' steaming we reached an indian village, where the professor insisted that we should land, and that the esmeralda should be sent back to manaos. we should soon come upon rapids, he explained, which would make its further use impossible. he added privately that we were now approaching the door of the unknown country, and that the fewer whom we took into our confidence the better it would be. to this end also he made each of us give our word of honor that we would publish or say nothing which would give any exact clue as to the whereabouts of our travels, while the servants were all solemnly sworn to the same effect. it is for this reason that i am compelled to be vague in my narrative, and i would warn my readers that in any map or diagram which i may give the relation of places to each other may be correct, but the points of the compass are carefully confused, so that in no way can it be taken as an actual guide to the country. professor challenger's reasons for secrecy may be valid or not, but we had no choice but to adopt them, for he was prepared to abandon the whole expedition rather than modify the conditions upon which he would guide us. it was august nd when we snapped our last link with the outer world by bidding farewell to the esmeralda. since then four days have passed, during which we have engaged two large canoes from the indians, made of so light a material (skins over a bamboo framework) that we should be able to carry them round any obstacle. these we have loaded with all our effects, and have engaged two additional indians to help us in the navigation. i understand that they are the very two--ataca and ipetu by name--who accompanied professor challenger upon his previous journey. they appeared to be terrified at the prospect of repeating it, but the chief has patriarchal powers in these countries, and if the bargain is good in his eyes the clansman has little choice in the matter. so to-morrow we disappear into the unknown. this account i am transmitting down the river by canoe, and it may be our last word to those who are interested in our fate. i have, according to our arrangement, addressed it to you, my dear mr. mcardle, and i leave it to your discretion to delete, alter, or do what you like with it. from the assurance of professor challenger's manner--and in spite of the continued scepticism of professor summerlee--i have no doubt that our leader will make good his statement, and that we are really on the eve of some most remarkable experiences. chapter viii "the outlying pickets of the new world" our friends at home may well rejoice with us, for we are at our goal, and up to a point, at least, we have shown that the statement of professor challenger can be verified. we have not, it is true, ascended the plateau, but it lies before us, and even professor summerlee is in a more chastened mood. not that he will for an instant admit that his rival could be right, but he is less persistent in his incessant objections, and has sunk for the most part into an observant silence. i must hark back, however, and continue my narrative from where i dropped it. we are sending home one of our local indians who is injured, and i am committing this letter to his charge, with considerable doubts in my mind as to whether it will ever come to hand. when i wrote last we were about to leave the indian village where we had been deposited by the esmeralda. i have to begin my report by bad news, for the first serious personal trouble (i pass over the incessant bickerings between the professors) occurred this evening, and might have had a tragic ending. i have spoken of our english-speaking half-breed, gomez--a fine worker and a willing fellow, but afflicted, i fancy, with the vice of curiosity, which is common enough among such men. on the last evening he seems to have hid himself near the hut in which we were discussing our plans, and, being observed by our huge negro zambo, who is as faithful as a dog and has the hatred which all his race bear to the half-breeds, he was dragged out and carried into our presence. gomez whipped out his knife, however, and but for the huge strength of his captor, which enabled him to disarm him with one hand, he would certainly have stabbed him. the matter has ended in reprimands, the opponents have been compelled to shake hands, and there is every hope that all will be well. as to the feuds of the two learned men, they are continuous and bitter. it must be admitted that challenger is provocative in the last degree, but summerlee has an acid tongue, which makes matters worse. last night challenger said that he never cared to walk on the thames embankment and look up the river, as it was always sad to see one's own eventual goal. he is convinced, of course, that he is destined for westminster abbey. summerlee rejoined, however, with a sour smile, by saying that he understood that millbank prison had been pulled down. challenger's conceit is too colossal to allow him to be really annoyed. he only smiled in his beard and repeated "really! really!" in the pitying tone one would use to a child. indeed, they are children both--the one wizened and cantankerous, the other formidable and overbearing, yet each with a brain which has put him in the front rank of his scientific age. brain, character, soul--only as one sees more of life does one understand how distinct is each. the very next day we did actually make our start upon this remarkable expedition. we found that all our possessions fitted very easily into the two canoes, and we divided our personnel, six in each, taking the obvious precaution in the interests of peace of putting one professor into each canoe. personally, i was with challenger, who was in a beatific humor, moving about as one in a silent ecstasy and beaming benevolence from every feature. i have had some experience of him in other moods, however, and shall be the less surprised when the thunderstorms suddenly come up amidst the sunshine. if it is impossible to be at your ease, it is equally impossible to be dull in his company, for one is always in a state of half-tremulous doubt as to what sudden turn his formidable temper may take. for two days we made our way up a good-sized river some hundreds of yards broad, and dark in color, but transparent, so that one could usually see the bottom. the affluents of the amazon are, half of them, of this nature, while the other half are whitish and opaque, the difference depending upon the class of country through which they have flowed. the dark indicate vegetable decay, while the others point to clayey soil. twice we came across rapids, and in each case made a portage of half a mile or so to avoid them. the woods on either side were primeval, which are more easily penetrated than woods of the second growth, and we had no great difficulty in carrying our canoes through them. how shall i ever forget the solemn mystery of it? the height of the trees and the thickness of the boles exceeded anything which i in my town-bred life could have imagined, shooting upwards in magnificent columns until, at an enormous distance above our heads, we could dimly discern the spot where they threw out their side-branches into gothic upward curves which coalesced to form one great matted roof of verdure, through which only an occasional golden ray of sunshine shot downwards to trace a thin dazzling line of light amidst the majestic obscurity. as we walked noiselessly amid the thick, soft carpet of decaying vegetation the hush fell upon our souls which comes upon us in the twilight of the abbey, and even professor challenger's full-chested notes sank into a whisper. alone, i should have been ignorant of the names of these giant growths, but our men of science pointed out the cedars, the great silk cotton trees, and the redwood trees, with all that profusion of various plants which has made this continent the chief supplier to the human race of those gifts of nature which depend upon the vegetable world, while it is the most backward in those products which come from animal life. vivid orchids and wonderful colored lichens smoldered upon the swarthy tree-trunks and where a wandering shaft of light fell full upon the golden allamanda, the scarlet star-clusters of the tacsonia, or the rich deep blue of ipomaea, the effect was as a dream of fairyland. in these great wastes of forest, life, which abhors darkness, struggles ever upwards to the light. every plant, even the smaller ones, curls and writhes to the green surface, twining itself round its stronger and taller brethren in the effort. climbing plants are monstrous and luxuriant, but others which have never been known to climb elsewhere learn the art as an escape from that somber shadow, so that the common nettle, the jasmine, and even the jacitara palm tree can be seen circling the stems of the cedars and striving to reach their crowns. of animal life there was no movement amid the majestic vaulted aisles which stretched from us as we walked, but a constant movement far above our heads told of that multitudinous world of snake and monkey, bird and sloth, which lived in the sunshine, and looked down in wonder at our tiny, dark, stumbling figures in the obscure depths immeasurably below them. at dawn and at sunset the howler monkeys screamed together and the parrakeets broke into shrill chatter, but during the hot hours of the day only the full drone of insects, like the beat of a distant surf, filled the ear, while nothing moved amid the solemn vistas of stupendous trunks, fading away into the darkness which held us in. once some bandy-legged, lurching creature, an ant-eater or a bear, scuttled clumsily amid the shadows. it was the only sign of earth life which i saw in this great amazonian forest. and yet there were indications that even human life itself was not far from us in those mysterious recesses. on the third day out we were aware of a singular deep throbbing in the air, rhythmic and solemn, coming and going fitfully throughout the morning. the two boats were paddling within a few yards of each other when first we heard it, and our indians remained motionless, as if they had been turned to bronze, listening intently with expressions of terror upon their faces. "what is it, then?" i asked. "drums," said lord john, carelessly; "war drums. i have heard them before." "yes, sir, war drums," said gomez, the half-breed. "wild indians, bravos, not mansos; they watch us every mile of the way; kill us if they can." "how can they watch us?" i asked, gazing into the dark, motionless void. the half-breed shrugged his broad shoulders. "the indians know. they have their own way. they watch us. they talk the drum talk to each other. kill us if they can." by the afternoon of that day--my pocket diary shows me that it was tuesday, august th--at least six or seven drums were throbbing from various points. sometimes they beat quickly, sometimes slowly, sometimes in obvious question and answer, one far to the east breaking out in a high staccato rattle, and being followed after a pause by a deep roll from the north. there was something indescribably nerve-shaking and menacing in that constant mutter, which seemed to shape itself into the very syllables of the half-breed, endlessly repeated, "we will kill you if we can. we will kill you if we can." no one ever moved in the silent woods. all the peace and soothing of quiet nature lay in that dark curtain of vegetation, but away from behind there came ever the one message from our fellow-man. "we will kill you if we can," said the men in the east. "we will kill you if we can," said the men in the north. all day the drums rumbled and whispered, while their menace reflected itself in the faces of our colored companions. even the hardy, swaggering half-breed seemed cowed. i learned, however, that day once for all that both summerlee and challenger possessed that highest type of bravery, the bravery of the scientific mind. theirs was the spirit which upheld darwin among the gauchos of the argentine or wallace among the head-hunters of malaya. it is decreed by a merciful nature that the human brain cannot think of two things simultaneously, so that if it be steeped in curiosity as to science it has no room for merely personal considerations. all day amid that incessant and mysterious menace our two professors watched every bird upon the wing, and every shrub upon the bank, with many a sharp wordy contention, when the snarl of summerlee came quick upon the deep growl of challenger, but with no more sense of danger and no more reference to drum-beating indians than if they were seated together in the smoking-room of the royal society's club in st. james's street. once only did they condescend to discuss them. "miranha or amajuaca cannibals," said challenger, jerking his thumb towards the reverberating wood. "no doubt, sir," summerlee answered. "like all such tribes, i shall expect to find them of poly-synthetic speech and of mongolian type." "polysynthetic certainly," said challenger, indulgently. "i am not aware that any other type of language exists in this continent, and i have notes of more than a hundred. the mongolian theory i regard with deep suspicion." "i should have thought that even a limited knowledge of comparative anatomy would have helped to verify it," said summerlee, bitterly. challenger thrust out his aggressive chin until he was all beard and hat-rim. "no doubt, sir, a limited knowledge would have that effect. when one's knowledge is exhaustive, one comes to other conclusions." they glared at each other in mutual defiance, while all round rose the distant whisper, "we will kill you--we will kill you if we can." that night we moored our canoes with heavy stones for anchors in the center of the stream, and made every preparation for a possible attack. nothing came, however, and with the dawn we pushed upon our way, the drum-beating dying out behind us. about three o'clock in the afternoon we came to a very steep rapid, more than a mile long--the very one in which professor challenger had suffered disaster upon his first journey. i confess that the sight of it consoled me, for it was really the first direct corroboration, slight as it was, of the truth of his story. the indians carried first our canoes and then our stores through the brushwood, which is very thick at this point, while we four whites, our rifles on our shoulders, walked between them and any danger coming from the woods. before evening we had successfully passed the rapids, and made our way some ten miles above them, where we anchored for the night. at this point i reckoned that we had come not less than a hundred miles up the tributary from the main stream. it was in the early forenoon of the next day that we made the great departure. since dawn professor challenger had been acutely uneasy, continually scanning each bank of the river. suddenly he gave an exclamation of satisfaction and pointed to a single tree, which projected at a peculiar angle over the side of the stream. "what do you make of that?" he asked. "it is surely an assai palm," said summerlee. "exactly. it was an assai palm which i took for my landmark. the secret opening is half a mile onwards upon the other side of the river. there is no break in the trees. that is the wonder and the mystery of it. there where you see light-green rushes instead of dark-green undergrowth, there between the great cotton woods, that is my private gate into the unknown. push through, and you will understand." it was indeed a wonderful place. having reached the spot marked by a line of light-green rushes, we poled out two canoes through them for some hundreds of yards, and eventually emerged into a placid and shallow stream, running clear and transparent over a sandy bottom. it may have been twenty yards across, and was banked in on each side by most luxuriant vegetation. no one who had not observed that for a short distance reeds had taken the place of shrubs, could possibly have guessed the existence of such a stream or dreamed of the fairyland beyond. for a fairyland it was--the most wonderful that the imagination of man could conceive. the thick vegetation met overhead, interlacing into a natural pergola, and through this tunnel of verdure in a golden twilight flowed the green, pellucid river, beautiful in itself, but marvelous from the strange tints thrown by the vivid light from above filtered and tempered in its fall. clear as crystal, motionless as a sheet of glass, green as the edge of an iceberg, it stretched in front of us under its leafy archway, every stroke of our paddles sending a thousand ripples across its shining surface. it was a fitting avenue to a land of wonders. all sign of the indians had passed away, but animal life was more frequent, and the tameness of the creatures showed that they knew nothing of the hunter. fuzzy little black-velvet monkeys, with snow-white teeth and gleaming, mocking eyes, chattered at us as we passed. with a dull, heavy splash an occasional cayman plunged in from the bank. once a dark, clumsy tapir stared at us from a gap in the bushes, and then lumbered away through the forest; once, too, the yellow, sinuous form of a great puma whisked amid the brushwood, and its green, baleful eyes glared hatred at us over its tawny shoulder. bird life was abundant, especially the wading birds, stork, heron, and ibis gathering in little groups, blue, scarlet, and white, upon every log which jutted from the bank, while beneath us the crystal water was alive with fish of every shape and color. for three days we made our way up this tunnel of hazy green sunshine. on the longer stretches one could hardly tell as one looked ahead where the distant green water ended and the distant green archway began. the deep peace of this strange waterway was unbroken by any sign of man. "no indian here. too much afraid. curupuri," said gomez. "curupuri is the spirit of the woods," lord john explained. "it's a name for any kind of devil. the poor beggars think that there is something fearsome in this direction, and therefore they avoid it." on the third day it became evident that our journey in the canoes could not last much longer, for the stream was rapidly growing more shallow. twice in as many hours we stuck upon the bottom. finally we pulled the boats up among the brushwood and spent the night on the bank of the river. in the morning lord john and i made our way for a couple of miles through the forest, keeping parallel with the stream; but as it grew ever shallower we returned and reported, what professor challenger had already suspected, that we had reached the highest point to which the canoes could be brought. we drew them up, therefore, and concealed them among the bushes, blazing a tree with our axes, so that we should find them again. then we distributed the various burdens among us--guns, ammunition, food, a tent, blankets, and the rest--and, shouldering our packages, we set forth upon the more laborious stage of our journey. an unfortunate quarrel between our pepper-pots marked the outset of our new stage. challenger had from the moment of joining us issued directions to the whole party, much to the evident discontent of summerlee. now, upon his assigning some duty to his fellow-professor (it was only the carrying of an aneroid barometer), the matter suddenly came to a head. "may i ask, sir," said summerlee, with vicious calm, "in what capacity you take it upon yourself to issue these orders?" challenger glared and bristled. "i do it, professor summerlee, as leader of this expedition." "i am compelled to tell you, sir, that i do not recognize you in that capacity." "indeed!" challenger bowed with unwieldy sarcasm. "perhaps you would define my exact position." "yes, sir. you are a man whose veracity is upon trial, and this committee is here to try it. you walk, sir, with your judges." "dear me!" said challenger, seating himself on the side of one of the canoes. "in that case you will, of course, go on your way, and i will follow at my leisure. if i am not the leader you cannot expect me to lead." thank heaven that there were two sane men--lord john roxton and myself--to prevent the petulance and folly of our learned professors from sending us back empty-handed to london. such arguing and pleading and explaining before we could get them mollified! then at last summerlee, with his sneer and his pipe, would move forwards, and challenger would come rolling and grumbling after. by some good fortune we discovered about this time that both our savants had the very poorest opinion of dr. illingworth of edinburgh. thenceforward that was our one safety, and every strained situation was relieved by our introducing the name of the scotch zoologist, when both our professors would form a temporary alliance and friendship in their detestation and abuse of this common rival. advancing in single file along the bank of the stream, we soon found that it narrowed down to a mere brook, and finally that it lost itself in a great green morass of sponge-like mosses, into which we sank up to our knees. the place was horribly haunted by clouds of mosquitoes and every form of flying pest, so we were glad to find solid ground again and to make a circuit among the trees, which enabled us to outflank this pestilent morass, which droned like an organ in the distance, so loud was it with insect life. on the second day after leaving our canoes we found that the whole character of the country changed. our road was persistently upwards, and as we ascended the woods became thinner and lost their tropical luxuriance. the huge trees of the alluvial amazonian plain gave place to the phoenix and coco palms, growing in scattered clumps, with thick brushwood between. in the damper hollows the mauritia palms threw out their graceful drooping fronds. we traveled entirely by compass, and once or twice there were differences of opinion between challenger and the two indians, when, to quote the professor's indignant words, the whole party agreed to "trust the fallacious instincts of undeveloped savages rather than the highest product of modern european culture." that we were justified in doing so was shown upon the third day, when challenger admitted that he recognized several landmarks of his former journey, and in one spot we actually came upon four fire-blackened stones, which must have marked a camping-place. the road still ascended, and we crossed a rock-studded slope which took two days to traverse. the vegetation had again changed, and only the vegetable ivory tree remained, with a great profusion of wonderful orchids, among which i learned to recognize the rare nuttonia vexillaria and the glorious pink and scarlet blossoms of cattleya and odontoglossum. occasional brooks with pebbly bottoms and fern-draped banks gurgled down the shallow gorges in the hill, and offered good camping-grounds every evening on the banks of some rock-studded pool, where swarms of little blue-backed fish, about the size and shape of english trout, gave us a delicious supper. on the ninth day after leaving the canoes, having done, as i reckon, about a hundred and twenty miles, we began to emerge from the trees, which had grown smaller until they were mere shrubs. their place was taken by an immense wilderness of bamboo, which grew so thickly that we could only penetrate it by cutting a pathway with the machetes and billhooks of the indians. it took us a long day, traveling from seven in the morning till eight at night, with only two breaks of one hour each, to get through this obstacle. anything more monotonous and wearying could not be imagined, for, even at the most open places, i could not see more than ten or twelve yards, while usually my vision was limited to the back of lord john's cotton jacket in front of me, and to the yellow wall within a foot of me on either side. from above came one thin knife-edge of sunshine, and fifteen feet over our heads one saw the tops of the reeds swaying against the deep blue sky. i do not know what kind of creatures inhabit such a thicket, but several times we heard the plunging of large, heavy animals quite close to us. from their sounds lord john judged them to be some form of wild cattle. just as night fell we cleared the belt of bamboos, and at once formed our camp, exhausted by the interminable day. early next morning we were again afoot, and found that the character of the country had changed once again. behind us was the wall of bamboo, as definite as if it marked the course of a river. in front was an open plain, sloping slightly upwards and dotted with clumps of tree-ferns, the whole curving before us until it ended in a long, whale-backed ridge. this we reached about midday, only to find a shallow valley beyond, rising once again into a gentle incline which led to a low, rounded sky-line. it was here, while we crossed the first of these hills, that an incident occurred which may or may not have been important. professor challenger, who with the two local indians was in the van of the party, stopped suddenly and pointed excitedly to the right. as he did so we saw, at the distance of a mile or so, something which appeared to be a huge gray bird flap slowly up from the ground and skim smoothly off, flying very low and straight, until it was lost among the tree-ferns. "did you see it?" cried challenger, in exultation. "summerlee, did you see it?" his colleague was staring at the spot where the creature had disappeared. "what do you claim that it was?" he asked. "to the best of my belief, a pterodactyl." summerlee burst into derisive laughter "a pter-fiddlestick!" said he. "it was a stork, if ever i saw one." challenger was too furious to speak. he simply swung his pack upon his back and continued upon his march. lord john came abreast of me, however, and his face was more grave than was his wont. he had his zeiss glasses in his hand. "i focused it before it got over the trees," said he. "i won't undertake to say what it was, but i'll risk my reputation as a sportsman that it wasn't any bird that ever i clapped eyes on in my life." so there the matter stands. are we really just at the edge of the unknown, encountering the outlying pickets of this lost world of which our leader speaks? i give you the incident as it occurred and you will know as much as i do. it stands alone, for we saw nothing more which could be called remarkable. and now, my readers, if ever i have any, i have brought you up the broad river, and through the screen of rushes, and down the green tunnel, and up the long slope of palm trees, and through the bamboo brake, and across the plain of tree-ferns. at last our destination lay in full sight of us. when we had crossed the second ridge we saw before us an irregular, palm-studded plain, and then the line of high red cliffs which i have seen in the picture. there it lies, even as i write, and there can be no question that it is the same. at the nearest point it is about seven miles from our present camp, and it curves away, stretching as far as i can see. challenger struts about like a prize peacock, and summerlee is silent, but still sceptical. another day should bring some of our doubts to an end. meanwhile, as jose, whose arm was pierced by a broken bamboo, insists upon returning, i send this letter back in his charge, and only hope that it may eventually come to hand. i will write again as the occasion serves. i have enclosed with this a rough chart of our journey, which may have the effect of making the account rather easier to understand. chapter ix "who could have foreseen it?" a dreadful thing has happened to us. who could have foreseen it? i cannot foresee any end to our troubles. it may be that we are condemned to spend our whole lives in this strange, inaccessible place. i am still so confused that i can hardly think clearly of the facts of the present or of the chances of the future. to my astounded senses the one seems most terrible and the other as black as night. no men have ever found themselves in a worse position; nor is there any use in disclosing to you our exact geographical situation and asking our friends for a relief party. even if they could send one, our fate will in all human probability be decided long before it could arrive in south america. we are, in truth, as far from any human aid as if we were in the moon. if we are to win through, it is only our own qualities which can save us. i have as companions three remarkable men, men of great brain-power and of unshaken courage. there lies our one and only hope. it is only when i look upon the untroubled faces of my comrades that i see some glimmer through the darkness. outwardly i trust that i appear as unconcerned as they. inwardly i am filled with apprehension. let me give you, with as much detail as i can, the sequence of events which have led us to this catastrophe. when i finished my last letter i stated that we were within seven miles from an enormous line of ruddy cliffs, which encircled, beyond all doubt, the plateau of which professor challenger spoke. their height, as we approached them, seemed to me in some places to be greater than he had stated--running up in parts to at least a thousand feet--and they were curiously striated, in a manner which is, i believe, characteristic of basaltic upheavals. something of the sort is to be seen in salisbury crags at edinburgh. the summit showed every sign of a luxuriant vegetation, with bushes near the edge, and farther back many high trees. there was no indication of any life that we could see. that night we pitched our camp immediately under the cliff--a most wild and desolate spot. the crags above us were not merely perpendicular, but curved outwards at the top, so that ascent was out of the question. close to us was the high thin pinnacle of rock which i believe i mentioned earlier in this narrative. it is like a broad red church spire, the top of it being level with the plateau, but a great chasm gaping between. on the summit of it there grew one high tree. both pinnacle and cliff were comparatively low--some five or six hundred feet, i should think. "it was on that," said professor challenger, pointing to this tree, "that the pterodactyl was perched. i climbed half-way up the rock before i shot him. i am inclined to think that a good mountaineer like myself could ascend the rock to the top, though he would, of course, be no nearer to the plateau when he had done so." as challenger spoke of his pterodactyl i glanced at professor summerlee, and for the first time i seemed to see some signs of a dawning credulity and repentance. there was no sneer upon his thin lips, but, on the contrary, a gray, drawn look of excitement and amazement. challenger saw it, too, and reveled in the first taste of victory. "of course," said he, with his clumsy and ponderous sarcasm, "professor summerlee will understand that when i speak of a pterodactyl i mean a stork--only it is the kind of stork which has no feathers, a leathery skin, membranous wings, and teeth in its jaws." he grinned and blinked and bowed until his colleague turned and walked away. in the morning, after a frugal breakfast of coffee and manioc--we had to be economical of our stores--we held a council of war as to the best method of ascending to the plateau above us. challenger presided with a solemnity as if he were the lord chief justice on the bench. picture him seated upon a rock, his absurd boyish straw hat tilted on the back of his head, his supercilious eyes dominating us from under his drooping lids, his great black beard wagging as he slowly defined our present situation and our future movements. beneath him you might have seen the three of us--myself, sunburnt, young, and vigorous after our open-air tramp; summerlee, solemn but still critical, behind his eternal pipe; lord john, as keen as a razor-edge, with his supple, alert figure leaning upon his rifle, and his eager eyes fixed eagerly upon the speaker. behind us were grouped the two swarthy half-breeds and the little knot of indians, while in front and above us towered those huge, ruddy ribs of rocks which kept us from our goal. "i need not say," said our leader, "that on the occasion of my last visit i exhausted every means of climbing the cliff, and where i failed i do not think that anyone else is likely to succeed, for i am something of a mountaineer. i had none of the appliances of a rock-climber with me, but i have taken the precaution to bring them now. with their aid i am positive i could climb that detached pinnacle to the summit; but so long as the main cliff overhangs, it is vain to attempt ascending that. i was hurried upon my last visit by the approach of the rainy season and by the exhaustion of my supplies. these considerations limited my time, and i can only claim that i have surveyed about six miles of the cliff to the east of us, finding no possible way up. what, then, shall we now do?" "there seems to be only one reasonable course," said professor summerlee. "if you have explored the east, we should travel along the base of the cliff to the west, and seek for a practicable point for our ascent." "that's it," said lord john. "the odds are that this plateau is of no great size, and we shall travel round it until we either find an easy way up it, or come back to the point from which we started." "i have already explained to our young friend here," said challenger (he has a way of alluding to me as if i were a school child ten years old), "that it is quite impossible that there should be an easy way up anywhere, for the simple reason that if there were the summit would not be isolated, and those conditions would not obtain which have effected so singular an interference with the general laws of survival. yet i admit that there may very well be places where an expert human climber may reach the summit, and yet a cumbrous and heavy animal be unable to descend. it is certain that there is a point where an ascent is possible." "how do you know that, sir?" asked summerlee, sharply. "because my predecessor, the american maple white, actually made such an ascent. how otherwise could he have seen the monster which he sketched in his notebook?" "there you reason somewhat ahead of the proved facts," said the stubborn summerlee. "i admit your plateau, because i have seen it; but i have not as yet satisfied myself that it contains any form of life whatever." "what you admit, sir, or what you do not admit, is really of inconceivably small importance. i am glad to perceive that the plateau itself has actually obtruded itself upon your intelligence." he glanced up at it, and then, to our amazement, he sprang from his rock, and, seizing summerlee by the neck, he tilted his face into the air. "now sir!" he shouted, hoarse with excitement. "do i help you to realize that the plateau contains some animal life?" i have said that a thick fringe of green overhung the edge of the cliff. out of this there had emerged a black, glistening object. as it came slowly forth and overhung the chasm, we saw that it was a very large snake with a peculiar flat, spade-like head. it wavered and quivered above us for a minute, the morning sun gleaming upon its sleek, sinuous coils. then it slowly drew inwards and disappeared. summerlee had been so interested that he had stood unresisting while challenger tilted his head into the air. now he shook his colleague off and came back to his dignity. "i should be glad, professor challenger," said he, "if you could see your way to make any remarks which may occur to you without seizing me by the chin. even the appearance of a very ordinary rock python does not appear to justify such a liberty." "but there is life upon the plateau all the same," his colleague replied in triumph. "and now, having demonstrated this important conclusion so that it is clear to anyone, however prejudiced or obtuse, i am of opinion that we cannot do better than break up our camp and travel to westward until we find some means of ascent." the ground at the foot of the cliff was rocky and broken so that the going was slow and difficult. suddenly we came, however, upon something which cheered our hearts. it was the site of an old encampment, with several empty chicago meat tins, a bottle labeled "brandy," a broken tin-opener, and a quantity of other travelers' debris. a crumpled, disintegrated newspaper revealed itself as the chicago democrat, though the date had been obliterated. "not mine," said challenger. "it must be maple white's." lord john had been gazing curiously at a great tree-fern which overshadowed the encampment. "i say, look at this," said he. "i believe it is meant for a sign-post." a slip of hard wood had been nailed to the tree in such a way as to point to the westward. "most certainly a sign-post," said challenger. "what else? finding himself upon a dangerous errand, our pioneer has left this sign so that any party which follows him may know the way he has taken. perhaps we shall come upon some other indications as we proceed." we did indeed, but they were of a terrible and most unexpected nature. immediately beneath the cliff there grew a considerable patch of high bamboo, like that which we had traversed in our journey. many of these stems were twenty feet high, with sharp, strong tops, so that even as they stood they made formidable spears. we were passing along the edge of this cover when my eye was caught by the gleam of something white within it. thrusting in my head between the stems, i found myself gazing at a fleshless skull. the whole skeleton was there, but the skull had detached itself and lay some feet nearer to the open. with a few blows from the machetes of our indians we cleared the spot and were able to study the details of this old tragedy. only a few shreds of clothes could still be distinguished, but there were the remains of boots upon the bony feet, and it was very clear that the dead man was a european. a gold watch by hudson, of new york, and a chain which held a stylographic pen, lay among the bones. there was also a silver cigarette-case, with "j. c., from a. e. s.," upon the lid. the state of the metal seemed to show that the catastrophe had occurred no great time before. "who can he be?" asked lord john. "poor devil! every bone in his body seems to be broken." "and the bamboo grows through his smashed ribs," said summerlee. "it is a fast-growing plant, but it is surely inconceivable that this body could have been here while the canes grew to be twenty feet in length." "as to the man's identity," said professor challenger, "i have no doubt whatever upon that point. as i made my way up the river before i reached you at the fazenda i instituted very particular inquiries about maple white. at para they knew nothing. fortunately, i had a definite clew, for there was a particular picture in his sketch-book which showed him taking lunch with a certain ecclesiastic at rosario. this priest i was able to find, and though he proved a very argumentative fellow, who took it absurdly amiss that i should point out to him the corrosive effect which modern science must have upon his beliefs, he none the less gave me some positive information. maple white passed rosario four years ago, or two years before i saw his dead body. he was not alone at the time, but there was a friend, an american named james colver, who remained in the boat and did not meet this ecclesiastic. i think, therefore, that there can be no doubt that we are now looking upon the remains of this james colver." "nor," said lord john, "is there much doubt as to how he met his death. he has fallen or been chucked from the top, and so been impaled. how else could he come by his broken bones, and how could he have been stuck through by these canes with their points so high above our heads?" a hush came over us as we stood round these shattered remains and realized the truth of lord john roxton's words. the beetling head of the cliff projected over the cane-brake. undoubtedly he had fallen from above. but had he fallen? had it been an accident? or--already ominous and terrible possibilities began to form round that unknown land. we moved off in silence, and continued to coast round the line of cliffs, which were as even and unbroken as some of those monstrous antarctic ice-fields which i have seen depicted as stretching from horizon to horizon and towering high above the mast-heads of the exploring vessel. in five miles we saw no rift or break. and then suddenly we perceived something which filled us with new hope. in a hollow of the rock, protected from rain, there was drawn a rough arrow in chalk, pointing still to the westwards. "maple white again," said professor challenger. "he had some presentiment that worthy footsteps would follow close behind him." "he had chalk, then?" "a box of colored chalks was among the effects i found in his knapsack. i remember that the white one was worn to a stump." "that is certainly good evidence," said summerlee. "we can only accept his guidance and follow on to the westward." we had proceeded some five more miles when again we saw a white arrow upon the rocks. it was at a point where the face of the cliff was for the first time split into a narrow cleft. inside the cleft was a second guidance mark, which pointed right up it with the tip somewhat elevated, as if the spot indicated were above the level of the ground. it was a solemn place, for the walls were so gigantic and the slit of blue sky so narrow and so obscured by a double fringe of verdure, that only a dim and shadowy light penetrated to the bottom. we had had no food for many hours, and were very weary with the stony and irregular journey, but our nerves were too strung to allow us to halt. we ordered the camp to be pitched, however, and, leaving the indians to arrange it, we four, with the two half-breeds, proceeded up the narrow gorge. it was not more than forty feet across at the mouth, but it rapidly closed until it ended in an acute angle, too straight and smooth for an ascent. certainly it was not this which our pioneer had attempted to indicate. we made our way back--the whole gorge was not more than a quarter of a mile deep--and then suddenly the quick eyes of lord john fell upon what we were seeking. high up above our heads, amid the dark shadows, there was one circle of deeper gloom. surely it could only be the opening of a cave. the base of the cliff was heaped with loose stones at the spot, and it was not difficult to clamber up. when we reached it, all doubt was removed. not only was it an opening into the rock, but on the side of it there was marked once again the sign of the arrow. here was the point, and this the means by which maple white and his ill-fated comrade had made their ascent. we were too excited to return to the camp, but must make our first exploration at once. lord john had an electric torch in his knapsack, and this had to serve us as light. he advanced, throwing his little clear circlet of yellow radiance before him, while in single file we followed at his heels. the cave had evidently been water-worn, the sides being smooth and the floor covered with rounded stones. it was of such a size that a single man could just fit through by stooping. for fifty yards it ran almost straight into the rock, and then it ascended at an angle of forty-five. presently this incline became even steeper, and we found ourselves climbing upon hands and knees among loose rubble which slid from beneath us. suddenly an exclamation broke from lord roxton. "it's blocked!" said he. clustering behind him we saw in the yellow field of light a wall of broken basalt which extended to the ceiling. "the roof has fallen in!" in vain we dragged out some of the pieces. the only effect was that the larger ones became detached and threatened to roll down the gradient and crush us. it was evident that the obstacle was far beyond any efforts which we could make to remove it. the road by which maple white had ascended was no longer available. too much cast down to speak, we stumbled down the dark tunnel and made our way back to the camp. one incident occurred, however, before we left the gorge, which is of importance in view of what came afterwards. we had gathered in a little group at the bottom of the chasm, some forty feet beneath the mouth of the cave, when a huge rock rolled suddenly downwards--and shot past us with tremendous force. it was the narrowest escape for one or all of us. we could not ourselves see whence the rock had come, but our half-breed servants, who were still at the opening of the cave, said that it had flown past them, and must therefore have fallen from the summit. looking upwards, we could see no sign of movement above us amidst the green jungle which topped the cliff. there could be little doubt, however, that the stone was aimed at us, so the incident surely pointed to humanity--and malevolent humanity--upon the plateau. we withdrew hurriedly from the chasm, our minds full of this new development and its bearing upon our plans. the situation was difficult enough before, but if the obstructions of nature were increased by the deliberate opposition of man, then our case was indeed a hopeless one. and yet, as we looked up at that beautiful fringe of verdure only a few hundreds of feet above our heads, there was not one of us who could conceive the idea of returning to london until we had explored it to its depths. on discussing the situation, we determined that our best course was to continue to coast round the plateau in the hope of finding some other means of reaching the top. the line of cliffs, which had decreased considerably in height, had already begun to trend from west to north, and if we could take this as representing the arc of a circle, the whole circumference could not be very great. at the worst, then, we should be back in a few days at our starting-point. we made a march that day which totaled some two-and-twenty miles, without any change in our prospects. i may mention that our aneroid shows us that in the continual incline which we have ascended since we abandoned our canoes we have risen to no less than three thousand feet above sea-level. hence there is a considerable change both in the temperature and in the vegetation. we have shaken off some of that horrible insect life which is the bane of tropical travel. a few palms still survive, and many tree-ferns, but the amazonian trees have been all left behind. it was pleasant to see the convolvulus, the passion-flower, and the begonia, all reminding me of home, here among these inhospitable rocks. there was a red begonia just the same color as one that is kept in a pot in the window of a certain villa in streatham--but i am drifting into private reminiscence. that night--i am still speaking of the first day of our circumnavigation of the plateau--a great experience awaited us, and one which for ever set at rest any doubt which we could have had as to the wonders so near us. you will realize as you read it, my dear mr. mcardle, and possibly for the first time that the paper has not sent me on a wild-goose chase, and that there is inconceivably fine copy waiting for the world whenever we have the professor's leave to make use of it. i shall not dare to publish these articles unless i can bring back my proofs to england, or i shall be hailed as the journalistic munchausen of all time. i have no doubt that you feel the same way yourself, and that you would not care to stake the whole credit of the gazette upon this adventure until we can meet the chorus of criticism and scepticism which such articles must of necessity elicit. so this wonderful incident, which would make such a headline for the old paper, must still wait its turn in the editorial drawer. and yet it was all over in a flash, and there was no sequel to it, save in our own convictions. what occurred was this. lord john had shot an ajouti--which is a small, pig-like animal--and, half of it having been given to the indians, we were cooking the other half upon our fire. there is a chill in the air after dark, and we had all drawn close to the blaze. the night was moonless, but there were some stars, and one could see for a little distance across the plain. well, suddenly out of the darkness, out of the night, there swooped something with a swish like an aeroplane. the whole group of us were covered for an instant by a canopy of leathery wings, and i had a momentary vision of a long, snake-like neck, a fierce, red, greedy eye, and a great snapping beak, filled, to my amazement, with little, gleaming teeth. the next instant it was gone--and so was our dinner. a huge black shadow, twenty feet across, skimmed up into the air; for an instant the monster wings blotted out the stars, and then it vanished over the brow of the cliff above us. we all sat in amazed silence round the fire, like the heroes of virgil when the harpies came down upon them. it was summerlee who was the first to speak. "professor challenger," said he, in a solemn voice, which quavered with emotion, "i owe you an apology. sir, i am very much in the wrong, and i beg that you will forget what is past." it was handsomely said, and the two men for the first time shook hands. so much we have gained by this clear vision of our first pterodactyl. it was worth a stolen supper to bring two such men together. but if prehistoric life existed upon the plateau it was not superabundant, for we had no further glimpse of it during the next three days. during this time we traversed a barren and forbidding country, which alternated between stony desert and desolate marshes full of many wild-fowl, upon the north and east of the cliffs. from that direction the place is really inaccessible, and, were it not for a hardish ledge which runs at the very base of the precipice, we should have had to turn back. many times we were up to our waists in the slime and blubber of an old, semi-tropical swamp. to make matters worse, the place seemed to be a favorite breeding-place of the jaracaca snake, the most venomous and aggressive in south america. again and again these horrible creatures came writhing and springing towards us across the surface of this putrid bog, and it was only by keeping our shot-guns for ever ready that we could feel safe from them. one funnel-shaped depression in the morass, of a livid green in color from some lichen which festered in it, will always remain as a nightmare memory in my mind. it seems to have been a special nest of these vermins, and the slopes were alive with them, all writhing in our direction, for it is a peculiarity of the jaracaca that he will always attack man at first sight. there were too many for us to shoot, so we fairly took to our heels and ran until we were exhausted. i shall always remember as we looked back how far behind we could see the heads and necks of our horrible pursuers rising and falling amid the reeds. jaracaca swamp we named it in the map which we are constructing. the cliffs upon the farther side had lost their ruddy tint, being chocolate-brown in color; the vegetation was more scattered along the top of them, and they had sunk to three or four hundred feet in height, but in no place did we find any point where they could be ascended. if anything, they were more impossible than at the first point where we had met them. their absolute steepness is indicated in the photograph which i took over the stony desert. "surely," said i, as we discussed the situation, "the rain must find its way down somehow. there are bound to be water-channels in the rocks." "our young friend has glimpses of lucidity," said professor challenger, patting me upon the shoulder. "the rain must go somewhere," i repeated. "he keeps a firm grip upon actuality. the only drawback is that we have conclusively proved by ocular demonstration that there are no water channels down the rocks." "where, then, does it go?" i persisted. "i think it may be fairly assumed that if it does not come outwards it must run inwards." "then there is a lake in the center." "so i should suppose." "it is more than likely that the lake may be an old crater," said summerlee. "the whole formation is, of course, highly volcanic. but, however that may be, i should expect to find the surface of the plateau slope inwards with a considerable sheet of water in the center, which may drain off, by some subterranean channel, into the marshes of the jaracaca swamp." "or evaporation might preserve an equilibrium," remarked challenger, and the two learned men wandered off into one of their usual scientific arguments, which were as comprehensible as chinese to the layman. on the sixth day we completed our first circuit of the cliffs, and found ourselves back at the first camp, beside the isolated pinnacle of rock. we were a disconsolate party, for nothing could have been more minute than our investigation, and it was absolutely certain that there was no single point where the most active human being could possibly hope to scale the cliff. the place which maple white's chalk-marks had indicated as his own means of access was now entirely impassable. what were we to do now? our stores of provisions, supplemented by our guns, were holding out well, but the day must come when they would need replenishment. in a couple of months the rains might be expected, and we should be washed out of our camp. the rock was harder than marble, and any attempt at cutting a path for so great a height was more than our time or resources would admit. no wonder that we looked gloomily at each other that night, and sought our blankets with hardly a word exchanged. i remember that as i dropped off to sleep my last recollection was that challenger was squatting, like a monstrous bull-frog, by the fire, his huge head in his hands, sunk apparently in the deepest thought, and entirely oblivious to the good-night which i wished him. but it was a very different challenger who greeted us in the morning--a challenger with contentment and self-congratulation shining from his whole person. he faced us as we assembled for breakfast with a deprecating false modesty in his eyes, as who should say, "i know that i deserve all that you can say, but i pray you to spare my blushes by not saying it." his beard bristled exultantly, his chest was thrown out, and his hand was thrust into the front of his jacket. so, in his fancy, may he see himself sometimes, gracing the vacant pedestal in trafalgar square, and adding one more to the horrors of the london streets. "eureka!" he cried, his teeth shining through his beard. "gentlemen, you may congratulate me and we may congratulate each other. the problem is solved." "you have found a way up?" "i venture to think so." "and where?" for answer he pointed to the spire-like pinnacle upon our right. our faces--or mine, at least--fell as we surveyed it. that it could be climbed we had our companion's assurance. but a horrible abyss lay between it and the plateau. "we can never get across," i gasped. "we can at least all reach the summit," said he. "when we are up i may be able to show you that the resources of an inventive mind are not yet exhausted." after breakfast we unpacked the bundle in which our leader had brought his climbing accessories. from it he took a coil of the strongest and lightest rope, a hundred and fifty feet in length, with climbing irons, clamps, and other devices. lord john was an experienced mountaineer, and summerlee had done some rough climbing at various times, so that i was really the novice at rock-work of the party; but my strength and activity may have made up for my want of experience. it was not in reality a very stiff task, though there were moments which made my hair bristle upon my head. the first half was perfectly easy, but from there upwards it became continually steeper until, for the last fifty feet, we were literally clinging with our fingers and toes to tiny ledges and crevices in the rock. i could not have accomplished it, nor could summerlee, if challenger had not gained the summit (it was extraordinary to see such activity in so unwieldy a creature) and there fixed the rope round the trunk of the considerable tree which grew there. with this as our support, we were soon able to scramble up the jagged wall until we found ourselves upon the small grassy platform, some twenty-five feet each way, which formed the summit. the first impression which i received when i had recovered my breath was of the extraordinary view over the country which we had traversed. the whole brazilian plain seemed to lie beneath us, extending away and away until it ended in dim blue mists upon the farthest sky-line. in the foreground was the long slope, strewn with rocks and dotted with tree-ferns; farther off in the middle distance, looking over the saddle-back hill, i could just see the yellow and green mass of bamboos through which we had passed; and then, gradually, the vegetation increased until it formed the huge forest which extended as far as the eyes could reach, and for a good two thousand miles beyond. i was still drinking in this wonderful panorama when the heavy hand of the professor fell upon my shoulder. "this way, my young friend," said he; "vestigia nulla retrorsum. never look rearwards, but always to our glorious goal." the level of the plateau, when i turned, was exactly that on which we stood, and the green bank of bushes, with occasional trees, was so near that it was difficult to realize how inaccessible it remained. at a rough guess the gulf was forty feet across, but, so far as i could see, it might as well have been forty miles. i placed one arm round the trunk of the tree and leaned over the abyss. far down were the small dark figures of our servants, looking up at us. the wall was absolutely precipitous, as was that which faced me. "this is indeed curious," said the creaking voice of professor summerlee. i turned, and found that he was examining with great interest the tree to which i clung. that smooth bark and those small, ribbed leaves seemed familiar to my eyes. "why," i cried, "it's a beech!" "exactly," said summerlee. "a fellow-countryman in a far land." "not only a fellow-countryman, my good sir," said challenger, "but also, if i may be allowed to enlarge your simile, an ally of the first value. this beech tree will be our saviour." "by george!" cried lord john, "a bridge!" "exactly, my friends, a bridge! it is not for nothing that i expended an hour last night in focusing my mind upon the situation. i have some recollection of once remarking to our young friend here that g. e. c. is at his best when his back is to the wall. last night you will admit that all our backs were to the wall. but where will-power and intellect go together, there is always a way out. a drawbridge had to be found which could be dropped across the abyss. behold it!" it was certainly a brilliant idea. the tree was a good sixty feet in height, and if it only fell the right way it would easily cross the chasm. challenger had slung the camp axe over his shoulder when he ascended. now he handed it to me. "our young friend has the thews and sinews," said he. "i think he will be the most useful at this task. i must beg, however, that you will kindly refrain from thinking for yourself, and that you will do exactly what you are told." under his direction i cut such gashes in the sides of the trees as would ensure that it should fall as we desired. it had already a strong, natural tilt in the direction of the plateau, so that the matter was not difficult. finally i set to work in earnest upon the trunk, taking turn and turn with lord john. in a little over an hour there was a loud crack, the tree swayed forward, and then crashed over, burying its branches among the bushes on the farther side. the severed trunk rolled to the very edge of our platform, and for one terrible second we all thought it was over. it balanced itself, however, a few inches from the edge, and there was our bridge to the unknown. all of us, without a word, shook hands with professor challenger, who raised his straw hat and bowed deeply to each in turn. "i claim the honor," said he, "to be the first to cross to the unknown land--a fitting subject, no doubt, for some future historical painting." he had approached the bridge when lord john laid his hand upon his coat. "my dear chap," said he, "i really cannot allow it." "cannot allow it, sir!" the head went back and the beard forward. "when it is a matter of science, don't you know, i follow your lead because you are by way of bein' a man of science. but it's up to you to follow me when you come into my department." "your department, sir?" "we all have our professions, and soldierin' is mine. we are, accordin' to my ideas, invadin' a new country, which may or may not be chock-full of enemies of sorts. to barge blindly into it for want of a little common sense and patience isn't my notion of management." the remonstrance was too reasonable to be disregarded. challenger tossed his head and shrugged his heavy shoulders. "well, sir, what do you propose?" "for all i know there may be a tribe of cannibals waitin' for lunch-time among those very bushes," said lord john, looking across the bridge. "it's better to learn wisdom before you get into a cookin'-pot; so we will content ourselves with hopin' that there is no trouble waitin' for us, and at the same time we will act as if there were. malone and i will go down again, therefore, and we will fetch up the four rifles, together with gomez and the other. one man can then go across and the rest will cover him with guns, until he sees that it is safe for the whole crowd to come along." challenger sat down upon the cut stump and groaned his impatience; but summerlee and i were of one mind that lord john was our leader when such practical details were in question. the climb was a more simple thing now that the rope dangled down the face of the worst part of the ascent. within an hour we had brought up the rifles and a shot-gun. the half-breeds had ascended also, and under lord john's orders they had carried up a bale of provisions in case our first exploration should be a long one. we had each bandoliers of cartridges. "now, challenger, if you really insist upon being the first man in," said lord john, when every preparation was complete. "i am much indebted to you for your gracious permission," said the angry professor; for never was a man so intolerant of every form of authority. "since you are good enough to allow it, i shall most certainly take it upon myself to act as pioneer upon this occasion." seating himself with a leg overhanging the abyss on each side, and his hatchet slung upon his back, challenger hopped his way across the trunk and was soon at the other side. he clambered up and waved his arms in the air. "at last!" he cried; "at last!" i gazed anxiously at him, with a vague expectation that some terrible fate would dart at him from the curtain of green behind him. but all was quiet, save that a strange, many-colored bird flew up from under his feet and vanished among the trees. summerlee was the second. his wiry energy is wonderful in so frail a frame. he insisted upon having two rifles slung upon his back, so that both professors were armed when he had made his transit. i came next, and tried hard not to look down into the horrible gulf over which i was passing. summerlee held out the butt-end of his rifle, and an instant later i was able to grasp his hand. as to lord john, he walked across--actually walked without support! he must have nerves of iron. and there we were, the four of us, upon the dreamland, the lost world, of maple white. to all of us it seemed the moment of our supreme triumph. who could have guessed that it was the prelude to our supreme disaster? let me say in a few words how the crushing blow fell upon us. we had turned away from the edge, and had penetrated about fifty yards of close brushwood, when there came a frightful rending crash from behind us. with one impulse we rushed back the way that we had come. the bridge was gone! far down at the base of the cliff i saw, as i looked over, a tangled mass of branches and splintered trunk. it was our beech tree. had the edge of the platform crumbled and let it through? for a moment this explanation was in all our minds. the next, from the farther side of the rocky pinnacle before us a swarthy face, the face of gomez the half-breed, was slowly protruded. yes, it was gomez, but no longer the gomez of the demure smile and the mask-like expression. here was a face with flashing eyes and distorted features, a face convulsed with hatred and with the mad joy of gratified revenge. "lord roxton!" he shouted. "lord john roxton!" "well," said our companion, "here i am." a shriek of laughter came across the abyss. "yes, there you are, you english dog, and there you will remain! i have waited and waited, and now has come my chance. you found it hard to get up; you will find it harder to get down. you cursed fools, you are trapped, every one of you!" we were too astounded to speak. we could only stand there staring in amazement. a great broken bough upon the grass showed whence he had gained his leverage to tilt over our bridge. the face had vanished, but presently it was up again, more frantic than before. "we nearly killed you with a stone at the cave," he cried; "but this is better. it is slower and more terrible. your bones will whiten up there, and none will know where you lie or come to cover them. as you lie dying, think of lopez, whom you shot five years ago on the putomayo river. i am his brother, and, come what will i will die happy now, for his memory has been avenged." a furious hand was shaken at us, and then all was quiet. had the half-breed simply wrought his vengeance and then escaped, all might have been well with him. it was that foolish, irresistible latin impulse to be dramatic which brought his own downfall. roxton, the man who had earned himself the name of the flail of the lord through three countries, was not one who could be safely taunted. the half-breed was descending on the farther side of the pinnacle; but before he could reach the ground lord john had run along the edge of the plateau and gained a point from which he could see his man. there was a single crack of his rifle, and, though we saw nothing, we heard the scream and then the distant thud of the falling body. roxton came back to us with a face of granite. "i have been a blind simpleton," said he, bitterly, "it's my folly that has brought you all into this trouble. i should have remembered that these people have long memories for blood-feuds, and have been more upon my guard." "what about the other one? it took two of them to lever that tree over the edge." "i could have shot him, but i let him go. he may have had no part in it. perhaps it would have been better if i had killed him, for he must, as you say, have lent a hand." now that we had the clue to his action, each of us could cast back and remember some sinister act upon the part of the half-breed--his constant desire to know our plans, his arrest outside our tent when he was over-hearing them, the furtive looks of hatred which from time to time one or other of us had surprised. we were still discussing it, endeavoring to adjust our minds to these new conditions, when a singular scene in the plain below arrested our attention. a man in white clothes, who could only be the surviving half-breed, was running as one does run when death is the pacemaker. behind him, only a few yards in his rear, bounded the huge ebony figure of zambo, our devoted negro. even as we looked, he sprang upon the back of the fugitive and flung his arms round his neck. they rolled on the ground together. an instant afterwards zambo rose, looked at the prostrate man, and then, waving his hand joyously to us, came running in our direction. the white figure lay motionless in the middle of the great plain. our two traitors had been destroyed, but the mischief that they had done lived after them. by no possible means could we get back to the pinnacle. we had been natives of the world; now we were natives of the plateau. the two things were separate and apart. there was the plain which led to the canoes. yonder, beyond the violet, hazy horizon, was the stream which led back to civilization. but the link between was missing. no human ingenuity could suggest a means of bridging the chasm which yawned between ourselves and our past lives. one instant had altered the whole conditions of our existence. it was at such a moment that i learned the stuff of which my three comrades were composed. they were grave, it is true, and thoughtful, but of an invincible serenity. for the moment we could only sit among the bushes in patience and wait the coming of zambo. presently his honest black face topped the rocks and his herculean figure emerged upon the top of the pinnacle. "what i do now?" he cried. "you tell me and i do it." it was a question which it was easier to ask than to answer. one thing only was clear. he was our one trusty link with the outside world. on no account must he leave us. "no no!" he cried. "i not leave you. whatever come, you always find me here. but no able to keep indians. already they say too much curupuri live on this place, and they go home. now you leave them me no able to keep them." it was a fact that our indians had shown in many ways of late that they were weary of their journey and anxious to return. we realized that zambo spoke the truth, and that it would be impossible for him to keep them. "make them wait till to-morrow, zambo," i shouted; "then i can send letter back by them." "very good, sarr! i promise they wait till to-morrow," said the negro. "but what i do for you now?" there was plenty for him to do, and admirably the faithful fellow did it. first of all, under our directions, he undid the rope from the tree-stump and threw one end of it across to us. it was not thicker than a clothes-line, but it was of great strength, and though we could not make a bridge of it, we might well find it invaluable if we had any climbing to do. he then fastened his end of the rope to the package of supplies which had been carried up, and we were able to drag it across. this gave us the means of life for at least a week, even if we found nothing else. finally he descended and carried up two other packets of mixed goods--a box of ammunition and a number of other things, all of which we got across by throwing our rope to him and hauling it back. it was evening when he at last climbed down, with a final assurance that he would keep the indians till next morning. and so it is that i have spent nearly the whole of this our first night upon the plateau writing up our experiences by the light of a single candle-lantern. we supped and camped at the very edge of the cliff, quenching our thirst with two bottles of apollinaris which were in one of the cases. it is vital to us to find water, but i think even lord john himself had had adventures enough for one day, and none of us felt inclined to make the first push into the unknown. we forbore to light a fire or to make any unnecessary sound. to-morrow (or to-day, rather, for it is already dawn as i write) we shall make our first venture into this strange land. when i shall be able to write again--or if i ever shall write again--i know not. meanwhile, i can see that the indians are still in their place, and i am sure that the faithful zambo will be here presently to get my letter. i only trust that it will come to hand. p.s.--the more i think the more desperate does our position seem. i see no possible hope of our return. if there were a high tree near the edge of the plateau we might drop a return bridge across, but there is none within fifty yards. our united strength could not carry a trunk which would serve our purpose. the rope, of course, is far too short that we could descend by it. no, our position is hopeless--hopeless! chapter x "the most wonderful things have happened" the most wonderful things have happened and are continually happening to us. all the paper that i possess consists of five old note-books and a lot of scraps, and i have only the one stylographic pencil; but so long as i can move my hand i will continue to set down our experiences and impressions, for, since we are the only men of the whole human race to see such things, it is of enormous importance that i should record them whilst they are fresh in my memory and before that fate which seems to be constantly impending does actually overtake us. whether zambo can at last take these letters to the river, or whether i shall myself in some miraculous way carry them back with me, or, finally, whether some daring explorer, coming upon our tracks with the advantage, perhaps, of a perfected monoplane, should find this bundle of manuscript, in any case i can see that what i am writing is destined to immortality as a classic of true adventure. on the morning after our being trapped upon the plateau by the villainous gomez we began a new stage in our experiences. the first incident in it was not such as to give me a very favorable opinion of the place to which we had wandered. as i roused myself from a short nap after day had dawned, my eyes fell upon a most singular appearance upon my own leg. my trouser had slipped up, exposing a few inches of my skin above my sock. on this there rested a large, purplish grape. astonished at the sight, i leaned forward to pick it off, when, to my horror, it burst between my finger and thumb, squirting blood in every direction. my cry of disgust had brought the two professors to my side. "most interesting," said summerlee, bending over my shin. "an enormous blood-tick, as yet, i believe, unclassified." "the first-fruits of our labors," said challenger in his booming, pedantic fashion. "we cannot do less than call it ixodes maloni. the very small inconvenience of being bitten, my young friend, cannot, i am sure, weigh with you as against the glorious privilege of having your name inscribed in the deathless roll of zoology. unhappily you have crushed this fine specimen at the moment of satiation." "filthy vermin!" i cried. professor challenger raised his great eyebrows in protest, and placed a soothing paw upon my shoulder. "you should cultivate the scientific eye and the detached scientific mind," said he. "to a man of philosophic temperament like myself the blood-tick, with its lancet-like proboscis and its distending stomach, is as beautiful a work of nature as the peacock or, for that matter, the aurora borealis. it pains me to hear you speak of it in so unappreciative a fashion. no doubt, with due diligence, we can secure some other specimen." "there can be no doubt of that," said summerlee, grimly, "for one has just disappeared behind your shirt-collar." challenger sprang into the air bellowing like a bull, and tore frantically at his coat and shirt to get them off. summerlee and i laughed so that we could hardly help him. at last we exposed that monstrous torso (fifty-four inches, by the tailor's tape). his body was all matted with black hair, out of which jungle we picked the wandering tick before it had bitten him. but the bushes round were full of the horrible pests, and it was clear that we must shift our camp. but first of all it was necessary to make our arrangements with the faithful negro, who appeared presently on the pinnacle with a number of tins of cocoa and biscuits, which he tossed over to us. of the stores which remained below he was ordered to retain as much as would keep him for two months. the indians were to have the remainder as a reward for their services and as payment for taking our letters back to the amazon. some hours later we saw them in single file far out upon the plain, each with a bundle on his head, making their way back along the path we had come. zambo occupied our little tent at the base of the pinnacle, and there he remained, our one link with the world below. and now we had to decide upon our immediate movements. we shifted our position from among the tick-laden bushes until we came to a small clearing thickly surrounded by trees upon all sides. there were some flat slabs of rock in the center, with an excellent well close by, and there we sat in cleanly comfort while we made our first plans for the invasion of this new country. birds were calling among the foliage--especially one with a peculiar whooping cry which was new to us--but beyond these sounds there were no signs of life. our first care was to make some sort of list of our own stores, so that we might know what we had to rely upon. what with the things we had ourselves brought up and those which zambo had sent across on the rope, we were fairly well supplied. most important of all, in view of the dangers which might surround us, we had our four rifles and one thousand three hundred rounds, also a shot-gun, but not more than a hundred and fifty medium pellet cartridges. in the matter of provisions we had enough to last for several weeks, with a sufficiency of tobacco and a few scientific implements, including a large telescope and a good field-glass. all these things we collected together in the clearing, and as a first precaution, we cut down with our hatchet and knives a number of thorny bushes, which we piled round in a circle some fifteen yards in diameter. this was to be our headquarters for the time--our place of refuge against sudden danger and the guard-house for our stores. fort challenger, we called it. it was midday before we had made ourselves secure, but the heat was not oppressive, and the general character of the plateau, both in its temperature and in its vegetation, was almost temperate. the beech, the oak, and even the birch were to be found among the tangle of trees which girt us in. one huge gingko tree, topping all the others, shot its great limbs and maidenhair foliage over the fort which we had constructed. in its shade we continued our discussion, while lord john, who had quickly taken command in the hour of action, gave us his views. "so long as neither man nor beast has seen or heard us, we are safe," said he. "from the time they know we are here our troubles begin. there are no signs that they have found us out as yet. so our game surely is to lie low for a time and spy out the land. we want to have a good look at our neighbors before we get on visitin' terms." "but we must advance," i ventured to remark. "by all means, sonny my boy! we will advance. but with common sense. we must never go so far that we can't get back to our base. above all, we must never, unless it is life or death, fire off our guns." "but you fired yesterday," said summerlee. "well, it couldn't be helped. however, the wind was strong and blew outwards. it is not likely that the sound could have traveled far into the plateau. by the way, what shall we call this place? i suppose it is up to us to give it a name?" there were several suggestions, more or less happy, but challenger's was final. "it can only have one name," said he. "it is called after the pioneer who discovered it. it is maple white land." maple white land it became, and so it is named in that chart which has become my special task. so it will, i trust, appear in the atlas of the future. the peaceful penetration of maple white land was the pressing subject before us. we had the evidence of our own eyes that the place was inhabited by some unknown creatures, and there was that of maple white's sketch-book to show that more dreadful and more dangerous monsters might still appear. that there might also prove to be human occupants and that they were of a malevolent character was suggested by the skeleton impaled upon the bamboos, which could not have got there had it not been dropped from above. our situation, stranded without possibility of escape in such a land, was clearly full of danger, and our reasons endorsed every measure of caution which lord john's experience could suggest. yet it was surely impossible that we should halt on the edge of this world of mystery when our very souls were tingling with impatience to push forward and to pluck the heart from it. we therefore blocked the entrance to our zareba by filling it up with several thorny bushes, and left our camp with the stores entirely surrounded by this protecting hedge. we then slowly and cautiously set forth into the unknown, following the course of the little stream which flowed from our spring, as it should always serve us as a guide on our return. hardly had we started when we came across signs that there were indeed wonders awaiting us. after a few hundred yards of thick forest, containing many trees which were quite unknown to me, but which summerlee, who was the botanist of the party, recognized as forms of conifera and of cycadaceous plants which have long passed away in the world below, we entered a region where the stream widened out and formed a considerable bog. high reeds of a peculiar type grew thickly before us, which were pronounced to be equisetacea, or mare's-tails, with tree-ferns scattered amongst them, all of them swaying in a brisk wind. suddenly lord john, who was walking first, halted with uplifted hand. "look at this!" said he. "by george, this must be the trail of the father of all birds!" an enormous three-toed track was imprinted in the soft mud before us. the creature, whatever it was, had crossed the swamp and had passed on into the forest. we all stopped to examine that monstrous spoor. if it were indeed a bird--and what animal could leave such a mark?--its foot was so much larger than an ostrich's that its height upon the same scale must be enormous. lord john looked eagerly round him and slipped two cartridges into his elephant-gun. "i'll stake my good name as a shikarree," said he, "that the track is a fresh one. the creature has not passed ten minutes. look how the water is still oozing into that deeper print! by jove! see, here is the mark of a little one!" sure enough, smaller tracks of the same general form were running parallel to the large ones. "but what do you make of this?" cried professor summerlee, triumphantly, pointing to what looked like the huge print of a five-fingered human hand appearing among the three-toed marks. "wealden!" cried challenger, in an ecstasy. "i've seen them in the wealden clay. it is a creature walking erect upon three-toed feet, and occasionally putting one of its five-fingered forepaws upon the ground. not a bird, my dear roxton--not a bird." "a beast?" "no; a reptile--a dinosaur. nothing else could have left such a track. they puzzled a worthy sussex doctor some ninety years ago; but who in the world could have hoped--hoped--to have seen a sight like that?" his words died away into a whisper, and we all stood in motionless amazement. following the tracks, we had left the morass and passed through a screen of brushwood and trees. beyond was an open glade, and in this were five of the most extraordinary creatures that i have ever seen. crouching down among the bushes, we observed them at our leisure. there were, as i say, five of them, two being adults and three young ones. in size they were enormous. even the babies were as big as elephants, while the two large ones were far beyond all creatures i have ever seen. they had slate-colored skin, which was scaled like a lizard's and shimmered where the sun shone upon it. all five were sitting up, balancing themselves upon their broad, powerful tails and their huge three-toed hind-feet, while with their small five-fingered front-feet they pulled down the branches upon which they browsed. i do not know that i can bring their appearance home to you better than by saying that they looked like monstrous kangaroos, twenty feet in length, and with skins like black crocodiles. i do not know how long we stayed motionless gazing at this marvelous spectacle. a strong wind blew towards us and we were well concealed, so there was no chance of discovery. from time to time the little ones played round their parents in unwieldy gambols, the great beasts bounding into the air and falling with dull thuds upon the earth. the strength of the parents seemed to be limitless, for one of them, having some difficulty in reaching a bunch of foliage which grew upon a considerable-sized tree, put his fore-legs round the trunk and tore it down as if it had been a sapling. the action seemed, as i thought, to show not only the great development of its muscles, but also the small one of its brain, for the whole weight came crashing down upon the top of it, and it uttered a series of shrill yelps to show that, big as it was, there was a limit to what it could endure. the incident made it think, apparently, that the neighborhood was dangerous, for it slowly lurched off through the wood, followed by its mate and its three enormous infants. we saw the shimmering slaty gleam of their skins between the tree-trunks, and their heads undulating high above the brush-wood. then they vanished from our sight. i looked at my comrades. lord john was standing at gaze with his finger on the trigger of his elephant-gun, his eager hunter's soul shining from his fierce eyes. what would he not give for one such head to place between the two crossed oars above the mantelpiece in his snuggery at the albany! and yet his reason held him in, for all our exploration of the wonders of this unknown land depended upon our presence being concealed from its inhabitants. the two professors were in silent ecstasy. in their excitement they had unconsciously seized each other by the hand, and stood like two little children in the presence of a marvel, challenger's cheeks bunched up into a seraphic smile, and summerlee's sardonic face softening for the moment into wonder and reverence. "nunc dimittis!" he cried at last. "what will they say in england of this?" "my dear summerlee, i will tell you with great confidence exactly what they will say in england," said challenger. "they will say that you are an infernal liar and a scientific charlatan, exactly as you and others said of me." "in the face of photographs?" "faked, summerlee! clumsily faked!" "in the face of specimens?" "ah, there we may have them! malone and his filthy fleet street crew may be all yelping our praises yet. august the twenty-eighth--the day we saw five live iguanodons in a glade of maple white land. put it down in your diary, my young friend, and send it to your rag." "and be ready to get the toe-end of the editorial boot in return," said lord john. "things look a bit different from the latitude of london, young fellah my lad. there's many a man who never tells his adventures, for he can't hope to be believed. who's to blame them? for this will seem a bit of a dream to ourselves in a month or two. what did you say they were?" "iguanodons," said summerlee. "you'll find their footmarks all over the hastings sands, in kent, and in sussex. the south of england was alive with them when there was plenty of good lush green-stuff to keep them going. conditions have changed, and the beasts died. here it seems that the conditions have not changed, and the beasts have lived." "if ever we get out of this alive, i must have a head with me," said lord john. "lord, how some of that somaliland-uganda crowd would turn a beautiful pea-green if they saw it! i don't know what you chaps think, but it strikes me that we are on mighty thin ice all this time." i had the same feeling of mystery and danger around us. in the gloom of the trees there seemed a constant menace and as we looked up into their shadowy foliage vague terrors crept into one's heart. it is true that these monstrous creatures which we had seen were lumbering, inoffensive brutes which were unlikely to hurt anyone, but in this world of wonders what other survivals might there not be--what fierce, active horrors ready to pounce upon us from their lair among the rocks or brushwood? i knew little of prehistoric life, but i had a clear remembrance of one book which i had read in which it spoke of creatures who would live upon our lions and tigers as a cat lives upon mice. what if these also were to be found in the woods of maple white land! it was destined that on this very morning--our first in the new country--we were to find out what strange hazards lay around us. it was a loathsome adventure, and one of which i hate to think. if, as lord john said, the glade of the iguanodons will remain with us as a dream, then surely the swamp of the pterodactyls will forever be our nightmare. let me set down exactly what occurred. we passed very slowly through the woods, partly because lord roxton acted as scout before he would let us advance, and partly because at every second step one or other of our professors would fall, with a cry of wonder, before some flower or insect which presented him with a new type. we may have traveled two or three miles in all, keeping to the right of the line of the stream, when we came upon a considerable opening in the trees. a belt of brushwood led up to a tangle of rocks--the whole plateau was strewn with boulders. we were walking slowly towards these rocks, among bushes which reached over our waists, when we became aware of a strange low gabbling and whistling sound, which filled the air with a constant clamor and appeared to come from some spot immediately before us. lord john held up his hand as a signal for us to stop, and he made his way swiftly, stooping and running, to the line of rocks. we saw him peep over them and give a gesture of amazement. then he stood staring as if forgetting us, so utterly entranced was he by what he saw. finally he waved us to come on, holding up his hand as a signal for caution. his whole bearing made me feel that something wonderful but dangerous lay before us. creeping to his side, we looked over the rocks. the place into which we gazed was a pit, and may, in the early days, have been one of the smaller volcanic blow-holes of the plateau. it was bowl-shaped and at the bottom, some hundreds of yards from where we lay, were pools of green-scummed, stagnant water, fringed with bullrushes. it was a weird place in itself, but its occupants made it seem like a scene from the seven circles of dante. the place was a rookery of pterodactyls. there were hundreds of them congregated within view. all the bottom area round the water-edge was alive with their young ones, and with hideous mothers brooding upon their leathery, yellowish eggs. from this crawling flapping mass of obscene reptilian life came the shocking clamor which filled the air and the mephitic, horrible, musty odor which turned us sick. but above, perched each upon its own stone, tall, gray, and withered, more like dead and dried specimens than actual living creatures, sat the horrible males, absolutely motionless save for the rolling of their red eyes or an occasional snap of their rat-trap beaks as a dragon-fly went past them. their huge, membranous wings were closed by folding their fore-arms, so that they sat like gigantic old women, wrapped in hideous web-colored shawls, and with their ferocious heads protruding above them. large and small, not less than a thousand of these filthy creatures lay in the hollow before us. our professors would gladly have stayed there all day, so entranced were they by this opportunity of studying the life of a prehistoric age. they pointed out the fish and dead birds lying about among the rocks as proving the nature of the food of these creatures, and i heard them congratulating each other on having cleared up the point why the bones of this flying dragon are found in such great numbers in certain well-defined areas, as in the cambridge green-sand, since it was now seen that, like penguins, they lived in gregarious fashion. finally, however, challenger, bent upon proving some point which summerlee had contested, thrust his head over the rock and nearly brought destruction upon us all. in an instant the nearest male gave a shrill, whistling cry, and flapped its twenty-foot span of leathery wings as it soared up into the air. the females and young ones huddled together beside the water, while the whole circle of sentinels rose one after the other and sailed off into the sky. it was a wonderful sight to see at least a hundred creatures of such enormous size and hideous appearance all swooping like swallows with swift, shearing wing-strokes above us; but soon we realized that it was not one on which we could afford to linger. at first the great brutes flew round in a huge ring, as if to make sure what the exact extent of the danger might be. then, the flight grew lower and the circle narrower, until they were whizzing round and round us, the dry, rustling flap of their huge slate-colored wings filling the air with a volume of sound that made me think of hendon aerodrome upon a race day. "make for the wood and keep together," cried lord john, clubbing his rifle. "the brutes mean mischief." the moment we attempted to retreat the circle closed in upon us, until the tips of the wings of those nearest to us nearly touched our faces. we beat at them with the stocks of our guns, but there was nothing solid or vulnerable to strike. then suddenly out of the whizzing, slate-colored circle a long neck shot out, and a fierce beak made a thrust at us. another and another followed. summerlee gave a cry and put his hand to his face, from which the blood was streaming. i felt a prod at the back of my neck, and turned dizzy with the shock. challenger fell, and as i stooped to pick him up i was again struck from behind and dropped on the top of him. at the same instant i heard the crash of lord john's elephant-gun, and, looking up, saw one of the creatures with a broken wing struggling upon the ground, spitting and gurgling at us with a wide-opened beak and blood-shot, goggled eyes, like some devil in a medieval picture. its comrades had flown higher at the sudden sound, and were circling above our heads. "now," cried lord john, "now for our lives!" we staggered through the brushwood, and even as we reached the trees the harpies were on us again. summerlee was knocked down, but we tore him up and rushed among the trunks. once there we were safe, for those huge wings had no space for their sweep beneath the branches. as we limped homewards, sadly mauled and discomfited, we saw them for a long time flying at a great height against the deep blue sky above our heads, soaring round and round, no bigger than wood-pigeons, with their eyes no doubt still following our progress. at last, however, as we reached the thicker woods they gave up the chase, and we saw them no more. "a most interesting and convincing experience," said challenger, as we halted beside the brook and he bathed a swollen knee. "we are exceptionally well informed, summerlee, as to the habits of the enraged pterodactyl." summerlee was wiping the blood from a cut in his forehead, while i was tying up a nasty stab in the muscle of the neck. lord john had the shoulder of his coat torn away, but the creature's teeth had only grazed the flesh. "it is worth noting," challenger continued, "that our young friend has received an undoubted stab, while lord john's coat could only have been torn by a bite. in my own case, i was beaten about the head by their wings, so we have had a remarkable exhibition of their various methods of offence." "it has been touch and go for our lives," said lord john, gravely, "and i could not think of a more rotten sort of death than to be outed by such filthy vermin. i was sorry to fire my rifle, but, by jove! there was no great choice." "we should not be here if you hadn't," said i, with conviction. "it may do no harm," said he. "among these woods there must be many loud cracks from splitting or falling trees which would be just like the sound of a gun. but now, if you are of my opinion, we have had thrills enough for one day, and had best get back to the surgical box at the camp for some carbolic. who knows what venom these beasts may have in their hideous jaws?" but surely no men ever had just such a day since the world began. some fresh surprise was ever in store for us. when, following the course of our brook, we at last reached our glade and saw the thorny barricade of our camp, we thought that our adventures were at an end. but we had something more to think of before we could rest. the gate of fort challenger had been untouched, the walls were unbroken, and yet it had been visited by some strange and powerful creature in our absence. no foot-mark showed a trace of its nature, and only the overhanging branch of the enormous ginko tree suggested how it might have come and gone; but of its malevolent strength there was ample evidence in the condition of our stores. they were strewn at random all over the ground, and one tin of meat had been crushed into pieces so as to extract the contents. a case of cartridges had been shattered into matchwood, and one of the brass shells lay shredded into pieces beside it. again the feeling of vague horror came upon our souls, and we gazed round with frightened eyes at the dark shadows which lay around us, in all of which some fearsome shape might be lurking. how good it was when we were hailed by the voice of zambo, and, going to the edge of the plateau, saw him sitting grinning at us upon the top of the opposite pinnacle. "all well, massa challenger, all well!" he cried. "me stay here. no fear. you always find me when you want." his honest black face, and the immense view before us, which carried us half-way back to the affluent of the amazon, helped us to remember that we really were upon this earth in the twentieth century, and had not by some magic been conveyed to some raw planet in its earliest and wildest state. how difficult it was to realize that the violet line upon the far horizon was well advanced to that great river upon which huge steamers ran, and folk talked of the small affairs of life, while we, marooned among the creatures of a bygone age, could but gaze towards it and yearn for all that it meant! one other memory remains with me of this wonderful day, and with it i will close this letter. the two professors, their tempers aggravated no doubt by their injuries, had fallen out as to whether our assailants were of the genus pterodactylus or dimorphodon, and high words had ensued. to avoid their wrangling i moved some little way apart, and was seated smoking upon the trunk of a fallen tree, when lord john strolled over in my direction. "i say, malone," said he, "do you remember that place where those beasts were?" "very clearly." "a sort of volcanic pit, was it not?" "exactly," said i. "did you notice the soil?" "rocks." "but round the water--where the reeds were?" "it was a bluish soil. it looked like clay." "exactly. a volcanic tube full of blue clay." "what of that?" i asked. "oh, nothing, nothing," said he, and strolled back to where the voices of the contending men of science rose in a prolonged duet, the high, strident note of summerlee rising and falling to the sonorous bass of challenger. i should have thought no more of lord john's remark were it not that once again that night i heard him mutter to himself: "blue clay--clay in a volcanic tube!" they were the last words i heard before i dropped into an exhausted sleep. chapter xi "for once i was the hero" lord john roxton was right when he thought that some specially toxic quality might lie in the bite of the horrible creatures which had attacked us. on the morning after our first adventure upon the plateau, both summerlee and i were in great pain and fever, while challenger's knee was so bruised that he could hardly limp. we kept to our camp all day, therefore, lord john busying himself, with such help as we could give him, in raising the height and thickness of the thorny walls which were our only defense. i remember that during the whole long day i was haunted by the feeling that we were closely observed, though by whom or whence i could give no guess. so strong was the impression that i told professor challenger of it, who put it down to the cerebral excitement caused by my fever. again and again i glanced round swiftly, with the conviction that i was about to see something, but only to meet the dark tangle of our hedge or the solemn and cavernous gloom of the great trees which arched above our heads. and yet the feeling grew ever stronger in my own mind that something observant and something malevolent was at our very elbow. i thought of the indian superstition of the curupuri--the dreadful, lurking spirit of the woods--and i could have imagined that his terrible presence haunted those who had invaded his most remote and sacred retreat. that night (our third in maple white land) we had an experience which left a fearful impression upon our minds, and made us thankful that lord john had worked so hard in making our retreat impregnable. we were all sleeping round our dying fire when we were aroused--or, rather, i should say, shot out of our slumbers--by a succession of the most frightful cries and screams to which i have ever listened. i know no sound to which i could compare this amazing tumult, which seemed to come from some spot within a few hundred yards of our camp. it was as ear-splitting as any whistle of a railway-engine; but whereas the whistle is a clear, mechanical, sharp-edged sound, this was far deeper in volume and vibrant with the uttermost strain of agony and horror. we clapped our hands to our ears to shut out that nerve-shaking appeal. a cold sweat broke out over my body, and my heart turned sick at the misery of it. all the woes of tortured life, all its stupendous indictment of high heaven, its innumerable sorrows, seemed to be centered and condensed into that one dreadful, agonized cry. and then, under this high-pitched, ringing sound there was another, more intermittent, a low, deep-chested laugh, a growling, throaty gurgle of merriment which formed a grotesque accompaniment to the shriek with which it was blended. for three or four minutes on end the fearsome duet continued, while all the foliage rustled with the rising of startled birds. then it shut off as suddenly as it began. for a long time we sat in horrified silence. then lord john threw a bundle of twigs upon the fire, and their red glare lit up the intent faces of my companions and flickered over the great boughs above our heads. "what was it?" i whispered. "we shall know in the morning," said lord john. "it was close to us--not farther than the glade." "we have been privileged to overhear a prehistoric tragedy, the sort of drama which occurred among the reeds upon the border of some jurassic lagoon, when the greater dragon pinned the lesser among the slime," said challenger, with more solemnity than i had ever heard in his voice. "it was surely well for man that he came late in the order of creation. there were powers abroad in earlier days which no courage and no mechanism of his could have met. what could his sling, his throwing-stick, or his arrow avail him against such forces as have been loose to-night? even with a modern rifle it would be all odds on the monster." "i think i should back my little friend," said lord john, caressing his express. "but the beast would certainly have a good sporting chance." summerlee raised his hand. "hush!" he cried. "surely i hear something?" from the utter silence there emerged a deep, regular pat-pat. it was the tread of some animal--the rhythm of soft but heavy pads placed cautiously upon the ground. it stole slowly round the camp, and then halted near our gateway. there was a low, sibilant rise and fall--the breathing of the creature. only our feeble hedge separated us from this horror of the night. each of us had seized his rifle, and lord john had pulled out a small bush to make an embrasure in the hedge. "by george!" he whispered. "i think i can see it!" i stooped and peered over his shoulder through the gap. yes, i could see it, too. in the deep shadow of the tree there was a deeper shadow yet, black, inchoate, vague--a crouching form full of savage vigor and menace. it was no higher than a horse, but the dim outline suggested vast bulk and strength. that hissing pant, as regular and full-volumed as the exhaust of an engine, spoke of a monstrous organism. once, as it moved, i thought i saw the glint of two terrible, greenish eyes. there was an uneasy rustling, as if it were crawling slowly forward. "i believe it is going to spring!" said i, cocking my rifle. "don't fire! don't fire!" whispered lord john. "the crash of a gun in this silent night would be heard for miles. keep it as a last card." "if it gets over the hedge we're done," said summerlee, and his voice crackled into a nervous laugh as he spoke. "no, it must not get over," cried lord john; "but hold your fire to the last. perhaps i can make something of the fellow. i'll chance it, anyhow." it was as brave an act as ever i saw a man do. he stooped to the fire, picked up a blazing branch, and slipped in an instant through a sallyport which he had made in our gateway. the thing moved forward with a dreadful snarl. lord john never hesitated, but, running towards it with a quick, light step, he dashed the flaming wood into the brute's face. for one moment i had a vision of a horrible mask like a giant toad's, of a warty, leprous skin, and of a loose mouth all beslobbered with fresh blood. the next, there was a crash in the underwood and our dreadful visitor was gone. "i thought he wouldn't face the fire," said lord john, laughing, as he came back and threw his branch among the faggots. "you should not have taken such a risk!" we all cried. "there was nothin' else to be done. if he had got among us we should have shot each other in tryin' to down him. on the other hand, if we had fired through the hedge and wounded him he would soon have been on the top of us--to say nothin' of giving ourselves away. on the whole, i think that we are jolly well out of it. what was he, then?" our learned men looked at each other with some hesitation. "personally, i am unable to classify the creature with any certainty," said summerlee, lighting his pipe from the fire. "in refusing to commit yourself you are but showing a proper scientific reserve," said challenger, with massive condescension. "i am not myself prepared to go farther than to say in general terms that we have almost certainly been in contact to-night with some form of carnivorous dinosaur. i have already expressed my anticipation that something of the sort might exist upon this plateau." "we have to bear in mind," remarked summerlee, "that there are many prehistoric forms which have never come down to us. it would be rash to suppose that we can give a name to all that we are likely to meet." "exactly. a rough classification may be the best that we can attempt. to-morrow some further evidence may help us to an identification. meantime we can only renew our interrupted slumbers." "but not without a sentinel," said lord john, with decision. "we can't afford to take chances in a country like this. two-hour spells in the future, for each of us." "then i'll just finish my pipe in starting the first one," said professor summerlee; and from that time onwards we never trusted ourselves again without a watchman. in the morning it was not long before we discovered the source of the hideous uproar which had aroused us in the night. the iguanodon glade was the scene of a horrible butchery. from the pools of blood and the enormous lumps of flesh scattered in every direction over the green sward we imagined at first that a number of animals had been killed, but on examining the remains more closely we discovered that all this carnage came from one of these unwieldy monsters, which had been literally torn to pieces by some creature not larger, perhaps, but far more ferocious, than itself. our two professors sat in absorbed argument, examining piece after piece, which showed the marks of savage teeth and of enormous claws. "our judgment must still be in abeyance," said professor challenger, with a huge slab of whitish-colored flesh across his knee. "the indications would be consistent with the presence of a saber-toothed tiger, such as are still found among the breccia of our caverns; but the creature actually seen was undoubtedly of a larger and more reptilian character. personally, i should pronounce for allosaurus." "or megalosaurus," said summerlee. "exactly. any one of the larger carnivorous dinosaurs would meet the case. among them are to be found all the most terrible types of animal life that have ever cursed the earth or blessed a museum." he laughed sonorously at his own conceit, for, though he had little sense of humor, the crudest pleasantry from his own lips moved him always to roars of appreciation. "the less noise the better," said lord roxton, curtly. "we don't know who or what may be near us. if this fellah comes back for his breakfast and catches us here we won't have so much to laugh at. by the way, what is this mark upon the iguanodon's hide?" on the dull, scaly, slate-colored skin somewhere above the shoulder, there was a singular black circle of some substance which looked like asphalt. none of us could suggest what it meant, though summerlee was of opinion that he had seen something similar upon one of the young ones two days before. challenger said nothing, but looked pompous and puffy, as if he could if he would, so that finally lord john asked his opinion direct. "if your lordship will graciously permit me to open my mouth, i shall be happy to express my sentiments," said he, with elaborate sarcasm. "i am not in the habit of being taken to task in the fashion which seems to be customary with your lordship. i was not aware that it was necessary to ask your permission before smiling at a harmless pleasantry." it was not until he had received his apology that our touchy friend would suffer himself to be appeased. when at last his ruffled feelings were at ease, he addressed us at some length from his seat upon a fallen tree, speaking, as his habit was, as if he were imparting most precious information to a class of a thousand. "with regard to the marking," said he, "i am inclined to agree with my friend and colleague, professor summerlee, that the stains are from asphalt. as this plateau is, in its very nature, highly volcanic, and as asphalt is a substance which one associates with plutonic forces, i cannot doubt that it exists in the free liquid state, and that the creatures may have come in contact with it. a much more important problem is the question as to the existence of the carnivorous monster which has left its traces in this glade. we know roughly that this plateau is not larger than an average english county. within this confined space a certain number of creatures, mostly types which have passed away in the world below, have lived together for innumerable years. now, it is very clear to me that in so long a period one would have expected that the carnivorous creatures, multiplying unchecked, would have exhausted their food supply and have been compelled to either modify their flesh-eating habits or die of hunger. this we see has not been so. we can only imagine, therefore, that the balance of nature is preserved by some check which limits the numbers of these ferocious creatures. one of the many interesting problems, therefore, which await our solution is to discover what that check may be and how it operates. i venture to trust that we may have some future opportunity for the closer study of the carnivorous dinosaurs." "and i venture to trust we may not," i observed. the professor only raised his great eyebrows, as the schoolmaster meets the irrelevant observation of the naughty boy. "perhaps professor summerlee may have an observation to make," he said, and the two savants ascended together into some rarefied scientific atmosphere, where the possibilities of a modification of the birth-rate were weighed against the decline of the food supply as a check in the struggle for existence. that morning we mapped out a small portion of the plateau, avoiding the swamp of the pterodactyls, and keeping to the east of our brook instead of to the west. in that direction the country was still thickly wooded, with so much undergrowth that our progress was very slow. i have dwelt up to now upon the terrors of maple white land; but there was another side to the subject, for all that morning we wandered among lovely flowers--mostly, as i observed, white or yellow in color, these being, as our professors explained, the primitive flower-shades. in many places the ground was absolutely covered with them, and as we walked ankle-deep on that wonderful yielding carpet, the scent was almost intoxicating in its sweetness and intensity. the homely english bee buzzed everywhere around us. many of the trees under which we passed had their branches bowed down with fruit, some of which were of familiar sorts, while other varieties were new. by observing which of them were pecked by the birds we avoided all danger of poison and added a delicious variety to our food reserve. in the jungle which we traversed were numerous hard-trodden paths made by the wild beasts, and in the more marshy places we saw a profusion of strange footmarks, including many of the iguanodon. once in a grove we observed several of these great creatures grazing, and lord john, with his glass, was able to report that they also were spotted with asphalt, though in a different place to the one which we had examined in the morning. what this phenomenon meant we could not imagine. we saw many small animals, such as porcupines, a scaly ant-eater, and a wild pig, piebald in color and with long curved tusks. once, through a break in the trees, we saw a clear shoulder of green hill some distance away, and across this a large dun-colored animal was traveling at a considerable pace. it passed so swiftly that we were unable to say what it was; but if it were a deer, as was claimed by lord john, it must have been as large as those monstrous irish elk which are still dug up from time to time in the bogs of my native land. ever since the mysterious visit which had been paid to our camp we always returned to it with some misgivings. however, on this occasion we found everything in order. that evening we had a grand discussion upon our present situation and future plans, which i must describe at some length, as it led to a new departure by which we were enabled to gain a more complete knowledge of maple white land than might have come in many weeks of exploring. it was summerlee who opened the debate. all day he had been querulous in manner, and now some remark of lord john's as to what we should do on the morrow brought all his bitterness to a head. "what we ought to be doing to-day, to-morrow, and all the time," said he, "is finding some way out of the trap into which we have fallen. you are all turning your brains towards getting into this country. i say that we should be scheming how to get out of it." "i am surprised, sir," boomed challenger, stroking his majestic beard, "that any man of science should commit himself to so ignoble a sentiment. you are in a land which offers such an inducement to the ambitious naturalist as none ever has since the world began, and you suggest leaving it before we have acquired more than the most superficial knowledge of it or of its contents. i expected better things of you, professor summerlee." "you must remember," said summerlee, sourly, "that i have a large class in london who are at present at the mercy of an extremely inefficient locum tenens. this makes my situation different from yours, professor challenger, since, so far as i know, you have never been entrusted with any responsible educational work." "quite so," said challenger. "i have felt it to be a sacrilege to divert a brain which is capable of the highest original research to any lesser object. that is why i have sternly set my face against any proffered scholastic appointment." "for example?" asked summerlee, with a sneer; but lord john hastened to change the conversation. "i must say," said he, "that i think it would be a mighty poor thing to go back to london before i know a great deal more of this place than i do at present." "i could never dare to walk into the back office of my paper and face old mcardle," said i. (you will excuse the frankness of this report, will you not, sir?) "he'd never forgive me for leaving such unexhausted copy behind me. besides, so far as i can see it is not worth discussing, since we can't get down, even if we wanted." "our young friend makes up for many obvious mental lacunae by some measure of primitive common sense," remarked challenger. "the interests of his deplorable profession are immaterial to us; but, as he observes, we cannot get down in any case, so it is a waste of energy to discuss it." "it is a waste of energy to do anything else," growled summerlee from behind his pipe. "let me remind you that we came here upon a perfectly definite mission, entrusted to us at the meeting of the zoological institute in london. that mission was to test the truth of professor challenger's statements. those statements, as i am bound to admit, we are now in a position to endorse. our ostensible work is therefore done. as to the detail which remains to be worked out upon this plateau, it is so enormous that only a large expedition, with a very special equipment, could hope to cope with it. should we attempt to do so ourselves, the only possible result must be that we shall never return with the important contribution to science which we have already gained. professor challenger has devised means for getting us on to this plateau when it appeared to be inaccessible; i think that we should now call upon him to use the same ingenuity in getting us back to the world from which we came." i confess that as summerlee stated his view it struck me as altogether reasonable. even challenger was affected by the consideration that his enemies would never stand confuted if the confirmation of his statements should never reach those who had doubted them. "the problem of the descent is at first sight a formidable one," said he, "and yet i cannot doubt that the intellect can solve it. i am prepared to agree with our colleague that a protracted stay in maple white land is at present inadvisable, and that the question of our return will soon have to be faced. i absolutely refuse to leave, however, until we have made at least a superficial examination of this country, and are able to take back with us something in the nature of a chart." professor summerlee gave a snort of impatience. "we have spent two long days in exploration," said he, "and we are no wiser as to the actual geography of the place than when we started. it is clear that it is all thickly wooded, and it would take months to penetrate it and to learn the relations of one part to another. if there were some central peak it would be different, but it all slopes downwards, so far as we can see. the farther we go the less likely it is that we will get any general view." it was at that moment that i had my inspiration. my eyes chanced to light upon the enormous gnarled trunk of the gingko tree which cast its huge branches over us. surely, if its bole exceeded that of all others, its height must do the same. if the rim of the plateau was indeed the highest point, then why should this mighty tree not prove to be a watchtower which commanded the whole country? now, ever since i ran wild as a lad in ireland i have been a bold and skilled tree-climber. my comrades might be my masters on the rocks, but i knew that i would be supreme among those branches. could i only get my legs on to the lowest of the giant off-shoots, then it would be strange indeed if i could not make my way to the top. my comrades were delighted at my idea. "our young friend," said challenger, bunching up the red apples of his cheeks, "is capable of acrobatic exertions which would be impossible to a man of a more solid, though possibly of a more commanding, appearance. i applaud his resolution." "by george, young fellah, you've put your hand on it!" said lord john, clapping me on the back. "how we never came to think of it before i can't imagine! there's not more than an hour of daylight left, but if you take your notebook you may be able to get some rough sketch of the place. if we put these three ammunition cases under the branch, i will soon hoist you on to it." he stood on the boxes while i faced the trunk, and was gently raising me when challenger sprang forward and gave me such a thrust with his huge hand that he fairly shot me into the tree. with both arms clasping the branch, i scrambled hard with my feet until i had worked, first my body, and then my knees, onto it. there were three excellent off-shoots, like huge rungs of a ladder, above my head, and a tangle of convenient branches beyond, so that i clambered onwards with such speed that i soon lost sight of the ground and had nothing but foliage beneath me. now and then i encountered a check, and once i had to shin up a creeper for eight or ten feet, but i made excellent progress, and the booming of challenger's voice seemed to be a great distance beneath me. the tree was, however, enormous, and, looking upwards, i could see no thinning of the leaves above my head. there was some thick, bush-like clump which seemed to be a parasite upon a branch up which i was swarming. i leaned my head round it in order to see what was beyond, and i nearly fell out of the tree in my surprise and horror at what i saw. a face was gazing into mine--at the distance of only a foot or two. the creature that owned it had been crouching behind the parasite, and had looked round it at the same instant that i did. it was a human face--or at least it was far more human than any monkey's that i have ever seen. it was long, whitish, and blotched with pimples, the nose flattened, and the lower jaw projecting, with a bristle of coarse whiskers round the chin. the eyes, which were under thick and heavy brows, were bestial and ferocious, and as it opened its mouth to snarl what sounded like a curse at me i observed that it had curved, sharp canine teeth. for an instant i read hatred and menace in the evil eyes. then, as quick as a flash, came an expression of overpowering fear. there was a crash of broken boughs as it dived wildly down into the tangle of green. i caught a glimpse of a hairy body like that of a reddish pig, and then it was gone amid a swirl of leaves and branches. "what's the matter?" shouted roxton from below. "anything wrong with you?" "did you see it?" i cried, with my arms round the branch and all my nerves tingling. "we heard a row, as if your foot had slipped. what was it?" i was so shocked at the sudden and strange appearance of this ape-man that i hesitated whether i should not climb down again and tell my experience to my companions. but i was already so far up the great tree that it seemed a humiliation to return without having carried out my mission. after a long pause, therefore, to recover my breath and my courage, i continued my ascent. once i put my weight upon a rotten branch and swung for a few seconds by my hands, but in the main it was all easy climbing. gradually the leaves thinned around me, and i was aware, from the wind upon my face, that i had topped all the trees of the forest. i was determined, however, not to look about me before i had reached the very highest point, so i scrambled on until i had got so far that the topmost branch was bending beneath my weight. there i settled into a convenient fork, and, balancing myself securely, i found myself looking down at a most wonderful panorama of this strange country in which we found ourselves. the sun was just above the western sky-line, and the evening was a particularly bright and clear one, so that the whole extent of the plateau was visible beneath me. it was, as seen from this height, of an oval contour, with a breadth of about thirty miles and a width of twenty. its general shape was that of a shallow funnel, all the sides sloping down to a considerable lake in the center. this lake may have been ten miles in circumference, and lay very green and beautiful in the evening light, with a thick fringe of reeds at its edges, and with its surface broken by several yellow sandbanks, which gleamed golden in the mellow sunshine. a number of long dark objects, which were too large for alligators and too long for canoes, lay upon the edges of these patches of sand. with my glass i could clearly see that they were alive, but what their nature might be i could not imagine. from the side of the plateau on which we were, slopes of woodland, with occasional glades, stretched down for five or six miles to the central lake. i could see at my very feet the glade of the iguanodons, and farther off was a round opening in the trees which marked the swamp of the pterodactyls. on the side facing me, however, the plateau presented a very different aspect. there the basalt cliffs of the outside were reproduced upon the inside, forming an escarpment about two hundred feet high, with a woody slope beneath it. along the base of these red cliffs, some distance above the ground, i could see a number of dark holes through the glass, which i conjectured to be the mouths of caves. at the opening of one of these something white was shimmering, but i was unable to make out what it was. i sat charting the country until the sun had set and it was so dark that i could no longer distinguish details. then i climbed down to my companions waiting for me so eagerly at the bottom of the great tree. for once i was the hero of the expedition. alone i had thought of it, and alone i had done it; and here was the chart which would save us a month's blind groping among unknown dangers. each of them shook me solemnly by the hand. but before they discussed the details of my map i had to tell them of my encounter with the ape-man among the branches. "he has been there all the time," said i. "how do you know that?" asked lord john. "because i have never been without that feeling that something malevolent was watching us. i mentioned it to you, professor challenger." "our young friend certainly said something of the kind. he is also the one among us who is endowed with that celtic temperament which would make him sensitive to such impressions." "the whole theory of telepathy----" began summerlee, filling his pipe. "is too vast to be now discussed," said challenger, with decision. "tell me, now," he added, with the air of a bishop addressing a sunday-school, "did you happen to observe whether the creature could cross its thumb over its palm?" "no, indeed." "had it a tail?" "no." "was the foot prehensile?" "i do not think it could have made off so fast among the branches if it could not get a grip with its feet." "in south america there are, if my memory serves me--you will check the observation, professor summerlee--some thirty-six species of monkeys, but the anthropoid ape is unknown. it is clear, however, that he exists in this country, and that he is not the hairy, gorilla-like variety, which is never seen out of africa or the east." (i was inclined to interpolate, as i looked at him, that i had seen his first cousin in kensington.) "this is a whiskered and colorless type, the latter characteristic pointing to the fact that he spends his days in arboreal seclusion. the question which we have to face is whether he approaches more closely to the ape or the man. in the latter case, he may well approximate to what the vulgar have called the 'missing link.' the solution of this problem is our immediate duty." "it is nothing of the sort," said summerlee, abruptly. "now that, through the intelligence and activity of mr. malone" (i cannot help quoting the words), "we have got our chart, our one and only immediate duty is to get ourselves safe and sound out of this awful place." "the flesh-pots of civilization," groaned challenger. "the ink-pots of civilization, sir. it is our task to put on record what we have seen, and to leave the further exploration to others. you all agreed as much before mr. malone got us the chart." "well," said challenger, "i admit that my mind will be more at ease when i am assured that the result of our expedition has been conveyed to our friends. how we are to get down from this place i have not as yet an idea. i have never yet encountered any problem, however, which my inventive brain was unable to solve, and i promise you that to-morrow i will turn my attention to the question of our descent." and so the matter was allowed to rest. but that evening, by the light of the fire and of a single candle, the first map of the lost world was elaborated. every detail which i had roughly noted from my watch-tower was drawn out in its relative place. challenger's pencil hovered over the great blank which marked the lake. "what shall we call it?" he asked. "why should you not take the chance of perpetuating your own name?" said summerlee, with his usual touch of acidity. "i trust, sir, that my name will have other and more personal claims upon posterity," said challenger, severely. "any ignoramus can hand down his worthless memory by imposing it upon a mountain or a river. i need no such monument." summerlee, with a twisted smile, was about to make some fresh assault when lord john hastened to intervene. "it's up to you, young fellah, to name the lake," said he. "you saw it first, and, by george, if you choose to put 'lake malone' on it, no one has a better right." "by all means. let our young friend give it a name," said challenger. "then," said i, blushing, i dare say, as i said it, "let it be named lake gladys." "don't you think the central lake would be more descriptive?" remarked summerlee. "i should prefer lake gladys." challenger looked at me sympathetically, and shook his great head in mock disapproval. "boys will be boys," said he. "lake gladys let it be." chapter xii "it was dreadful in the forest" i have said--or perhaps i have not said, for my memory plays me sad tricks these days--that i glowed with pride when three such men as my comrades thanked me for having saved, or at least greatly helped, the situation. as the youngster of the party, not merely in years, but in experience, character, knowledge, and all that goes to make a man, i had been overshadowed from the first. and now i was coming into my own. i warmed at the thought. alas! for the pride which goes before a fall! that little glow of self-satisfaction, that added measure of self-confidence, were to lead me on that very night to the most dreadful experience of my life, ending with a shock which turns my heart sick when i think of it. it came about in this way. i had been unduly excited by the adventure of the tree, and sleep seemed to be impossible. summerlee was on guard, sitting hunched over our small fire, a quaint, angular figure, his rifle across his knees and his pointed, goat-like beard wagging with each weary nod of his head. lord john lay silent, wrapped in the south american poncho which he wore, while challenger snored with a roll and rattle which reverberated through the woods. the full moon was shining brightly, and the air was crisply cold. what a night for a walk! and then suddenly came the thought, "why not?" suppose i stole softly away, suppose i made my way down to the central lake, suppose i was back at breakfast with some record of the place--would i not in that case be thought an even more worthy associate? then, if summerlee carried the day and some means of escape were found, we should return to london with first-hand knowledge of the central mystery of the plateau, to which i alone, of all men, would have penetrated. i thought of gladys, with her "there are heroisms all round us." i seemed to hear her voice as she said it. i thought also of mcardle. what a three column article for the paper! what a foundation for a career! a correspondentship in the next great war might be within my reach. i clutched at a gun--my pockets were full of cartridges--and, parting the thorn bushes at the gate of our zareba, quickly slipped out. my last glance showed me the unconscious summerlee, most futile of sentinels, still nodding away like a queer mechanical toy in front of the smouldering fire. i had not gone a hundred yards before i deeply repented my rashness. i may have said somewhere in this chronicle that i am too imaginative to be a really courageous man, but that i have an overpowering fear of seeming afraid. this was the power which now carried me onwards. i simply could not slink back with nothing done. even if my comrades should not have missed me, and should never know of my weakness, there would still remain some intolerable self-shame in my own soul. and yet i shuddered at the position in which i found myself, and would have given all i possessed at that moment to have been honorably free of the whole business. it was dreadful in the forest. the trees grew so thickly and their foliage spread so widely that i could see nothing of the moon-light save that here and there the high branches made a tangled filigree against the starry sky. as the eyes became more used to the obscurity one learned that there were different degrees of darkness among the trees--that some were dimly visible, while between and among them there were coal-black shadowed patches, like the mouths of caves, from which i shrank in horror as i passed. i thought of the despairing yell of the tortured iguanodon--that dreadful cry which had echoed through the woods. i thought, too, of the glimpse i had in the light of lord john's torch of that bloated, warty, blood-slavering muzzle. even now i was on its hunting-ground. at any instant it might spring upon me from the shadows--this nameless and horrible monster. i stopped, and, picking a cartridge from my pocket, i opened the breech of my gun. as i touched the lever my heart leaped within me. it was the shot-gun, not the rifle, which i had taken! again the impulse to return swept over me. here, surely, was a most excellent reason for my failure--one for which no one would think the less of me. but again the foolish pride fought against that very word. i could not--must not--fail. after all, my rifle would probably have been as useless as a shot-gun against such dangers as i might meet. if i were to go back to camp to change my weapon i could hardly expect to enter and to leave again without being seen. in that case there would be explanations, and my attempt would no longer be all my own. after a little hesitation, then, i screwed up my courage and continued upon my way, my useless gun under my arm. the darkness of the forest had been alarming, but even worse was the white, still flood of moonlight in the open glade of the iguanodons. hid among the bushes, i looked out at it. none of the great brutes were in sight. perhaps the tragedy which had befallen one of them had driven them from their feeding-ground. in the misty, silvery night i could see no sign of any living thing. taking courage, therefore, i slipped rapidly across it, and among the jungle on the farther side i picked up once again the brook which was my guide. it was a cheery companion, gurgling and chuckling as it ran, like the dear old trout-stream in the west country where i have fished at night in my boyhood. so long as i followed it down i must come to the lake, and so long as i followed it back i must come to the camp. often i had to lose sight of it on account of the tangled brush-wood, but i was always within earshot of its tinkle and splash. as one descended the slope the woods became thinner, and bushes, with occasional high trees, took the place of the forest. i could make good progress, therefore, and i could see without being seen. i passed close to the pterodactyl swamp, and as i did so, with a dry, crisp, leathery rattle of wings, one of these great creatures--it was twenty feet at least from tip to tip--rose up from somewhere near me and soared into the air. as it passed across the face of the moon the light shone clearly through the membranous wings, and it looked like a flying skeleton against the white, tropical radiance. i crouched low among the bushes, for i knew from past experience that with a single cry the creature could bring a hundred of its loathsome mates about my ears. it was not until it had settled again that i dared to steal onwards upon my journey. the night had been exceedingly still, but as i advanced i became conscious of a low, rumbling sound, a continuous murmur, somewhere in front of me. this grew louder as i proceeded, until at last it was clearly quite close to me. when i stood still the sound was constant, so that it seemed to come from some stationary cause. it was like a boiling kettle or the bubbling of some great pot. soon i came upon the source of it, for in the center of a small clearing i found a lake--or a pool, rather, for it was not larger than the basin of the trafalgar square fountain--of some black, pitch-like stuff, the surface of which rose and fell in great blisters of bursting gas. the air above it was shimmering with heat, and the ground round was so hot that i could hardly bear to lay my hand on it. it was clear that the great volcanic outburst which had raised this strange plateau so many years ago had not yet entirely spent its forces. blackened rocks and mounds of lava i had already seen everywhere peeping out from amid the luxuriant vegetation which draped them, but this asphalt pool in the jungle was the first sign that we had of actual existing activity on the slopes of the ancient crater. i had no time to examine it further for i had need to hurry if i were to be back in camp in the morning. it was a fearsome walk, and one which will be with me so long as memory holds. in the great moonlight clearings i slunk along among the shadows on the margin. in the jungle i crept forward, stopping with a beating heart whenever i heard, as i often did, the crash of breaking branches as some wild beast went past. now and then great shadows loomed up for an instant and were gone--great, silent shadows which seemed to prowl upon padded feet. how often i stopped with the intention of returning, and yet every time my pride conquered my fear, and sent me on again until my object should be attained. at last (my watch showed that it was one in the morning) i saw the gleam of water amid the openings of the jungle, and ten minutes later i was among the reeds upon the borders of the central lake. i was exceedingly dry, so i lay down and took a long draught of its waters, which were fresh and cold. there was a broad pathway with many tracks upon it at the spot which i had found, so that it was clearly one of the drinking-places of the animals. close to the water's edge there was a huge isolated block of lava. up this i climbed, and, lying on the top, i had an excellent view in every direction. the first thing which i saw filled me with amazement. when i described the view from the summit of the great tree, i said that on the farther cliff i could see a number of dark spots, which appeared to be the mouths of caves. now, as i looked up at the same cliffs, i saw discs of light in every direction, ruddy, clearly-defined patches, like the port-holes of a liner in the darkness. for a moment i thought it was the lava-glow from some volcanic action; but this could not be so. any volcanic action would surely be down in the hollow and not high among the rocks. what, then, was the alternative? it was wonderful, and yet it must surely be. these ruddy spots must be the reflection of fires within the caves--fires which could only be lit by the hand of man. there were human beings, then, upon the plateau. how gloriously my expedition was justified! here was news indeed for us to bear back with us to london! for a long time i lay and watched these red, quivering blotches of light. i suppose they were ten miles off from me, yet even at that distance one could observe how, from time to time, they twinkled or were obscured as someone passed before them. what would i not have given to be able to crawl up to them, to peep in, and to take back some word to my comrades as to the appearance and character of the race who lived in so strange a place! it was out of the question for the moment, and yet surely we could not leave the plateau until we had some definite knowledge upon the point. lake gladys--my own lake--lay like a sheet of quicksilver before me, with a reflected moon shining brightly in the center of it. it was shallow, for in many places i saw low sandbanks protruding above the water. everywhere upon the still surface i could see signs of life, sometimes mere rings and ripples in the water, sometimes the gleam of a great silver-sided fish in the air, sometimes the arched, slate-colored back of some passing monster. once upon a yellow sandbank i saw a creature like a huge swan, with a clumsy body and a high, flexible neck, shuffling about upon the margin. presently it plunged in, and for some time i could see the arched neck and darting head undulating over the water. then it dived, and i saw it no more. my attention was soon drawn away from these distant sights and brought back to what was going on at my very feet. two creatures like large armadillos had come down to the drinking-place, and were squatting at the edge of the water, their long, flexible tongues like red ribbons shooting in and out as they lapped. a huge deer, with branching horns, a magnificent creature which carried itself like a king, came down with its doe and two fawns and drank beside the armadillos. no such deer exist anywhere else upon earth, for the moose or elks which i have seen would hardly have reached its shoulders. presently it gave a warning snort, and was off with its family among the reeds, while the armadillos also scuttled for shelter. a new-comer, a most monstrous animal, was coming down the path. for a moment i wondered where i could have seen that ungainly shape, that arched back with triangular fringes along it, that strange bird-like head held close to the ground. then it came back, to me. it was the stegosaurus--the very creature which maple white had preserved in his sketch-book, and which had been the first object which arrested the attention of challenger! there he was--perhaps the very specimen which the american artist had encountered. the ground shook beneath his tremendous weight, and his gulpings of water resounded through the still night. for five minutes he was so close to my rock that by stretching out my hand i could have touched the hideous waving hackles upon his back. then he lumbered away and was lost among the boulders. looking at my watch, i saw that it was half-past two o'clock, and high time, therefore, that i started upon my homeward journey. there was no difficulty about the direction in which i should return for all along i had kept the little brook upon my left, and it opened into the central lake within a stone's-throw of the boulder upon which i had been lying. i set off, therefore, in high spirits, for i felt that i had done good work and was bringing back a fine budget of news for my companions. foremost of all, of course, were the sight of the fiery caves and the certainty that some troglodytic race inhabited them. but besides that i could speak from experience of the central lake. i could testify that it was full of strange creatures, and i had seen several land forms of primeval life which we had not before encountered. i reflected as i walked that few men in the world could have spent a stranger night or added more to human knowledge in the course of it. i was plodding up the slope, turning these thoughts over in my mind, and had reached a point which may have been half-way to home, when my mind was brought back to my own position by a strange noise behind me. it was something between a snore and a growl, low, deep, and exceedingly menacing. some strange creature was evidently near me, but nothing could be seen, so i hastened more rapidly upon my way. i had traversed half a mile or so when suddenly the sound was repeated, still behind me, but louder and more menacing than before. my heart stood still within me as it flashed across me that the beast, whatever it was, must surely be after me. my skin grew cold and my hair rose at the thought. that these monsters should tear each other to pieces was a part of the strange struggle for existence, but that they should turn upon modern man, that they should deliberately track and hunt down the predominant human, was a staggering and fearsome thought. i remembered again the blood-beslobbered face which we had seen in the glare of lord john's torch, like some horrible vision from the deepest circle of dante's hell. with my knees shaking beneath me, i stood and glared with starting eyes down the moonlit path which lay behind me. all was quiet as in a dream landscape. silver clearings and the black patches of the bushes--nothing else could i see. then from out of the silence, imminent and threatening, there came once more that low, throaty croaking, far louder and closer than before. there could no longer be a doubt. something was on my trail, and was closing in upon me every minute. i stood like a man paralyzed, still staring at the ground which i had traversed. then suddenly i saw it. there was movement among the bushes at the far end of the clearing which i had just traversed. a great dark shadow disengaged itself and hopped out into the clear moonlight. i say "hopped" advisedly, for the beast moved like a kangaroo, springing along in an erect position upon its powerful hind legs, while its front ones were held bent in front of it. it was of enormous size and power, like an erect elephant, but its movements, in spite of its bulk, were exceedingly alert. for a moment, as i saw its shape, i hoped that it was an iguanodon, which i knew to be harmless, but, ignorant as i was, i soon saw that this was a very different creature. instead of the gentle, deer-shaped head of the great three-toed leaf-eater, this beast had a broad, squat, toad-like face like that which had alarmed us in our camp. his ferocious cry and the horrible energy of his pursuit both assured me that this was surely one of the great flesh-eating dinosaurs, the most terrible beasts which have ever walked this earth. as the huge brute loped along it dropped forward upon its fore-paws and brought its nose to the ground every twenty yards or so. it was smelling out my trail. sometimes, for an instant, it was at fault. then it would catch it up again and come bounding swiftly along the path i had taken. even now when i think of that nightmare the sweat breaks out upon my brow. what could i do? my useless fowling-piece was in my hand. what help could i get from that? i looked desperately round for some rock or tree, but i was in a bushy jungle with nothing higher than a sapling within sight, while i knew that the creature behind me could tear down an ordinary tree as though it were a reed. my only possible chance lay in flight. i could not move swiftly over the rough, broken ground, but as i looked round me in despair i saw a well-marked, hard-beaten path which ran across in front of me. we had seen several of the sort, the runs of various wild beasts, during our expeditions. along this i could perhaps hold my own, for i was a fast runner, and in excellent condition. flinging away my useless gun, i set myself to do such a half-mile as i have never done before or since. my limbs ached, my chest heaved, i felt that my throat would burst for want of air, and yet with that horror behind me i ran and i ran and ran. at last i paused, hardly able to move. for a moment i thought that i had thrown him off. the path lay still behind me. and then suddenly, with a crashing and a rending, a thudding of giant feet and a panting of monster lungs the beast was upon me once more. he was at my very heels. i was lost. madman that i was to linger so long before i fled! up to then he had hunted by scent, and his movement was slow. but he had actually seen me as i started to run. from then onwards he had hunted by sight, for the path showed him where i had gone. now, as he came round the curve, he was springing in great bounds. the moonlight shone upon his huge projecting eyes, the row of enormous teeth in his open mouth, and the gleaming fringe of claws upon his short, powerful forearms. with a scream of terror i turned and rushed wildly down the path. behind me the thick, gasping breathing of the creature sounded louder and louder. his heavy footfall was beside me. every instant i expected to feel his grip upon my back. and then suddenly there came a crash--i was falling through space, and everything beyond was darkness and rest. as i emerged from my unconsciousness--which could not, i think, have lasted more than a few minutes--i was aware of a most dreadful and penetrating smell. putting out my hand in the darkness i came upon something which felt like a huge lump of meat, while my other hand closed upon a large bone. up above me there was a circle of starlit sky, which showed me that i was lying at the bottom of a deep pit. slowly i staggered to my feet and felt myself all over. i was stiff and sore from head to foot, but there was no limb which would not move, no joint which would not bend. as the circumstances of my fall came back into my confused brain, i looked up in terror, expecting to see that dreadful head silhouetted against the paling sky. there was no sign of the monster, however, nor could i hear any sound from above. i began to walk slowly round, therefore, feeling in every direction to find out what this strange place could be into which i had been so opportunely precipitated. it was, as i have said, a pit, with sharply-sloping walls and a level bottom about twenty feet across. this bottom was littered with great gobbets of flesh, most of which was in the last state of putridity. the atmosphere was poisonous and horrible. after tripping and stumbling over these lumps of decay, i came suddenly against something hard, and i found that an upright post was firmly fixed in the center of the hollow. it was so high that i could not reach the top of it with my hand, and it appeared to be covered with grease. suddenly i remembered that i had a tin box of wax-vestas in my pocket. striking one of them, i was able at last to form some opinion of this place into which i had fallen. there could be no question as to its nature. it was a trap--made by the hand of man. the post in the center, some nine feet long, was sharpened at the upper end, and was black with the stale blood of the creatures who had been impaled upon it. the remains scattered about were fragments of the victims, which had been cut away in order to clear the stake for the next who might blunder in. i remembered that challenger had declared that man could not exist upon the plateau, since with his feeble weapons he could not hold his own against the monsters who roamed over it. but now it was clear enough how it could be done. in their narrow-mouthed caves the natives, whoever they might be, had refuges into which the huge saurians could not penetrate, while with their developed brains they were capable of setting such traps, covered with branches, across the paths which marked the run of the animals as would destroy them in spite of all their strength and activity. man was always the master. the sloping wall of the pit was not difficult for an active man to climb, but i hesitated long before i trusted myself within reach of the dreadful creature which had so nearly destroyed me. how did i know that he was not lurking in the nearest clump of bushes, waiting for my reappearance? i took heart, however, as i recalled a conversation between challenger and summerlee upon the habits of the great saurians. both were agreed that the monsters were practically brainless, that there was no room for reason in their tiny cranial cavities, and that if they have disappeared from the rest of the world it was assuredly on account of their own stupidity, which made it impossible for them to adapt themselves to changing conditions. to lie in wait for me now would mean that the creature had appreciated what had happened to me, and this in turn would argue some power connecting cause and effect. surely it was more likely that a brainless creature, acting solely by vague predatory instinct, would give up the chase when i disappeared, and, after a pause of astonishment, would wander away in search of some other prey? i clambered to the edge of the pit and looked over. the stars were fading, the sky was whitening, and the cold wind of morning blew pleasantly upon my face. i could see or hear nothing of my enemy. slowly i climbed out and sat for a while upon the ground, ready to spring back into my refuge if any danger should appear. then, reassured by the absolute stillness and by the growing light, i took my courage in both hands and stole back along the path which i had come. some distance down it i picked up my gun, and shortly afterwards struck the brook which was my guide. so, with many a frightened backward glance, i made for home. and suddenly there came something to remind me of my absent companions. in the clear, still morning air there sounded far away the sharp, hard note of a single rifle-shot. i paused and listened, but there was nothing more. for a moment i was shocked at the thought that some sudden danger might have befallen them. but then a simpler and more natural explanation came to my mind. it was now broad daylight. no doubt my absence had been noticed. they had imagined, that i was lost in the woods, and had fired this shot to guide me home. it is true that we had made a strict resolution against firing, but if it seemed to them that i might be in danger they would not hesitate. it was for me now to hurry on as fast as possible, and so to reassure them. i was weary and spent, so my progress was not so fast as i wished; but at last i came into regions which i knew. there was the swamp of the pterodactyls upon my left; there in front of me was the glade of the iguanodons. now i was in the last belt of trees which separated me from fort challenger. i raised my voice in a cheery shout to allay their fears. no answering greeting came back to me. my heart sank at that ominous stillness. i quickened my pace into a run. the zareba rose before me, even as i had left it, but the gate was open. i rushed in. in the cold, morning light it was a fearful sight which met my eyes. our effects were scattered in wild confusion over the ground; my comrades had disappeared, and close to the smouldering ashes of our fire the grass was stained crimson with a hideous pool of blood. i was so stunned by this sudden shock that for a time i must have nearly lost my reason. i have a vague recollection, as one remembers a bad dream, of rushing about through the woods all round the empty camp, calling wildly for my companions. no answer came back from the silent shadows. the horrible thought that i might never see them again, that i might find myself abandoned all alone in that dreadful place, with no possible way of descending into the world below, that i might live and die in that nightmare country, drove me to desperation. i could have torn my hair and beaten my head in my despair. only now did i realize how i had learned to lean upon my companions, upon the serene self-confidence of challenger, and upon the masterful, humorous coolness of lord john roxton. without them i was like a child in the dark, helpless and powerless. i did not know which way to turn or what i should do first. after a period, during which i sat in bewilderment, i set myself to try and discover what sudden misfortune could have befallen my companions. the whole disordered appearance of the camp showed that there had been some sort of attack, and the rifle-shot no doubt marked the time when it had occurred. that there should have been only one shot showed that it had been all over in an instant. the rifles still lay upon the ground, and one of them--lord john's--had the empty cartridge in the breech. the blankets of challenger and of summerlee beside the fire suggested that they had been asleep at the time. the cases of ammunition and of food were scattered about in a wild litter, together with our unfortunate cameras and plate-carriers, but none of them were missing. on the other hand, all the exposed provisions--and i remembered that there were a considerable quantity of them--were gone. they were animals, then, and not natives, who had made the inroad, for surely the latter would have left nothing behind. but if animals, or some single terrible animal, then what had become of my comrades? a ferocious beast would surely have destroyed them and left their remains. it is true that there was that one hideous pool of blood, which told of violence. such a monster as had pursued me during the night could have carried away a victim as easily as a cat would a mouse. in that case the others would have followed in pursuit. but then they would assuredly have taken their rifles with them. the more i tried to think it out with my confused and weary brain the less could i find any plausible explanation. i searched round in the forest, but could see no tracks which could help me to a conclusion. once i lost myself, and it was only by good luck, and after an hour of wandering, that i found the camp once more. suddenly a thought came to me and brought some little comfort to my heart. i was not absolutely alone in the world. down at the bottom of the cliff, and within call of me, was waiting the faithful zambo. i went to the edge of the plateau and looked over. sure enough, he was squatting among his blankets beside his fire in his little camp. but, to my amazement, a second man was seated in front of him. for an instant my heart leaped for joy, as i thought that one of my comrades had made his way safely down. but a second glance dispelled the hope. the rising sun shone red upon the man's skin. he was an indian. i shouted loudly and waved my handkerchief. presently zambo looked up, waved his hand, and turned to ascend the pinnacle. in a short time he was standing close to me and listening with deep distress to the story which i told him. "devil got them for sure, massa malone," said he. "you got into the devil's country, sah, and he take you all to himself. you take advice, massa malone, and come down quick, else he get you as well." "how can i come down, zambo?" "you get creepers from trees, massa malone. throw them over here. i make fast to this stump, and so you have bridge." "we have thought of that. there are no creepers here which could bear us." "send for ropes, massa malone." "who can i send, and where?" "send to indian villages, sah. plenty hide rope in indian village. indian down below; send him." "who is he? "one of our indians. other ones beat him and take away his pay. he come back to us. ready now to take letter, bring rope,--anything." to take a letter! why not? perhaps he might bring help; but in any case he would ensure that our lives were not spent for nothing, and that news of all that we had won for science should reach our friends at home. i had two completed letters already waiting. i would spend the day in writing a third, which would bring my experiences absolutely up to date. the indian could bear this back to the world. i ordered zambo, therefore, to come again in the evening, and i spent my miserable and lonely day in recording my own adventures of the night before. i also drew up a note, to be given to any white merchant or captain of a steam-boat whom the indian could find, imploring them to see that ropes were sent to us, since our lives must depend upon it. these documents i threw to zambo in the evening, and also my purse, which contained three english sovereigns. these were to be given to the indian, and he was promised twice as much if he returned with the ropes. so now you will understand, my dear mr. mcardle, how this communication reaches you, and you will also know the truth, in case you never hear again from your unfortunate correspondent. to-night i am too weary and too depressed to make my plans. to-morrow i must think out some way by which i shall keep in touch with this camp, and yet search round for any traces of my unhappy friends. chapter xiii "a sight which i shall never forget" just as the sun was setting upon that melancholy night i saw the lonely figure of the indian upon the vast plain beneath me, and i watched him, our one faint hope of salvation, until he disappeared in the rising mists of evening which lay, rose-tinted from the setting sun, between the far-off river and me. it was quite dark when i at last turned back to our stricken camp, and my last vision as i went was the red gleam of zambo's fire, the one point of light in the wide world below, as was his faithful presence in my own shadowed soul. and yet i felt happier than i had done since this crushing blow had fallen upon me, for it was good to think that the world should know what we had done, so that at the worst our names should not perish with our bodies, but should go down to posterity associated with the result of our labors. it was an awesome thing to sleep in that ill-fated camp; and yet it was even more unnerving to do so in the jungle. one or the other it must be. prudence, on the one hand, warned me that i should remain on guard, but exhausted nature, on the other, declared that i should do nothing of the kind. i climbed up on to a limb of the great gingko tree, but there was no secure perch on its rounded surface, and i should certainly have fallen off and broken my neck the moment i began to doze. i got down, therefore, and pondered over what i should do. finally, i closed the door of the zareba, lit three separate fires in a triangle, and having eaten a hearty supper dropped off into a profound sleep, from which i had a strange and most welcome awakening. in the early morning, just as day was breaking, a hand was laid upon my arm, and starting up, with all my nerves in a tingle and my hand feeling for a rifle, i gave a cry of joy as in the cold gray light i saw lord john roxton kneeling beside me. it was he--and yet it was not he. i had left him calm in his bearing, correct in his person, prim in his dress. now he was pale and wild-eyed, gasping as he breathed like one who has run far and fast. his gaunt face was scratched and bloody, his clothes were hanging in rags, and his hat was gone. i stared in amazement, but he gave me no chance for questions. he was grabbing at our stores all the time he spoke. "quick, young fellah! quick!" he cried. "every moment counts. get the rifles, both of them. i have the other two. now, all the cartridges you can gather. fill up your pockets. now, some food. half a dozen tins will do. that's all right! don't wait to talk or think. get a move on, or we are done!" still half-awake, and unable to imagine what it all might mean, i found myself hurrying madly after him through the wood, a rifle under each arm and a pile of various stores in my hands. he dodged in and out through the thickest of the scrub until he came to a dense clump of brush-wood. into this he rushed, regardless of thorns, and threw himself into the heart of it, pulling me down by his side. "there!" he panted. "i think we are safe here. they'll make for the camp as sure as fate. it will be their first idea. but this should puzzle 'em." "what is it all?" i asked, when i had got my breath. "where are the professors? and who is it that is after us?" "the ape-men," he cried. "my god, what brutes! don't raise your voice, for they have long ears--sharp eyes, too, but no power of scent, so far as i could judge, so i don't think they can sniff us out. where have you been, young fellah? you were well out of it." in a few sentences i whispered what i had done. "pretty bad," said he, when he had heard of the dinosaur and the pit. "it isn't quite the place for a rest cure. what? but i had no idea what its possibilities were until those devils got hold of us. the man-eatin' papuans had me once, but they are chesterfields compared to this crowd." "how did it happen?" i asked. "it was in the early mornin'. our learned friends were just stirrin'. hadn't even begun to argue yet. suddenly it rained apes. they came down as thick as apples out of a tree. they had been assemblin' in the dark, i suppose, until that great tree over our heads was heavy with them. i shot one of them through the belly, but before we knew where we were they had us spread-eagled on our backs. i call them apes, but they carried sticks and stones in their hands and jabbered talk to each other, and ended up by tyin' our hands with creepers, so they are ahead of any beast that i have seen in my wanderin's. ape-men--that's what they are--missin' links, and i wish they had stayed missin'. they carried off their wounded comrade--he was bleedin' like a pig--and then they sat around us, and if ever i saw frozen murder it was in their faces. they were big fellows, as big as a man and a deal stronger. curious glassy gray eyes they have, under red tufts, and they just sat and gloated and gloated. challenger is no chicken, but even he was cowed. he managed to struggle to his feet, and yelled out at them to have done with it and get it over. i think he had gone a bit off his head at the suddenness of it, for he raged and cursed at them like a lunatic. if they had been a row of his favorite pressmen he could not have slanged them worse." "well, what did they do?" i was enthralled by the strange story which my companion was whispering into my ear, while all the time his keen eyes were shooting in every direction and his hand grasping his cocked rifle. "i thought it was the end of us, but instead of that it started them on a new line. they all jabbered and chattered together. then one of them stood out beside challenger. you'll smile, young fellah, but 'pon my word they might have been kinsmen. i couldn't have believed it if i hadn't seen it with my own eyes. this old ape-man--he was their chief--was a sort of red challenger, with every one of our friend's beauty points, only just a trifle more so. he had the short body, the big shoulders, the round chest, no neck, a great ruddy frill of a beard, the tufted eyebrows, the 'what do you want, damn you!' look about the eyes, and the whole catalogue. when the ape-man stood by challenger and put his paw on his shoulder, the thing was complete. summerlee was a bit hysterical, and he laughed till he cried. the ape-men laughed too--or at least they put up the devil of a cacklin'--and they set to work to drag us off through the forest. they wouldn't touch the guns and things--thought them dangerous, i expect--but they carried away all our loose food. summerlee and i got some rough handlin' on the way--there's my skin and my clothes to prove it--for they took us a bee-line through the brambles, and their own hides are like leather. but challenger was all right. four of them carried him shoulder high, and he went like a roman emperor. what's that?" it was a strange clicking noise in the distance not unlike castanets. "there they go!" said my companion, slipping cartridges into the second double barrelled "express." "load them all up, young fellah my lad, for we're not going to be taken alive, and don't you think it! that's the row they make when they are excited. by george! they'll have something to excite them if they put us up. the 'last stand of the grays' won't be in it. 'with their rifles grasped in their stiffened hands, mid a ring of the dead and dyin',' as some fathead sings. can you hear them now?" "very far away." "that little lot will do no good, but i expect their search parties are all over the wood. well, i was telling you my tale of woe. they got us soon to this town of theirs--about a thousand huts of branches and leaves in a great grove of trees near the edge of the cliff. it's three or four miles from here. the filthy beasts fingered me all over, and i feel as if i should never be clean again. they tied us up--the fellow who handled me could tie like a bosun--and there we lay with our toes up, beneath a tree, while a great brute stood guard over us with a club in his hand. when i say 'we' i mean summerlee and myself. old challenger was up a tree, eatin' pines and havin' the time of his life. i'm bound to say that he managed to get some fruit to us, and with his own hands he loosened our bonds. if you'd seen him sitting up in that tree hob-nobbin' with his twin brother--and singin' in that rollin' bass of his, 'ring out, wild bells,' cause music of any kind seemed to put 'em in a good humor, you'd have smiled; but we weren't in much mood for laughin', as you can guess. they were inclined, within limits, to let him do what he liked, but they drew the line pretty sharply at us. it was a mighty consolation to us all to know that you were runnin' loose and had the archives in your keepin'. "well, now, young fellah, i'll tell you what will surprise you. you say you saw signs of men, and fires, traps, and the like. well, we have seen the natives themselves. poor devils they were, down-faced little chaps, and had enough to make them so. it seems that the humans hold one side of this plateau--over yonder, where you saw the caves--and the ape-men hold this side, and there is bloody war between them all the time. that's the situation, so far as i could follow it. well, yesterday the ape-men got hold of a dozen of the humans and brought them in as prisoners. you never heard such a jabberin' and shriekin' in your life. the men were little red fellows, and had been bitten and clawed so that they could hardly walk. the ape-men put two of them to death there and then--fairly pulled the arm off one of them--it was perfectly beastly. plucky little chaps they are, and hardly gave a squeak. but it turned us absolutely sick. summerlee fainted, and even challenger had as much as he could stand. i think they have cleared, don't you?" we listened intently, but nothing save the calling of the birds broke the deep peace of the forest. lord roxton went on with his story. "i think you have had the escape of your life, young fellah my lad. it was catchin' those indians that put you clean out of their heads, else they would have been back to the camp for you as sure as fate and gathered you in. of course, as you said, they have been watchin' us from the beginnin' out of that tree, and they knew perfectly well that we were one short. however, they could think only of this new haul; so it was i, and not a bunch of apes, that dropped in on you in the morning. well, we had a horrid business afterwards. my god! what a nightmare the whole thing is! you remember the great bristle of sharp canes down below where we found the skeleton of the american? well, that is just under ape-town, and that's the jumpin'-off place of their prisoners. i expect there's heaps of skeletons there, if we looked for 'em. they have a sort of clear parade-ground on the top, and they make a proper ceremony about it. one by one the poor devils have to jump, and the game is to see whether they are merely dashed to pieces or whether they get skewered on the canes. they took us out to see it, and the whole tribe lined up on the edge. four of the indians jumped, and the canes went through 'em like knittin' needles through a pat of butter. no wonder we found that poor yankee's skeleton with the canes growin' between his ribs. it was horrible--but it was doocedly interestin' too. we were all fascinated to see them take the dive, even when we thought it would be our turn next on the spring-board. "well, it wasn't. they kept six of the indians up for to-day--that's how i understood it--but i fancy we were to be the star performers in the show. challenger might get off, but summerlee and i were in the bill. their language is more than half signs, and it was not hard to follow them. so i thought it was time we made a break for it. i had been plottin' it out a bit, and had one or two things clear in my mind. it was all on me, for summerlee was useless and challenger not much better. the only time they got together they got slangin' because they couldn't agree upon the scientific classification of these red-headed devils that had got hold of us. one said it was the dryopithecus of java, the other said it was pithecanthropus. madness, i call it--loonies, both. but, as i say, i had thought out one or two points that were helpful. one was that these brutes could not run as fast as a man in the open. they have short, bandy legs, you see, and heavy bodies. even challenger could give a few yards in a hundred to the best of them, and you or i would be a perfect shrubb. another point was that they knew nothin' about guns. i don't believe they ever understood how the fellow i shot came by his hurt. if we could get at our guns there was no sayin' what we could do. "so i broke away early this mornin', gave my guard a kick in the tummy that laid him out, and sprinted for the camp. there i got you and the guns, and here we are." "but the professors!" i cried, in consternation. "well, we must just go back and fetch 'em. i couldn't bring 'em with me. challenger was up the tree, and summerlee was not fit for the effort. the only chance was to get the guns and try a rescue. of course they may scupper them at once in revenge. i don't think they would touch challenger, but i wouldn't answer for summerlee. but they would have had him in any case. of that i am certain. so i haven't made matters any worse by boltin'. but we are honor bound to go back and have them out or see it through with them. so you can make up your soul, young fellah my lad, for it will be one way or the other before evenin'." i have tried to imitate here lord roxton's jerky talk, his short, strong sentences, the half-humorous, half-reckless tone that ran through it all. but he was a born leader. as danger thickened his jaunty manner would increase, his speech become more racy, his cold eyes glitter into ardent life, and his don quixote moustache bristle with joyous excitement. his love of danger, his intense appreciation of the drama of an adventure--all the more intense for being held tightly in--his consistent view that every peril in life is a form of sport, a fierce game betwixt you and fate, with death as a forfeit, made him a wonderful companion at such hours. if it were not for our fears as to the fate of our companions, it would have been a positive joy to throw myself with such a man into such an affair. we were rising from our brushwood hiding-place when suddenly i felt his grip upon my arm. "by george!" he whispered, "here they come!" from where we lay we could look down a brown aisle, arched with green, formed by the trunks and branches. along this a party of the ape-men were passing. they went in single file, with bent legs and rounded backs, their hands occasionally touching the ground, their heads turning to left and right as they trotted along. their crouching gait took away from their height, but i should put them at five feet or so, with long arms and enormous chests. many of them carried sticks, and at the distance they looked like a line of very hairy and deformed human beings. for a moment i caught this clear glimpse of them. then they were lost among the bushes. "not this time," said lord john, who had caught up his rifle. "our best chance is to lie quiet until they have given up the search. then we shall see whether we can't get back to their town and hit 'em where it hurts most. give 'em an hour and we'll march." we filled in the time by opening one of our food tins and making sure of our breakfast. lord roxton had had nothing but some fruit since the morning before and ate like a starving man. then, at last, our pockets bulging with cartridges and a rifle in each hand, we started off upon our mission of rescue. before leaving it we carefully marked our little hiding-place among the brush-wood and its bearing to fort challenger, that we might find it again if we needed it. we slunk through the bushes in silence until we came to the very edge of the cliff, close to the old camp. there we halted, and lord john gave me some idea of his plans. "so long as we are among the thick trees these swine are our masters," said he. "they can see us and we cannot see them. but in the open it is different. there we can move faster than they. so we must stick to the open all we can. the edge of the plateau has fewer large trees than further inland. so that's our line of advance. go slowly, keep your eyes open and your rifle ready. above all, never let them get you prisoner while there is a cartridge left--that's my last word to you, young fellah." when we reached the edge of the cliff i looked over and saw our good old black zambo sitting smoking on a rock below us. i would have given a great deal to have hailed him and told him how we were placed, but it was too dangerous, lest we should be heard. the woods seemed to be full of the ape-men; again and again we heard their curious clicking chatter. at such times we plunged into the nearest clump of bushes and lay still until the sound had passed away. our advance, therefore, was very slow, and two hours at least must have passed before i saw by lord john's cautious movements that we must be close to our destination. he motioned to me to lie still, and he crawled forward himself. in a minute he was back again, his face quivering with eagerness. "come!" said he. "come quick! i hope to the lord we are not too late already!" i found myself shaking with nervous excitement as i scrambled forward and lay down beside him, looking out through the bushes at a clearing which stretched before us. it was a sight which i shall never forget until my dying day--so weird, so impossible, that i do not know how i am to make you realize it, or how in a few years i shall bring myself to believe in it if i live to sit once more on a lounge in the savage club and look out on the drab solidity of the embankment. i know that it will seem then to be some wild nightmare, some delirium of fever. yet i will set it down now, while it is still fresh in my memory, and one at least, the man who lay in the damp grasses by my side, will know if i have lied. a wide, open space lay before us--some hundreds of yards across--all green turf and low bracken growing to the very edge of the cliff. round this clearing there was a semi-circle of trees with curious huts built of foliage piled one above the other among the branches. a rookery, with every nest a little house, would best convey the idea. the openings of these huts and the branches of the trees were thronged with a dense mob of ape-people, whom from their size i took to be the females and infants of the tribe. they formed the background of the picture, and were all looking out with eager interest at the same scene which fascinated and bewildered us. in the open, and near the edge of the cliff, there had assembled a crowd of some hundred of these shaggy, red-haired creatures, many of them of immense size, and all of them horrible to look upon. there was a certain discipline among them, for none of them attempted to break the line which had been formed. in front there stood a small group of indians--little, clean-limbed, red fellows, whose skins glowed like polished bronze in the strong sunlight. a tall, thin white man was standing beside them, his head bowed, his arms folded, his whole attitude expressive of his horror and dejection. there was no mistaking the angular form of professor summerlee. in front of and around this dejected group of prisoners were several ape-men, who watched them closely and made all escape impossible. then, right out from all the others and close to the edge of the cliff, were two figures, so strange, and under other circumstances so ludicrous, that they absorbed my attention. the one was our comrade, professor challenger. the remains of his coat still hung in strips from his shoulders, but his shirt had been all torn out, and his great beard merged itself in the black tangle which covered his mighty chest. he had lost his hat, and his hair, which had grown long in our wanderings, was flying in wild disorder. a single day seemed to have changed him from the highest product of modern civilization to the most desperate savage in south america. beside him stood his master, the king of the ape-men. in all things he was, as lord john had said, the very image of our professor, save that his coloring was red instead of black. the same short, broad figure, the same heavy shoulders, the same forward hang of the arms, the same bristling beard merging itself in the hairy chest. only above the eyebrows, where the sloping forehead and low, curved skull of the ape-man were in sharp contrast to the broad brow and magnificent cranium of the european, could one see any marked difference. at every other point the king was an absurd parody of the professor. all this, which takes me so long to describe, impressed itself upon me in a few seconds. then we had very different things to think of, for an active drama was in progress. two of the ape-men had seized one of the indians out of the group and dragged him forward to the edge of the cliff. the king raised his hand as a signal. they caught the man by his leg and arm, and swung him three times backwards and forwards with tremendous violence. then, with a frightful heave they shot the poor wretch over the precipice. with such force did they throw him that he curved high in the air before beginning to drop. as he vanished from sight, the whole assembly, except the guards, rushed forward to the edge of the precipice, and there was a long pause of absolute silence, broken by a mad yell of delight. they sprang about, tossing their long, hairy arms in the air and howling with exultation. then they fell back from the edge, formed themselves again into line, and waited for the next victim. this time it was summerlee. two of his guards caught him by the wrists and pulled him brutally to the front. his thin figure and long limbs struggled and fluttered like a chicken being dragged from a coop. challenger had turned to the king and waved his hands frantically before him. he was begging, pleading, imploring for his comrade's life. the ape-man pushed him roughly aside and shook his head. it was the last conscious movement he was to make upon earth. lord john's rifle cracked, and the king sank down, a tangled red sprawling thing, upon the ground. "shoot into the thick of them! shoot! sonny, shoot!" cried my companion. there are strange red depths in the soul of the most commonplace man. i am tenderhearted by nature, and have found my eyes moist many a time over the scream of a wounded hare. yet the blood lust was on me now. i found myself on my feet emptying one magazine, then the other, clicking open the breech to re-load, snapping it to again, while cheering and yelling with pure ferocity and joy of slaughter as i did so. with our four guns the two of us made a horrible havoc. both the guards who held summerlee were down, and he was staggering about like a drunken man in his amazement, unable to realize that he was a free man. the dense mob of ape-men ran about in bewilderment, marveling whence this storm of death was coming or what it might mean. they waved, gesticulated, screamed, and tripped up over those who had fallen. then, with a sudden impulse, they all rushed in a howling crowd to the trees for shelter, leaving the ground behind them spotted with their stricken comrades. the prisoners were left for the moment standing alone in the middle of the clearing. challenger's quick brain had grasped the situation. he seized the bewildered summerlee by the arm, and they both ran towards us. two of their guards bounded after them and fell to two bullets from lord john. we ran forward into the open to meet our friends, and pressed a loaded rifle into the hands of each. but summerlee was at the end of his strength. he could hardly totter. already the ape-men were recovering from their panic. they were coming through the brushwood and threatening to cut us off. challenger and i ran summerlee along, one at each of his elbows, while lord john covered our retreat, firing again and again as savage heads snarled at us out of the bushes. for a mile or more the chattering brutes were at our very heels. then the pursuit slackened, for they learned our power and would no longer face that unerring rifle. when we had at last reached the camp, we looked back and found ourselves alone. so it seemed to us; and yet we were mistaken. we had hardly closed the thornbush door of our zareba, clasped each other's hands, and thrown ourselves panting upon the ground beside our spring, when we heard a patter of feet and then a gentle, plaintive crying from outside our entrance. lord roxton rushed forward, rifle in hand, and threw it open. there, prostrate upon their faces, lay the little red figures of the four surviving indians, trembling with fear of us and yet imploring our protection. with an expressive sweep of his hands one of them pointed to the woods around them, and indicated that they were full of danger. then, darting forward, he threw his arms round lord john's legs, and rested his face upon them. "by george!" cried our peer, pulling at his moustache in great perplexity, "i say--what the deuce are we to do with these people? get up, little chappie, and take your face off my boots." summerlee was sitting up and stuffing some tobacco into his old briar. "we've got to see them safe," said he. "you've pulled us all out of the jaws of death. my word! it was a good bit of work!" "admirable!" cried challenger. "admirable! not only we as individuals, but european science collectively, owe you a deep debt of gratitude for what you have done. i do not hesitate to say that the disappearance of professor summerlee and myself would have left an appreciable gap in modern zoological history. our young friend here and you have done most excellently well." he beamed at us with the old paternal smile, but european science would have been somewhat amazed could they have seen their chosen child, the hope of the future, with his tangled, unkempt head, his bare chest, and his tattered clothes. he had one of the meat-tins between his knees, and sat with a large piece of cold australian mutton between his fingers. the indian looked up at him, and then, with a little yelp, cringed to the ground and clung to lord john's leg. "don't you be scared, my bonnie boy," said lord john, patting the matted head in front of him. "he can't stick your appearance, challenger; and, by george! i don't wonder. all right, little chap, he's only a human, just the same as the rest of us." "really, sir!" cried the professor. "well, it's lucky for you, challenger, that you are a little out of the ordinary. if you hadn't been so like the king----" "upon my word, lord john, you allow yourself great latitude." "well, it's a fact." "i beg, sir, that you will change the subject. your remarks are irrelevant and unintelligible. the question before us is what are we to do with these indians? the obvious thing is to escort them home, if we knew where their home was." "there is no difficulty about that," said i. "they live in the caves on the other side of the central lake." "our young friend here knows where they live. i gather that it is some distance." "a good twenty miles," said i. summerlee gave a groan. "i, for one, could never get there. surely i hear those brutes still howling upon our track." as he spoke, from the dark recesses of the woods we heard far away the jabbering cry of the ape-men. the indians once more set up a feeble wail of fear. "we must move, and move quick!" said lord john. "you help summerlee, young fellah. these indians will carry stores. now, then, come along before they can see us." in less than half-an-hour we had reached our brushwood retreat and concealed ourselves. all day we heard the excited calling of the ape-men in the direction of our old camp, but none of them came our way, and the tired fugitives, red and white, had a long, deep sleep. i was dozing myself in the evening when someone plucked my sleeve, and i found challenger kneeling beside me. "you keep a diary of these events, and you expect eventually to publish it, mr. malone," said he, with solemnity. "i am only here as a press reporter," i answered. "exactly. you may have heard some rather fatuous remarks of lord john roxton's which seemed to imply that there was some--some resemblance----" "yes, i heard them." "i need not say that any publicity given to such an idea--any levity in your narrative of what occurred--would be exceedingly offensive to me." "i will keep well within the truth." "lord john's observations are frequently exceedingly fanciful, and he is capable of attributing the most absurd reasons to the respect which is always shown by the most undeveloped races to dignity and character. you follow my meaning?" "entirely." "i leave the matter to your discretion." then, after a long pause, he added: "the king of the ape-men was really a creature of great distinction--a most remarkably handsome and intelligent personality. did it not strike you?" "a most remarkable creature," said i. and the professor, much eased in his mind, settled down to his slumber once more. chapter xiv "those were the real conquests" we had imagined that our pursuers, the ape-men, knew nothing of our brush-wood hiding-place, but we were soon to find out our mistake. there was no sound in the woods--not a leaf moved upon the trees, and all was peace around us--but we should have been warned by our first experience how cunningly and how patiently these creatures can watch and wait until their chance comes. whatever fate may be mine through life, i am very sure that i shall never be nearer death than i was that morning. but i will tell you the thing in its due order. we all awoke exhausted after the terrific emotions and scanty food of yesterday. summerlee was still so weak that it was an effort for him to stand; but the old man was full of a sort of surly courage which would never admit defeat. a council was held, and it was agreed that we should wait quietly for an hour or two where we were, have our much-needed breakfast, and then make our way across the plateau and round the central lake to the caves where my observations had shown that the indians lived. we relied upon the fact that we could count upon the good word of those whom we had rescued to ensure a warm welcome from their fellows. then, with our mission accomplished and possessing a fuller knowledge of the secrets of maple white land, we should turn our whole thoughts to the vital problem of our escape and return. even challenger was ready to admit that we should then have done all for which we had come, and that our first duty from that time onwards was to carry back to civilization the amazing discoveries we had made. we were able now to take a more leisurely view of the indians whom we had rescued. they were small men, wiry, active, and well-built, with lank black hair tied up in a bunch behind their heads with a leathern thong, and leathern also were their loin-clothes. their faces were hairless, well formed, and good-humored. the lobes of their ears, hanging ragged and bloody, showed that they had been pierced for some ornaments which their captors had torn out. their speech, though unintelligible to us, was fluent among themselves, and as they pointed to each other and uttered the word "accala" many times over, we gathered that this was the name of the nation. occasionally, with faces which were convulsed with fear and hatred, they shook their clenched hands at the woods round and cried: "doda! doda!" which was surely their term for their enemies. "what do you make of them, challenger?" asked lord john. "one thing is very clear to me, and that is that the little chap with the front of his head shaved is a chief among them." it was indeed evident that this man stood apart from the others, and that they never ventured to address him without every sign of deep respect. he seemed to be the youngest of them all, and yet, so proud and high was his spirit that, upon challenger laying his great hand upon his head, he started like a spurred horse and, with a quick flash of his dark eyes, moved further away from the professor. then, placing his hand upon his breast and holding himself with great dignity, he uttered the word "maretas" several times. the professor, unabashed, seized the nearest indian by the shoulder and proceeded to lecture upon him as if he were a potted specimen in a class-room. "the type of these people," said he in his sonorous fashion, "whether judged by cranial capacity, facial angle, or any other test, cannot be regarded as a low one; on the contrary, we must place it as considerably higher in the scale than many south american tribes which i can mention. on no possible supposition can we explain the evolution of such a race in this place. for that matter, so great a gap separates these ape-men from the primitive animals which have survived upon this plateau, that it is inadmissible to think that they could have developed where we find them." "then where the dooce did they drop from?" asked lord john. "a question which will, no doubt, be eagerly discussed in every scientific society in europe and america," the professor answered. "my own reading of the situation for what it is worth--" he inflated his chest enormously and looked insolently around him at the words--"is that evolution has advanced under the peculiar conditions of this country up to the vertebrate stage, the old types surviving and living on in company with the newer ones. thus we find such modern creatures as the tapir--an animal with quite a respectable length of pedigree--the great deer, and the ant-eater in the companionship of reptilian forms of jurassic type. so much is clear. and now come the ape-men and the indian. what is the scientific mind to think of their presence? i can only account for it by an invasion from outside. it is probable that there existed an anthropoid ape in south america, who in past ages found his way to this place, and that he developed into the creatures we have seen, some of which"--here he looked hard at me--"were of an appearance and shape which, if it had been accompanied by corresponding intelligence, would, i do not hesitate to say, have reflected credit upon any living race. as to the indians i cannot doubt that they are more recent immigrants from below. under the stress of famine or of conquest they have made their way up here. faced by ferocious creatures which they had never before seen, they took refuge in the caves which our young friend has described, but they have no doubt had a bitter fight to hold their own against wild beasts, and especially against the ape-men who would regard them as intruders, and wage a merciless war upon them with a cunning which the larger beasts would lack. hence the fact that their numbers appear to be limited. well, gentlemen, have i read you the riddle aright, or is there any point which you would query?" professor summerlee for once was too depressed to argue, though he shook his head violently as a token of general disagreement. lord john merely scratched his scanty locks with the remark that he couldn't put up a fight as he wasn't in the same weight or class. for my own part i performed my usual role of bringing things down to a strictly prosaic and practical level by the remark that one of the indians was missing. "he has gone to fetch some water," said lord roxton. "we fitted him up with an empty beef tin and he is off." "to the old camp?" i asked. "no, to the brook. it's among the trees there. it can't be more than a couple of hundred yards. but the beggar is certainly taking his time." "i'll go and look after him," said i. i picked up my rifle and strolled in the direction of the brook, leaving my friends to lay out the scanty breakfast. it may seem to you rash that even for so short a distance i should quit the shelter of our friendly thicket, but you will remember that we were many miles from ape-town, that so far as we knew the creatures had not discovered our retreat, and that in any case with a rifle in my hands i had no fear of them. i had not yet learned their cunning or their strength. i could hear the murmur of our brook somewhere ahead of me, but there was a tangle of trees and brushwood between me and it. i was making my way through this at a point which was just out of sight of my companions, when, under one of the trees, i noticed something red huddled among the bushes. as i approached it, i was shocked to see that it was the dead body of the missing indian. he lay upon his side, his limbs drawn up, and his head screwed round at a most unnatural angle, so that he seemed to be looking straight over his own shoulder. i gave a cry to warn my friends that something was amiss, and running forwards i stooped over the body. surely my guardian angel was very near me then, for some instinct of fear, or it may have been some faint rustle of leaves, made me glance upwards. out of the thick green foliage which hung low over my head, two long muscular arms covered with reddish hair were slowly descending. another instant and the great stealthy hands would have been round my throat. i sprang backwards, but quick as i was, those hands were quicker still. through my sudden spring they missed a fatal grip, but one of them caught the back of my neck and the other one my face. i threw my hands up to protect my throat, and the next moment the huge paw had slid down my face and closed over them. i was lifted lightly from the ground, and i felt an intolerable pressure forcing my head back and back until the strain upon the cervical spine was more than i could bear. my senses swam, but i still tore at the hand and forced it out from my chin. looking up i saw a frightful face with cold inexorable light blue eyes looking down into mine. there was something hypnotic in those terrible eyes. i could struggle no longer. as the creature felt me grow limp in his grasp, two white canines gleamed for a moment at each side of the vile mouth, and the grip tightened still more upon my chin, forcing it always upwards and back. a thin, oval-tinted mist formed before my eyes and little silvery bells tinkled in my ears. dully and far off i heard the crack of a rifle and was feebly aware of the shock as i was dropped to the earth, where i lay without sense or motion. i awoke to find myself on my back upon the grass in our lair within the thicket. someone had brought the water from the brook, and lord john was sprinkling my head with it, while challenger and summerlee were propping me up, with concern in their faces. for a moment i had a glimpse of the human spirits behind their scientific masks. it was really shock, rather than any injury, which had prostrated me, and in half-an-hour, in spite of aching head and stiff neck, i was sitting up and ready for anything. "but you've had the escape of your life, young fellah my lad," said lord roxton. "when i heard your cry and ran forward, and saw your head twisted half-off and your stohwassers kickin' in the air, i thought we were one short. i missed the beast in my flurry, but he dropped you all right and was off like a streak. by george! i wish i had fifty men with rifles. i'd clear out the whole infernal gang of them and leave this country a bit cleaner than we found it." it was clear now that the ape-men had in some way marked us down, and that we were watched on every side. we had not so much to fear from them during the day, but they would be very likely to rush us by night; so the sooner we got away from their neighborhood the better. on three sides of us was absolute forest, and there we might find ourselves in an ambush. but on the fourth side--that which sloped down in the direction of the lake--there was only low scrub, with scattered trees and occasional open glades. it was, in fact, the route which i had myself taken in my solitary journey, and it led us straight for the indian caves. this then must for every reason be our road. one great regret we had, and that was to leave our old camp behind us, not only for the sake of the stores which remained there, but even more because we were losing touch with zambo, our link with the outside world. however, we had a fair supply of cartridges and all our guns, so, for a time at least, we could look after ourselves, and we hoped soon to have a chance of returning and restoring our communications with our negro. he had faithfully promised to stay where he was, and we had not a doubt that he would be as good as his word. it was in the early afternoon that we started upon our journey. the young chief walked at our head as our guide, but refused indignantly to carry any burden. behind him came the two surviving indians with our scanty possessions upon their backs. we four white men walked in the rear with rifles loaded and ready. as we started there broke from the thick silent woods behind us a sudden great ululation of the ape-men, which may have been a cheer of triumph at our departure or a jeer of contempt at our flight. looking back we saw only the dense screen of trees, but that long-drawn yell told us how many of our enemies lurked among them. we saw no sign of pursuit, however, and soon we had got into more open country and beyond their power. as i tramped along, the rearmost of the four, i could not help smiling at the appearance of my three companions in front. was this the luxurious lord john roxton who had sat that evening in the albany amidst his persian rugs and his pictures in the pink radiance of the tinted lights? and was this the imposing professor who had swelled behind the great desk in his massive study at enmore park? and, finally, could this be the austere and prim figure which had risen before the meeting at the zoological institute? no three tramps that one could have met in a surrey lane could have looked more hopeless and bedraggled. we had, it is true, been only a week or so upon the top of the plateau, but all our spare clothing was in our camp below, and the one week had been a severe one upon us all, though least to me who had not to endure the handling of the ape-men. my three friends had all lost their hats, and had now bound handkerchiefs round their heads, their clothes hung in ribbons about them, and their unshaven grimy faces were hardly to be recognized. both summerlee and challenger were limping heavily, while i still dragged my feet from weakness after the shock of the morning, and my neck was as stiff as a board from the murderous grip that held it. we were indeed a sorry crew, and i did not wonder to see our indian companions glance back at us occasionally with horror and amazement on their faces. in the late afternoon we reached the margin of the lake, and as we emerged from the bush and saw the sheet of water stretching before us our native friends set up a shrill cry of joy and pointed eagerly in front of them. it was indeed a wonderful sight which lay before us. sweeping over the glassy surface was a great flotilla of canoes coming straight for the shore upon which we stood. they were some miles out when we first saw them, but they shot forward with great swiftness, and were soon so near that the rowers could distinguish our persons. instantly a thunderous shout of delight burst from them, and we saw them rise from their seats, waving their paddles and spears madly in the air. then bending to their work once more, they flew across the intervening water, beached their boats upon the sloping sand, and rushed up to us, prostrating themselves with loud cries of greeting before the young chief. finally one of them, an elderly man, with a necklace and bracelet of great lustrous glass beads and the skin of some beautiful mottled amber-colored animal slung over his shoulders, ran forward and embraced most tenderly the youth whom we had saved. he then looked at us and asked some questions, after which he stepped up with much dignity and embraced us also each in turn. then, at his order, the whole tribe lay down upon the ground before us in homage. personally i felt shy and uncomfortable at this obsequious adoration, and i read the same feeling in the faces of roxton and summerlee, but challenger expanded like a flower in the sun. "they may be undeveloped types," said he, stroking his beard and looking round at them, "but their deportment in the presence of their superiors might be a lesson to some of our more advanced europeans. strange how correct are the instincts of the natural man!" it was clear that the natives had come out upon the war-path, for every man carried his spear--a long bamboo tipped with bone--his bow and arrows, and some sort of club or stone battle-axe slung at his side. their dark, angry glances at the woods from which we had come, and the frequent repetition of the word "doda," made it clear enough that this was a rescue party who had set forth to save or revenge the old chief's son, for such we gathered that the youth must be. a council was now held by the whole tribe squatting in a circle, whilst we sat near on a slab of basalt and watched their proceedings. two or three warriors spoke, and finally our young friend made a spirited harangue with such eloquent features and gestures that we could understand it all as clearly as if we had known his language. "what is the use of returning?" he said. "sooner or later the thing must be done. your comrades have been murdered. what if i have returned safe? these others have been done to death. there is no safety for any of us. we are assembled now and ready." then he pointed to us. "these strange men are our friends. they are great fighters, and they hate the ape-men even as we do. they command," here he pointed up to heaven, "the thunder and the lightning. when shall we have such a chance again? let us go forward, and either die now or live for the future in safety. how else shall we go back unashamed to our women?" the little red warriors hung upon the words of the speaker, and when he had finished they burst into a roar of applause, waving their rude weapons in the air. the old chief stepped forward to us, and asked us some questions, pointing at the same time to the woods. lord john made a sign to him that he should wait for an answer and then he turned to us. "well, it's up to you to say what you will do," said he; "for my part i have a score to settle with these monkey-folk, and if it ends by wiping them off the face of the earth i don't see that the earth need fret about it. i'm goin' with our little red pals and i mean to see them through the scrap. what do you say, young fellah?" "of course i will come." "and you, challenger?" "i will assuredly co-operate." "and you, summerlee?" "we seem to be drifting very far from the object of this expedition, lord john. i assure you that i little thought when i left my professional chair in london that it was for the purpose of heading a raid of savages upon a colony of anthropoid apes." "to such base uses do we come," said lord john, smiling. "but we are up against it, so what's the decision?" "it seems a most questionable step," said summerlee, argumentative to the last, "but if you are all going, i hardly see how i can remain behind." "then it is settled," said lord john, and turning to the chief he nodded and slapped his rifle. the old fellow clasped our hands, each in turn, while his men cheered louder than ever. it was too late to advance that night, so the indians settled down into a rude bivouac. on all sides their fires began to glimmer and smoke. some of them who had disappeared into the jungle came back presently driving a young iguanodon before them. like the others, it had a daub of asphalt upon its shoulder, and it was only when we saw one of the natives step forward with the air of an owner and give his consent to the beast's slaughter that we understood at last that these great creatures were as much private property as a herd of cattle, and that these symbols which had so perplexed us were nothing more than the marks of the owner. helpless, torpid, and vegetarian, with great limbs but a minute brain, they could be rounded up and driven by a child. in a few minutes the huge beast had been cut up and slabs of him were hanging over a dozen camp fires, together with great scaly ganoid fish which had been speared in the lake. summerlee had lain down and slept upon the sand, but we others roamed round the edge of the water, seeking to learn something more of this strange country. twice we found pits of blue clay, such as we had already seen in the swamp of the pterodactyls. these were old volcanic vents, and for some reason excited the greatest interest in lord john. what attracted challenger, on the other hand, was a bubbling, gurgling mud geyser, where some strange gas formed great bursting bubbles upon the surface. he thrust a hollow reed into it and cried out with delight like a schoolboy then he was able, on touching it with a lighted match, to cause a sharp explosion and a blue flame at the far end of the tube. still more pleased was he when, inverting a leathern pouch over the end of the reed, and so filling it with the gas, he was able to send it soaring up into the air. "an inflammable gas, and one markedly lighter than the atmosphere. i should say beyond doubt that it contained a considerable proportion of free hydrogen. the resources of g. e. c. are not yet exhausted, my young friend. i may yet show you how a great mind molds all nature to its use." he swelled with some secret purpose, but would say no more. there was nothing which we could see upon the shore which seemed to me so wonderful as the great sheet of water before us. our numbers and our noise had frightened all living creatures away, and save for a few pterodactyls, which soared round high above our heads while they waited for the carrion, all was still around the camp. but it was different out upon the rose-tinted waters of the central lake. it boiled and heaved with strange life. great slate-colored backs and high serrated dorsal fins shot up with a fringe of silver, and then rolled down into the depths again. the sand-banks far out were spotted with uncouth crawling forms, huge turtles, strange saurians, and one great flat creature like a writhing, palpitating mat of black greasy leather, which flopped its way slowly to the lake. here and there high serpent heads projected out of the water, cutting swiftly through it with a little collar of foam in front, and a long swirling wake behind, rising and falling in graceful, swan-like undulations as they went. it was not until one of these creatures wriggled on to a sand-bank within a few hundred yards of us, and exposed a barrel-shaped body and huge flippers behind the long serpent neck, that challenger, and summerlee, who had joined us, broke out into their duet of wonder and admiration. "plesiosaurus! a fresh-water plesiosaurus!" cried summerlee. "that i should have lived to see such a sight! we are blessed, my dear challenger, above all zoologists since the world began!" it was not until the night had fallen, and the fires of our savage allies glowed red in the shadows, that our two men of science could be dragged away from the fascinations of that primeval lake. even in the darkness as we lay upon the strand, we heard from time to time the snort and plunge of the huge creatures who lived therein. at earliest dawn our camp was astir and an hour later we had started upon our memorable expedition. often in my dreams have i thought that i might live to be a war correspondent. in what wildest one could i have conceived the nature of the campaign which it should be my lot to report! here then is my first despatch from a field of battle: our numbers had been reinforced during the night by a fresh batch of natives from the caves, and we may have been four or five hundred strong when we made our advance. a fringe of scouts was thrown out in front, and behind them the whole force in a solid column made their way up the long slope of the bush country until we were near the edge of the forest. here they spread out into a long straggling line of spearmen and bowmen. roxton and summerlee took their position upon the right flank, while challenger and i were on the left. it was a host of the stone age that we were accompanying to battle--we with the last word of the gunsmith's art from st. james' street and the strand. we had not long to wait for our enemy. a wild shrill clamor rose from the edge of the wood and suddenly a body of ape-men rushed out with clubs and stones, and made for the center of the indian line. it was a valiant move but a foolish one, for the great bandy-legged creatures were slow of foot, while their opponents were as active as cats. it was horrible to see the fierce brutes with foaming mouths and glaring eyes, rushing and grasping, but forever missing their elusive enemies, while arrow after arrow buried itself in their hides. one great fellow ran past me roaring with pain, with a dozen darts sticking from his chest and ribs. in mercy i put a bullet through his skull, and he fell sprawling among the aloes. but this was the only shot fired, for the attack had been on the center of the line, and the indians there had needed no help of ours in repulsing it. of all the ape-men who had rushed out into the open, i do not think that one got back to cover. but the matter was more deadly when we came among the trees. for an hour or more after we entered the wood, there was a desperate struggle in which for a time we hardly held our own. springing out from among the scrub the ape-men with huge clubs broke in upon the indians and often felled three or four of them before they could be speared. their frightful blows shattered everything upon which they fell. one of them knocked summerlee's rifle to matchwood and the next would have crushed his skull had an indian not stabbed the beast to the heart. other ape-men in the trees above us hurled down stones and logs of wood, occasionally dropping bodily on to our ranks and fighting furiously until they were felled. once our allies broke under the pressure, and had it not been for the execution done by our rifles they would certainly have taken to their heels. but they were gallantly rallied by their old chief and came on with such a rush that the ape-men began in turn to give way. summerlee was weaponless, but i was emptying my magazine as quick as i could fire, and on the further flank we heard the continuous cracking of our companion's rifles. then in a moment came the panic and the collapse. screaming and howling, the great creatures rushed away in all directions through the brushwood, while our allies yelled in their savage delight, following swiftly after their flying enemies. all the feuds of countless generations, all the hatreds and cruelties of their narrow history, all the memories of ill-usage and persecution were to be purged that day. at last man was to be supreme and the man-beast to find forever his allotted place. fly as they would the fugitives were too slow to escape from the active savages, and from every side in the tangled woods we heard the exultant yells, the twanging of bows, and the crash and thud as ape-men were brought down from their hiding-places in the trees. i was following the others, when i found that lord john and challenger had come across to join us. "it's over," said lord john. "i think we can leave the tidying up to them. perhaps the less we see of it the better we shall sleep." challenger's eyes were shining with the lust of slaughter. "we have been privileged," he cried, strutting about like a gamecock, "to be present at one of the typical decisive battles of history--the battles which have determined the fate of the world. what, my friends, is the conquest of one nation by another? it is meaningless. each produces the same result. but those fierce fights, when in the dawn of the ages the cave-dwellers held their own against the tiger folk, or the elephants first found that they had a master, those were the real conquests--the victories that count. by this strange turn of fate we have seen and helped to decide even such a contest. now upon this plateau the future must ever be for man." it needed a robust faith in the end to justify such tragic means. as we advanced together through the woods we found the ape-men lying thick, transfixed with spears or arrows. here and there a little group of shattered indians marked where one of the anthropoids had turned to bay, and sold his life dearly. always in front of us we heard the yelling and roaring which showed the direction of the pursuit. the ape-men had been driven back to their city, they had made a last stand there, once again they had been broken, and now we were in time to see the final fearful scene of all. some eighty or a hundred males, the last survivors, had been driven across that same little clearing which led to the edge of the cliff, the scene of our own exploit two days before. as we arrived the indians, a semicircle of spearmen, had closed in on them, and in a minute it was over, thirty or forty died where they stood. the others, screaming and clawing, were thrust over the precipice, and went hurtling down, as their prisoners had of old, on to the sharp bamboos six hundred feet below. it was as challenger had said, and the reign of man was assured forever in maple white land. the males were exterminated, ape town was destroyed, the females and young were driven away to live in bondage, and the long rivalry of untold centuries had reached its bloody end. for us the victory brought much advantage. once again we were able to visit our camp and get at our stores. once more also we were able to communicate with zambo, who had been terrified by the spectacle from afar of an avalanche of apes falling from the edge of the cliff. "come away, massas, come away!" he cried, his eyes starting from his head. "the debbil get you sure if you stay up there." "it is the voice of sanity!" said summerlee with conviction. "we have had adventures enough and they are neither suitable to our character or our position. i hold you to your word, challenger. from now onwards you devote your energies to getting us out of this horrible country and back once more to civilization." chapter xv "our eyes have seen great wonders" i write this from day to day, but i trust that before i come to the end of it, i may be able to say that the light shines, at last, through our clouds. we are held here with no clear means of making our escape, and bitterly we chafe against it. yet, i can well imagine that the day may come when we may be glad that we were kept, against our will, to see something more of the wonders of this singular place, and of the creatures who inhabit it. the victory of the indians and the annihilation of the ape-men, marked the turning point of our fortunes. from then onwards, we were in truth masters of the plateau, for the natives looked upon us with a mixture of fear and gratitude, since by our strange powers we had aided them to destroy their hereditary foe. for their own sakes they would, perhaps, be glad to see the departure of such formidable and incalculable people, but they have not themselves suggested any way by which we may reach the plains below. there had been, so far as we could follow their signs, a tunnel by which the place could be approached, the lower exit of which we had seen from below. by this, no doubt, both ape-men and indians had at different epochs reached the top, and maple white with his companion had taken the same way. only the year before, however, there had been a terrific earthquake, and the upper end of the tunnel had fallen in and completely disappeared. the indians now could only shake their heads and shrug their shoulders when we expressed by signs our desire to descend. it may be that they cannot, but it may also be that they will not, help us to get away. at the end of the victorious campaign the surviving ape-folk were driven across the plateau (their wailings were horrible) and established in the neighborhood of the indian caves, where they would, from now onwards, be a servile race under the eyes of their masters. it was a rude, raw, primeval version of the jews in babylon or the israelites in egypt. at night we could hear from amid the trees the long-drawn cry, as some primitive ezekiel mourned for fallen greatness and recalled the departed glories of ape town. hewers of wood and drawers of water, such were they from now onwards. we had returned across the plateau with our allies two days after the battle, and made our camp at the foot of their cliffs. they would have had us share their caves with them, but lord john would by no means consent to it considering that to do so would put us in their power if they were treacherously disposed. we kept our independence, therefore, and had our weapons ready for any emergency, while preserving the most friendly relations. we also continually visited their caves, which were most remarkable places, though whether made by man or by nature we have never been able to determine. they were all on the one stratum, hollowed out of some soft rock which lay between the volcanic basalt forming the ruddy cliffs above them, and the hard granite which formed their base. the openings were about eighty feet above the ground, and were led up to by long stone stairs, so narrow and steep that no large animal could mount them. inside they were warm and dry, running in straight passages of varying length into the side of the hill, with smooth gray walls decorated with many excellent pictures done with charred sticks and representing the various animals of the plateau. if every living thing were swept from the country the future explorer would find upon the walls of these caves ample evidence of the strange fauna--the dinosaurs, iguanodons, and fish lizards--which had lived so recently upon earth. since we had learned that the huge iguanodons were kept as tame herds by their owners, and were simply walking meat-stores, we had conceived that man, even with his primitive weapons, had established his ascendancy upon the plateau. we were soon to discover that it was not so, and that he was still there upon tolerance. it was on the third day after our forming our camp near the indian caves that the tragedy occurred. challenger and summerlee had gone off together that day to the lake where some of the natives, under their direction, were engaged in harpooning specimens of the great lizards. lord john and i had remained in our camp, while a number of the indians were scattered about upon the grassy slope in front of the caves engaged in different ways. suddenly there was a shrill cry of alarm, with the word "stoa" resounding from a hundred tongues. from every side men, women, and children were rushing wildly for shelter, swarming up the staircases and into the caves in a mad stampede. looking up, we could see them waving their arms from the rocks above and beckoning to us to join them in their refuge. we had both seized our magazine rifles and ran out to see what the danger could be. suddenly from the near belt of trees there broke forth a group of twelve or fifteen indians, running for their lives, and at their very heels two of those frightful monsters which had disturbed our camp and pursued me upon my solitary journey. in shape they were like horrible toads, and moved in a succession of springs, but in size they were of an incredible bulk, larger than the largest elephant. we had never before seen them save at night, and indeed they are nocturnal animals save when disturbed in their lairs, as these had been. we now stood amazed at the sight, for their blotched and warty skins were of a curious fish-like iridescence, and the sunlight struck them with an ever-varying rainbow bloom as they moved. we had little time to watch them, however, for in an instant they had overtaken the fugitives and were making a dire slaughter among them. their method was to fall forward with their full weight upon each in turn, leaving him crushed and mangled, to bound on after the others. the wretched indians screamed with terror, but were helpless, run as they would, before the relentless purpose and horrible activity of these monstrous creatures. one after another they went down, and there were not half-a-dozen surviving by the time my companion and i could come to their help. but our aid was of little avail and only involved us in the same peril. at the range of a couple of hundred yards we emptied our magazines, firing bullet after bullet into the beasts, but with no more effect than if we were pelting them with pellets of paper. their slow reptilian natures cared nothing for wounds, and the springs of their lives, with no special brain center but scattered throughout their spinal cords, could not be tapped by any modern weapons. the most that we could do was to check their progress by distracting their attention with the flash and roar of our guns, and so to give both the natives and ourselves time to reach the steps which led to safety. but where the conical explosive bullets of the twentieth century were of no avail, the poisoned arrows of the natives, dipped in the juice of strophanthus and steeped afterwards in decayed carrion, could succeed. such arrows were of little avail to the hunter who attacked the beast, because their action in that torpid circulation was slow, and before its powers failed it could certainly overtake and slay its assailant. but now, as the two monsters hounded us to the very foot of the stairs, a drift of darts came whistling from every chink in the cliff above them. in a minute they were feathered with them, and yet with no sign of pain they clawed and slobbered with impotent rage at the steps which would lead them to their victims, mounting clumsily up for a few yards and then sliding down again to the ground. but at last the poison worked. one of them gave a deep rumbling groan and dropped his huge squat head on to the earth. the other bounded round in an eccentric circle with shrill, wailing cries, and then lying down writhed in agony for some minutes before it also stiffened and lay still. with yells of triumph the indians came flocking down from their caves and danced a frenzied dance of victory round the dead bodies, in mad joy that two more of the most dangerous of all their enemies had been slain. that night they cut up and removed the bodies, not to eat--for the poison was still active--but lest they should breed a pestilence. the great reptilian hearts, however, each as large as a cushion, still lay there, beating slowly and steadily, with a gentle rise and fall, in horrible independent life. it was only upon the third day that the ganglia ran down and the dreadful things were still. some day, when i have a better desk than a meat-tin and more helpful tools than a worn stub of pencil and a last, tattered note-book, i will write some fuller account of the accala indians--of our life amongst them, and of the glimpses which we had of the strange conditions of wondrous maple white land. memory, at least, will never fail me, for so long as the breath of life is in me, every hour and every action of that period will stand out as hard and clear as do the first strange happenings of our childhood. no new impressions could efface those which are so deeply cut. when the time comes i will describe that wondrous moonlit night upon the great lake when a young ichthyosaurus--a strange creature, half seal, half fish, to look at, with bone-covered eyes on each side of his snout, and a third eye fixed upon the top of his head--was entangled in an indian net, and nearly upset our canoe before we towed it ashore; the same night that a green water-snake shot out from the rushes and carried off in its coils the steersman of challenger's canoe. i will tell, too, of the great nocturnal white thing--to this day we do not know whether it was beast or reptile--which lived in a vile swamp to the east of the lake, and flitted about with a faint phosphorescent glimmer in the darkness. the indians were so terrified at it that they would not go near the place, and, though we twice made expeditions and saw it each time, we could not make our way through the deep marsh in which it lived. i can only say that it seemed to be larger than a cow and had the strangest musky odor. i will tell also of the huge bird which chased challenger to the shelter of the rocks one day--a great running bird, far taller than an ostrich, with a vulture-like neck and cruel head which made it a walking death. as challenger climbed to safety one dart of that savage curving beak shore off the heel of his boot as if it had been cut with a chisel. this time at least modern weapons prevailed and the great creature, twelve feet from head to foot--phororachus its name, according to our panting but exultant professor--went down before lord roxton's rifle in a flurry of waving feathers and kicking limbs, with two remorseless yellow eyes glaring up from the midst of it. may i live to see that flattened vicious skull in its own niche amid the trophies of the albany. finally, i will assuredly give some account of the toxodon, the giant ten-foot guinea pig, with projecting chisel teeth, which we killed as it drank in the gray of the morning by the side of the lake. all this i shall some day write at fuller length, and amidst these more stirring days i would tenderly sketch in these lovely summer evenings, when with the deep blue sky above us we lay in good comradeship among the long grasses by the wood and marveled at the strange fowl that swept over us and the quaint new creatures which crept from their burrows to watch us, while above us the boughs of the bushes were heavy with luscious fruit, and below us strange and lovely flowers peeped at us from among the herbage; or those long moonlit nights when we lay out upon the shimmering surface of the great lake and watched with wonder and awe the huge circles rippling out from the sudden splash of some fantastic monster; or the greenish gleam, far down in the deep water, of some strange creature upon the confines of darkness. these are the scenes which my mind and my pen will dwell upon in every detail at some future day. but, you will ask, why these experiences and why this delay, when you and your comrades should have been occupied day and night in the devising of some means by which you could return to the outer world? my answer is, that there was not one of us who was not working for this end, but that our work had been in vain. one fact we had very speedily discovered: the indians would do nothing to help us. in every other way they were our friends--one might almost say our devoted slaves--but when it was suggested that they should help us to make and carry a plank which would bridge the chasm, or when we wished to get from them thongs of leather or liana to weave ropes which might help us, we were met by a good-humored, but an invincible, refusal. they would smile, twinkle their eyes, shake their heads, and there was the end of it. even the old chief met us with the same obstinate denial, and it was only maretas, the youngster whom we had saved, who looked wistfully at us and told us by his gestures that he was grieved for our thwarted wishes. ever since their crowning triumph with the ape-men they looked upon us as supermen, who bore victory in the tubes of strange weapons, and they believed that so long as we remained with them good fortune would be theirs. a little red-skinned wife and a cave of our own were freely offered to each of us if we would but forget our own people and dwell forever upon the plateau. so far all had been kindly, however far apart our desires might be; but we felt well assured that our actual plans of a descent must be kept secret, for we had reason to fear that at the last they might try to hold us by force. in spite of the danger from dinosaurs (which is not great save at night, for, as i may have said before, they are mostly nocturnal in their habits) i have twice in the last three weeks been over to our old camp in order to see our negro who still kept watch and ward below the cliff. my eyes strained eagerly across the great plain in the hope of seeing afar off the help for which we had prayed. but the long cactus-strewn levels still stretched away, empty and bare, to the distant line of the cane-brake. "they will soon come now, massa malone. before another week pass indian come back and bring rope and fetch you down." such was the cheery cry of our excellent zambo. i had one strange experience as i came from this second visit which had involved my being away for a night from my companions. i was returning along the well-remembered route, and had reached a spot within a mile or so of the marsh of the pterodactyls, when i saw an extraordinary object approaching me. it was a man who walked inside a framework made of bent canes so that he was enclosed on all sides in a bell-shaped cage. as i drew nearer i was more amazed still to see that it was lord john roxton. when he saw me he slipped from under his curious protection and came towards me laughing, and yet, as i thought, with some confusion in his manner. "well, young fellah," said he, "who would have thought of meetin' you up here?" "what in the world are you doing?" i asked. "visitin' my friends, the pterodactyls," said he. "but why?" "interestin' beasts, don't you think? but unsociable! nasty rude ways with strangers, as you may remember. so i rigged this framework which keeps them from bein' too pressin' in their attentions." "but what do you want in the swamp?" he looked at me with a very questioning eye, and i read hesitation in his face. "don't you think other people besides professors can want to know things?" he said at last. "i'm studyin' the pretty dears. that's enough for you." "no offense," said i. his good-humor returned and he laughed. "no offense, young fellah. i'm goin' to get a young devil chick for challenger. that's one of my jobs. no, i don't want your company. i'm safe in this cage, and you are not. so long, and i'll be back in camp by night-fall." he turned away and i left him wandering on through the wood with his extraordinary cage around him. if lord john's behavior at this time was strange, that of challenger was more so. i may say that he seemed to possess an extraordinary fascination for the indian women, and that he always carried a large spreading palm branch with which he beat them off as if they were flies, when their attentions became too pressing. to see him walking like a comic opera sultan, with this badge of authority in his hand, his black beard bristling in front of him, his toes pointing at each step, and a train of wide-eyed indian girls behind him, clad in their slender drapery of bark cloth, is one of the most grotesque of all the pictures which i will carry back with me. as to summerlee, he was absorbed in the insect and bird life of the plateau, and spent his whole time (save that considerable portion which was devoted to abusing challenger for not getting us out of our difficulties) in cleaning and mounting his specimens. challenger had been in the habit of walking off by himself every morning and returning from time to time with looks of portentous solemnity, as one who bears the full weight of a great enterprise upon his shoulders. one day, palm branch in hand, and his crowd of adoring devotees behind him, he led us down to his hidden work-shop and took us into the secret of his plans. the place was a small clearing in the center of a palm grove. in this was one of those boiling mud geysers which i have already described. around its edge were scattered a number of leathern thongs cut from iguanodon hide, and a large collapsed membrane which proved to be the dried and scraped stomach of one of the great fish lizards from the lake. this huge sack had been sewn up at one end and only a small orifice left at the other. into this opening several bamboo canes had been inserted and the other ends of these canes were in contact with conical clay funnels which collected the gas bubbling up through the mud of the geyser. soon the flaccid organ began to slowly expand and show such a tendency to upward movements that challenger fastened the cords which held it to the trunks of the surrounding trees. in half an hour a good-sized gas-bag had been formed, and the jerking and straining upon the thongs showed that it was capable of considerable lift. challenger, like a glad father in the presence of his first-born, stood smiling and stroking his beard, in silent, self-satisfied content as he gazed at the creation of his brain. it was summerlee who first broke the silence. "you don't mean us to go up in that thing, challenger?" said he, in an acid voice. "i mean, my dear summerlee, to give you such a demonstration of its powers that after seeing it you will, i am sure, have no hesitation in trusting yourself to it." "you can put it right out of your head now, at once," said summerlee with decision, "nothing on earth would induce me to commit such a folly. lord john, i trust that you will not countenance such madness?" "dooced ingenious, i call it," said our peer. "i'd like to see how it works." "so you shall," said challenger. "for some days i have exerted my whole brain force upon the problem of how we shall descend from these cliffs. we have satisfied ourselves that we cannot climb down and that there is no tunnel. we are also unable to construct any kind of bridge which may take us back to the pinnacle from which we came. how then shall i find a means to convey us? some little time ago i had remarked to our young friend here that free hydrogen was evolved from the geyser. the idea of a balloon naturally followed. i was, i will admit, somewhat baffled by the difficulty of discovering an envelope to contain the gas, but the contemplation of the immense entrails of these reptiles supplied me with a solution to the problem. behold the result!" he put one hand in the front of his ragged jacket and pointed proudly with the other. by this time the gas-bag had swollen to a goodly rotundity and was jerking strongly upon its lashings. "midsummer madness!" snorted summerlee. lord john was delighted with the whole idea. "clever old dear, ain't he?" he whispered to me, and then louder to challenger. "what about a car?" "the car will be my next care. i have already planned how it is to be made and attached. meanwhile i will simply show you how capable my apparatus is of supporting the weight of each of us." "all of us, surely?" "no, it is part of my plan that each in turn shall descend as in a parachute, and the balloon be drawn back by means which i shall have no difficulty in perfecting. if it will support the weight of one and let him gently down, it will have done all that is required of it. i will now show you its capacity in that direction." he brought out a lump of basalt of a considerable size, constructed in the middle so that a cord could be easily attached to it. this cord was the one which we had brought with us on to the plateau after we had used it for climbing the pinnacle. it was over a hundred feet long, and though it was thin it was very strong. he had prepared a sort of collar of leather with many straps depending from it. this collar was placed over the dome of the balloon, and the hanging thongs were gathered together below, so that the pressure of any weight would be diffused over a considerable surface. then the lump of basalt was fastened to the thongs, and the rope was allowed to hang from the end of it, being passed three times round the professor's arm. "i will now," said challenger, with a smile of pleased anticipation, "demonstrate the carrying power of my balloon." as he said so he cut with a knife the various lashings that held it. never was our expedition in more imminent danger of complete annihilation. the inflated membrane shot up with frightful velocity into the air. in an instant challenger was pulled off his feet and dragged after it. i had just time to throw my arms round his ascending waist when i was myself whipped up into the air. lord john had me with a rat-trap grip round the legs, but i felt that he also was coming off the ground. for a moment i had a vision of four adventurers floating like a string of sausages over the land that they had explored. but, happily, there were limits to the strain which the rope would stand, though none apparently to the lifting powers of this infernal machine. there was a sharp crack, and we were in a heap upon the ground with coils of rope all over us. when we were able to stagger to our feet we saw far off in the deep blue sky one dark spot where the lump of basalt was speeding upon its way. "splendid!" cried the undaunted challenger, rubbing his injured arm. "a most thorough and satisfactory demonstration! i could not have anticipated such a success. within a week, gentlemen, i promise that a second balloon will be prepared, and that you can count upon taking in safety and comfort the first stage of our homeward journey." so far i have written each of the foregoing events as it occurred. now i am rounding off my narrative from the old camp, where zambo has waited so long, with all our difficulties and dangers left like a dream behind us upon the summit of those vast ruddy crags which tower above our heads. we have descended in safety, though in a most unexpected fashion, and all is well with us. in six weeks or two months we shall be in london, and it is possible that this letter may not reach you much earlier than we do ourselves. already our hearts yearn and our spirits fly towards the great mother city which holds so much that is dear to us. it was on the very evening of our perilous adventure with challenger's home-made balloon that the change came in our fortunes. i have said that the one person from whom we had had some sign of sympathy in our attempts to get away was the young chief whom we had rescued. he alone had no desire to hold us against our will in a strange land. he had told us as much by his expressive language of signs. that evening, after dusk, he came down to our little camp, handed me (for some reason he had always shown his attentions to me, perhaps because i was the one who was nearest his age) a small roll of the bark of a tree, and then pointing solemnly up at the row of caves above him, he had put his finger to his lips as a sign of secrecy and had stolen back again to his people. i took the slip of bark to the firelight and we examined it together. it was about a foot square, and on the inner side there was a singular arrangement of lines, which i here reproduce: they were neatly done in charcoal upon the white surface, and looked to me at first sight like some sort of rough musical score. "whatever it is, i can swear that it is of importance to us," said i. "i could read that on his face as he gave it." "unless we have come upon a primitive practical joker," summerlee suggested, "which i should think would be one of the most elementary developments of man." "it is clearly some sort of script," said challenger. "looks like a guinea puzzle competition," remarked lord john, craning his neck to have a look at it. then suddenly he stretched out his hand and seized the puzzle. "by george!" he cried, "i believe i've got it. the boy guessed right the very first time. see here! how many marks are on that paper? eighteen. well, if you come to think of it there are eighteen cave openings on the hill-side above us." "he pointed up to the caves when he gave it to me," said i. "well, that settles it. this is a chart of the caves. what! eighteen of them all in a row, some short, some deep, some branching, same as we saw them. it's a map, and here's a cross on it. what's the cross for? it is placed to mark one that is much deeper than the others." "one that goes through," i cried. "i believe our young friend has read the riddle," said challenger. "if the cave does not go through i do not understand why this person, who has every reason to mean us well, should have drawn our attention to it. but if it does go through and comes out at the corresponding point on the other side, we should not have more than a hundred feet to descend." "a hundred feet!" grumbled summerlee. "well, our rope is still more than a hundred feet long," i cried. "surely we could get down." "how about the indians in the cave?" summerlee objected. "there are no indians in any of the caves above our heads," said i. "they are all used as barns and store-houses. why should we not go up now at once and spy out the land?" there is a dry bituminous wood upon the plateau--a species of araucaria, according to our botanist--which is always used by the indians for torches. each of us picked up a faggot of this, and we made our way up weed-covered steps to the particular cave which was marked in the drawing. it was, as i had said, empty, save for a great number of enormous bats, which flapped round our heads as we advanced into it. as we had no desire to draw the attention of the indians to our proceedings, we stumbled along in the dark until we had gone round several curves and penetrated a considerable distance into the cavern. then, at last, we lit our torches. it was a beautiful dry tunnel with smooth gray walls covered with native symbols, a curved roof which arched over our heads, and white glistening sand beneath our feet. we hurried eagerly along it until, with a deep groan of bitter disappointment, we were brought to a halt. a sheer wall of rock had appeared before us, with no chink through which a mouse could have slipped. there was no escape for us there. we stood with bitter hearts staring at this unexpected obstacle. it was not the result of any convulsion, as in the case of the ascending tunnel. the end wall was exactly like the side ones. it was, and had always been, a cul-de-sac. "never mind, my friends," said the indomitable challenger. "you have still my firm promise of a balloon." summerlee groaned. "can we be in the wrong cave?" i suggested. "no use, young fellah," said lord john, with his finger on the chart. "seventeen from the right and second from the left. this is the cave sure enough." i looked at the mark to which his finger pointed, and i gave a sudden cry of joy. "i believe i have it! follow me! follow me!" i hurried back along the way we had come, my torch in my hand. "here," said i, pointing to some matches upon the ground, "is where we lit up." "exactly." "well, it is marked as a forked cave, and in the darkness we passed the fork before the torches were lit. on the right side as we go out we should find the longer arm." it was as i had said. we had not gone thirty yards before a great black opening loomed in the wall. we turned into it to find that we were in a much larger passage than before. along it we hurried in breathless impatience for many hundreds of yards. then, suddenly, in the black darkness of the arch in front of us we saw a gleam of dark red light. we stared in amazement. a sheet of steady flame seemed to cross the passage and to bar our way. we hastened towards it. no sound, no heat, no movement came from it, but still the great luminous curtain glowed before us, silvering all the cave and turning the sand to powdered jewels, until as we drew closer it discovered a circular edge. "the moon, by george!" cried lord john. "we are through, boys! we are through!" it was indeed the full moon which shone straight down the aperture which opened upon the cliffs. it was a small rift, not larger than a window, but it was enough for all our purposes. as we craned our necks through it we could see that the descent was not a very difficult one, and that the level ground was no very great way below us. it was no wonder that from below we had not observed the place, as the cliffs curved overhead and an ascent at the spot would have seemed so impossible as to discourage close inspection. we satisfied ourselves that with the help of our rope we could find our way down, and then returned, rejoicing, to our camp to make our preparations for the next evening. what we did we had to do quickly and secretly, since even at this last hour the indians might hold us back. our stores we would leave behind us, save only our guns and cartridges. but challenger had some unwieldy stuff which he ardently desired to take with him, and one particular package, of which i may not speak, which gave us more labor than any. slowly the day passed, but when the darkness fell we were ready for our departure. with much labor we got our things up the steps, and then, looking back, took one last long survey of that strange land, soon i fear to be vulgarized, the prey of hunter and prospector, but to each of us a dreamland of glamour and romance, a land where we had dared much, suffered much, and learned much--our land, as we shall ever fondly call it. along upon our left the neighboring caves each threw out its ruddy cheery firelight into the gloom. from the slope below us rose the voices of the indians as they laughed and sang. beyond was the long sweep of the woods, and in the center, shimmering vaguely through the gloom, was the great lake, the mother of strange monsters. even as we looked a high whickering cry, the call of some weird animal, rang clear out of the darkness. it was the very voice of maple white land bidding us good-bye. we turned and plunged into the cave which led to home. two hours later, we, our packages, and all we owned, were at the foot of the cliff. save for challenger's luggage we had never a difficulty. leaving it all where we descended, we started at once for zambo's camp. in the early morning we approached it, but only to find, to our amazement, not one fire but a dozen upon the plain. the rescue party had arrived. there were twenty indians from the river, with stakes, ropes, and all that could be useful for bridging the chasm. at least we shall have no difficulty now in carrying our packages, when to-morrow we begin to make our way back to the amazon. and so, in humble and thankful mood, i close this account. our eyes have seen great wonders and our souls are chastened by what we have endured. each is in his own way a better and deeper man. it may be that when we reach para we shall stop to refit. if we do, this letter will be a mail ahead. if not, it will reach london on the very day that i do. in either case, my dear mr. mcardle, i hope very soon to shake you by the hand. chapter xvi "a procession! a procession!" i should wish to place upon record here our gratitude to all our friends upon the amazon for the very great kindness and hospitality which was shown to us upon our return journey. very particularly would i thank senhor penalosa and other officials of the brazilian government for the special arrangements by which we were helped upon our way, and senhor pereira of para, to whose forethought we owe the complete outfit for a decent appearance in the civilized world which we found ready for us at that town. it seemed a poor return for all the courtesy which we encountered that we should deceive our hosts and benefactors, but under the circumstances we had really no alternative, and i hereby tell them that they will only waste their time and their money if they attempt to follow upon our traces. even the names have been altered in our accounts, and i am very sure that no one, from the most careful study of them, could come within a thousand miles of our unknown land. the excitement which had been caused through those parts of south america which we had to traverse was imagined by us to be purely local, and i can assure our friends in england that we had no notion of the uproar which the mere rumor of our experiences had caused through europe. it was not until the ivernia was within five hundred miles of southampton that the wireless messages from paper after paper and agency after agency, offering huge prices for a short return message as to our actual results, showed us how strained was the attention not only of the scientific world but of the general public. it was agreed among us, however, that no definite statement should be given to the press until we had met the members of the zoological institute, since as delegates it was our clear duty to give our first report to the body from which we had received our commission of investigation. thus, although we found southampton full of pressmen, we absolutely refused to give any information, which had the natural effect of focussing public attention upon the meeting which was advertised for the evening of november th. for this gathering, the zoological hall which had been the scene of the inception of our task was found to be far too small, and it was only in the queen's hall in regent street that accommodation could be found. it is now common knowledge the promoters might have ventured upon the albert hall and still found their space too scanty. it was for the second evening after our arrival that the great meeting had been fixed. for the first, we had each, no doubt, our own pressing personal affairs to absorb us. of mine i cannot yet speak. it may be that as it stands further from me i may think of it, and even speak of it, with less emotion. i have shown the reader in the beginning of this narrative where lay the springs of my action. it is but right, perhaps, that i should carry on the tale and show also the results. and yet the day may come when i would not have it otherwise. at least i have been driven forth to take part in a wondrous adventure, and i cannot but be thankful to the force that drove me. and now i turn to the last supreme eventful moment of our adventure. as i was racking my brain as to how i should best describe it, my eyes fell upon the issue of my own journal for the morning of the th of november with the full and excellent account of my friend and fellow-reporter macdona. what can i do better than transcribe his narrative--head-lines and all? i admit that the paper was exuberant in the matter, out of compliment to its own enterprise in sending a correspondent, but the other great dailies were hardly less full in their account. thus, then, friend mac in his report: the new world great meeting at the queen's hall scenes of uproar extraordinary incident what was it? nocturnal riot in regent street (special) "the much-discussed meeting of the zoological institute, convened to hear the report of the committee of investigation sent out last year to south america to test the assertions made by professor challenger as to the continued existence of prehistoric life upon that continent, was held last night in the greater queen's hall, and it is safe to say that it is likely to be a red letter date in the history of science, for the proceedings were of so remarkable and sensational a character that no one present is ever likely to forget them." (oh, brother scribe macdona, what a monstrous opening sentence!) "the tickets were theoretically confined to members and their friends, but the latter is an elastic term, and long before eight o'clock, the hour fixed for the commencement of the proceedings, all parts of the great hall were tightly packed. the general public, however, which most unreasonably entertained a grievance at having been excluded, stormed the doors at a quarter to eight, after a prolonged melee in which several people were injured, including inspector scoble of h. division, whose leg was unfortunately broken. after this unwarrantable invasion, which not only filled every passage, but even intruded upon the space set apart for the press, it is estimated that nearly five thousand people awaited the arrival of the travelers. when they eventually appeared, they took their places in the front of a platform which already contained all the leading scientific men, not only of this country, but of france and of germany. sweden was also represented, in the person of professor sergius, the famous zoologist of the university of upsala. the entrance of the four heroes of the occasion was the signal for a remarkable demonstration of welcome, the whole audience rising and cheering for some minutes. an acute observer might, however, have detected some signs of dissent amid the applause, and gathered that the proceedings were likely to become more lively than harmonious. it may safely be prophesied, however, that no one could have foreseen the extraordinary turn which they were actually to take. "of the appearance of the four wanderers little need be said, since their photographs have for some time been appearing in all the papers. they bear few traces of the hardships which they are said to have undergone. professor challenger's beard may be more shaggy, professor summerlee's features more ascetic, lord john roxton's figure more gaunt, and all three may be burned to a darker tint than when they left our shores, but each appeared to be in most excellent health. as to our own representative, the well-known athlete and international rugby football player, e. d. malone, he looks trained to a hair, and as he surveyed the crowd a smile of good-humored contentment pervaded his honest but homely face." (all right, mac, wait till i get you alone!) "when quiet had been restored and the audience resumed their seats after the ovation which they had given to the travelers, the chairman, the duke of durham, addressed the meeting. 'he would not,' he said, 'stand for more than a moment between that vast assembly and the treat which lay before them. it was not for him to anticipate what professor summerlee, who was the spokesman of the committee, had to say to them, but it was common rumor that their expedition had been crowned by extraordinary success.' (applause.) 'apparently the age of romance was not dead, and there was common ground upon which the wildest imaginings of the novelist could meet the actual scientific investigations of the searcher for truth. he would only add, before he sat down, that he rejoiced--and all of them would rejoice--that these gentlemen had returned safe and sound from their difficult and dangerous task, for it cannot be denied that any disaster to such an expedition would have inflicted a well-nigh irreparable loss to the cause of zoological science.' (great applause, in which professor challenger was observed to join.) "professor summerlee's rising was the signal for another extraordinary outbreak of enthusiasm, which broke out again at intervals throughout his address. that address will not be given in extenso in these columns, for the reason that a full account of the whole adventures of the expedition is being published as a supplement from the pen of our own special correspondent. some general indications will therefore suffice. having described the genesis of their journey, and paid a handsome tribute to his friend professor challenger, coupled with an apology for the incredulity with which his assertions, now fully vindicated, had been received, he gave the actual course of their journey, carefully withholding such information as would aid the public in any attempt to locate this remarkable plateau. having described, in general terms, their course from the main river up to the time that they actually reached the base of the cliffs, he enthralled his hearers by his account of the difficulties encountered by the expedition in their repeated attempts to mount them, and finally described how they succeeded in their desperate endeavors, which cost the lives of their two devoted half-breed servants." (this amazing reading of the affair was the result of summerlee's endeavors to avoid raising any questionable matter at the meeting.) "having conducted his audience in fancy to the summit, and marooned them there by reason of the fall of their bridge, the professor proceeded to describe both the horrors and the attractions of that remarkable land. of personal adventures he said little, but laid stress upon the rich harvest reaped by science in the observations of the wonderful beast, bird, insect, and plant life of the plateau. peculiarly rich in the coleoptera and in the lepidoptera, forty-six new species of the one and ninety-four of the other had been secured in the course of a few weeks. it was, however, in the larger animals, and especially in the larger animals supposed to have been long extinct, that the interest of the public was naturally centered. of these he was able to give a goodly list, but had little doubt that it would be largely extended when the place had been more thoroughly investigated. he and his companions had seen at least a dozen creatures, most of them at a distance, which corresponded with nothing at present known to science. these would in time be duly classified and examined. he instanced a snake, the cast skin of which, deep purple in color, was fifty-one feet in length, and mentioned a white creature, supposed to be mammalian, which gave forth well-marked phosphorescence in the darkness; also a large black moth, the bite of which was supposed by the indians to be highly poisonous. setting aside these entirely new forms of life, the plateau was very rich in known prehistoric forms, dating back in some cases to early jurassic times. among these he mentioned the gigantic and grotesque stegosaurus, seen once by mr. malone at a drinking-place by the lake, and drawn in the sketch-book of that adventurous american who had first penetrated this unknown world. he described also the iguanodon and the pterodactyl--two of the first of the wonders which they had encountered. he then thrilled the assembly by some account of the terrible carnivorous dinosaurs, which had on more than one occasion pursued members of the party, and which were the most formidable of all the creatures which they had encountered. thence he passed to the huge and ferocious bird, the phororachus, and to the great elk which still roams upon this upland. it was not, however, until he sketched the mysteries of the central lake that the full interest and enthusiasm of the audience were aroused. one had to pinch oneself to be sure that one was awake as one heard this sane and practical professor in cold measured tones describing the monstrous three-eyed fish-lizards and the huge water-snakes which inhabit this enchanted sheet of water. next he touched upon the indians, and upon the extraordinary colony of anthropoid apes, which might be looked upon as an advance upon the pithecanthropus of java, and as coming therefore nearer than any known form to that hypothetical creation, the missing link. finally he described, amongst some merriment, the ingenious but highly dangerous aeronautic invention of professor challenger, and wound up a most memorable address by an account of the methods by which the committee did at last find their way back to civilization. "it had been hoped that the proceedings would end there, and that a vote of thanks and congratulation, moved by professor sergius, of upsala university, would be duly seconded and carried; but it was soon evident that the course of events was not destined to flow so smoothly. symptoms of opposition had been evident from time to time during the evening, and now dr. james illingworth, of edinburgh, rose in the center of the hall. dr. illingworth asked whether an amendment should not be taken before a resolution. "the chairman: 'yes, sir, if there must be an amendment.' "dr. illingworth: 'your grace, there must be an amendment.' "the chairman: 'then let us take it at once.' "professor summerlee (springing to his feet): 'might i explain, your grace, that this man is my personal enemy ever since our controversy in the quarterly journal of science as to the true nature of bathybius?' "the chairman: 'i fear i cannot go into personal matters. proceed.' "dr. illingworth was imperfectly heard in part of his remarks on account of the strenuous opposition of the friends of the explorers. some attempts were also made to pull him down. being a man of enormous physique, however, and possessed of a very powerful voice, he dominated the tumult and succeeded in finishing his speech. it was clear, from the moment of his rising, that he had a number of friends and sympathizers in the hall, though they formed a minority in the audience. the attitude of the greater part of the public might be described as one of attentive neutrality. "dr. illingworth began his remarks by expressing his high appreciation of the scientific work both of professor challenger and of professor summerlee. he much regretted that any personal bias should have been read into his remarks, which were entirely dictated by his desire for scientific truth. his position, in fact, was substantially the same as that taken up by professor summerlee at the last meeting. at that last meeting professor challenger had made certain assertions which had been queried by his colleague. now this colleague came forward himself with the same assertions and expected them to remain unquestioned. was this reasonable? ('yes,' 'no,' and prolonged interruption, during which professor challenger was heard from the press box to ask leave from the chairman to put dr. illingworth into the street.) a year ago one man said certain things. now four men said other and more startling ones. was this to constitute a final proof where the matters in question were of the most revolutionary and incredible character? there had been recent examples of travelers arriving from the unknown with certain tales which had been too readily accepted. was the london zoological institute to place itself in this position? he admitted that the members of the committee were men of character. but human nature was very complex. even professors might be misled by the desire for notoriety. like moths, we all love best to flutter in the light. heavy-game shots liked to be in a position to cap the tales of their rivals, and journalists were not averse from sensational coups, even when imagination had to aid fact in the process. each member of the committee had his own motive for making the most of his results. ('shame! shame!') he had no desire to be offensive. ('you are!' and interruption.) the corroboration of these wondrous tales was really of the most slender description. what did it amount to? some photographs. {was it possible that in this age of ingenious manipulation photographs could be accepted as evidence?} what more? we have a story of a flight and a descent by ropes which precluded the production of larger specimens. it was ingenious, but not convincing. it was understood that lord john roxton claimed to have the skull of a phororachus. he could only say that he would like to see that skull. "lord john roxton: 'is this fellow calling me a liar?' (uproar.) "the chairman: 'order! order! dr. illingworth, i must direct you to bring your remarks to a conclusion and to move your amendment.' "dr. illingworth: 'your grace, i have more to say, but i bow to your ruling. i move, then, that, while professor summerlee be thanked for his interesting address, the whole matter shall be regarded as 'non-proven,' and shall be referred back to a larger, and possibly more reliable committee of investigation.' "it is difficult to describe the confusion caused by this amendment. a large section of the audience expressed their indignation at such a slur upon the travelers by noisy shouts of dissent and cries of, 'don't put it!' 'withdraw!' 'turn him out!' on the other hand, the malcontents--and it cannot be denied that they were fairly numerous--cheered for the amendment, with cries of 'order!' 'chair!' and 'fair play!' a scuffle broke out in the back benches, and blows were freely exchanged among the medical students who crowded that part of the hall. it was only the moderating influence of the presence of large numbers of ladies which prevented an absolute riot. suddenly, however, there was a pause, a hush, and then complete silence. professor challenger was on his feet. his appearance and manner are peculiarly arresting, and as he raised his hand for order the whole audience settled down expectantly to give him a hearing. "'it will be within the recollection of many present,' said professor challenger, 'that similar foolish and unmannerly scenes marked the last meeting at which i have been able to address them. on that occasion professor summerlee was the chief offender, and though he is now chastened and contrite, the matter could not be entirely forgotten. i have heard to-night similar, but even more offensive, sentiments from the person who has just sat down, and though it is a conscious effort of self-effacement to come down to that person's mental level, i will endeavor to do so, in order to allay any reasonable doubt which could possibly exist in the minds of anyone.' (laughter and interruption.) 'i need not remind this audience that, though professor summerlee, as the head of the committee of investigation, has been put up to speak to-night, still it is i who am the real prime mover in this business, and that it is mainly to me that any successful result must be ascribed. i have safely conducted these three gentlemen to the spot mentioned, and i have, as you have heard, convinced them of the accuracy of my previous account. we had hoped that we should find upon our return that no one was so dense as to dispute our joint conclusions. warned, however, by my previous experience, i have not come without such proofs as may convince a reasonable man. as explained by professor summerlee, our cameras have been tampered with by the ape-men when they ransacked our camp, and most of our negatives ruined.' (jeers, laughter, and 'tell us another!' from the back.) 'i have mentioned the ape-men, and i cannot forbear from saying that some of the sounds which now meet my ears bring back most vividly to my recollection my experiences with those interesting creatures.' (laughter.) 'in spite of the destruction of so many invaluable negatives, there still remains in our collection a certain number of corroborative photographs showing the conditions of life upon the plateau. did they accuse them of having forged these photographs?' (a voice, 'yes,' and considerable interruption which ended in several men being put out of the hall.) 'the negatives were open to the inspection of experts. but what other evidence had they? under the conditions of their escape it was naturally impossible to bring a large amount of baggage, but they had rescued professor summerlee's collections of butterflies and beetles, containing many new species. was this not evidence?' (several voices, 'no.') 'who said no?' "dr. illingworth (rising): 'our point is that such a collection might have been made in other places than a prehistoric plateau.' (applause.) "professor challenger: 'no doubt, sir, we have to bow to your scientific authority, although i must admit that the name is unfamiliar. passing, then, both the photographs and the entomological collection, i come to the varied and accurate information which we bring with us upon points which have never before been elucidated. for example, upon the domestic habits of the pterodactyl--'(a voice: 'bosh,' and uproar)--'i say, that upon the domestic habits of the pterodactyl we can throw a flood of light. i can exhibit to you from my portfolio a picture of that creature taken from life which would convince you----' "dr. illingworth: 'no picture could convince us of anything.' "professor challenger: 'you would require to see the thing itself?' "dr. illingworth: 'undoubtedly.' "professor challenger: 'and you would accept that?' "dr. illingworth (laughing): 'beyond a doubt.' "it was at this point that the sensation of the evening arose--a sensation so dramatic that it can never have been paralleled in the history of scientific gatherings. professor challenger raised his hand in the air as a signal, and at once our colleague, mr. e. d. malone, was observed to rise and to make his way to the back of the platform. an instant later he re-appeared in company of a gigantic negro, the two of them bearing between them a large square packing-case. it was evidently of great weight, and was slowly carried forward and placed in front of the professor's chair. all sound had hushed in the audience and everyone was absorbed in the spectacle before them. professor challenger drew off the top of the case, which formed a sliding lid. peering down into the box he snapped his fingers several times and was heard from the press seat to say, 'come, then, pretty, pretty!' in a coaxing voice. an instant later, with a scratching, rattling sound, a most horrible and loathsome creature appeared from below and perched itself upon the side of the case. even the unexpected fall of the duke of durham into the orchestra, which occurred at this moment, could not distract the petrified attention of the vast audience. the face of the creature was like the wildest gargoyle that the imagination of a mad medieval builder could have conceived. it was malicious, horrible, with two small red eyes as bright as points of burning coal. its long, savage mouth, which was held half-open, was full of a double row of shark-like teeth. its shoulders were humped, and round them were draped what appeared to be a faded gray shawl. it was the devil of our childhood in person. there was a turmoil in the audience--someone screamed, two ladies in the front row fell senseless from their chairs, and there was a general movement upon the platform to follow their chairman into the orchestra. for a moment there was danger of a general panic. professor challenger threw up his hands to still the commotion, but the movement alarmed the creature beside him. its strange shawl suddenly unfurled, spread, and fluttered as a pair of leathery wings. its owner grabbed at its legs, but too late to hold it. it had sprung from the perch and was circling slowly round the queen's hall with a dry, leathery flapping of its ten-foot wings, while a putrid and insidious odor pervaded the room. the cries of the people in the galleries, who were alarmed at the near approach of those glowing eyes and that murderous beak, excited the creature to a frenzy. faster and faster it flew, beating against walls and chandeliers in a blind frenzy of alarm. 'the window! for heaven's sake shut that window!' roared the professor from the platform, dancing and wringing his hands in an agony of apprehension. alas, his warning was too late! in a moment the creature, beating and bumping along the wall like a huge moth within a gas-shade, came upon the opening, squeezed its hideous bulk through it, and was gone. professor challenger fell back into his chair with his face buried in his hands, while the audience gave one long, deep sigh of relief as they realized that the incident was over. "then--oh! how shall one describe what took place then--when the full exuberance of the majority and the full reaction of the minority united to make one great wave of enthusiasm, which rolled from the back of the hall, gathering volume as it came, swept over the orchestra, submerged the platform, and carried the four heroes away upon its crest?" (good for you, mac!) "if the audience had done less than justice, surely it made ample amends. every one was on his feet. every one was moving, shouting, gesticulating. a dense crowd of cheering men were round the four travelers. 'up with them! up with them!' cried a hundred voices. in a moment four figures shot up above the crowd. in vain they strove to break loose. they were held in their lofty places of honor. it would have been hard to let them down if it had been wished, so dense was the crowd around them. 'regent street! regent street!' sounded the voices. there was a swirl in the packed multitude, and a slow current, bearing the four upon their shoulders, made for the door. out in the street the scene was extraordinary. an assemblage of not less than a hundred thousand people was waiting. the close-packed throng extended from the other side of the langham hotel to oxford circus. a roar of acclamation greeted the four adventurers as they appeared, high above the heads of the people, under the vivid electric lamps outside the hall. 'a procession! a procession!' was the cry. in a dense phalanx, blocking the streets from side to side, the crowd set forth, taking the route of regent street, pall mall, st. james's street, and piccadilly. the whole central traffic of london was held up, and many collisions were reported between the demonstrators upon the one side and the police and taxi-cabmen upon the other. finally, it was not until after midnight that the four travelers were released at the entrance to lord john roxton's chambers in the albany, and that the exuberant crowd, having sung 'they are jolly good fellows' in chorus, concluded their program with 'god save the king.' so ended one of the most remarkable evenings that london has seen for a considerable time." so far my friend macdona; and it may be taken as a fairly accurate, if florid, account of the proceedings. as to the main incident, it was a bewildering surprise to the audience, but not, i need hardly say, to us. the reader will remember how i met lord john roxton upon the very occasion when, in his protective crinoline, he had gone to bring the "devil's chick" as he called it, for professor challenger. i have hinted also at the trouble which the professor's baggage gave us when we left the plateau, and had i described our voyage i might have said a good deal of the worry we had to coax with putrid fish the appetite of our filthy companion. if i have not said much about it before, it was, of course, that the professor's earnest desire was that no possible rumor of the unanswerable argument which we carried should be allowed to leak out until the moment came when his enemies were to be confuted. one word as to the fate of the london pterodactyl. nothing can be said to be certain upon this point. there is the evidence of two frightened women that it perched upon the roof of the queen's hall and remained there like a diabolical statue for some hours. the next day it came out in the evening papers that private miles, of the coldstream guards, on duty outside marlborough house, had deserted his post without leave, and was therefore courtmartialed. private miles' account, that he dropped his rifle and took to his heels down the mall because on looking up he had suddenly seen the devil between him and the moon, was not accepted by the court, and yet it may have a direct bearing upon the point at issue. the only other evidence which i can adduce is from the log of the ss. friesland, a dutch-american liner, which asserts that at nine next morning, start point being at the time ten miles upon their starboard quarter, they were passed by something between a flying goat and a monstrous bat, which was heading at a prodigious pace south and west. if its homing instinct led it upon the right line, there can be no doubt that somewhere out in the wastes of the atlantic the last european pterodactyl found its end. and gladys--oh, my gladys!--gladys of the mystic lake, now to be re-named the central, for never shall she have immortality through me. did i not always see some hard fiber in her nature? did i not, even at the time when i was proud to obey her behest, feel that it was surely a poor love which could drive a lover to his death or the danger of it? did i not, in my truest thoughts, always recurring and always dismissed, see past the beauty of the face, and, peering into the soul, discern the twin shadows of selfishness and of fickleness glooming at the back of it? did she love the heroic and the spectacular for its own noble sake, or was it for the glory which might, without effort or sacrifice, be reflected upon herself? or are these thoughts the vain wisdom which comes after the event? it was the shock of my life. for a moment it had turned me to a cynic. but already, as i write, a week has passed, and we have had our momentous interview with lord john roxton and--well, perhaps things might be worse. let me tell it in a few words. no letter or telegram had come to me at southampton, and i reached the little villa at streatham about ten o'clock that night in a fever of alarm. was she dead or alive? where were all my nightly dreams of the open arms, the smiling face, the words of praise for her man who had risked his life to humor her whim? already i was down from the high peaks and standing flat-footed upon earth. yet some good reasons given might still lift me to the clouds once more. i rushed down the garden path, hammered at the door, heard the voice of gladys within, pushed past the staring maid, and strode into the sitting-room. she was seated in a low settee under the shaded standard lamp by the piano. in three steps i was across the room and had both her hands in mine. "gladys!" i cried, "gladys!" she looked up with amazement in her face. she was altered in some subtle way. the expression of her eyes, the hard upward stare, the set of the lips, was new to me. she drew back her hands. "what do you mean?" she said. "gladys!" i cried. "what is the matter? you are my gladys, are you not--little gladys hungerton?" "no," said she, "i am gladys potts. let me introduce you to my husband." how absurd life is! i found myself mechanically bowing and shaking hands with a little ginger-haired man who was coiled up in the deep arm-chair which had once been sacred to my own use. we bobbed and grinned in front of each other. "father lets us stay here. we are getting our house ready," said gladys. "oh, yes," said i. "you didn't get my letter at para, then?" "no, i got no letter." "oh, what a pity! it would have made all clear." "it is quite clear," said i. "i've told william all about you," said she. "we have no secrets. i am so sorry about it. but it couldn't have been so very deep, could it, if you could go off to the other end of the world and leave me here alone. you're not crabby, are you?" "no, no, not at all. i think i'll go." "have some refreshment," said the little man, and he added, in a confidential way, "it's always like this, ain't it? and must be unless you had polygamy, only the other way round; you understand." he laughed like an idiot, while i made for the door. i was through it, when a sudden fantastic impulse came upon me, and i went back to my successful rival, who looked nervously at the electric push. "will you answer a question?" i asked. "well, within reason," said he. "how did you do it? have you searched for hidden treasure, or discovered a pole, or done time on a pirate, or flown the channel, or what? where is the glamour of romance? how did you get it?" he stared at me with a hopeless expression upon his vacuous, good-natured, scrubby little face. "don't you think all this is a little too personal?" he said. "well, just one question," i cried. "what are you? what is your profession?" "i am a solicitor's clerk," said he. "second man at johnson and merivale's, chancery lane." "good-night!" said i, and vanished, like all disconsolate and broken-hearted heroes, into the darkness, with grief and rage and laughter all simmering within me like a boiling pot. one more little scene, and i have done. last night we all supped at lord john roxton's rooms, and sitting together afterwards we smoked in good comradeship and talked our adventures over. it was strange under these altered surroundings to see the old, well-known faces and figures. there was challenger, with his smile of condescension, his drooping eyelids, his intolerant eyes, his aggressive beard, his huge chest, swelling and puffing as he laid down the law to summerlee. and summerlee, too, there he was with his short briar between his thin moustache and his gray goat's-beard, his worn face protruded in eager debate as he queried all challenger's propositions. finally, there was our host, with his rugged, eagle face, and his cold, blue, glacier eyes with always a shimmer of devilment and of humor down in the depths of them. such is the last picture of them that i have carried away. it was after supper, in his own sanctum--the room of the pink radiance and the innumerable trophies--that lord john roxton had something to say to us. from a cupboard he had brought an old cigar-box, and this he laid before him on the table. "there's one thing," said he, "that maybe i should have spoken about before this, but i wanted to know a little more clearly where i was. no use to raise hopes and let them down again. but it's facts, not hopes, with us now. you may remember that day we found the pterodactyl rookery in the swamp--what? well, somethin' in the lie of the land took my notice. perhaps it has escaped you, so i will tell you. it was a volcanic vent full of blue clay." the professors nodded. "well, now, in the whole world i've only had to do with one place that was a volcanic vent of blue clay. that was the great de beers diamond mine of kimberley--what? so you see i got diamonds into my head. i rigged up a contraption to hold off those stinking beasts, and i spent a happy day there with a spud. this is what i got." he opened his cigar-box, and tilting it over he poured about twenty or thirty rough stones, varying from the size of beans to that of chestnuts, on the table. "perhaps you think i should have told you then. well, so i should, only i know there are a lot of traps for the unwary, and that stones may be of any size and yet of little value where color and consistency are clean off. therefore, i brought them back, and on the first day at home i took one round to spink's, and asked him to have it roughly cut and valued." he took a pill-box from his pocket, and spilled out of it a beautiful glittering diamond, one of the finest stones that i have ever seen. "there's the result," said he. "he prices the lot at a minimum of two hundred thousand pounds. of course it is fair shares between us. i won't hear of anythin' else. well, challenger, what will you do with your fifty thousand?" "if you really persist in your generous view," said the professor, "i should found a private museum, which has long been one of my dreams." "and you, summerlee?" "i would retire from teaching, and so find time for my final classification of the chalk fossils." "i'll use my own," said lord john roxton, "in fitting a well-formed expedition and having another look at the dear old plateau. as to you, young fellah, you, of course, will spend yours in gettin' married." "not just yet," said i, with a rueful smile. "i think, if you will have me, that i would rather go with you." lord roxton said nothing, but a brown hand was stretched out to me across the table. [illustration: _with a roar, the apemen charged._] b. c. , by capt. s. p. meek back in the dim dawn of civilization anak the hunter stands in his might before the encroaching neanderthal men. a scream of rage split the darkness. from the side of the fire where the women sat darted esle, the high priestess, a bloody bit of liver in her hand. following her, and snarling like an enraged cat, came one of the maidens of the tribe. the aged hag, esle, whose duty it was to declare to the tribe the will of degar astok, the mighty one who dwelt in the heavens and sent the storms to enforce his will, came to a pause before uglik, the chief and tribal father. "una was eating of the man's piece," she shrilled as she held the fragment aloft. uglik dropped the thigh bone from which he had been ripping the meat in huge chunks. he took the liver from esle and examined it. "bring me my spear!" he roared as he lunged forward and grasped una by the hair. "una has stolen that which is tabu to her and i will punish her." una moaned with fright but attempted no resistance. uglik grasped his spear and raised it over his head. "hold, father!" came a clear voice from the group of hunters who sat near the chief. uglik paused in amazement at the interruption. anak, the chief hunter, rose to his feet and made a step forward. "she stole it not," he said. "anak, the chief hunter, gave it to her." uglik released the girl and stared at the hunter in surprise. anak returned the stare coolly and uglik raised his throwing-spear threateningly. anak did not let his gaze wander from the father's, but his grasp tightened ever so slightly on the sharp flint smiting-stone which he had taken from the skin pouch which dangled from his leather waist belt before he had made his announcement. "anak, the chief hunter, gave it to her," he repeated slowly. "anak killed the buck, and half of the liver is, by the law of the tribe, his to dispose of. does the father deny the right?" * * * * * uglik lowered the point of his spear and thought rapidly. anak's act constituted unheard-of rebellion against his authority. on the other hand, the chief hunter was the cleverest tracker of the tribe and a mighty warrior in battle. the tribe of ugar had lost most of its warriors in their long six-month march north from the fertile valley where the mediterranean sea now rolls. uglik was too wise a leader to waste men on a trivial quarrel, able though he felt himself to kill anak, should the latter cry the rannag, the duel to the death by which the father must at any time prove to any challenger, his right to rule. "it is the right of the killer to dispose of half of the liver of the kill," he conceded. "it is also the right of the stronger to take what he wills from the weaker. to esle belongs the liver. the girl will not be punished. anak will join me at meat." anak's face flushed momentarily at the arrogant tone of the father's ruling. he realized, as well as uglik, what had caused the father to condone his semi-rebellion. he shrugged his shoulders and sat down beside uglik. uglik ate slowly, looking meditatively at una as she tore off chunks of the meat with her strong teeth and swallowed them. the girl was about eighteen and in the first flush of womanhood. her tawny brown skin gleamed like satin in the firelight, which was reflected from her slightly curling masses of black hair. she stood eight inches over five feet and her entire body was built on generous lines, lines of perfect health and almost masculine strength. anak's eyes followed the direction of uglik's gaze and he grew thoughtful in turn. "is the father satisfied with the chief hunter?" he asked ceremoniously. "the father is," replied uglik in similar vein. "then the chief hunter has a boon to ask." "name it." "i desire that maiden, una, be given to me." "what?" uglik could hardly believe his ears. all of the women of the tribe belonged of immemorial right to the father. while he might lend one for a time to a favored hunter as a mark of distinction, the suggestion that he completely relinquish his claim to one of them, and a young and handsome one at that, struck him with such astonishment that he was momentarily speechless. "i desire that the maiden, una, be given to me," repeated anak. "she pleases me. i would have her carry my weapons on the march and sleep by my side in the camp." * * * * * uglik leaped to his feet, spear in hand, but before the chief hunter's cool gaze, he wavered, again. men were too scarce to waste, unless it became necessary. "i will consider the matter," he said shortly. "i may lend her to you for a time, but i will not give her to you. such is not the law." "the father who ruled before you gave women to his favored hunters," replied anak. "i was the son of such a one." "and degar astok assumed the form of a lion and punished him for his impiety by destroying him," retorted uglik. "then uglik killed the lion and so became father," replied anak, "since none dared challenge the slayer of degar astok. is it not possible that esle, who was young and who favored uglik in those days, made a mistake? despite his death, degar astok still has power." uglik's face flushed at the hunter's words. "degar astok may be robbed of one body, but he still lives," he answered. "say no more. i will consider your request." anak saluted and strode to the other side of the men's fire. he dropped down beside invar, the youngest of the hunters. it was on his recommendation that invar had been initiated into the ranks of manhood a full season before his time. the young hunter looked up with adoration in his eyes. "this i saved for my friend, anak," he said proudly as he extended a generous chunk of liver. "invar will be honored if his friend will eat of the liver of his kill." anak took the morsel with thanks and ate it slowly. his thoughts ran to the tall maiden whom he had requested from the father, and his blood boiled at the way he had been put off. he was half inclined to cry the rannag, but he was not yet ready for the death duel which would determine whether he or uglik would rule the tribe. there was no other solution, for, while he ruled, the father's word was law, subject only to the higher law of degar astok as given out by the high priestess. this overlordship was more nominal than actual, for those priestesses who lived long lives were invariably those who found that the will of the father coincided exactly with the law of degar astok. anak revolved the problem in his mind for a time, but the repletion of raw meat in his stomach was not conducive to protracted thought. gradually his head slumped forward and he slept sitting. the other hunters followed his example, leaving the youths from ten to seventeen to guard the camp, keep the fires going, and rouse the hunters should need arise. * * * * * the night passed slowly without alarms. womoo, the lion, roared in the distance, and from near at hand came the coughing laugh of kena, the jackal, who always prowled around the camp when the tribe fed on meat. gradually the sky grew lighter. one of the children moaned in his sleep and raised his head. he rose, and with a word to the youth on guard, trotted off toward the stream which gurgled near the camp. he disappeared in the darkness. suddenly there came a sudden scream, shut off in mid-note. hardly had the cry ceased than the hunters were on their feet with spears ready in their hands. "what is it?" cried uglik. "loda went to the stream to drink," stuttered the guard. "he screamed, and i saw a gray shape run off into the darkness. it ran like grup, the bear, but it was small." "bring fire!" cried anak. the youth seized a burning brand and led the way toward the stream. by the light of the torch anak scrutinized the ground carefully. with a sudden exclamation, he pointed out to uglik the print of a long and narrow, but unmistakably human, foot in the mud by the river bank. uglik studied it carefully. "what think you?" he demanded of anak. "it is the mark of man, yet not of our tribe," replied the chief hunter. "such marks have i never seen." "wait until degar astok sends the light," directed uglik. "as soon as you can trail, the hunters will go in pursuit." * * * * * slowly the light grew brighter. as soon as he could pick out the trail, anak led the way, uglik with the warriors and youths following closely. the trail led straight up the valley for a half mile before it turned and followed a branch of the stream which came from a ravine in the valley wall. the hunters went a hundred yards up the ravine following anak. the chief hunter paused and held up his hand. he sniffed the air and then led the way cautiously past a projecting shoulder of rock. on a ledge, half way up the hillside, sat two monstrous things. they were manlike and yet hardly man. their bodies were covered with stiff, coarse, gray hair which lengthened into a mane on the head and neck. their foreheads were low and receding, an impression which was heightened by the enormously developed brow ridges, although the cranial capacity of the creatures was not small, as was evidenced by enormous bulges at the back of their heads. they walked on two legs but with a peculiar slouch, the torso inclined forward from the hips, and their eyes bent perpetually on the ground. their arms were long and at times they bent forward so much that it appeared almost as though they were going on all fours. a close examination of their hands would have shown that it was impossible for them to hold a needle between the thumb and forefinger. "gumor, the gray ape!" cried one of the hunters. "it is not gumor," replied anak, "although they are like his cousins. see what they eat!" as the hunters of the cro-magnon tribe of ugar saw the meat which the neanderthalers were tearing, a cry of wrath broke from them. uglik stepped forward and raised the war cry of the tribe. the neanderthalers looked stupidly down at him for a moment. the huge male dropped the meat he was eating and rose, his mane and beard bristling with rage. with a roar, he charged down the slope, a huge flint smiting-stone in either hand. * * * * * the hunters closed up on uglik. as the attacker came within range, he was saluted with a shower of stones which sprang harmlessly from his huge rounded chest. uglik hurled his spear. it pierced the apeman's shoulder but did not make him pause. other spears were hurled and struck their mark, but without a pause the neanderthaler came on with howls of rage and pain, bloody froth flying from his lips. anak had not thrown his spear, and invar, who stood beside his hero, had likewise retained his weapon. the apeman came on with a rush. uglik sprang forward to meet him, but another hunter was directly in the path of the attack. he swung his flint smiting-stone with a will, but his blow was futile. he went down before a sweep of the apeman's arm, his skull crushed to fragments. uglik struck at the attacker. the neanderthaler turned toward him, but as he did so, anak hurled his spear. at close range, the stone-tipped weapon passed nearly through the apeman. he stopped his rush and began to cough up blood from a pierced lung. anak seized invar's spear and sprang to the attack. an unfledged youth who craved distinction, rushed ahead of the chief hunter, but his act spelled his doom. one blow of the huge smiting-stone laid him dead. anak hurled invar's spear and again his weapon found its mark. the neanderthaler roared with pain and sank gradually to his knees. uglik dashed in, knife in hand. he threw himself on the prostrate monster and stabbed him again and again. the blows struck home, but with a last effort the apeman threw off his assailant and struck at him with the huge stone which had already robbed the tribe of two of its members. before the blow could fall, samo, one of the hunters, threw himself in the way and took the blow on his arm. the arm bone snapped like a pipestem, but it was the monster's dying effort. with a shudder, he fell back dead. * * * * * a ferocious howl rent the air. with a smiting-stone in each hand, the female charged down at them. she was somewhat smaller than the male, but still a match for any two of the men. uglik's face paled as he wrenched invar's spear from the dead male and turned to face her. the howl was repeated from farther up the ravine. two more males were approaching at a lumbering run, smiting-stones in either hand. uglik was a brave man, but he was also a cautious leader. he did not care to expose his tribe to almost certain annihilation and he led a wild retreat down the valley, samo, with his arm hanging limp, bringing up the rear. the neanderthalers did not follow into the open valley. again at the camping place, uglik called his hunters into council. the situation was grave enough. with the neanderthalers so near them, it meant eventual annihilation to stay where they were, yet there was no place they could go. they had been driven from their old home by hordes of men who came up from the south. they had fought to retain their ancestral hunting grounds where they had dwelt since the beginning of time, but a series of defeats at the hands of overwhelming numbers had dwindled down the tribe until a migration was necessary. they had followed the migrating game toward the unknown north. several times they had tried to stop, but each time they had found the land in possession of other and stronger tribes. their men had been killed and their women stolen until they again took up their march to the north. from the hundred that had formerly called uglik "father," there now remained only a score of women and children, a half dozen youths, and five able-bodied hunters, besides uglik. south, they dared not go. north, there lay unknown horrors. west lay the raging sea. east, the neanderthalers blocked the way. * * * * * the council broke up with no action decided on. faced with the alternatives of moving or staying, there seemed to be little choice. only death faced them, whichever way they turned. uglik posted guards about the camp and announced that he would retire and consult with degar astok as to their future course. as he disappeared into the woods, esle sidled up to anak. "it seems that degar astok no longer loves uglik," she said slyly. "does not the chief hunter agree with me?" anak looked at the withered hag coldly. "who am i to tell his priestess whom degar astok loves?" he asked. "you are his voice and should know." "true, anak, i am his voice, and the god loves me," she went on, "yet it may be that men do not always love me. uglik thinks that i have given him false counsel and he is ready for a new priestess to announce the will of degar astok to him. he believes that a new and younger priestess would bring back the favor of the god." "what is that to me?" asked anak. "you desire the maiden, una?" "and if i do?" "you are not to have her. uglik will never grant your request. already he plans to make her the high priestess, should an accident happen to me." anak started. if esle spoke the truth, it ended his chances of having una. all women were tabu to all save the father, but the high priestess was doubly sacred. "what am i to do?" he demanded. esle smiled slyly. "i was the voice of the god before uglik was father," she said in a low voice, "and i would be so after he is gone. cry you rannag on him. i know many things, and i will cast a spell on him so that victory will be easy for you. then will you be father. the maiden una will be yours, and old esle will remain the high priestess." "to give me false counsel as you have uglik, and in time to plot my overthrow and death with another," said anak sternly. "no, woman or devil, whichever you are, i want no help of yours. if i ever cry rannag on uglik, i will defeat him by my strength or not at all. if i win to be father, be assured that an 'accident' will happen to you shortly." * * * * * esle frothed at the mouth with rage. "you shall never have the maiden!" she screamed. "rather will i kill her than that you shall have her. it was in my mind to make you chief and to lead you from this trap that uglik had brought you into, but you have sealed your doom and hers. i go to prepare a curse." she turned to depart, but anak grasped her by the arm. "listen, woman," he said sternly as he raised his spear, "it is in my mind to kill you and make an end of your evil plottings." "spare me! spare me, noble anak!" shrieked the hag, dropping to her knees as the flint point of anak's spear hovered over her. "i will not harm her nor you, either. i will soften uglik's heart toward you and make him give you the maiden. i will declare it is the will of the god." anak lowered the spear. "as long as una is safe, your life is spared," he said grimly; "but pray to degar astok to keep her safe. should any harm befall her, your life will answer for it." "i will weave spells to guard her from harm, anak," she cried eagerly. "only let me live, brave hunter!" anak spurned her contemptuously from him. the hag scuttled away and took the path into the woods which uglik had taken earlier. later in the day she returned with the father. uglik announced briefly that it was the will of degar astok that they remain at their present camping place. * * * * * then began a time of horror for the children of the tribe. if one of them strayed for even a short distance from the circle of the camp fire at night, there came a scream from the darkness and the tribe would mourn another lost member. the tales of man-eating giants and ogres which even yet haunt the dreams of childhood have descended to us through the ages from those grim times when the race of men learned the lesson of fear of the dark that they are now slowly and painfully unlearning. anak did not renew his request for una. he knew from her smiles that the maiden was more than willing to become his property, but in the face of their daily peril, he was not willing to precipitate a crisis which might easily cost the tribe most or all of their few remaining warriors. he kept a sharp watch on esle and on uglik, but neither the high priestess nor the father seemed to notice the girl. as time went on, the neanderthalers lost their fear of the fire and grew bolder. their gray shapes could be seen prowling around at night, just outside the protecting circle of light. the climax came at last. there was a scream in the night. a howl of triumph came from the darkness. the quickly aroused hunters could see nothing at which to cast their spears. "who is missing?" demanded uglik as the hunters returned empty handed. "the maiden, una," cried esle shrilly. anak rushed at her, spear in hand. "unsay those words, hag of evil omen!" he roared. "where have you hidden her?" "ask of the cousins of gumor," she replied as she ducked behind the protecting frame of uglik. "they have taken her from us." anak dropped his spear and buried his face in his hands. when he raised his head again, resolution showed in his handsome face. "prepare spears and throwing-stones," he cried. "to-morrow we attack the cousins of gumor. either they or we shall be no more when the night falls again." a murmur of dissent went around the camp. uglik sprang to his feet. "what means the chief hunter of the tribe of ugar?" he demanded. "i mean that to-morrow we settle for all time who rules in this valley, the tribe of ugar or the cousins of gumor." "and has the father no voice in the council of the tribe?" "we have come to the end," replied anak. "if we do not strike now, soon we will be too weak to strike. to-morrow we attack!" "i am father of the tribe of ugar," replied uglik with a dangerous note in his voice. "no one gives orders here except me. on you, anak, the chief hunter that was, i place the word of death! slay him!" the hunters raised their spears doubtfully. anak raised his, ready to cast it at uglik. before a blow could be struck, a figure sprang across the fire and took a stand, back to back with anak. "who strikes my friend, strikes me!" cried invar. * * * * * uglik gave a gasp at this fresh defection from his authority. he roared to the hunters to strike. the three hunters remaining to the tribe advanced half-heartedly. none of them cared to face anak; and invar, young as he was, had already proven himself a mighty warrior. uglik shouldered them aside with a roar of wrath. before he could attack, anak's cry stopped him. "hold, uglik!" cried the chief hunter. "if you attack, the tribe will lose most or all of its hunters. you have put the death word on me, as is your right. i go now against the cousins of gumor, and that, i think, is death. let me go in peace and with weapons. before they tear me limb from limb, at least one of them will not be alive." "and i go with anak!" cried invar. "more than one of the cousins of gumor will know that the chief hunter of the tribe of ugar and his friend have visited their home." uglik paused. no trace of fear entered his heart, but the wily politician saw the force of anak's argument. he would gain doubly by the course that the hunter had proposed. "go in peace, and with weapons," he said as he lowered his spear. "esle will take your weapons and make spells over them that will increase their might. at dawn you shall go. the word of death is on you, so come not back to the tribe again. once you leave the camp, you are outlaw." "so be it!" replied anak. shortly before the dawn, esle crept to anak's side. "i've wrought spells over your weapons, chief hunter," she said softly, "and over those of your companion. remember this when the cousins of gumor attack you." "i will, hag of evil," said anak grimly. "better will it be for you that we never return." "why leave?" came esle's insinuating voice. "i am still ready to help you. cry rannag on uglik in the morning. your weapons have had my attention and his have not. that alone would decide the fight. slay him and the warriors of the tribe will fight at your back. i know spells, and mayhap, they will prevail even against the cousins of gumor." "i go but for vengeance, esle," said anak wearily. "with una gone, i have no desire to live." "there are other maidens who are fair, anak, and when you are father you will have them all." "leave me, esle," said anak shortly. "i desire none but una." "and may the cousins of gumor crack your bones between their teeth," she hissed venomously as she slipped away into the darkness. * * * * * as the sun rose above the horizon, anak and invar took their way up the valley. each carried three flint-tipped throwing-spears, while a good supply of flint throwing-stones were in their skin pouches. half a mile from camp, anak turned to his companion. "i thank you for coming with me," he said, his hand on invar's shoulder. "it is the deed of a brave man." invar flushed and looked down. "the least that i can do is to go to degar astok with my friend," he said. "it is the deed of a brave man, yet i think we are not yet ripe to die." "we go against the cousins of gumor, do we not?" asked the lad. "we do." "and is that not death?" "mayhap, and yet, i have a plan. we may live." "how can we two expect to do what all the tribe of ugar dare not try?" "the tribe of ugar, or a dozen tribes of ugar, could not conquer with uglik leading them," replied anak, "yet we two may do so. hark now to my plan. like gumor, the gray ape, his cousins walk ever with their eyes cast down. while we have been hunting, i have been spying on them in their home. never have i seen one look up, and it may be that they cannot. above or on a level with us, they can easily kill us. if we stand on the rocks above them, they cannot see us and will be at our mercy. they can run as fast as we on level ground, but going uphill, we will leave them as guno, the deer, leaves kena. they are few in number; i have watched and seen but two hunters and three females. it is my plan to scale the cliffs and watch them below us. when the time is ripe, we will launch our throwing-spears. if we fail to make a kill, we will bound up the hill and escape to strike again." invar looked with admiration at his leader. the habit of connected thought and reasoning was new in the world in those days. such boldness of conception as was shown by anak's plan was a thing for marvel. as the ramifications of the plan seeped into invar's brain, his face glowed with enthusiasm. "anak should be father of the tribe of ugar!" he cried. "that may yet come to pass," replied anak enigmatically. "if i kill uglik, however, it will be to avenge una, not to win the chieftainship. now keep silence, for here is the home of the cousins of gumor." * * * * * cautiously the two hunters passed the mouth of the ravine and climbed the slopes of the valley. once on the level ground, they moved to the edge of the ravine and looked down into it. nothing could be seen moving. anak led the way a hundred yards farther up the ravine. "below us is a cave where dwell two," he whispered. "make ready your spear while i sound the challenge." he raised his voice in a wild howl of challenge. for a moment there was silence. then from the ravine came a hoarse rumbling bellow. an enormous male made his appearance, his mane and beard bristling with rage. he darted his eyes hither and thither, seeking the source of the challenge. again a hoarse roar came from his broad, thick lips. as it rose to a crescendo, anak hurled his spear. his aim was true. the point struck the neanderthaler at the junction of his neck and shoulder. as it struck, the haft flew from the spear and bounded down the slope. the first point made only a surface wound. the apeman roared with pain and rage. still he did not see his enemies. with careful aim, invar launched his weapon. the stone-tipped spear struck the giant's groin, but the haft broke and the head was barely buried in the flesh. the neanderthaler pricked up his pointed, lobeless ears, and located the source of the shout. by bending back his torso, he looked upward. with a roar of rage he started up the slope, a huge flint smiting-stone grasped in each hairy paw. anak and invar dashed up the slope ahead of him. the keenness of the chief hunter's powers of observation was attested by the fact that they easily increased their distance from their pursuer. as they ran, invar's foot dislodged a boulder which thundered down the slope. the neanderthaler did not see it coming until it was too late to dodge. the stone took him full in the chest and he rolled down the slope, a shower of smaller stones going with him. he smashed against a tree. with shouts of triumph, anak and invar bounded down the slope. the neanderthaler was dying, his chest crushed in. invar raised a spear and drove it at his heart. the weapon struck fair, but again the head of the spear came off the shaft. a sudden thought illuminated anak's brain. "esle!" he cried in rage. "she had our weapons last night!" * * * * * he studied the two spears remaining in his hand. each of them had the hide lashing which bound the head to the haft cut through. the weapons were useless. invar's face paled. from up the slope a roar assailed their ears. the female was rushing down at them, smiting-stones in hand. "fly, invar!" cried anak. "run up the slope and throw down stones at her. i will hold her for a moment." "invar stays with his friend!" cried the boy stubbornly as he gripped his useless throwing-spear. "run up the slope!" stormed anak. "it is our only chance. remember how the male died!" slowly the idea penetrated invar's brain. with a shout he dashed away. he circled the oncoming female and got above her. anak hurled one of his crippled spears. it struck her full in the chest, but made only a flesh wound as the handle dropped away. the female roared with rage and hurled herself at the hunter. anak leaped to one side and ran for dear life. the clumsy female checked her rush and turned after him. he rapidly gained on her. a shout from above reached him. "run to your left, anak!" the hunter swerved sharply to his left. invar threw his shoulder against a huge boulder on the slope. the stone rocked but did not fall. again the lad exerted himself until his muscles cracked under the strain. the boulder tottered for a moment and then rolled down the slope, gathering momentum as it rolled. it was deflected from the direct line of the female's attack, but a smaller stone it dislodged struck her on the shoulder and knocked her from her feet. "more stones, invar!" cried anak. * * * * * the two exerted themselves and an avalanche of rocks thundered down the slope. the female strove to rise, but she was overwhelmed. down the slope rushed the two hunters, intent on finishing her with their smiting-stones and knives. she lay in a twisted heap, whimpering plaintively. invar's knife found her heart, and she sank back dead. "well struck, invar!" cried anak. "would that we had spears. others of the cousins of gumor are coming." bellowing roars came from higher up the ravine. the two hunters bounded back up the slope. down the ravine came another female, followed by a fourteen-year-old boy. contemptuous of their assailants, the hunters betrayed their whereabouts with shouts. the female accepted the challenge and climbed heavily up the slope toward them, the boy trailing her and aping her cries with shrill shouts. the hunters allowed her to approach to within a few yards before they threw their combined weight on a huge mass of rock. the boulder gave and thundered down the slope. it brushed past the female but did not strike her. "higher up and try again, invar!" cried the chief hunter. they bounded up the slope. anak paused and hurled a flint throwing-stone with deadly aim. it struck the female a glancing blow on the face, tearing the flesh from one of the prominent brow ridges. she stopped, momentarily blinded. invar raised a rock high above his head with both hands and cast it at her. it struck her on the chest and she fell backwards. again anak's strategy was successful and an avalanche of rolled rocks overwhelmed her. the boy turned to fly, but the fleet-footed invar overtook him and the knives of the two hunters quickly put an end to his career. as they bent over his dead body, a shrill scream rose on the air. it was not the voice of an apeman, or an apewoman, but held a human quality. the hunters straightened up and sought the source of it. again came the scream. from the mouth of a cave above them bounded a girl. she won momentarily to freedom, but a huge neanderthal male followed her from the cave. his hairy arm seized and dragged her back. "una!" cried invar and anak in one voice. * * * * * forgotten were strategy and tactics. anak bounded up the slope, invar at his heels. into the mouth of the cave they charged. the huge male dropped the girl and faced them with a growl. anak hurled a throwing-stone, but his aim was poor. it rebounded harmlessly from the great arched chest of the neanderthaler. with a roar, the apeman charged. the hunter sidestepped the rush and swung his smiting-stone. the blow was deflected by the upraised arm of the apeman and fell on his shoulder. invar hurled a throwing-stone which found the monster's face and made him pause. the apeman recovered himself and rushed at the youth. the boy met him, smiting-stone in hand, but one swing of the heavier flint broke through his guard and stretched him senseless on the floor, blood flowing from a gash in his head. anak hurled another throwing-stone which caught the apeman on the back of the head, dazing him. with a shout, anak closed. the effects of the blow had been only momentary and the neanderthaler met his rush with both his stones swinging. one of them tore a long gash down anak's back while the other laid open his thigh. the apeman dropped his stones and wound his long hairy arms about the hunter's body. anak threw himself back and the two rolled on the floor, the apeman striving to crush the life out of his slighter opponent, while anak smote futilely with his smiting-stone at the hairy body. slowly, the hunter's ribs gave under the pressure. spots of fire danced before his eyes. he strove valiantly, but his muscles were as a child's, compared to the enormous development of his opponent. with a gasp, his body went limp. * * * * * una had watched the struggle with horror-stricken eyes. as the apeman's grip tightened about anak's body, she gave a low moan. her gaze fell on the discarded smiting-stones of the neanderthaler. she sprang forward and lifted one in both hands. the apeman threw back his head to give a roar of victory. the note never issued from his throat. the huge flint which he had chipped patiently to a sharp edge, struck him on the back of the head. with a gasp and a convulsive shudder, the apeman rolled over, his skull crushed in. invar slowly recovered consciousness, and now sat up. he looked dully at the dead body of the neanderthaler. beside it, anak lay in a pool of blood. he staggered to his feet, asking dully: "is anak with degar astok?" "not yet," replied una. "help me to stop the flow of his blood." "he said there were five of the cousins of gumor," said the boy as he looked around apprehensively. "we have slain but four." una pointed toward the ravine. "the other lies there," she said. "this one slew his mate an hour gone. i think he designed me to take her place." fever took anak, and for three days he hovered between life and death. then he slept and woke conscious, although his strength was badly sapped by the fever. there was no lack of food, for game was plentiful and invar had found and mended the throwing-spears which esle had tampered with. slowly anak recovered his strength. a month after the fight he stretched his muscles and announced himself as well. "i return to-day to the tribe of ugar," he announced. "can you return?" asked invar doubtfully. "remember the word of death." "that, let uglik answer," replied anak. "in peace or in war, i will return. soon the winter will come and here are warm caves and game in plenty. here shall the tribe make a home." "where you go, there go i," exclaimed invar. "and i likewise," said una. "una will stay here until we return," replied anak in a tone which brooked no argument. * * * * * the girl pouted, but a sharp word from anak settled the matter. throwing-spear and smiting-stone in hand, the two hunters approached the camping place of uglik's tribe. they were within a hundred yards before they were seen. esle set up a shrill cry. "here come those on whom the father passed the death word. slay, oh, hunters!" anak raised his hand and made the sign of peace. "wait before you attack two such as we," he said. "we are bearers of good tidings. by our hands, the cousins of gumor have died. think you, do you care to attack two such as we?" the hunters looked at one another doubtfully. "he lies!" shrilled esle. "we do not lie!" retorted anak. "their bones, picked clear by kena, lie in their ravine. we come in peace to lead you to their home. there are warm caves and game in plenty. we will rejoin the tribe if the father will remove the death word. otherwise, attack us if you dare, and the tribe of ugar will join the cousins of gumor." uglik's face plainly showed hesitation. "the death word his been passed," he said doubtfully. "it can be withdrawn only by a sacrifice to degar astok." "we two have offered five of the cousins of gumor, and a boy. is that not enough?" "it must be a human sacrifice!" cried esle. "then, hag of evil omen, traitor to uglik, attempted slayer of invar and me, i offer you!" cried anak furiously, his spear raised. "sacrilege!" she shrilled, darting behind uglik. "slay the defamer of the god!" "what mean these charges, anak?" asked uglik darkly. "esle tampered with our spears, which you ordered her to strengthen for the battle with the cousins of gumor," said anak. "they broke in our hands. with only smiting-stones and knives, we overcame them. further, she tried to plot with me to kill you and take your place." "he lies!" cried esle in a quavering voice. uglik turned a black face on her. * * * * * "enough!" he roared. "the sacrifice is sufficient. i withdraw the death word. anak, the cause of dissension between us is gone. rejoin the tribe in peace." "i bow to the father," replied anak, suiting his action to his word. "the tribe of ugar has gained three members." "three?" asked uglik. "the maiden, una, was not slain, but borne away alive by the cousins of gumor. i have rescued her and she waits in the valley of plenty." "then degar astok was right when he told me he should have a new high priestess," said uglik, licking his lips. "she shall come to my cave and take the place of that worn-out hag, esle." "she will dwell in mine," said anak shortly. "i have taken her for mine and i will not give her up." "the word of the father is the law of the tribe," said uglik. "that is true. i ask that the maiden whom i have taken in war be given to me in peace." "the maiden, una, dwells in the father's cave!" said uglik. "then cry i rannag on you, uglik, the father!" cried anak. "i challenge you to the fight to death, which you may not refuse and continue to rule." "and on you i pass the death word!" shouted uglik. "hunters--" "the father may not pass the death word on one who has cried rannag," retorted anak. "such is the law!" "such is the law!" echoed the hunters, glad of an excuse not to attack the two hunters of whose prowess they knew so much. uglik looked from one group to the other. "when the sun starts to rest, the rannag will be fought," he answered. "when i have slain this traitor, una becomes high priestess. hunters, bind the hag, esle, that she may not escape. anak, lead the way to the valley of plenty." * * * * * packing up was a simple matter for the tribe of ugar. in five minutes they were following anak to the valley of the neanderthalers. when they arrived, uglik picked out the largest of the caves, and told the hunters to choose their own. in a few minutes the tribe was established in their new home. esle was released from her bonds, for it was essential that the high priestess of degar astok prepare the ground for the rannag. anak and invar walked slowly up to the cave where una waited. "uglik is a mighty warrior," said invar doubtfully. "so is anak," was the reply. "further, i have a plan." "then are uglik's days numbered," replied invar with delight. "tell me what i am to do to aid you." "when we get to the cave, you may cut off my hair and beard." invar started back aghast. "your strength will go with it," he protested. "the glory of the warrior is his beard." "i do not believe it," said anak. "by cutting it, i will rob uglik of a handhold he could use to my downfall. fear not, i know what i am doing." with a flint knife, invar slowly and painfully hacked off anak's long hair and beard. when the operation was over, anak smeared himself plentifully with the fat of a wild pig which had fallen to one of invar's spears the day before. when he was ready, he threw himself down to sleep. when he had dropped off to slumber, una rose. she took the liver of the pig from the back of the cave and approached the doorway. "where go you, una?" demanded invar. "i take this to the father that he may strengthen himself for the rannag," she said enigmatically. "should not the best be given to the father?" invar's hand tightened on his throwing-spear. "minded am i to slay you," he said darkly. "and fight to the death with anak when he awakens? listen, oh, fool, if the father eats greatly, he will be slow and anak may slay him with ease." a light of admiration flashed into invar's eyes. "it is well thought," he said. * * * * * with a swift glance around, una took from her girdle a tiny skin packet. she opened it and displayed a brown powder. "this, esle gave me," she whispered. "she said that uglik had threatened her death and she wished anak to kill him. if i give anak this, degar astok would make him strong." "why did you not do so?" "because i am a woman, and i know a woman's heart. it would have the opposite effect. i will rub it into the liver i give to uglik." with the aid of the women, esle laid out a rough oval on the ground where the two combatants were to meet. throwing-stones and spears were not allowed in rannag, the two combatants fighting their duel with smiting-stones and flint knives only. at the appointed hour, the two combatants appeared, stripped to their loin-clothes only. the father was hideous with streaks of paint, red, yellow, white, and black. anak glistened from his coat of grease, but his skin was bare of ornament. the two combatants took their places, while around the fighting ground gathered the hunters and youths, throwing-spears in hand. their privilege and duty it was to slay either of the fighters who fled or who was forced out of the ring. esle intoned a long prayer to degar astok. the word for combat was given. the two men approached each other cautiously. the father confident in his strength, but he felt heavy and lethargic. anak was clear-eyed and alert, ready to take advantage of any opening offered him. the two men circled, wary as great jungle cats. anak, suddenly ducked his head and rubbed his eyes. with a roar of triumph, uglik charged. outside the ring, there was a commotion. a woman's scream, rent the air. invar leaped to una's side, to find her wrestling with esle. "kill her, invar!" shrieked the girl. "she tried to cast a spell on anak." the young hunter forced open the high priestess' hand. in it was grasped a bit of shiny quartz with which she had reflected the sun into the hunter's eyes. with upraised hand, he struck her to the ground. "she shall be judged after the rannag," he said. "take you this spear, una, and drive it through her if she moves." the girl took the spear. invar returned to watch the fight. anak had sidestepped the first rush of the father and his smiting-stone had bit heavily into uglik's shoulder. uglik had whirled and charged again. anak made as if to leap to one side. as uglik changed his direction to meet him, anak swayed back. again his smiting-stone bit heavily into the father's side. with a cry of pain, uglik paused and changed his tactics. he approached cautiously, ready to leap to either side. farther and farther anak retreated until the hunters at the end of the oval raised their spears in anticipation. then anak charged. uglik was taken by surprise. his blow glanced off anak's upraised stone while an upward sweep of the weapon took him in the neck. he dropped his stone and threw his arms around anak's body. well had anak planned when he greased his body, for uglik's grip failed. anak shook him loose and struck again. once more uglik grasped him, and this time threw him heavily to the ground. again the grease made his hold slip. anak struggled to his feet, but it was evident that the fall had hurt him. * * * * * uglik followed up his advantage. he warded off the blow of the hunter's stone and again flung him to earth. anak dropped his stone. uglik's hands fastened on the hunter's throat, and mercilessly he banged anak's head on the rocky ground. anak wound his mighty legs about the father's middle. silently they put forth their strength. uglik's hold was the more deadly, and slowly the hunter weakened. "the father kills!" screamed esle. she strove to rise to her feet, but una had her orders from invar. she pressed home the spear. with a sob, esle fell back. anak's tongue began to protrude from his mouth and his eyes swelled. an expression of triumph spread over uglik's face, which suddenly changed to one of amazement, and then to pain and fear. as they rolled over, anak had felt something pierce his leg. the pain was nothing, but it persisted. as his consciousness slipped away, only that one feeling remained. he reached down to his leg. thrust deep into his thigh was a knife-like sliver of flint. with a supreme effort, he rallied his failing consciousness and grasped it. the father's chest was directly over him. with his last conscious effort, he thrust upward with the fragment of flint. his aim was true. uglik suddenly released his hold and raised himself to his knees, his hands plucking at his chest. for a moment he swayed forward and back. then, with a cry, he pitched forward, blood gushing from his chest over the unconscious hunter. * * * * * anak recovered consciousness to find his opponent lying dead before him, the sliver of flint buried in his heart. he staggered to his feet and tried to speak. his vocal cords refused to act and he massaged his throat gently. "i am father of the tribe of ugar by right of rannag," he said hoarsely. "do any challenge the right?" there was no answer. anak stepped to una's side. "uglik spoke truth when he said that una would be high priestess of degar astok," he said. "this i now proclaim her. you, esle, stripped of your office, shall do menial tasks for all who will until death claims you. if your homage wavers, death will not be long. "lo, i make a new law for the tribe. no longer shall all the women belong to the father, but to those to whom the father awards them. to each hunter, i now give one woman. he shall take her to his cave and hunt for her. she shall obey him and no other. the others shall live in a woman's cave, and shall be tabu until they are chosen by one who has no woman, or until a hunter desires more than one woman to chip his flints and dress his skins. hunters, choose your women and take up caves. here stays the tribe of ugar forever, and we will allow no others in the valley." followed by una he strode toward the father's cave. below the hunters and the women eyed one another a trifle fearfully. at last invar stepped forward and grasped one of them by the arm. "come to my cave!" he ordered. the woman followed him submissively. transcriber's note: this etext was produced from _astounding stories_ april . extensive research did not uncover any evidence that the u.s. copyright on this publication was renewed. minor spelling and typographical errors have been corrected without note. [illustration: great trunk shot downward and backward picked up the man and hurled him yards away] the story of ab a tale of the time of the cave man by stanley waterloo author of "a man and a woman," "an odd situation," etc. introduction. this is the story of ab, a man of the age of stone, who lived so long ago that we cannot closely fix the date, and who loved and fought well. in his work the author has been cordially assisted by some of the ablest searchers of two continents into the life history of prehistoric times. with characteristic helpfulness and interest, these already burdened students have aided and encouraged him, and to them he desires to express his sense of profound obligation and his earnest thanks. once only does the writer depart from accepted theories of scientific research. after an at least long-continued study of existing evidence and information relating to the stone ages, the conviction grew upon him that the mysterious gap supposed by scientific teachers to divide paleolithic from neolithic man never really existed. no convulsion of nature, no new race of human beings is needed to explain the difference between the relics of paleolithic and neolithic strugglers. growth, experiment, adaptation, discovery, inevitable in man, sufficiently account for all the relatively swift changes from one form of primitive life to another more advanced, from the time of chipped to that of polished implements. man has been, from the beginning, under the never resting, never hastening, forces of evolution. the earth from which he sprang holds the record of his transformations in her peat-beds, her buried caverns and her rocky fastnesses. the eternal laws change man, but they themselves do not change. ab and lightfoot and others of the cave people whose story is told in the tale which follows the author cannot disown. he has shown them as they were. hungry and cold, they slew the fierce beasts which were scarcely more savage than they, and were fed and clothed by their flesh and fur. in the caves of the earth the cave men and their families were safely sheltered. theirs were the elemental wants and passions. they were swayed by love, in some form at least, by jealousy, fear, revenge, and by the memory of benefits and wrongs. they cherished their young; they fought desperately with the beasts of their time, and with each other, and, when their brief, turbulent lives were ended, they passed into silence, but not into oblivion. the old earth carefully preserved their story, so that we, their children, may read it now. s. w. contents. chapter. i. the babe in the woods. ii. man and hyena. iii. a family dinner. iv. ab and oak. v. a great enterprise. vi. a dangerous visitor. vii. the unexpected happens. viii. sabre-tooth and rhinoceros. ix. domestic matters. x. old mok, the mentor. xi. doings at home. xii. old mok's tales. xiii. ab's great discovery. xiv. a lesson in swimming. xv. a mammoth at bay. xvi. the feast of the mammoth. xvii. the comrades. xviii. love and death. xix. a race with dread. xx. the fire country. xxi. the wooing of lightfoot. xxii. the honeymoon. xxiii. more of the honeymoon. xxiv. the fire country again. xxv. a great step forward. xxvi. facing the raider. xxvii. little mok. xxviii. the battle of the barriers. xxix. old hilltop's last struggle. xxx. our very great grandfather. list of illustrations by simon harmon vedder "his great trunk shot downward and backward, picked up the man, and hurled him yards away" map "ab seized upon two of the snarling cubs, and oak did the same" "ab sprang to his feet, and drew his arrow to the head" "the young men called to her, but she made no answer. she but fished away demurely" "ab stood there weaponless, a creature wandering of mind" "with a great leap he went at and through the curling crest of the yellow flame!" "the girl cowered behind a refuge of leaves and branches" "upon the strong shaft of ash the monster was impaled" the story of ab. chapter i. the babe in the woods. drifted beech leaves had made a soft, clean bed in a little hollow in a wood. the wood was beside a river, the trend of which was toward the east. there was an almost precipitous slope, perhaps a hundred and fifty feet from the wood, downward to the river. the wood itself, a sort of peninsula, was mall in extent and partly isolated from the greater forest back of it by a slight clearing. just below the wood, or, in fact, almost in it and near the crest of the rugged bank, the mouth of a small cave was visible. it was so blocked with stones as to leave barely room for the entrance of a human being. the little couch of beech leaves already referred to was not many yards from the cave. on the leafy bed rolled about and kicked up his short legs in glee a little brown babe. it was evident that he could not walk yet and his lack of length and width and thickness indicated what might be a babe not more than a year of age, but, despite his apparent youth, this man-child seemed content thus left alone, while his grip on the twigs which had fallen into his bed was strong, as he was strong, and he was breaking them delightedly. not only was the hair upon his head at least twice as long as that of the average year-old child of today, but there were downy indications upon his arms and legs, and his general aspect was a swart and rugged one. he was about as far from a weakly child in appearance as could be well imagined and he was about as jolly a looking baby, too, as one could wish to see. he was laughing and cooing as he kicked about among the beech leaves and looked upward at the blue sky. his dress has not yet been alluded to and an apology for the negligence may be found in the fact that he had no dress. he wore nothing. he was a baby of the time of the cave men; of the closing period of the age of chipped stone instruments; the epoch of mild climate; the ending of one great animal group and the beginning of another; the time when the mammoth, the rhinoceros, the great cave tiger and cave bear, the huge elk, reindeer and aurochs and urus and hosts of little horses, fed or gamboled in the same forests and plains, with much discretion as to relative distances from each other. it was some time ago, no matter how many thousands of years, when the child--they called him ab--lay there, naked, upon his bed of beech leaves. it may be said, too, that there existed for him every chance for a lively and interesting existence. there was prospect that he would be engaged in running away from something or running after something during most of his life. times were not dull for humanity in the age of stone. the children had no lack of things to interest, if not always to amuse, them, and neither had the men and women. and this is the truthful story of the boy ab and his playmates and of what happened when he grew to be a man. it is well to speak here of the river. the stream has been already mentioned as flowing to the eastward. it did not flow in that direction regularly; its course was twisted and diverted, and there were bays and inlets and rapids between precipices, and islands and wooded peninsulas, and then the river merged into a lake of miles in extent, the waters converging into the river again. so it was that the banks in one place might form a height and in another merge evenly into a densely wooded forest or a wide plain. it was so, too, that these conditions might exist opposite each other. thus the woodland might face the plain, or the precipice some vast extending marsh. to speak further of this river it may be mentioned, incidentally, that to-day its upper reaches still exist and that the relatively small stream remaining is called the thames. beside and across it lies the greatest city in the world and its mouth is upon what is called the english channel. at the time when the baby, ab, slept that afternoon in his nest in the beech leaves this river was not called the thames, it was only called the running water, to distinguish it from the waters of the coast. it did not empty into the british channel, for the simple and sufficient reason that there was no such channel at the time. where now exists that famous passage which makes islands of great britain, where, tossed upon the choppy waves, the travelers of the world are seasick, where drake and howard chased the great armada to the northern seas and where, to-day, the ships of the nations are steered toward a social and commercial center, was then good, solid earth crowned with great forests, and the present little tail end of a river was part of a great affluent of the rhine, the german river famous still, but then with a size and sweep worth talking of. then the thames and the elbe and weser, into which tumbled a thousand smaller streams, all went to feed what is now the rhine, and that then tremendous river held its course through dense forests and deep gorges until it reached broad plains, where the north sea is to-day, and blended finally with the northern ocean. the trees which stood upon the bank of the great river, or which could be seen in the far distance beyond the marsh or plain, were not all the same as now exist. there was still a distinctive presence of the towering conifers, something such as are represented in the redwood forests of california to-day, or, in other forms, in some australian woods. there was a suggestion of the fernlike but gigantic age of growth of the distant past, the past when the earth's surface was yet warm and its air misty, and there was an exuberance of all plant and forest growth, something compared with which the growth in the same latitude, just now, would make, it may be, but a stunted showing. it is wonderful, though, the close resemblance between most of the trees of the cave man's age, so many tens of thousands of years ago, and the trees most common to the temperate zone to-day. the peat bogs and the caverns and the strata of deposits in a host of places tell truthfully what trees grew in this distant time. already the oak and beech and walnut and butternut and hazel reared their graceful forms aloft, and the ground beneath their spreading branches was strewn with the store of nuts which gave a portion of food for many of the beasts and for man as well. the ash and the yew were there, tough and springy of fiber and destined in the far future to become famous in song and story, because they would furnish the wood from which was made the weapon of the bowman. the maple was there with all its symmetry. there was the elm, the dogged and beautiful tree-thing of to-day, which so clings to life and nourishes in the midst of unwholesome city surroundings and makes the human hive so much the better. there were the pines, the sycamore, the foxwood and dogwood, and lime and laurel and poplar and elder and willow, and the cherry and crab apple and others of the fruit-bearing kind, since so developed that they are great factors in man's subsistence now. it was a time of plenty which was riotous. there remained, too, a vestige of the animal as well as of the vegetable life of the remoter ages. there were strange and dangerous creatures which came sometimes up the river from its inlet into the ocean. such events had been matters of interest, not to say of anxiety, to ab's ancestors. the baby lying there among the beech leaves tired, finally, of its cooing and twig-snapping and slept the sleep of dreamless early childhood. he slept happily and noiselessly, but when he at last awoke his demeanor showed a change. he had nothing to distract him, unless it might be the breaking of twigs again. he had no toys, and, being hungry, he began to yell. so far as can be learned from early data, babies, when hungry, have always yelled. and, of old, as to-day, when a baby yelled, the woman who had borne it was likely to appear at once upon the scene. ab's mother came running lightly from the river bank toward where the youngster lay. she was worthy of attention as she ran, and this is but a bungling attempt at a description of her and of her dress. it should be explained here, with much care and caution, that the mother of ab moved in the best and most exclusive circles of the time. she belonged to the aristocracy and, it may be added, regarding this fine lady personally, that she had the weakness of paying much attention to her dress. she was what might properly be called a leader of society, though society was at the time somewhat attenuated, families living, generally, some miles apart, and various obstacles, chiefly in the form of large, man-eating animals, complicating the matter of paying calls. as for the calls themselves, they were nearly as often aggressive as social, and there is a certain degree of difference between the vicious use of a flint ax and the leaving of a card with a bending lackey. but all this doesn't matter. the mother of ab belonged to the very cream of the cream, and was dressed accordingly. her garb was elegant but simple; it had, first, the one great merit, that it could easily be put on or taken off. it was sustained with but a single knot, a bow-knot--they had learned to make a bow-knot and other knots in the stone age, for, because of the manual requirements for living, they were cleverer fumblers with their fingers than we are now--and the lady here described had tied her knot in a manner not to be excelled by any other woman in all the fiercely beast-ranged countryside. the gown itself was of a quality to please the eye of the most carping. it was made from the skins of wolverines, and was drawn in loosely about the waist by a tied band, but was really sustained by a strip of the skin which encircled the left shoulder and back and breast. this left the right arm free from all encumbrance, a matter of some importance, for to be right-handed was a quality of the cave man as of the man today. we should have a grudge against them for this carelessness, and should, may be, form an ambidextrous league, improving upon the past and teaching and forcing young children to use each hand alike. the garment of wolverine skins, sewed neatly together with thread of sinews, was all the young mother wore. thus hanging from the shoulder and fully encircling her, it reached from the waist to about half way down between the hips and the knees. it was as delightful a gown as ever was contrived by ambitious modiste or mincing male designer in these modern times. it fitted with a free and easy looseness and its colors were such as blended smoothly and kindly with the complexion of its wearer. the fur of the wolverine was a mixed black and white, but neither black nor white is the word to use. the black was not black; it was only a swart sort of color, and the white was not white; it was but a dingy, lighter contrast to the darker surface beside it. yet the combination was rather good. there was enough of difference to catch the eye and not enough of glaringness to offend it. the mother of ab would be counted by a wise observer as the possessor of good taste. still, dress is a small matter. there is something to say about the cave mother aside from the mere description of her gown. chapter ii. man and hyena. it is but an act of simple gallantry and justice to assert that the cave woman had a certain unhampered swing of movement which the modern woman often lacks. without any reflection upon the blessed woman of to-day, it must be said truthfully that she can neither leap a creek nor surmount some such obstacle as a monster tree trunk with a close approach to the ease and grace of this mother who came bounding through the forest. there was nothing unknowing or hesitant about her movements. she ran swiftly and leaped lightly when occasion came. she was lithe as the panther and as careless of where her brown feet touched the ground. the woman had physical charms. she was of about the average size of womanhood as we see it embodied now, but her waist was not compressed at an unseemly angle, and much resembled in its contour that of the venus of milo which has become such a stock example of the healthfully symmetrical. her hair was brown and long. it was innocent of knot or coil or braid, and was transfixed by no abatis of dangerous pins. it was not parted but was thrown straight backward over the head and hung down fairly and far between brown shoulders. it was a fine head of hair; there could be no question about that. it had gloss and color. captious critics, reasoning from the standpoint of another age, might think it needed combing, but that is only a matter of opinion. it was tangled together in a compact and fluffy mass, and so did not wander into the woman's eyes, which was a good thing and a great convenience, for bright eyes and unobstructed vision were required in those lively days. the face of this lady showed, at a glance, that no cosmetic had ever been relied upon to give it an artificial charm. as a matter of fact it would have been difficult to use cosmetics upon that face in the modern way, for there was a suggestion of something more than down upon the countenance, and there were certain irregularities of facial outline so prominent that such details as the little matter of complexion must be trifling. the eyes were deep set and small, the nose was short and thick and possessed a certain vagueness of outline not easy of description. the upper lip was excessively long and the under lip protruding. the chin was well defined and firm. the mouth was rather wide, and the teeth were strong and even, and as white as any ivory ever seen. such was the face, and there may be added some details of interest about the figure. the arms of this fascinating woman were perfectly proportioned. they were adapted to the times and were very beautiful. down each of them from shoulder to elbow ran a strip of short dark hair. from either hand ran upward to the elbow another strip of hair, and the two, meeting at the elbow, formed a delightful little tuft reminding one of what is known as a "widow's peak," or that little point which grows down so charmingly on an occasional woman's forehead. her biceps were tremendous, as must necessarily be the case with a lady accustomed to swing from limb to limb along the treetops. her thumb was nearly as long as her fingers, and the palms of her hands were hard. her legs were like her arms in their degree of muscular development and hairy adornment. she had beautiful feet. it is to be admitted that her heels projected a trifle more than is counted the ideal thing at the present day, and that her big toe and all the other toes were very much in evidence, but there is not one woman in ten thousand now who could as handily pick up objects with her toes as could the mother of the baby ab. she was as brown as a nut, with the tan of a half tropical summer, and as healthy a creature, from tawny head to backward sloping heel, as ever trod a path in the world's history. this was the quality of the lady who came so swiftly to learn the nature of her offspring's trouble. ladies of that day attended, as a rule, to the wants of their own children. a wet nurse was a thing unknown and a dry one as unthought of. this was good for the children. the woman made a dive into the little hollow and picked the babe from its nest of leaves and tossed him up lightly, and at once his crying ceased, and his little brown arms went around her neck, and he cooed and prattled in very much the same fashion as does a babe of the present time. he was content, all in a moment, yet some noise must have aroused him, for, as it chanced, there was great need that this particular babe at this particular moment should have awakened and cried aloud for his mother. this was made evident immediately. as the woman tossed him aloft in her arms and cuddled him again there came a sound to her ears which made her leap like some wilder creature of the forest up to a little vantage ground. she turned her head, and then--you should have seen the woman! very nearly above them swung down one of the branches of a great beech tree. the mother threw the child into the hollow of her left arm, and leaped upward a yard to catch the branch with her right hand. so she hung dangling. then, instantly, holding him firmly by one arm in her left hand, she lowered the child between her legs and clasped them about him closely. and then, had it been your fortune to be born in those times, you might have seen good climbing. with both her strong arms free, this vigorous matron ran up the stout beech limb which depended downward from the great bole of the tree until she was twenty feet above the ground, and then, lifting herself into a comfortable place, in a moment was sitting there at ease, her legs and one arm coiled about the big branch and a smaller upstanding one, while the other arm held the brown babe close to her bosom. this charming lady of the period had reached her perch in the beech tree top none too soon. even as she swung herself into place upon the huge bough, there came rushing across the space beneath, snarling, smelling and seeking, a brute as foul and dangerous as could be imagined for mother and son upon the ground. it was of a dirty dun color, mottled and striped with a lighter but still dingy hue. it had a black, hoggish nose, but there were fangs in its great jaws. it resembled a huge wolf, save as to its massiveness and club countenance, it was one of the monster hyenas of the time, a beast which must have been as dangerous to the men then living as any animal except the cave tiger and the cave bear. its degenerate posterity, as they shuffle uneasily back and forth when caged to-day, are perhaps not less foul of aspect, but are relatively pygmies. doubtless the brute had scented the sleeping babe, and, snarling aloud in its search, had waked it, inducing the cry which proved the child's salvation. the beast scented immediately the prey above him and leaped upward ferociously and vainly. was the woman thus beset thus holding herself aloft and with her child upon one arm in a state of sickening anxiety? hardly! she but encircled the supporting branch the closer, and laughed aloud. she even poked one bare foot down at the leaping beast, and waved her leg in provocation. at the same time there was no doubt that she was beset. furthermore she was hungry, and so she raised her voice, and sent out through the forest a strange call, a quavering minor wail, but something to be heard at a great distance. there was no delay in the response, for delays were dangerous when cave men lived. the call was answered instantly and the answering cry was repeated as she called again, the sound of the reply approaching near and nearer all the time. all at once the manner of her calling changed; it was an appeal no longer; it was a conversation, an odd, clucking, penetrating speech in the shortest of sentences. she was telling of the situation. there was prompt reply; the voice seemed suddenly higher in the air and then came, swinging easily from branch to branch along the treetops, the father of ab, a person who felt a natural and aggressive interest in what was going on. to describe the cave man it is, it may be, best of all to say that he was the woman over again, only stronger, longer limbed and deeper chested, firmer of jaw and more grim of countenance. he was dressed almost as she was. from his broad shoulder hung a cloak of the skin of some wild beast but the cord which tied it was a stout one, and in the belt thus formed was stuck a weapon of such quality as men have rarely carried since. it was a stone ax; an ax heavier than any battle-ax of mediaeval times, its haft a scant three feet in length, inclosing the ax through a split in the tough wood, all being held in place by a taut and hardened mass of knotted sinews. it was a fearful weapon, but one only to be wielded by such a man as this, one with arms almost as mighty as those of the gorilla. the man sat himself upon the limb beside his wife and child. the two talked together in their clucking language for a moment or two, but few words were wasted. words had not their present abundance in those days; action was everything. the man was hungry, too, and wanted to get home as soon as possible. he had secured food, which was awaiting them, and this slight, annoying episode of the day must be ended promptly. he clambered easily up the tree and wrenched off a deadened limb at least two yards in length, then tumbling back again and passing his wife and child along the main branch, he swung down to where the leaping beast could almost reach him. the heavy club he carried gave him an advantage. with a whistling sweep, as the hyena leaped upward in its ravenous folly, came this huge club crashing against the thick skull, a blow so fair and stark and strong that the stunned beast fell backward upon the ground, and then, down, lightly as any monkey, dropped the cave man. the huge stone ax went crashing into the brain of the quivering brute, and that was the end of the incident. mother and child leaped down together, and the man and woman went chattering toward their cave. this was not a particularly eventful day with them; they were accustomed to such things. they went strolling off through the beech glades, the strong, hairy, heavy-jawed man, the muscular but more lightly built woman and the child, perched firmly and chattering blithely upon her shoulder as they walked, or, rather, half trotted along the river side and toward the cave. they were light of foot and light of thought, but there was ever that almost unconscious alertness appertaining to their time. their flexible ears twitched, and turned, now forward now backward, to catch the slightest sound. their nostrils were open for dangerous scents, or for the scent of that which might give them food, either animal or vegetable, and as for the eyes, well, they were the sharpest existent within the history of the human race. they were keen of vision at long distance and close at hand, and ever were they in motion, swiftly turned sidewise this way and that, peering far ahead or looking backward to note what enemies of the wood might be upon the trail. so, swiftly along the glade and ever alert, went the father and mother of ab, carrying the strong child with them. there came no new alarm, and soon the cave was reached, though on the way there was a momentary deviation from the path, to gather up the nuts and berries the woman had found in the afternoon while the babe was lying sleeping. the fruitage was held in a great leaf, a pliant thing pulled together at the edges, tied stoutly with a strand of tough grass, and making a handy pouch containing a quart or two of the food, which was the woman's contribution to the evening meal. as for the father, he had more to offer, as was evident when the cave was reached. the man and woman crept through the narrow entrance and stood erect in a recess in the rocks twenty feet square, at least, and perhaps fifteen feet in height. looking upward one could see a gleam of light from the outer world. the orifice through which the light came was the chimney, dug downward with much travail from the level of the land above. directly underneath the opening was the fireplace, for men had learned thoroughly the use of fire, and had even some fancies as to getting rid of smoke. there were smoldering embers upon the hearth, embers of the hardest of wood, the wood which would preserve a fire for the greatest length of time, for the cave man had neither flint and steel nor matches, and when a fire expired it was a matter of some difficulty to secure a flame again. on this occasion there was no trouble. the embers were beaten up easily into glowing coals and twigs and dry dead limbs cast upon them made soon a roaring flame. as the cave was lighted the proprietor pointed laughingly to the abundance of meat he had secured. it was food of the finest sort and in such quantity that even this stalwart being's strength must have been exceptionally tested in bringing the burden to the cave. it was something in quality for an epicure of the day and there was enough of it to make the cave man's family easy for a week, at least. it was a hind quarter of a wild horse. chapter iii. a family dinner. despite the hyena and baby incident, the day had been a satisfactory one for this cave family. of course, had the woman failed to reach just when she did the hollow in which her babe was left there would have come a tragedy in the extinction of a young and promising cave child, and the two would have been mourning, as even wild beasts mourn for their lost young. but there was little reversion to past possibilities in the minds of the cave people. the couple were not worrying over what might have been. the mother had found food of one sort in abundance, and the father's fortune had been royal. he had tossed a rock from a precipice a hundred feet in height down into a passing herd of the little wild horses, and great luck had followed, for one of them had been killed, and so this was a holiday in the cave. the man and wife were at ease and had each an appetite. the nuts gathered by the woman were tossed in a heap among the ashes and live coals were raked upon them, and the popping which followed showed how well they were being roasted. a sturdy twig, two yards in length and sharpened at the end, was utilized by the man in cooking the strips of meat cut from the haunch of the wild horse and very savory were the odors that filled the cave. there was the faint perfume of the crackling nuts and there was the fragrant beneficence of the broiling meat. there are no definite records upon the subject; the chef of to-day can give you no information on the point, but there is reason to believe that a steak from the wild horse of the time was something admirable. there is a sort of maxim current in this age, in civilized rural communities, to the effect that those quadrupeds are good to eat which "chew the cud or part the hoof." the horse of to-day is a creature with but one toe to each leg--we all know that--but the horse of the cave man's time had only lately parted with the split hoof, and so was fairly edible, even according to the modern standard. the father and mother of ab were not more than two years past their honeymoon. they, in their way, were glad that their union had been so blest and that a lusty man-child was rolling about and crowing and cooing upon the earthen floor of the cave. they lived from hand to mouth, and from day to day, and this day had been a good one. they were there together, man, woman and child. they had warmth and food. the entrance to the cave was barred so that no monster of the period might enter. they could eat and sleep with a certainty of the perfect digestion which followed such a life as theirs and with a certainty of all peace for the moment. even the child mumbled heartily, though not yet very strongly, at the delicious meat of the little horse, and, the meal ended, the two lay down upon a mass of leaves which made their bed, and the child lay snuggled and warm within reach of them. the aristocracy of the time had gone to sleep. there was silence in the cave, but, outside, the world was not so still. the night was not always one of silence in the cave man's time. the hours of darkness were those when the creature which walked upon two legs was no longer gliding through the forest with ready club or spear, and when those creatures which used four legs instead of two, especially the defenseless, felt more at ease than in the daytime. the grass-eating animals emerged from the forest into the plateaus and upon the low plains along the river side and the flesh-eaters began again their hunting. it was a time of wild life, and of wild death, for out of the abundance much was taken; there were nightly tragedies, and the beasts of prey were as glutted as the urus or the elk which fed on the sweet grasses. it was but a matter of difference in diet and in the manner of doing away with one life which must be sacrificed to support another. there was liveliness at night with the queer thing, man, out of the way, and brutes and beasts of many sorts, taking their chances together, were happier with him absent. they could not understand him, and liked him not, though the great-clawed and sharp-toothed ones had a vast desire to eat him. he was a disturbing element in the community of the plain and forest. and, while all this play of life and death went on outside, the three people, the man, woman and child, in the cave slept as soundly as sleep the drunken or the just. they were full-fed and warm and safe. no beast of a size greater than that of a lank wolf or sinewy wildcat could enter the cave through the narrow entrance between the heaped-up rocks, and of these, as of any other dangerous beast, there was none which would face what barred even the narrow passage, for it was fire. just at the entrance the all-night fire of knots and hardest wood smoked, flamed and smoldered and flickered, and then flamed again, and held the passageway securely. no animal that ever lived, save man, has ever dared the touch of fire. it was the cave man's guardian. chapter iv. ab and oak. such were the father and mother of ab, and such was the boy himself. his surroundings have not been indicated with all the definiteness desirable, because of the lack of certain data, but, in a general way, the degree of his birth, the manner of his rearing and the natural aspects of his estate have been described. that the young man had a promising future could not admit of doubt. he was the first-born of an important family of a great race and his inheritance had no boundaries. just where the possessions of the ab family began or where they terminated no bird nor beast nor human being could tell. the estates of the family extended from the mediterranean to the arctic ocean and there were no dividing lines. of course, something depended upon the existence or non-existence of a stronger cave family somewhere else, but that mattered not. and the babe grew into a sturdy youth, just as grow the boys of today, and had his friendships and adventures. he did not attend the public schools--the school system was what might reasonably be termed inefficient in his time--nor did he attend a private school, for the private schools were weak, as well, but he did attend the great school of nature from the moment he opened his eyes in the morning until he closed them at night. of his schoolboy days and his friendships and his various affairs, this is the immediate story. the father and mother of ab as has, it is hoped, been made apparent, were strong people, intelligent up to the grade of the time and worthy of regard in many ways. the two could fairly hold their own, not only against the wild beasts, but against any other cave pair, should the emergency arise. they had names, of course. the name of ab's father was one-ear, the sequence of an incident occurring when he was very young, an accidental and too intimate acquaintance with a species of wildcat which infested the region and from which the babe had been rescued none too soon. the name of ab's mother was red-spot, and she had been so called because of a not unsightly but conspicuous birthmark appearing on her left shoulder. as to ancestry, ab's father could distinctly remember his own grandfather as the old gentleman had appeared just previous to his consumption by a monstrous bear, and red-spot had some vague remembrance of her own grandmother. as for ab's own name, it came from no personal mark or peculiarity or as the result of any particular incident of his babyhood. it was merely a convenient adaptation by his parents of a childish expression of his own, a labial attempt to say something. his mother had mimicked his babyish prattlings, the father had laughed over the mimicry, and, almost unconsciously, they referred to their baby afterward as "ab," until it grew into a name which should be his for life. there was no formal early naming of a child in those days; the name eventually made itself, and that was all there was to it. there was, for instance, a child living not many miles away, destined to be a future playmate and ally of ab, who, though of nearly the same age, had not yet been named at all. his title, when he finally attained it, was merely oak. this was not because he was straight as an oak, or because he had an acorn birthmark, but because adjoining the cave where he was born stood a great oak with spreading limbs, from one of which was dangled a rude cradle, into which the babe was tied, and where he would be safe from all attacks during the absence of his parents on such occasions as they did not wish the burden of carrying him about. "rock-a-by-baby upon the tree-top" was often a reality in the time of the cave men. ab was fortunate in being born at a reasonably comfortable stage of the world's history. he had a decent prospect as to clothing and shelter, and there was abundance of food for those brave enough or ingenious enough to win it. the climate was not enervating. there were cold times for the people of the epoch and, in their seasons, harsh and chilling winds swept over bare and chilling glaciers, though a semi-tropical landscape was all about. so suddenly had come the change from frigid cold to moderate warmth, that the vast fields of ice once moving southward were not thawed to their utmost depths even when rank vegetation and a teeming life had sprung up in the now european area, and so it came that, in some places, cold, white monuments and glittering plateaus still showed themselves amid the forest and fed the tumbling streams which made the rivers rushing to the ocean. there were days of bitter cold in winter and sultry heat in summer. it may fairly be borne in mind of this child ab that he was somewhat different from the child of to-day, and nearer the quadruped in his manner of swift development. the puppy though delinquent in the matter of opening it's eyes, waddles clumsily upon its legs very early in its career. ab, of course, had his eyes open from the beginning, and if the babe of to-day were to stand upright as soon as ab did, his mother would be the proudest creature going and his father, at the club, would be acting intolerable. it must be admitted, though, that neither one-ear nor red-spot manifested an extraordinary degree of enthusiasm over the precociousness of their first-born. he was not, for the time, remarkable, and parents of the day were less prone than now to spoiling children. ab's layette had been of beech leaves, his bed had been of beech leaves, and a beech twig, supple and stinging, had already been applied to him when he misbehaved himself. as he grew older his acquaintance with it would be more familiar. strict disciplinarians in their way, though affectionate enough after their own fashion, were the parents of the time. the existence of this good family of the day continued without dire misadventure. ab at nine years of age was a fine boy. there could be no question about that. he was as strong as a young gibbon, and, it must be admitted, in certain characteristics would have conveyed to the learned observer of to-day a suggestion of that same animal. his eyes were bright and keen and his mouth and nose were worth looking at. his nose was broad, with nostrils aggressively prominent, and as for his mouth, it was what would be called to-day excessively generous in its proportions for a boy of his size. but it did not lack expression. his lips could quiver at times, or become firmly set, and there was very much of what might, even then, be called "manliness" in the general bearing of the sturdy little cave child. he had never cried much when a babe--cave children were not much addicted to crying, save when very hungry--and he had grown to his present stature, which was not very great, with a healthfulness and general manner of buoyancy all the time. he was as rugged a child of his age as could be found between the shore that lay long leagues westward of what is now the western point of ireland and anywhere into middle europe. he had begun to have feelings and hopes and ambitions, too. he had found what his surroundings meant. he had at least done one thing well. he had made well-received advances toward a friend; and a friend is a great thing for a boy, when he is another boy of about the same age. this friendship was not quite commonplace. ab, who could climb like a young monkey, laid most casually the foundation for this companionship which was to affect his future life. he had scrambled, one day, up a tree standing near the cave, and, climbing out along a limb near its top, had found a comfortable resting-place, and there upon the swaying bough was "teetering" comfortably, when something in another tree, further up the river, caught his sharp eye. it was a dark mass,--it might have been anything caught in a treetop,--but the odd part of it was that it was "teetering" just as he was. ab watched the object for a long time curiously, and finally decided that it must be another boy, or perhaps a girl, who was swaying in the distant tree. there came to him a vigorous thought. he resolved to become better acquainted; he resolved dimly, for this was the first time that any idea of further affiliation with anyone had come into his youthful mind. of course, it must not be understood that he had been in absolute retirement throughout his young but not uneventful life. other cave men and women, sometimes accompanied by their children, had visited the cave of one-ear and red-spot and ab had become somewhat acquainted with other human beings and with what were then the usages of the best hungry society. he had never, though, become really familiar with anyone save his father and mother and the children which his mother had borne after him, a boy and a girl. this particular afternoon a sudden boyish yearning came upon him. he wanted to know who the youth might be who was swinging in the distant tree. he was a resolute young cub, and to determine was to act. it was rare, particularly in the wooded districts of the country of the cave men, for a boy of nine to go a mile from home alone. there was danger lurking in every rod and rood, and, naturally, such a boy would not be versed in all woodcraft, nor have the necessary strength of arm for a long arboreal journey, swinging himself along beneath the intermingling branches of close-standing trees. so this departure was, for ab, a venture something out of the common. but he was strong for his age, and traversed rapidly a considerable distance through the treetops in the direction of what he saw. once or twice, though, there came exigencies of leaping and grasping aloft to which he felt himself unequal, and then, plucky boy as he was, he slid down the bole of the tree and, looking about cautiously, made a dash across some little glade and climbed again. he had traversed little more than half the distance toward the object he sought when his sharp ears caught the sound of rustling leaves ahead of him. he slipped behind the trunk of the tree into whose top he was clambering and then, reaching out his head, peered forward warily. as he thus ensconced himself, the sound he had heard ceased suddenly. it was odd. the boy was perplexed and somewhat anxious. he could but peer and peer and remain absolutely quiet. at last his searching watchfulness was rewarded. he saw a brown protuberance on the side of a great tree, above where the branches began, not twoscore yards distant from him, and that brown protuberance moved slightly. it was evident that the protuberance was watching him as he was watching it. he realized what it meant. there was another boy there! he was not particularly afraid of another boy and at once came out of hiding. the other boy came calmly into view as well. they sat there, looking at each other, each at ease upon a great branch, each with an arm sustaining himself, each with his little brown legs dangling carelessly, and each gazing upon the other with bright eyes evincing alike watchfulness and curiosity and some suspicion. so they sat, perched easily, these excellent young, monkeyish boys of the time, each waiting for the other to begin the conversation, just as two boys wait when they thus meet today. their talk would not perhaps be intelligible to any professor of languages in all the present world, but it was a language, however limited its vocabulary, which sufficed for the needs of the men and women and children of the cave time. it was ab who first broke the silence: "who are you?" he said. "i am oak," responded the other boy. "who are you?" "me? oh, i am ab." "where do you come from?" "from the cave by the beeches; and where do you come from?" "i come from the cave where the river turns, and i am not afraid of you." "i am not afraid of you, either," said ab. "let us climb down and get upon that big rock and throw stones at things in the water," said oak. "all right," said ab. and the two slid, one after the other, down the great tree trunks and ran rapidly to the base of a huge rock overtopping the river, and with sides almost perpendicular, but with crevices and projections which enabled the expert youngsters to ascend it with ease. there was a little plateau upon its top a few yards in area and, once established there, the boys were safe from prowling beasts. and this was the manner of the first meeting of two who were destined to grow to manhood together, to be good companions and have full young lives, howbeit somewhat exciting at times, and to affect each other for joy and sorrow, and good and bad, and all that makes the quality of being. chapter v. a great enterprise. what always happens when two boys not yet fairly in their 'teens meet, at first aggressively, and then, each gradually overcoming this apprehension of the other, decide upon a close acquaintance and long comradeship? their talk is firmly optimistic and they constitute much of the world. as for ab and oak, when there had come to them an ease in conversation, there dawned gradually upon each the idea that, next to himself, the other was probably the most important personage in the world, fitting companion and confederate of a boy who in an incredibly short space of time was going to become a man and do things on a tremendous scale. seated upon the rock, a point of ease and vantage, they talked long of what two boys might do, and so earnest did they become in considering their possible great exploits that ab demanded of oak that he go with him to his home. this was a serious matter. it was a no slight thing for a boy of that day, allowed a playground within certain limits adjacent to his cave home, to venture far away; but this in oak's life was a great occasion. it was the first time he had ever met and talked with a boy of his age, and he became suddenly reckless, assenting promptly to ab's proposal. they ran along the forest paths together toward ab's cave, clucking in their queer language and utilizing in that short journey most of the brief vocabulary of the day in anticipatory account of what they were going to do. ab's father and mother rather approved of oak. they even went so far as to consent that ab might pay a return visit upon the succeeding day, though it was stipulated that the father--and this was a demand the mother made--should accompany the boy upon most of the journey. one-ear knew oak's father very well. oak's father, stripe-face, was a man of standing in the widely-scattered community. stripe-face was so called because in a casual, and, on his part, altogether uninvited encounter with a cave bear when he was a young man, a sweep of the claws of his adversary had plowed furrows down one cheek, leaving scars thereafter which were livid streaks. one-ear and stripe-face were good friends. sometimes they hunted together; they had fought together, and it was nothing out of the way, and but natural, that ab and oak should become companions. so it came that one-ear went across the forest with his boy the next day and visited the cave of stripe-face, and that the two young cubs went out together buoyant and in conquering mood, while the grown men planned something for their own advantage. certainly the boys matched well. a finer pair of youngsters of eight or nine years of age could hardly be imagined than these two who sallied forth that afternoon. they send very fine boys nowadays to our great high schools in the united states, and to rugby and eaton and harrow in england, but never went forth a finer pair to learn things. no smattering of letters or lore of any printed sort had these rugged youths, but their eyes were piercing as those of the eagle, the grip of their hands was strong, their pace was swift when they ran upon the ground and their course almost as rapid when they swung along the treetops. they were self-possessed and ready and alert and prepared to pass an examination for admission to any university of the time; that is, to any of nature's universities, where matriculation depended upon prompt conception of existing dangers and the ways of avoiding them, and of all adroitness in attainments which gave food and shelter and safety. eh! but they were a gallant pair, these two young gentlemen who burst forth, owning the world entirely and feeling a serene confidence in their ability, united, to maintain their rights. and their ambitions soon took a definite turn. they decided that they must kill a horse! the wild horse of the time, already referred to as esteemed for his edible qualities, was, in the opinion of the cave people, but of moderate value otherwise. he was abundant, ranging in herds of hundreds along the pampas of the great thames valley, and furnished forth abundant food for man as well as the wild beasts, when they could capture him. his skin, though, was not counted of much worth. its short hair afforded little warmth in cloak or breech-clout, and the tanned pelt became hard and uncomfortable when it dried after a wetting. still, there were various uses for this horse's hide. it made fine strings and thongs, and the beast's flesh, as has been said, was a staple of the larder. the first great resolve of ab and oak, these two gallant soldiers of fortune, was that, alone and unaided, they would circumvent and slay one of these wild horses, thereby astonishing their respective families, at the same time gaining the means for filling the stomachs of those families to repletion, and altogether covering themselves with glory. not in a day nor in a week were the plans of these youthful warriors and statesmen matured. the wild horse had long since learned that the creature man was as dangerous to it as were any of the fierce four-footed animals which hunted it, and its scent was good and its pace was swift and it went in herds and avoided doubtful places. not so easy a task as it might seem was that which ab and oak had resolved upon. there must be some elaborate device to attain their end, but they were confident. they had noted often what older hunters did, and they felt themselves as good as anybody. they plotted long and earnestly and even made a mental distribution of their quarry, deciding what should be done with its skin and with its meat, far in advance of any determination upon a plan for its capture and destruction. they were boys. there was no objection from the parents. they knew that the boys must learn to become hunters, and if the two were not now capable of taking care of themselves in the wood, then they were but disappointing offspring. consent secured, the boys acted entirely upon their own responsibility, and, to make their subsequent plans clearer, it may be well to explain a little more of the geography of the region. the cave of ab was on the north side of the stream, where the rocky banks came close together with a little beach at either side, and the cave of oak was perhaps a mile to the westward, on the same side of the stream and with very similar surroundings. on the south side of the river, opposite the high banks between the two caves, the land was a prairie valley reaching far away. on the north side as well there was at one place a little valley, but it reached back only a few hundred yards from the river and was surrounded by the forest-crowned hills. the close standing oaks and beeches afforded, in emergency, a highway among their ranches, and along this pathway the boys were comparatively safe. either could climb a tree at any time, and of the animals that were dangerous in the treetops there were but few; in fact, there was only one of note, a tawny, cat-like creature, not numerous, and resembling the lynx of the present day. almost in the midst of the little plain or valley, on the north side of the river, rose a clump of trees, and in this the two boys saw means afforded them for a realization of their hopes. the wild horses fed daily in the valley to the north, as in the greater one to the south of the river. but there also, in the high grass, as upon the south, sometimes lurked the great beasts of prey, and to be far away from a tree upon the plain was an unsafe thing for a cave man. from the forest edge to the clump of trees was not more than two minutes' rush for a vigorous boy and it was this fact which suggested to the youths their plan of capture of the horse. the homes of the cave men were located, when possible, where the refuge of safety overhung closely the river's bank, and where the non-climbing animals must pass along beneath them, but, even at that period of few men and abundant animal life, there had developed an acuteness among the weaker beasts, and they had learned to avoid certain paths that had proved fatal to their brethren. they were numerous in the plains and comparatively careless there, relying upon their speed to escape more dangerous wild beasts, but they passed rarely beneath the ledges, where a weighty rock dropped suddenly meant certain death. it was not a task entirely easy for the cave men to have meat with regularity, flush as was the life about them. new devices must be resorted to, and ab and oak were about to employ one not infrequently successful. the clam of the period, particularly the clam along this reach of the upper thames, was a marvel in his make-up. he was as large as he was luscious, as abundant as he was both and was a great feature in the food supply of the time. not merely was he a feature in the food supply, but in a mechanical way, and the first object sought by the boys, after their plan had been agreed upon, was the shell of the great clam. they had no difficulty in securing what they wanted, for strewn all about each cave were the big shells in abundance. sharp-edged, firm-backed, one of these shells made an admirable little shovel, something with which to cut the turf and throw up the soil, a most useful implement in the hands of the river haunting people. the idea of the youngsters was simply this: their rendezvous should be at that point in the forest nearest the clump of trees standing solitary in the valley below. they would select the safest hours and then from the high ground make a sudden dash to the tree clump. they would be watchful, of course, and seek to avoid the class of animals for whom boys made admirable luncheon. once at the clump of trees and safely ensconced among the branches, they could determine wisely upon the next step in their adventure. they were very knowing, these young men, for they had observed their elders. what they wanted to do, what was the end and aim of all this recklessness, was to dig a pit in this rich valley land close to the clump of trees, a pit say some ten feet in length by six feet in breadth and seven or eight feet in depth. that meant a gigantic labor. gillian, of "the toilers of the sea," assigned to himself hardly a greater task. these were boys of the cave kind and must, perforce, conduct themselves originally. as to the details of the plan, well, they were only vague, as yet, but rapidly assuming a form more definite. the first thing essential for the boys was to reach the clump of trees. it was just before noon one day when they swung together on a tree branch sweeping nearly to the ground, and at a point upon the hill directly opposite the clump. this was the time selected for their first dash. they studied every square yard of the long grass of the little valley with anxious eyes. in the distance was feeding a small drove of wild horses and, farther away, close by the river side, upreared occasionally what might be the antlers of the great elk of the period. between the boys and the clump of trees there was no movement of the grass, nor any sign of life. they could discern no trace of any lurking beast. "are you afraid?" asked ab. "not if we run together." "all right," said ab; "let's go it with a rush." the slim brown bodies dropped lightly to the ground together, each of the boys clasping one of the clamshells. side by side they darted down the slope and across through the deep grass until the clump of trees was reached, when, like two young apes, they scrambled into the safety of the branches. the tree up which they had clambered was the largest of the group and of dense foliage. it was one of the huge conifers of the age, but its branches extended to within perhaps thirty feet of the ground, and from the greatest of these side branches reached out, growing so close together as to make almost a platform. it was but the work of a half hour for these boys, with their arboreal gifts, to twine additional limbs together and to construct for themselves a solid nest and lookout where they might rest at ease, at a distance above the greatest leap of any beast existing. in this nest they curled themselves down and, after much clucking debate, formulated their plan of operation. only one boy should dig at a time, the other must remain in the nest as a lookout. swift to act in those days were men, because necessity had made it a habit to them, and swifter still, as a matter of course, were impulsive boys. their tree nest fairly made, work, they decided, must begin at once. the only point to be determined upon was regarding the location of the pit. there was a tempting spread of green herbage some hundred feet to the north and east of the tree, a place where the grass was high but not so high as it was elsewhere. it had been grazed already by the wandering horses and it was likely that they would visit the tempting area again. there, it was finally settled, should the pit be dug. it was quite a distance from the tree, but the increased chances of securing a wild horse by making the pit in that particular place more than offset, in the estimation of the boys, the added danger of a longer run for safety in an emergency. the only question remaining was as to who should do the first digging and who be the first lookout? there was a violent debate upon this subject. "i will go and dig and you shall keep watch," said oak. "no, i'll dig and you shall watch," was ab's response. "i can run faster than you." oak hesitated and was reluctant. he was sturdy, this young gentleman, but ab possessed, somehow, the mastering spirit. it was settled finally that ab should dig and oak should watch. and so ab slid down the tree, clamshell in hand, and began laboring vigorously at the spot agreed upon. it was not a difficult task for a strong boy to cut through tough grass roots with the keen edge of the clamshell. he outlined roughly and rapidly the boundaries of the pit to be dug and then began chopping out sods just as the workman preparing to garnish some park or lawn begins his work to-day. meanwhile, oak, all eyes, was peering in every direction. his place was one of great responsibility, and he recognized the fact. it was a tremendous moment for the youngsters. chapter vi. a dangerous visitor. it was not alone necessary for the plans of ab and oak that there should be made a deep hole in the ground. it was quite as essential for their purposes that the earth removed should not be visible upon the adjacent surface. the location of the pit, as has been explained, was some yards to the northeast of the tree in which the lookout had been made. a few yards southwest of the tree was a slight declivity and damp hollow, for from that point the land sloped, in a reed-grown marsh toward the river. it was decided to throw into this marsh all the excavated soil, and so, when ab had outlined the pit and cut up its surface into sods, he carried them one by one to the bank and cast them down among the reeds where the water still made little puddles. in time of flood the river spread out into a lake, reaching even as far as here. the sod removed, there was exposed a rectangle of black soil, for the earth was of alluvial deposit and easy of digging. shellful after shellful of the dirt did ab carry from where the pit was to be, trotting patiently back and forth, but the work was wearisome and there was a great waste of energy. it was oak who gave an inspiration. "we must carry more at a time," he called out. and then he tossed down to ab a wolfskin which had been given him by his father as a protection on cold nights and which he had brought along, tied about his waist, quite incidentally, for, ordinarily, these boys wore no clothing in warm weather. clothing, in the cave time, appertained only to manhood and womanhood, save in winter. but oak had brought the skin along because he had noticed a vast acorn crop upon his way to and from the rendezvous and had in mind to carry back to his own home cave some of the nuts. the pelt was now to serve an immediately useful purpose. spreading the skin upon the grass beside him, ab heaped it with the dirt until there had accumulated as much as he could carry, when, gathering the corners together, he struggled with the enclosed load manfully to the bank and spilled it down into the morass. the digging went on rapidly until ab, out of breath and tired, threw down the skin and climbed into the treetop and became the watchman, while oak assumed his labor. so they worked alternately in treetop and upon the ground until the sun's rays shot red and slanting from the west. wiser than to linger until dusk had too far deepened were these youngsters of the period. the clamshells were left in the pit. the lookout above declared nothing in sight, then slid to the ground and joined his friend, and another dash was made to the hill and the safety of its treetops. it was in great spirits that the boys separated to seek their respective homes. they felt that they were personages of consequence. they had no doubt of the success of the enterprise in which they had embarked, and the next day found them together again at an early hour, when the digging was enthusiastically resumed. many a load of dirt was carried on the second day from the pit to the marsh's edge, and only once did the lookout have occasion to suggest to his working companion that he had better climb the tree. a movement in the high grass some hundred yards away had aroused suspicion; some wild animal had passed, but, whatever it was, it did not approach the clump of trees and work was resumed at once. when dusk came the moist black soil found in the pit had all been carried away and the boys had reached, to their intense disgust, a stratum of hard packed gravel. that meant infinitely more difficult work for them and the use of some new utensil. there was nothing daunting in the new problem. when it came to the mere matter of securing a tool for digging the hard gravel, both ab and oak were easily at home. the cave dwellers, haunting the river side for centuries, had learned how to deal with gravel, and when ab returned to the scene the next day he brought with him a sturdy oaken stave some six feet in length, sharpened to a point and hardened in the fire until it was almost iron-like in its quality. plunged into the gravel as far as the force of a blow could drive it, and pulled backward with the leverage obtained, the gravel was loosened and pried upward either in masses which could be lifted out entire, or so crumbled that it could be easily dished out with the clamshell. the work went on more slowly, but not less steadily nor hopefully than on the days preceding, and, for some time, was uninterrupted by any striking incident. the boys were becoming buoyant. they decided that the grassy valley was almost uninfested by things dangerous. they became reckless sometimes, and would work in the pit together. as a rule, though, they were cautious--this was an inherent and necessary quality of a cave being--and it was well for them that it was so, for when an emergency came only one of them was in the pit, while the other was aloft in the lookout and alert. it was about three o'clock one afternoon when ab, whose turn it chanced to be, was working valiantly in the pit, while oak, all eyes, was perched aloft. suddenly there came from the treetop a yell which was no boyish expression of exuberance of spirits. it was something which made ab leap from the excavation as he heard it and reach the side of oak as the latter came literally tumbling down the bole of the tree of watching. "run!" oak said, and the two darted across the valley and reached the forest and clambered into safe hiding among the clustering branches. then, in the intervals between his gasping breath, oak managed to again articulate a word: "look!" he said. ab looked and, in an instant, realized how wise had been oak's alarming cry and how well it was for them that they were so distant from the clump of trees so near the river. what he saw was that which would have made the boys' fathers flee as swiftly had they been in their children's place. yet what ab looked upon was only a waving, in sinuous regularity, of the rushes between the tree clump and the river and the lifting of a head some ten or fifteen feet above the reed-tops. what had so alarmed the boys was what would have disturbed a whole tribe of their kinsmen, even though they had chanced to be assembled, armed to the teeth with such weapons as they then possessed. what they saw was not of the common. very rarely indeed, along the thames, had occurred such an invasion. the father of oak had never seen the thing at all, and the father of ab had seen it but once, and that many years before. it was the great serpent of the seas! safely concealed in the branches of a tree overlooking the little valley, the boys soon recovered their normal breathing capacity and were able to converse again. not more than a couple of minutes, at the utmost, had passed between their departure from their place of labor and their establishment in this same tree. the creature which had so alarmed them was still gliding swiftly across the morass between the lowland and the river. it came forward through the marsh undeviatingly toward the tree clump, the tall reeds quivering as it passed, but its approach indicated by no sound or other token of disturbance. the slight bank reached, there was uplifted a great serpent head, and then, without hesitation, the monster swept forward to the trees and soon hung dangling from the branches of the largest one, its great coils twined loosely about trunk and limb, its head swinging gently back and forth just below the lower branch. it was a serpent at least sixty feet in length, and two feet or more in breadth at its huge middle. it was queerly but not brilliantly spotted, and its head was very nearly that of the anaconda of to-day. already the sea-serpent had become amphibious. it had already acquired the knowledge it has transmitted to the anaconda, that it might leave the stream, and, from some vantage point upon the shore, find more surely a victim than in the waters of the sea or river. this monster serpent was but waiting for the advent of any land animal, save perhaps those so great as the mammoth or the great elk, or, possibly, even the cave bear or the cave tiger. the mammoth was, of course, an impossibility, even to the sea-serpent. the elk, with its size and vast antlers, was, to put it at the mildest, a perplexing thing to swallow. the rhinoceros was dangerous, and as for the cave bear and the cave tiger, they were uncomfortable customers for anything alive. but there were the cattle, the aurochs and the urus, and the little horses and deer, and wild hog and a score of other creatures which, in the estimation of the sea-serpent, were extremely edible. a tidbit to the serpent was a man, but he did not get one in half a century. not long did the boys remain even in a harborage so distant. each fled homeward with his story. chapter vii. the unexpected happens. it was with scant breath, when they reached their respective caves, that the boys told the story of the dread which had invaded the marsh-land. what they reported was no light event and, the next morning, their fathers were with them in the treetop at the safe distance which the wooded crest afforded and watching with apprehensive eyes the movements of the monster settled in the rugged valley tree. there was slight movement to note. coiled easily around the bole, just above where the branches began, and resting a portion of its body upon a thick, extending limb, its head and perhaps ten or fifteen feet of its length swinging downward, the great serpent still hung awaiting its prey, ready to launch itself upon any hapless victim which might come within its reach. that its appetite would soon be gratified admitted of little doubt. profiting by the absence of the boys, who while at work made no effort to conceal themselves, groups of wild horses were already feeding in the lowlands, and the elk and wild ox were visible here and there. the group in the treetop on the crest realized that it had business on hand. the sea-serpent was a terror to the cave people, and when one appeared to haunt the river the word was swiftly spread, and they gathered to accomplish its end if possible. with warnings to the boys they left behind them, the fathers sped away in different directions, one up, the other down, the river's bank, stripe-face to seek the help of some of the cave people and one-ear to arouse the shell people, as they were called, whose home was beside a creek some miles below. into the home of the little colony one-ear went swinging a little later, demanding to see the head man of the fishing village, and there ensued an earnest conversation of short sentences, but one which caused immediate commotion. to the hill dwellers the rare advent of a sea-serpent was comparatively a small matter, but it was a serious thing to the shell folk. the sea-serpent might come up the creek and be among them at any moment, ravaging their community. the shell people were grateful for the warning, but there were few of them at home, and less than a dozen could be mustered to go with one-ear to the rendezvous. they were too late, the hardy people who came up to assail the serpent, because the serpent had not waited for them. the two boys roosting in the treetop on the height had beheld what was not pleasant to look upon, for they had seen a yearling of the aurochs enveloped by the thing, which whipped down suddenly from the branches, and the crushed quadruped had been swallowed in the serpent's way. but the dinner which might suffice it for weeks had not, in all entirety, the effect upon it which would follow the swallowing of a wild deer by its degenerate descendants of the amazonian or indian forests. the serpent did not lie a listless mass, helplessly digesting the product of the tragedy upon the spot of its occurrence, but crawled away slowly through the reeds, and instinctively to the water, into which it slid with scarce a splash, and then went drifting lazily away upon the current toward the sea. it had been years since one of these big water serpents had invaded the river at such a distance from its mouth and never came another up so far. there were causes promoting rapidly the extinction of their dreadful kind. three or four days were required before ab and oak realized, after what had taken place, that there were in the community any more important personages than they, and that they had work before them, if they were to continue in their glorious career. when everyday matters finally asserted themselves, there was their pit not yet completed. because of their absence, a greater aggregation of beasts was feeding in the little valley. not only the aurochs, the ancient bison, the urus, the progenitor of the horned cattle of to-day, wild horse and great elk and reindeer were seen within short distances from each other, but the big, hairy rhinoceros of the time was crossing the valley again and rioting in its herbage or wallowing in the pools where the valley dipped downward to the marsh. the mammoth with its young had swung clumsily across the area of rich feed, and, lurking in its train, eyeing hungrily and bloodthirstily the mammoth's calf, had crept the great cave tiger. the monster cave bear had shambled through the high grass, seeking some small food in default of that which might follow the conquest of a beast of size. the uncomely hyenas had gone slinking here and there and had found something worthy their foul appetite. all this change had come because the two boys, being boys and full of importance, had neglected their undertaking for about a week and had talked each in his own home with an air intended to be imposing, and had met each other with much dignity of bearing, at their favorite perching-place in the treetop on the hillside. when there came to them finally a consciousness that, to remain people of magnitude in the world, they must continue to do something, they went to work bravely. the change which had come upon the valley in their brief absence tended to increase their confidence, for, as thus exhibited, early as was the age, the advent of the human being, young or old, somehow affected all animate nature and terrified it, and the boys saw this. not that the great beasts did not prey upon man, but then, as now, the man to the great beast was something of a terror, and man, weak as he was, knew himself and recognized himself as the head of all creation. the mammoth, the huge, thick-coated rhinoceros, sabre-tooth, the monstrous tiger, or the bear, or the hyena, or the loping wolf, or short-bodied and vicious wolverine were to him, even then, but lower creatures. man felt himself the master of the world, and his children inherited the perception. work in the pit progressed now rapidly and not a great number of days passed before it had attained the depth required. the boy at work was compelled, when emerging, to climb a dried branch which rested against the pit's edge, and the lookout in the tree exercised an extra caution, since his comrade below could no longer attain safety in a moment. but the work was done at last, that is, the work of digging, and there remained but the completion of the pitfall, a delicate though not a difficult matter. across the pit, and very close together, were laid criss-crosses of slender branches, brought in armfuls from the forest; over these dry grass was spread, thinly but evenly, and over this again dust and dirt and more grass and twigs, all precautions being observed to give the place a natural appearance. in this the boys succeeded very well. shrewd must have been the animal of any sort which could detect the trap. their chief work done, the boys must now wait wisely. the place was deserted again and no nearer approach was made to the pitfall than the treetops of the hillside. there the boys were to be found every day, eager and anxious and hopeful as boys are generally. there was not occasion for getting closer to the trap, for, from their distant perch, its surface was distinctly visible and they could distinguish if it had been broken in. those were days of suppressed excitement for the two; they could see the buffalo and wild horses moving here and there, but fortune was still perverse and the trap was not approached. before its occupation by them, the place where they had dug had appeared the favorite feeding-place; now, with all perversity, the wild horses and other animals grazed elsewhere, and the boys began to fear that they had left some traces of their work which revealed it to the wily beasts. on one day, for an hour or two, their hearts were in their mouths. there issued from the forest to the westward the stately irish elk. it moved forward across the valley to the waters on the other side, and, after drinking its fill, began feeding directly toward the tree clump. it reached the immediate vicinity of the pitfall and stood beneath the trees, fairly outlined against the opening beyond, and affording to the almost breathless couple a splendid spectacle. a magnificent creature was the great elk of the time of the cave men, the irish elk, as those who study the past have named it, because its bones have been found so frequently in what are now the preserving peat bogs of ireland. but the elk passed beyond the sight of the watchers, and so their bright hopes fell. the crispness of full autumn had come, one morning, when ab and oak met as usual and looked out across the valley to learn if anything had happened in the vicinity of the pitfall. the hoar frost, lying heavily on the herbage, made the valley resemble a sea of silver, checkered and spotted all over darkly. these dark spots and lines were the traces of such animals as had been in the valley during the night or toward early morning. leading everywhere were heavy trails and light ones, telling the story of the night. but very little heed to these things was paid by the ardent boys. they were too full of their own affairs. as they swung into place together upon their favorite limb and looked across the valley, they uttered a simultaneous and joyous shout. something had taken place at the pitfall! all about the trap the surface of the ground was dark and the area of darkness extended even to the little bank of the swamp on the riverside. careless of danger, the boys dropped to the ground and, spears in hand, ran like deer toward the scene of their weeks of labor. side by side they bounded to the edge of the excavation, which now yawned open to the sky. they had triumphed at last! as they saw what the pitfall held, they yelled in unison, and danced wildly around the opening, in the very height of boyish triumph. the exultation was fully justified, for the pitfall held a young rhinoceros, a creature only a few months old, but so huge already that it nearly filled the excavation. it was utterly helpless in the position it occupied. it was wedged in, incapable of moving more than slightly in any direction. its long snout, with its sprouting pair of horns, was almost level with the surface of the ground and its small bright eyes leered wickedly at its noisy enemies. it struggled clumsily upon their approach, but nothing could relieve the hopelessness of its plight. all about the pitfall the earth was plowed in furrows and beaten down by the feet of some monstrous animal. evidently the calf was in the company of its mother when it fell a victim to the art of the pitfall diggers. it was plain that the mother had spent most of the night about her young in a vain effort to release it. well did the cave boys understand the signs, and, after their first wild outburst of joy over the capture, a sense of the delicacy, not to say danger, of their situation came upon them. it was not well to interfere with the family affairs of the rhinoceros. where had the mother gone? they looked about, but could see nothing to justify their fears. only for a moment, though, did their sense of safety last; hardly had the echo of their shouting come back from the hillside than there was a splashing and rasping of bushes in the swamp and the rush of some huge animal toward the little ascent leading to the valley proper. there needed no word from either boy; the frightened couple bounded to the tree of refuge and had barely begun clambering up its trunk than there rose to view, mad with rage and charging viciously, the mother of the calf rhinoceros. chapter viii. sabre-tooth and rhinoceros. the rhinoceros of the stone age was a monstrous creature, an animal varying in many respects from either species of the animal of the present day, though perhaps somewhat closely allied to the huge double-horned and now nearly extinct white rhinoceros of southern africa. but the brute of the prehistoric age was a beast of greater size, and its skin, instead of being bare, was densely covered with a dingy colored, crinkly hair, almost a wool. it was something to be dreaded by most creatures even in this time of great, fierce animals. it turned aside for nothing; it was the personification of courage and senseless ferocity when aroused. rarely seeking a conflict, it avoided none. the huge mammoth, a more peaceful pachyderm, would ordinarily hesitate before barring its path, while even the cave tiger, fiercest and most dreaded of the carnivora of the time, though it might prey upon the young rhinoceros when opportunity occurred, never voluntarily attacked the full-grown animal. from that almost impervious shield of leather hide, an inch or more in thickness, protected further by the woolly covering, even the terrible strokes of the tiger's claws glanced off with but a trifling rending, while one single lucky upward heave of the twin horns upon the great snout would pierce and rend, as if it were a trifling obstacle, the body of any animal existing. the lifting power of that prodigious neck was something almost beyond conception. it was an awful engine of death when its opportunity chanced to come. on the other hand, the rhinoceros of this ancient world had but a limited range of vision, and was as dull-witted and dangerously impulsive as its african prototype of today. but short-sighted as it was, the boys clambering up the tree were near enough for the perception of the great beast which burst over the hummock, and it charged directly at them, the tree quivering when the shoulder of the monster struck it as it passed, though the boys, already in the branches, were in safety. checking herself a little distance beyond, the rhinoceros mother returned, snorting fiercely, and began walking round and round the calf imprisoned in the pitfall. the boys comprehended perfectly the story of the night. the calf once ensnared, the mother had sought in vain to rescue it, and, finally, wearied with her exertion, had retired just over the little descent, there to wallow and rest while still keeping guard over her imprisoned young. the spectacle now, as she walked around the trap, was something which would have been pitiful to a later race of man. the beast would get down upon her knees and plow the dirt about the calf with her long horns. she would seek to get her snout beneath its body sidewise, and so lift it, though each effort was necessarily futile. there was no room for any leverage, the calf fitted the cavity. the boys clung to their perches in safety, but in perplexity. hours passed, but the mother rhinoceros showed no inclination to depart. it was three o'clock in the afternoon when she went away to the wallow, returning once or twice to her young before descending the bank, and, even when she had reached the marsh, snorting querulously for some time before settling down to rest. the boys waited until all was quiet in the marsh, and, as a matter of prudence, for some time longer. they wanted to feel assured that the monster was asleep, then, quietly, they slid down the tree trunk and, with noiseless step, stole by the pitfall and toward the hillside. a few yards further on their pace changed to a run, which did not cease until they reached the forest and its refuge, nor, even there, did they linger for any length of time. each started for his home; for their adventure had again assumed a quality which demanded the consideration of older heads and the assistance of older hands. it was agreed that they should again bring their fathers with them--by a fortunate coincidence each knew where to find his parent on this particular day--and that they should meet as soon as possible. it was more than an hour later when the two fathers and two sons, the men armed with the best weapons they possessed, appeared upon the scene. so far as the watchers from the hillside could determine, all was quiet about the clump of trees and the vicinity of the pitfall. it was late in the afternoon now and the men decided that the best course to pursue would be to steal down across the valley, kill the imprisoned calf and then escape as soon as possible, leaving the mother to find her offspring dead; reasoning that she would then abandon it. afterward the calf could be taken out and there would be a feast of cave men upon the tender food and much benefit derived in utilization of the tough yet not, at its age, too thick hide of the uncommon quarry. there was but one difficulty in the way of carrying out this enterprise: the wind was from the north and blew from the hunters toward the river, and the rhinoceros, though lacking much range of vision, was as acute of scent as the gray wolves which sometimes strayed like shadows through the forest or the hyenas which scented from afar the living or the dead. still, the venture was determined upon. the four descended the hill, the two boys in the rear, treading with the lightness of the tiger cat, and went cautiously across the valley and toward the tree trunk. certainly no sound they made could have reached the ear of the monster wallowing below the bank, but the wind carried to its nostrils the message of their coming. they were not half way across the valley when the rhinoceros floundered up to the level and charged wildly along the course of the wafted scent. there was a flight for the hillside, made none too soon, but yet in time for safety. walking around in circles, snorting viciously, the great beast lingered in the vicinity for a time, then went back to its imprisoned calf, where it repeated the performance of earlier in the day and finally retired again to its hidden resting-place near by. it was dusk now and the shadows were deepening about the valley. the men, well up in the tree with the boys, were undetermined what to do. they might steal along to the eastward and approach the calf from another direction without disturbing the great brute by their scent. but it was becoming darker every moment and the region was a dangerous one. in the valley and away from the trees they were at a disadvantage and at night there were fearful things abroad. still, they decided to take the risk, and the four, following the crest of the slight hill, moved along its circle southeastward toward the river bank, each on the alert and each with watchful eyes scanning the forest depths to the left or the valley to the right. suddenly one-ear leaped back into the shadow, waved his hand to check the advance of those behind him, then pointed silently across the valley and toward the clump of trees. not a hundred yards from the pitfall the high grass was swaying gently; some creature was passing along toward the pitfall and a thing of no slight size. every eye of the quartet was strained now to learn what might be the interloper upon the scene. it was nearly dark, but the eyes of the cave men, almost nocturnal in their adaptation as they were, distinguished a long, dark body emerging from the reeds and circling curiously and cautiously around the pitfall; nearer and nearer it approached the helpless prisoner until perhaps twenty feet distant from it. here the thing seemed to crouch and remain quiescent, but only for a little time. then resounded across the valley a screaming roar, so fierce and raucous and death-telling and terrifying that even the hardened hunters leaped with affright. at the same moment a dark object shot through the air and landed on the back of the creature in the shallow pit. the tiger was abroad! there was a wild bleat of terror and agony, a growl fiercer and shorter than the first hoarse cry of the tiger, and, then, for a moment silence, but only for a moment. snorts, almost as terrible in their significance as the tiger's roar, came from the marsh's edge. a vast form loomed above the slight embankment and there came the thunder of ponderous feet. the rhinoceros mother was charging the great tiger! there was a repetition of the fierce snorts, with the wild rush of the rhinoceros, another roar, the sound of which reechoed through the valley, and then could be dimly seen a black something flying through the air and alighting, apparently, upon the back of the charging monster. there was a confusion of forms and a confusion of terrifying sounds, the snarling roar of the great tiger and half whistling bellow of the great pachyderm, but nothing could be seen distinctly. that a gigantic duel was in progress the cave men knew, and knew, as well, that its scene was one upon which they could not venture. the clamor had not ended when the darkness became complete and then each father, with his son, fled swiftly homeward. early the next morning, the four were together again at the same point of safety and advantage, and again the frost-covered valley was a sea of silver, this time unmarred by the criss-crosses of feeding or hunting animals. there was no sign of life; no creature of the forest or the plain was so daring as to venture soon upon the battlefield of the rhinoceros and the cave tiger. cautiously the cave men and their sons made their way across the valley and approached the pitfall. what was revealed to them told in a moment the whole story. the half-devoured body of the rhinoceros calf was in the pit. it had been killed, no doubt, by the tiger's first fierce assault, its back broken by the first blow of the great forearm, or its vertebrae torn apart by the first grasp of the great jaws. there were signs of the conflict all about, but that it had not come to a deadly issue was apparent. only by some accident could the rhinoceros have caught upon its horns the agile monster cat, and only by an accident even more remote could the tiger have reached a vital part of its huge enemy. there had been a long and weary battle--a mother creature fighting for her young and the great flesh-eater fighting for his prey. but the combatants had assuredly separated without the death of either, and the bereaved rhinoceros, knowing her young one to be dead, had finally left the valley, while the tiger had returned to its prey and fed its fill. but there was much meat left. there were, in the estimation of the cave people, few more acceptable feasts than that obtainable from the flesh of a young rhinoceros. the first instinct of the two men was to work fiercely with their flint knives and cut out great lumps of meat from the body in the pit. hardly had they begun their work, when, as by common impulse, each clambered out from the depression suddenly, and there was a brief and earnest discussion. the cave tiger, monarch of the time, was not a creature to abandon what he had slain until he had devoured it utterly. gorged though he might be, he was undoubtedly in hiding within a comparatively short distance. he would return again inevitably. he might be lying sleeping in the nearest clump of bushes! it was possible that his appetite might come upon him soon again and that he might appear at any moment. what chance then for the human beings who had ventured into his dining-room? there was but one sensible course to follow, and that was instant retreat. the four fled again to the hillside and the forest, carrying with them, however, the masses of flesh already severed from the body of the calf. there was food for a day or two for each family. and so ended the first woodland venture of these daring boys. for days the vicinity of the little valley was not sought by either man or youth, since the tiger might still be lurking near. when, later, the youths dared to visit the scene of their bold exploit, there were only bones in the pitfall they had made. the tiger had eaten its prey and had gone to other fields. in later autumn came a great flood down the valley, rising so high that the father of oak and all his family were driven temporarily from their cave by the water's influx and compelled to seek another habitation many miles away. some time passed before the comrades met again. as for ab, this exploit might be counted almost as the beginning of his manhood. his father--and fathers had even then a certain paternal pride--had come to recognize in a degree the vigor and daring of his son. the mother, of course, was even more appreciative, though to her firstborn she could give scant attention, as ab had the small brother in the cave now and the little sister who was still smaller, but from this time the youth became a person of some importance. he grew rapidly, and the sinewy stripling developed, not increasing strength and stature and rounding brawn alone, for he had both ingenuity and persistency of purpose, qualities which made him rather an exception among the cave boys of his age. chapter ix. domestic matters. attention has already been called to the fact that the family of ab were of the aristocracy of the region, and it should be added that the interior of one-ear's mansion corresponded with his standing in the community. it was a fine cave, there was no doubt about that, and red-spot was a notable housekeeper. as a rule, the bones remaining about the fire after a meal were soon thrown outside--at least they were never allowed to accumulate for more than a month or two. the beds were excellent, for, in addition to the mass of leaves heaped upon the earth which formed a resting-place for the family, there were spread the skins of various animals. the water privileges of the establishment were extensive, for there was the river in front, much utilized for drinking purposes. there were ledges and shelves of rock projecting here and there from the sides of the cave, and upon these were laid the weapons and implements of the household, so that, excepting an occasional bone upon the earthen floor, or, perhaps, a spattering of red, where some animal had been cut up for roasting, the place was very neat indeed. the fact that the smoke from the fire could, when the wind was right, ascend easily through the roof made the residence one of the finest within a large district of the country. as to light, it cannot be said that the house was well provided. the fire at night illuminated a small area and, in the daytime, light entered through the doorway, and, to an extent, through the hole in the cave's top, as did also the rains, but the light was by no means perfect. the doorway, for obvious reasons, was narrow and there was a huge rock, long ago rolled inside with much travail, which could on occasion be utilized in blocking the narrow passage. barely room to squeeze by this obstruction existed at the doorway. the sneaking but dangerous hyena had a keen scent and was full of curiosity. the monster bear of the time was ever hungry and the great cave tiger, though rarer, was, as has been shown, a haunting dread. great attention was paid to doorways in those days, not from an artistic point of view exactly, but from reasons cogent enough in the estimation of the cave men. but the cave was warm and safe and the sharp eyes of its inhabitants, accustomed to the semi-darkness, found slight difficulty in discerning objects in the gloom. very content with their habitation were all the family and red-spot particularly, as a chatelaine should, felt much pride in her surroundings. it may be added that the family of one-ear was a happy one. his life with red-spot was the sequence of what might be termed a fortunate marriage. it is true that standards vary with times, and that the demeanor of the couple toward each other was occasionally not what would be counted the index of domestic felicity in this more artificial and deceptive age. it was never fully determined whether one-ear or red-spot could throw a stone ax with the greater accuracy, although certainly he could hurl one with greater force than could his wife. but the deftness of each in eluding such dangerous missiles was about the same, and no great harm had at any time resulted from the effects of momentary ebullitions of anger, followed by action on the part of either. there had not been at any time a scandal in the family. the pair were faithful to each other. society was somewhat scattered in those days, and the cave twain, anywhere, were generally as steadfast as the lion and the lioness. it was centuries later, too, before the cave men's posterity became degenerate enough or prosperous enough, or safe enough, to be polygamous, and, so far as the area of the thames valley or even the entire "paris basin," as it is called, was concerned, monogamy held its own very fairly, from the shell-beds of the earliest kitchen-middens to the time of the bronze ax and the dawn of what we now call civilization. there were now five members in this family of the period, one-ear, red-spot, ab, bark and beech-leaf, the two last named being ab's younger brother and little more than baby sister. the names given them had come in the same accidental way as had the name of ab. the brother, when very small, had imitated in babyish way the barking of some wolfish creature outside which had haunted the cave's vicinity at night time, and so the name of bark, bestowed accidentally by ab himself, had become the youngster's title for life. as to beech-leaf, she had gained her name in another way. she was a fat and joyous little specimen of a cave baby and not much addicted to lying as dormant as babies sometimes do. the bearskin upon which her mother laid her had not infrequently proven too limited an area for her exploits and she would roll from it into the great bed of beech leaves upon which it was placed, and become fairly lost in the brown mass. so often had this hilarious young lady to be disinterred from the beech leaf bed, that the name given her came naturally, through association of ideas. between the birth of ab and that of his younger brother an interval of five years had taken place, the birth of the sister occurring three or four years later. so it came that ab, in the absence of his father and mother, was distinctly the head of the family, admonitory to his brother, with ideas as to the physical discipline requisite on occasion, and, in a rude way, fond of and protective toward the baby sister. there was a certain regularity in the daily program of the household, although, with reference to what was liable to occur outside, it can hardly be said to have partaken of the element of monotony. the work of the day consisted merely in getting something to eat, and in this work father and mother alike took an active part, their individual duties being somewhat varied. in a general way one-ear relied upon himself for the provision of flesh, but there were roots and nuts and fruits, in their season, and in the gathering of these red-spot was an admitted expert. not that all her efforts were confined to the fruits of the soil and forest, for she could, if need be, assist her husband in the pursuit or capture of any animal. she was not less clever than he in that animal's subsequent dissection, and was far more expert in its cooking. in the tanning of skins she was an adept. so it chanced that at this time the father and mother frequently left the cave together in the morning, their elder son remaining as protector of the younger inmates. when occasionally he went with his parents, or was allowed to venture forth alone, extra precautions were taken as to the cave's approaches. just outside the entrance was a stone similar to the one on the inside, and when the two young children were left unguarded this outside barricade was rolled against what remained of the entrance, so that the small people, though prisoners, were at least secure from dangerous animals. of course there were variations in the program. there was that degree of fellowship among the cave men, even at this early age, to allow of an occasional banding together for hunting purposes, a battle of some sort or the surrounding and destruction of some of the greater animals. at such times one-ear would be absent from the cave for days and ab and his mother would remain sole guardians. the boy enjoyed these occasions immensely; they gave him a fine sense of responsibility and importance, and did much toward the development of the manhood that was in him, increasing his self-reliance and perfecting him in the art of winning his daily bread, or what was daily bread's equivalent at the time in which he lived. it was not in outdoor and physical life alone that he grew. there was something more to him, a combination of traits somewhere which made him a little beyond and above the mere seeker after food. he was never entirely dormant, a sleeper on the skins and beech leaves, even when in the shelter of the cave, after the day's adventures. he reasoned according to such gifts as circumstances had afforded him and he had the instinct of devising. an instinct toward devising was a great thing to its possessor in the time of the cave people. we know very well to-day, or think we know, that the influence of the mother, in most cases, dominates that of the father in making the future of the man-child. it may be that this comes because in early life the boy, throughout the time when all he sees or learns will be most clear in his memory until he dies, is more with the woman parent than with the man, who is afield; or, it may be, there is some criss-cross law of nature which makes the man ordinarily transmit his qualities to the daughter and the woman transmit hers to the son. about that we do not know yet. but it is certain that ab was more like his mother than his father, and that in these young days of his he was more immediately under her influence. and red-spot was superior in many ways to the ordinary woman of the cave time. it was good for the boy that he was so under the maternal dominion, and that, as he lingered about the cave, he aided in the making of threads of sinew or intestine, or looked on interestedly as his mother, using the bone needle, which he often sharpened for her with his flint scraper, sewed together the skins which made the garments of the family. the needle was one without an eye, a mere awl, which made holes through which the thread was pushed. as the growing boy lounged or labored near his mother, alternately helpful or annoying, as the case might be, he learned many things which were of value to him in the future, and resolved upon brave actions which should be greatly to his credit. he was but a cub, a young being almost as unreasoning in some ways as the beasts of the wood, but he had his hopes and vanities, as has even the working beaver or the dancing crane, and from the long mother-talks came a degree of definiteness of outline to his ambitions. he would be the greatest hunter and warrior in all the region! the cave mother easily understood her child's increasing daringness and vigor, and though swift to anger and strong of hand, she could not but feel a pride in and tell her tales to the boy beside her. after a time, when the family of oak returned to the cave above and the boys were much together again, the mother began to see less of her son. the influence of the days spent by her side remained with the boy, however, and much that he learned there was of value in his later active life. chapter x. old mok, the mentor. it was at about this time, the time when ab had begun to develop from boyhood into strong and aspiring youth, that his family was increased from five to six by the addition of a singular character, old mok. this personage was bent and seemingly old, but he was younger than he looked, though he was not extremely fair to look upon. he had a shock of grizzled hair, a short, stiff, unpleasant beard, and the condition of one of his legs made him a cripple of an exaggerated type. he could hobble about and on great occasions make a journey of some length, but he was practically debarred from hunting. the extraordinary curvature of his twisted leg was, as usual in his time, the result of an encounter with some wild beast. the limb curved like a corkscrew and was so much shorter than the other leg that the man was really safe only when the walls of a cave enclosed him. but if his legs were weak his brain and arms were not. in that grizzled head was much intelligence and the arms were those of a great climber. his toes were clasping things and he was at home in a treetop. but he did not travel much. there was no need. old mok had special gifts, and they were such as made him a desirable friend among the cave men. he had, in his youth, been a mighty hunter and had so learned that he could tell wonderfully the ways of beasts and swimming things and the ways of slaying or eluding them. best of all, he was such a fashioner of weapons as the valley had rarely known, and, because of this, was in great request as a cared-for inmate of almost any cave which hit his fancy. after his crippling he had drifted from one haven to another, never quite satisfied with what he found, and now he had come to live, as he supposed, with his old friend, one-ear, until life should end. despite his harshness of appearance--and neither of the two could ever afterward explain it--there was something about the grim old man which commended him to ab from the very first. there was an occasional twinkle in the fierce old fellow's eye and sometimes a certain cackle in his clucking talk, which betokened not unkindliness toward a healthy youngster, and the two soon grew together, as often the young and old may do. though but what might be called in one sense a dependent, the crippled hunter had a dignity and was arbitrary in the expression of his views. never once, through all the thousands of years which have passed since he hobbled here and there, has lived an armorer more famous among those who knew him best. no fashioner of sword, or lance, or coat of mail or plate, in the far later centuries, had better reputation than had mok with his friends and patrons for the making of good weapons, though it may be that his clientele was less numerous by hundreds to one than that of some later manufacturer of a toledo blade. he might be living partly as a dependent, but he could do almost as he willed. who should have standing if it were not accorded to the most gifted chipper of flint and carver of mammoth tooth in all the region from where the little waters came down to make a river, to where the blue, broad stream, blending with friendly currents, was lost in what is now the great north sea? a boy and an old man can come together closely, and that has, through all the ages, been a good thing for each. the boy learns that which enables him to do things and the man is happy in watching the development of one of his own kind. helping and advising ab, and sometimes oak as well, old mok did not discourage sometimes reckless undertakings. in those days chances were accepted. so when any magnificent scheme suggested itself to the two youths, ab at once sought his adviser and was not discountenanced. it was a great night in the cave when ab brought home two fluffy gray bundles not much larger than kittens and tied them in a corner with thongs of sinew, sinew so tough and stringy that it could not easily be severed by the sharp teeth which were at once applied to it. the fluffy gray bundles were two young wolves, and were, for ab, a great possession. they were not even brother and sister, these cubs, and had been gallantly captured by the two courageous rangers, ab and oak. for some time the boys had noted lurking shadows about a rugged height close by the river, some distance below the cave of ab, and had resolved upon a closer investigation. a particularly ugly brute was the wolf of the cave man's time, but one which, when not in pack, was unlikely to assail two well-armed and sturdy youths in daylight; and the result of much cautious spying was that they found two dens, each with young in them, and at a time when the old wolves were away. in one den ab seized upon two of the snarling cubs and oak did the same in the other, and then the raiders fled with such speed as was in them, until they were at a safe distance from the place where things would not go well with them should the robbed parents return. once in safe territory, each exchanged a cub for one seized by the other and then each went home in triumph. ab was especially delighted. he was determined to feed his cubs with the utmost care and to keep them alive and growing. he was full of the fancy and delighted in it, but he had assumed a great responsibility. [illustration: ab seized upon two of the snarling cubs and oak did the same] the cubs were tied in a corner of the cave and at once commanded the attention and unbounded admiration of bark and beech-leaf. the young lady especially delighted in the little beasts and could usually be found lying in the corner with them, the baby wolves learning in time to play with her as if she were a wolf-suckled cub herself. bark had almost the same relations with the little brutes and ab looked after them most carefully. even the father and mother became interested in the antics of the young children and young wolves and the cubs became acknowledged, if not particularly respected, members of the family. but ab's dream was too much for sudden realization. not all at once could the wild thing become a tame one. as the cubs grew and their teeth became longer and sharper, there was an occasional conflict and the arms of bark and beech-leaf were scarred in consequence, until at last ab, though he protested hardly, was compelled to give up his pets. somehow, he was not in the mood for killing the half grown beasts, and so he simply turned them loose, but they did not, as he had thought they would, flee to the forest. they had known almost no life except that of the cave, they had got their meat there and, at night, the twain were at the doorway whining for food. to them were tossed some half-gnawed bones and they received them with joyous yelps and snarls. thenceforth they hung about the cave and retained, practically, their place in the family, oddly enough showing particular animosity to those of their own kind who ventured near the place. one day, the female was found in the cave's rear with four little whelps lying beside her, and that settled it! the family petted the young animals and they grew up tamer and more obedient than had been their father and mother. protected by man, they were unlikely to revert to wildness. members of the pack which grew from them were, in time, bestowed as valued gifts among the cave men of the region and much came of it. the two boys did a greater day's work than they could comprehend when they raided the dens by the river's side. but there was much beside the capture of wolf cubs to occupy the attention of the boys. they counted themselves the finest bird hunters in the community and, to a certain extent, justified the proud claim made. no youths could set a snare more deftly or hurl a stone more surely, and there was much bird life for them to seek. the bustard fed in the vast nut forests, the capercailzie was proud upon the moors, where the heath-cock was as jaunty, and the willow grouse and partridge were wise in covert to avoid the hungry snowy owl. upon the river and lagoons and creeks the swan and wild goose and countless duck made constant clamor, and there were water-rail and snipe along the shallows. there were eggs to be found, and an egg baked in the ashes was a thing most excellent. it was with the waterfowl that the boys were most successful. the ducks would in their feeding approach close to the shores of the river banks or the little islands and would gather in bunches so near to where the boys were hidden that the young hunters, leaping suddenly to their feet and hurling their stones together, rarely failed to secure at least a single victim. there were muskrats along the banks and there was a great beaver, which was not abundant, and which was a mighty creature of his kind. of muskrats the boys speared many--and roasted muskrat is so good that it is eaten by the indians and some of the white hunters in canada to-day--but the big beaver they did not succeed in capturing at this stage of their career. once they saw a seal, which had come up the river from the sea, and pursued it, running along the banks for miles, but it proved as elusive as the great beaver. but, as a matter of course, it was upon land that the greatest sport was had. there were the wild hogs, but the hogs were wary and the big boars dangerous, and it was only when a litter of the young could be pounced upon somewhere that flint-headed spears were fully up to the emergency. on such occasions there was fine pigsticking, and then the atmosphere in the caves would be made fascinating with the odor of roasting suckling. there is a story by a great and gentle writer telling how a chinaman first discovered the beauties of roast pig. it is an admirable tale and it is well that it was written, but the cave man, many tens of thousands of years before there was a china, yielded to the allurements of young pig, and sought him accordingly. the musk-ox, which still mingled with the animals of the river basin, was almost as difficult of approach as in arctic wilds to-day, as was a small animal, half goat, half antelope, which fed upon the rocky hillsides or wherever the high reaches were. there were squirrels in the trees, but they were seldom caught, and the tailless hare which fed in the river meadows was not easily approached and was swift as the sea wind in its flight, swifter than a sort of fox which sought it constantly. but the burrowing things were surer game. there were martens and zerboas, and marmots and hedgehogs and badgers, all good to eat and attainable to those who could dig as could these brawny youths. the game once driven to its hole, the clamshell and the sharpened fire-hardened spade-stick were brought into use and the fate of the animal sought was rarely long in doubt. it is true that the scene lacked one element very noticeable when boys dig out any animal to-day. there was not the inevitable and important dog, but the youths were swift of sight and quick of hand, and the hidden creature, once unearthed, seldom escaped. one of the prizes of those feats of excavation was the badger, for not only was it edible, but its snow-white teeth, perforated and strung on sinew, made necklaces which were highly valued. the youths did not think of attacking many of the dangerous brutes. they might have risked the issue with a small leopard which existed then, or faced the wildcat, but what they sought most was the wolverine, because it had fur so long and oddly marked, and because it was braver than other animals of its size and came more boldly to some bait of meat, affording opportunity for fine spear-throwing. and, apropos of the wolverine, the glutton, as it is called in europe, it is something still admired. it is a vicious, bloodthirsty, unchanging and, to the widely-informed and scientifically sentimental, lovable animal. it is vicious and bloodthirsty because that is its nature. it is lovable because, through all the generations, it has come down just the same. the cave man knew it just as it is now; the early teuton knew it when "hides" of land were the rewards of warriors. the roman knew it when he made forays to the far north for a few centuries and learned how sharp were the blades of the rhine-folk and the briton. the druid and the angle and jute and saxon knew it, and it is known to-day in all northern europe and asia and america, in fact, in nearly all the northern temperate zone. the wolverine is something wonderful; it laughs at the ages; its bones, found side by side with those of the cave hyena, are the same as those found in its body as it exists to-day. it is an anomaly, an animal which does not advance nor retrograde. the two big boys grew daily in the science of gaining food and grew more and more of importance in their respective households. sometimes either one of them might hunt alone, but this was not the rule. it was safer for two than one, when the forest was invaded deeply. but not all their time was spent in evading or seeking the life of such living things as they might discover. they had a home life sometimes as entertaining as the life found anywhere outside. chapter xi. doings at home. those were happy times in the cave, where ab, developing now into an exceedingly stalwart youth, found the long evenings about the fire far from monotonous. there was mok, the mentor, who had grown so fond of him, and there was most interesting work to do in making from the dark flint nodules or obsidian fragments--always eagerly seized upon when discovered by the cave people in their wanderings--the spearheads and rude knives and skin scrapers so essential to their needs. the flint nodule was but a small mass of the stone, often somewhat pear-shaped. though apparently a solid mass, composed of the hardest substance then known, it lay in what might be called a series of flakes about a center, and, in wise hands, these flakes could be chipped or pried away unbroken. the flake, once won, was often slightly concave on the outside and convex on the other, but the core of the stone was something more equally balanced in formation and, when properly finished, made a mighty spearhead. for the heavy axes and mallets, other stones, such as we now call granite, redstone or quartose grit, were often used, but in the making of all the weapons was required the exercise of infinite skill and patience. to make the flakes symmetrical demanded the nicest perception and judgment of power of stroke, for, with each flake gained, there resulted a new form to the surface of the stone. the object was always to secure a flake with a point, a strong middle ridge and sides as nearly edged as possible. and in the striking off of these flakes and their finishing others of the cave men were to old mok as the child is to the man. ab hung about the old man at his work and was finally allowed to help him. if, at first, the boy could do nothing else, he could, with his flint scraper, work industriously at the smoothing of the long spear shafts, and when he had learned to do well at this he was at last allowed to venture upon the stone chipping, especially when into old mok's possession had come a piece of flint the quality of which he did not quite approve and for the ruining of which in the splitting he cared but little. there were disasters innumerable when the boy began and much bad stone was spoiled, but he had a will and a good eye and hand, and it came, in time, that he could strike off a flake with only a little less of deftness than his teacher and that, even in the more delicate work of the finer chipping to complete the weapon, he was a workman not to be despised. he had an ambition in it all and old mok was satisfied with what he did. the boy was always experimenting, ever trying a new flint chipper or using a third stone to tap delicately the one held in the hand to make the fracture, or wondering aloud why it would not be well to make this flint knife a little thinner, or that spearhead a trifle heavier. he was questioning as he worked and something of a nuisance with it all, but old mok endured with what was, for him, an astonishing degree of patience, and would sometimes comment grumblingly to the effect that the boy could at least chip stone far better than some men. and then the veteran would look at one-ear, who was, notoriously, a bad flint worker,--though, a weapon once in his grasp, there were few could use it with surer eye or heavier hand--and would chuckle as he made the comment. as for one-ear, he listened placidly enough. he was glad a son of his could make good weapons. so much the better for the family! as times went, ab was a tolerably good boy to his mother. nearly all young cave males were good boys until the time came when their thews and sinews outmatched the strength of those who had borne them, and this, be it said, was at no early age, for the woman, hunting and working with the man, was no maternal weakling whose buffet was unworthy of notice. a blow from the cave mother's hand was something to be respected and avoided. the use of strength was the general law, and the cave woman, though she would die for her young, yet demanded that her young should obey her until the time came when the maternal instinct of first direction blended with and was finally lost in pride over the force of the being to whom she had given birth. so ab had vigorous duties about the household. as has been told already, red-spot was a notable housekeeper and there was such product of the cave cooking as would make happy any gourmand of to-day who could appreciate the quality of what had a most natural flavor. regarding her kitchen appliances red-spot had a matron's justifiable pride. not only was there the wood fire, into which, held on long, pointed sticks, could be thrust all sorts of meat for the somewhat smoky broiling, and the hot coals and ashes in which could be roasted the clams and the clay-covered fish, but there was the place for boiling, which only the more fortunate of the cave people owned. her growing son had aided much in the attainment of this good housewife's fond desire. with much travail, involving all the force the cave family could muster and including the assistance of oak's father and of oak himself, who rejoiced with ab in the proceedings, there had been rolled into the cave a huge sandstone rock with a top which was nearly flat. here was to be the great pot, sometimes used as a roasting place, as well, which only the more pretentious of the caves could boast. on the middle of the big stone's uppermost surface old mok chipped with an ax the outline of a rude circle some two feet in diameter. this defined roughly the size of the kettle to be made. inside the circle, the sandstone must be dug out to a big kettle's proper depth, and upon the boy, ab, must devolve most of this healthful but not over-attractive labor. the boy went at the task gallantly, in the beginning, and pecked away with a stone chisel and gained a most respectable hollow within a day or two, but his enthusiasm subsided with the continuity of much effort with small result. he wanted more weight to his chisel of flint set firmly in reindeer's horn, and a greater impact to the blows into which could not be put the force resulting from a swing of arm. he thought much. then he secured a long stick and bound his chisel strongly to it at one end, the top of the chisel resting against a projecting stub of limb, so that it could not be driven upward. to the other end of the stick he bound a stone of some pounds in weight and then, holding the shaft with both hands, lifted it and let the whole drop into the depression he had already made. the flint chisel bit deeply under the heavy impact and the days were few before ab had dug in the sandstone rock a cavity which would hold much meat and water. there was an unconscious celebration when the big kettle was completed. it was nearly filled with water, and into the water were flung great chunks of the meat of a reindeer killed that day. meanwhile, the cave fire had been replenished with dry wood and there had been formed a wide bed of coals, upon which were cast numerous stones of moderate size, which soon attained a shining heat. a sort of tongs made of green withes served to remove the stones, one after another, from the mass of coal, and drop them in with the meat and water. within a little time the water was fairly boiling and soon there was a monster stew giving forth rich odors and ready to be eaten. and it was not allowed to get over-cool after that summoning fragrance had once extended throughout the cave. there was a rush for the clam shells which served for soup dishes or cups, there was spearing with sharpened sticks for pieces of the boiled meat, and all were satisfied, though there was shrill complaint from bark, whose turn at the kettle came late, and much clamor from chubby beech-leaf, who was not yet tall enough to help herself, but who was cared for by the mother. it may be that, to some people of to-day, the stew would be counted lacking in quality of seasoning, but an opinion upon seasoning depends largely upon the stomach and the time, and, besides, it may be that the dirt clinging to the stones cast into the water gave a certain flavor as fine in its way as could be imparted by salt and pepper. old mok, observing silently, had decidedly approved of ab's device for easier digging into sandstone than was the old manner of pecking away with a chisel held in the hand. he was almost disposed now to admit the big lad to something like a plane of equality in the work they did together. he became more affable in their converse, and the youth was, in the same degree, delighted and ambitious. they experimented with the stick and weight and chisel in accomplishing the difficult work of splitting from boulders the larger fragments of stone from which weapons were to be made, and learned that by heavy, steady pressure of the breast, thus augmented by heavy weight, they could fracture more evenly than by blow of stone, ax or hammer. they learned that two could work together in stone chipping and do better work than one. old mok would hold the forming weapon-head in one hand and the horn-hafted chisel in another, pressing the blade close against the stone and at just such angle as would secure the result he sought, while ab, advised as to the force of each succeeding stroke, tapped lightly upon the chisel's head. woe was it for the boy if once he missed his stroke and caught the old man's fingers! very delicate became the chipping done by these two artists, and excellent beyond any before made were the axes and spearheads produced by what, in modern times, would have been known under the title of "old mok & co." at this time, too, ab took lessons in making all the varied articles of elk or reindeer horn and the drinking cups from the horns of urus and aurochs. old mok even went so far as to attempt teaching the youth something of carving figures upon tusks and shoulder blades, but in this art ab never greatly excelled. he was too much a creature of action. the bone needles used by red-spot in making skin garments he could form readily enough and he made whistles for bark and beech-leaf, but his inclinations were all toward larger things. to become a fighter and a hunter remained his chief ambition. rather keen, with light snows but nipping airs, were the winters of this country of the cave men, and there were articles of food essential to variety which were, necessarily, stored before the cold season came. there were roots which were edible and which could be dried, and there were nuts in abundance, beyond all need. beechnuts and acorns were gathered in the autumn, the children at this time earning fully the right of home and food, and the stores were heaped in granaries dug into the cave's sides. should the snow at any time fall too deeply for hunting--though such an occurrence was very rare--or should any other cause, such, for instance, as the appearance of the great cave tiger in the region, make the game scarce and hunting perilous, there was the recourse of nuts and roots and no danger of starvation. there was no fear of suffering from thirst. man early learned to carry water in a pouch of skin and there were sometimes made rock cavities, after the manner of the cave kettle, where water could be stored for an emergency. besieging wild beasts could embarrass but could not greatly alarm the family, for, with store of wood and food and water, the besieged could wait, and it was not well for the flesh-seeking quadruped to approach within a long spear-thrust's length of the cavern's narrow entrance. the winter following the establishment of ab's real companionship with old mok, as it chanced, was not a hard one. there fell snow enough for tracking, but not so deeply as to incommode the hunter. there had been a wonderful nut-fall in the autumn and the cave was stored with such quantity of this food that there was no chance of real privation. the ice was clean upon the river and through the holes hacked with stone axes fish were dragged forth in abundance upon the rude bone and stone hooks, which served their purpose far better than when, in summer time, the line was longer and the fish escaped so often from the barbless implements. it was a great season in all that made a cave family's life something easy and complacent and vastly promotive of the social amenities and the advancement of art and literature--that is, they were not compelled to make any sudden raid on others to assure the means of subsistence, and there was time for the carving of bones and the telling of strange stories of the past. the elders declared it one of the finest winters they had ever known. and so old mok and ab worked well that winter and the youth acquired such wisdom that his casual advice to oak when the two were out together was something worth listening to because of its confidence and ponderosity. concerning flint scraper, drill, spearhead, ax or bone or wooden haft, there was, his talk would indicate, practically nothing for the boy to learn. that was his own opinion, though, as he grew older, he learned to modify it greatly. with his adviser he had made good weapons and some improvements; yet all this was nothing. it was destined that an accidental discovery should be his, the effect of which would be to change the cave man's rank among living things. but the youth, just now, was greatly content with himself. he was older and more modest when he made his great discovery. it was when the fire blazed out at night, when all had fed, when the tired people lay about resting, but not ready yet for sleep, and the story of the day's events was given, that old mok's ordinarily still tongue would sometimes loosen and he would tell of what happened when he was a boy, or of the strange tales which had been told him of the time long past, the times when the shell and cave people were one, times when there were monstrous things abroad and life was hard to keep. to all these legends the hearers listened wonderingly, and upon them afterward ab and oak would sometimes speculate together and question as to their truth. chapter xii. old mok's tales. it was worth while listening to old mok when he forgot himself and talked and became earnestly reminiscent in telling of what he had seen or had heard when he was young. one day there had been trouble in the cave, for bark, left in charge, had neglected the fire and it had "gone out," and upon the return of his parents there had been blows and harsh language, and then much pivotal grinding together of dry sticks before a new flame was gained, and it was only after the odor of cooked flesh filled the place and strong jaws were busy that the anger of one-ear had abated and the group became a comfortable one. ab had come in hungry and the value of fire, after what had happened, was brought to his mind forcibly. he laid himself down upon the cave's floor near old mok, who was fashioning a shaft of some sort, and, as he lay, poked his toes at beechleaf, who chuckled and gurgled as she rolled about, never for a moment relinquishing a portion of the slender shin bone of a deer, upon the flesh of which the family had fed. it was a short piece but full of marrow, and the child sucked and mumbled away at it in utmost bliss. ab thought, somehow, of how poor would have been the eating with the meat uncooked, and looked at his hands, still reddened--for it was he who had twisted the stick which made the fire again. "fire is good!" he said to mok. the old man kept his flint scraper going for a moment or two before he answered; then he grunted: "yes, it's good if you don't get burned. i've been burned," and he thrust out an arm upon which appeared a cicatrice. ab was interested. "where did you get that?" he queried. "far from here, far beyond the black swamp and the red hills that are farther still. it was when i was strong." "tell me about it," said the youth. "there is a fire country," answered old mok, "away beyond the swamp and woods and the place of the big rocks. it is a wonderful place. the fire comes out of the ground in long sheets and it is always the same. the rain and the snow do not stop it. do i not know? have i not seen it? did i not get this scar going too near the flame and stumbling and falling against a hot rock almost within it? there is too much fire sometimes!" the old man continued: "there are many places of fire. they are to the east and south. some of the shell people who have gone far down the river have seen them. but the one where i was burned is not so far away as they; it is up the river to the northwest." and ab was interested and questioned old mok further about the strange region where flames came from the ground as bushes grow, and where snow or water did not make them disappear. he was destined, at a later day, to be very glad that he had learned the little that was told him. but to-night he was intent only on getting all the tales he could from the veteran while he was in the mood. "tell about the shell people," he cried, "and who they are and where they came from. they are different from us." "yes, they are different from us," said old mok, "but there was a time, i have heard it told, when we were like them. the very old men say that their grandfathers told them that once there were only shell people anywhere in this country, the people who lived along the shores and who never hunted nor went far away from the little islands, because they were afraid of the beasts in the forests. sometimes they would venture into the wood to gather nuts and roots, but they lived mostly on the fish and clams. but there came a time when brave men were born among them who said they would have more of the forest things, and that they would no longer stay fearfully upon the little islands. so they came into the forest and the cave men began. and i think this story true." "i think it is true," old mok continued, "because the shell people, you can see, must have lived very long where they are now. up and down the creek where they live and along other creeks there lie banks of earth which are very long and reach far back. and this is not really earth, but is all made up of shells and bones and stone spearheads and the things which lie about a shell man's place. i know, for i have dug into these long banks myself and have seen that of which i tell. long, very long, must the shell people have lived along the creeks and shores to have made the banks of bones and shells so high." and old mok was right. they talk of us as the descendants of an aryan race. never from aryan alone came the drifting, changing western being of to-day. but a part of him was born where bald plains were or where were olive trees and roses. all modern science, and modern thoughtfulness, and all later broadened intelligence are yielding to an admission of the fact that he, though of course commingling with his visitors of the ages, was born and changed where he now exists. the kitchen-midden--the name given by scientists to refuse from his dwelling places--the kitchen-middens of denmark, as denmark is to-day, alone, regardless of other fields, suffice to tell a wondrous story. imagine a kitchen-midden, that is to say the detritus of ordinary living in different ages, accumulated along the side of some ancient water course, having for its dimensions miles in length, extending hundreds of yards back from the margin of this creek, of tens and tens of thousands of years ago, and having a depth of often many feet along this water course. imagine this vast deposit telling the history of a thousand centuries or more, beginning first with the deposit of clams and mussel shells and of the shells of such other creatures as might inhabit this river seeking its way to the north sea. imagine this deposit increasing year after year and century by century, but changing its character and quality as it rose, and the base is laid for reasoning. at first these creatures who ranged up and down the ancient danish creek and devoured the clams and periwinkles must have been, as one might say, but little more than surely anthropoid. could such as these have migrated from the asiatic plateaus? the kitchen-middens tell the early story with greater accuracy than could any writer who ever lifted pen. here the creek-loving, ape-like creatures ranged up and down and quelled their appetites. they died after they had begotten sons and daughters; and to these sons and daughters came an added intelligence, brought from experience and shifting surroundings. the kitchen-middens give graphic details. the bottom layer, as has been said, is but of shells. above it, in another layer, counting thousands of years in growth, appear the cracked bones of then existing animals and appear also traces of charred wood, showing that primitive man had learned what fire was. and later come the rudely carved bones of the mammoth and woolly rhinoceros and the irish elk; then come rude flint instruments, and later the age of smoothed stone, with all its accompanying fossils, bones and indications; and so on upward, with a steady sweep, until close to the surface of this kitchen-midden appear the bronze spear, the axhead and the rude dagger of the being who became the druid and who is an ancestor whom we recognize. from the kitchen-midden to the pinnacle of all that is great to-day extends a chain not a link of which is weak. "they tell strange stories, too, the shell people," old mok continued, "for they are greater story-tellers than the cave men are, more of them being together in one place, and the old men always tell the tales to the children so that they are never forgotten by any of the people. they say that once huge things came out of the great waters and up the creeks, such as even the big cave tiger dare not face. and the old men say that their grandfathers once saw with their own eyes a monster serpent many times as large as the one you two saw, which came swimming up the creek and seized upon the river horses there and devoured them as easily as the cave bear would a little deer. and the serpent seized upon some of the cave people who were upon the water and devoured them as well, though such as they were but a mouthful to him. and this tale, too, i believe, for the old shell men who told me what their grandfathers had seen were not of the foolish sort." "but of another sort of story they have told me," mok continued, "i think little. the old men tell of a time when those who went down the river to the greater river and followed it down to the sea, which seems to have no end, saw what no man can see to-day. but they do not say that their grandfathers saw these things. they only say that their grandfathers told of what had been told them by their grandfathers farther back, of a story which had come down to them, so old that it was older than the great trees were, of monstrous things which swam along the shores and which were not serpents, though they had long necks and serpent heads, because they had great bodies which were driven by flippers through the water as the beaver goes with his broad feet. and at the same time, the old story goes, were great birds, far taller than a man, who fed where now the bustards and the capercailzie are. and these tales i do not believe, though i have seen bones washed from the riversides and hillsides by the rains which must have come from creatures different from those we meet now in the forests or the waters. they are wonderful story-tellers, the old men of the shell people." "and they tell other strange stories," continued the old man. "they say that very long ago the cold and ice came down, and all the people and animals fled before it, and that the summer was cold as now the winter is, and that the men and beasts fled together to the south, and were there for a long time, but came back again as the cold and ice went back. they say, too, that in still later times, the fireplaces where the flames came out of great cracks in the earth were in tens of places where they are in one now, and that, even in the ice time, the flames came up, and that the ice was melted and then ran in rivers to the sea. and these things i do not believe, for how can men tell of what there was so long ago? they are but the gabblings of the old, who talk so much." many other stories the veteran told, but what most affected ab was his account of the vale of fire. he hoped to see it sometime. chapter xiii. ab's great discovery. it may be that never in what was destined to be a life of many changes was ab happier than in this period of his lusty boyhood and early manhood, when there was so much that was new, when he was full of hope and confidence and of ambition regarding what a mighty hunter and great man he would become in time. as the years passed he was not less indefatigable in his experiments, and the day came when a marvelous success followed one of them, although, like most inventions, it was suggested in the most trivial and accidental manner. it chanced one afternoon that ab, a young man of twenty now, had returned early from the wood and was lying lazily upon the sward near the cave's entrance, while, not far away, bark and the still chubby beechleaf were rolling about. the boy was teasing the girl at times and then doing something to amuse or awe her. he had found a stiff length of twig and was engaged in idly bending the ends together and then letting them fly apart with a snap, meanwhile advancing toward and threatening with the impact the half-alarmed but wholly delighted beechleaf. tired of this, at last, bark, with no particular intent, drew forth from the pouch in his skin cloak a string of sinew, and drawing the ends of the strong twig somewhat nearly together, attached the cord to each, thus producing accidentally a petty bow of most rotund proportions. he found that the string twanged joyously, and, to the delight of beechleaf, kept twanging it for such time as his boyish temperament would allow a single occupation. then he picked from the ground a long, slender pencil of white wood, a sliver, perhaps, from the making of a spear shaft, and began strumming with it upon the taut sinew string. this made a twang of a new sort, and again the boy and girl were interested temporarily. but, at last, even this variation of amusement with the new toy became monotonous, and bark ceased strumming and began a series of boyish experiments with his plaything. he put one end of the stick against the string and pushed it back until the other end would press against the inside of the twig, and the result would be a taut, new figure in wood and string which would keep its form even when laid upon the ground. bark made and unmade the thing a time or two, and then came great disaster. he had drawn the little stick, so held in the way we now call arrowwise, back nearly to the point where its head would come inside the bent twig and there fix itself, when the slight thing escaped his hands and flew away. the quiet of the afternoon was broken by a piercing childish yell which lacked no element of earnestness. ab leaped to his feet and was by the youngsters in a moment. he saw the terrified beechleaf standing, screaming still, with a fat arm outheld, from which dangled a little shaft of wood which had pierced the flesh just deeply enough to give it hold. bark stood looking at her, astonished and alarmed. understanding nothing of the circumstances, and supposing the girl's hurt came from bark's careless flinging of sticks toward her, ab started toward his brother to administer one of those buffets which were so easy to give or get among cave children. but bark darted behind a convenient tree and there shrieked out his innocence of dire intent, just as the boy of to-day so fluently defends himself in any strait where castigation looms in sight. he told of the queer plaything he had made, and offered to show how all had happened. ab was doubtful but laughing now, for the little shaft, which had scarcely pierced the skin of beechleaf's arm had fallen to the ground and that young person's fright had given way to vengeful indignation and she was demanding that bark be hit with something. he allowed the sinner to give his proof. bark, taking his toy, essayed to show how beechleaf had been injured. he was the most unfortunate of youths. he succeeded but too well. the mimic arrow flew again and the sound that rang out now was not the cry of a child. it was the yell of a great youth, who felt a sudden and poignant hurt, and who was not maintaining any dignity. had bark been as sure of hand and certain of aim as any archer who lived in later centuries he could not have sent an arrow more fairly to its mark than he sent that admirable sliver into the chest of his big brother. for a second the culprit stood with staring eyes, then dropped his toy and flew into the forest with a howl which betokened his fear of something little less than sudden death. ab's first impulse was to pursue his sinful younger brother, but, after the first leap, he checked himself and paused to pluck away the thing which, so light the force that had impelled it, had not gone deeply in. he knew now that bark was really blameless, and, picking up the abandoned plaything, began its examination thoughtfully and curiously. the young man's instinct toward experiment exhibited itself as usual and he put the splinter against the string and drew it back and let it fly as he had seen bark do--that promising sprig, by the way, being now engaged in peering from the wood and trying to form an estimate as to whether or not his return was yet advisable. ab learned that the force of the bent twig would throw the sliver farther than he could toss it with his hand, and he wondered what would follow were something like this plaything, the device of which bark had so stumbled upon, to be made and tried on a greater scale. "i'll make one like it, only larger," he said to himself. the venturesome but more or less diplomatic bark had, by this time, emerged from the wood and was apprehensively edging up toward the place where ab was standing. the older brother saw him and called to him to come and try the thing again and the youngster knew that he was safe. then the two toyed with the plaything for an hour or two and ab became more and more interested in its qualities. he had no definite idea as to its possibilities. he thought only of it as a curious thing which should be larger. the next day ab hacked from a low-limbed tree a branch as thick as his finger and about a yard in length, and, first trimming it, bent it as bark had bent the twig and tied a strong sinew cord across. it was a not discreditable bow, considering the fact that it was the first ever made, though one end was smaller than the other and it was rough of outline. then ab cut a straight willow twig, as long nearly as the bow, and began repeating the experiments of the day before. never was man more astonished than this youth after he had drawn the twig back nearly to its head and let it go! so drawn by a strong arm, the shaft when released flew faster and farther than the maker of what he thought of chiefly as a thing of sport had imagined could be possible. he had long to search for the headless arrow and when he found it he went away to where were bare open stretches, that he might see always where it fell. once as he sent it from the string it struck fairly against an oak and, pointless as it was, forced itself deeply into the hard brown bark and hung there quivering. then came to the youth a flash of thought which had its effect upon the ages: "what if there had been a point to the flying thing and it had struck a reindeer or any of the hunted animals?" he pulled the shaft from the tree and stood there pondering for a moment or two, then suddenly started running toward the cave. he must see old mok! the old man was at work and alone and the young man told him, somewhat excitedly, why he had thus come running to him. the elder listened with some patience but with a commiserating grin upon his face. he had heard young men tell of great ideas before, of a new and better way of digging pits, or of fishing, or making deadfalls for wild beasts. but he listened and yielded finally to ab's earnest demand that he should hobble out into the open and see with his own eyes how the strung bow would send the shaft. they went together to an open space, and again and again ab showed to his old friend what the new thing would do. with the second shot there came a new light into the eyes of the veteran hunter and he bade ab run to the cave and bring back with him his favorite spear. the young man was back as soon as strong legs could bring him, and when he burst into the open he found mok standing a long spear's cast from the greatest of the trees which stood about the opening. "throw your spear at the tree," said mok. "throw strongly as you can." ab hurled the spear as the zulu of later times might hurl his assagai, as strongly and as well, but the distance was overmuch for spear throwing with good effect, and the flint point pierced the wood so lightly that the weight of the long shaft was too great for the holding force and it sank slowly to the ground and pulled away the head. a wild beast struck by the spear at such distance would have been sorely pricked, but not hurt seriously. "now take the plaything," said old mok, "and throw the little shaft at the tree with that." ab did as he was told, and, poor marksman with his new device, of course missed the big tree repeatedly, broad as the mark was, but when, at last, the bolt struck the hard trunk fairly there was a sound which told of the sharpness of the blow and the headless shaft rebounded back for yards. old mok looked upon it all delightedly. "it may be there is something to your plaything," he said to the young man. "we will make a better one. but your shaft is good for nothing. we will make a straighter and stronger one and upon the end of it will put a little spearhead, and then we can tell how deeply it will go into the wood. we will work." for days the two labored earnestly together, and when they came again into the open they bore a stronger bow, one tapered at the end opposite the natural tapering of the branch, so that it was far more flexible and symmetrical than the one they had tried before. they had abundance of ash and yew and these remained the good bow wood of all the time of archery. and the shaft was straight and bore a miniature spearhead at its end. the thought of notching the shaft to fit the string came naturally and inevitably. the bow had its first arrow. an old man is not so easily affected as a young one, nor so hopeful, but when the second test was done the veteran mok was the wilder and more delighted of the two who shot at the tree in the forest glade. he saw it all! no longer could the spear be counted as the thing with which to do most grievous hurt at a safe distance from whatever might be dangerous. with the better bow and straighter shaft the marksmanship improved; even for these two callow archers it was not difficult to hit at a distance of a double spear's cast the bole of the huge tree, two yards in width at least. and the arrow whistled as if it were a living thing, a hawk seeking its prey, and the flint head was buried so deeply in the wood that both mok and ab knew that they had found something better than any weapon the cave men had ever known! there followed many days more of the eager working of the old man and the young one in the cave, and there was much testing of the new device, and finally, one morning, ab issued forth armed with his ax and knife, but without his spear. he bore, instead, a bow which was the best and strongest the two had yet learned to fashion, and a sheaf of arrows slung behind his back in a quiver made of a hollow section of a mammoth's leg bone which had long been kicked about the cave. the two workers had drilled holes in the bone and passed thongs through and made a wooden bottom to the thing and now it had found its purpose. the bow was rude, as were the arrows, and the archer was not yet a certain marksman, though he had practiced diligently, but the bow was stiff, at least, and the arrows had keen heads of flint and the arms of the hunter were strong as was the bow. there was a weary and fruitless search for game, but late in the afternoon the youth came upon a slight, sheer descent, along the foot of which ran a shallow but broad creek, beyond which was a little grass-grown valley, where were feeding a fine herd of the little deer. they were feeding in the direction of the creek and the wind blew from them to the hunter, so that no rumor of their danger was carried to them on the breeze. ab concealed himself among the bushes on the little height and awaited what might happen. the herd fed slowly toward him. as the deer neared the creek they grouped themselves together about where were the greenest and richest feeding-places, and when they reached the very border of the stream they were gathered in a bunch of half a hundred, close together. they were just beyond a spear's cast from the watcher, but this was a test, not of the spear, but of the bow, and the most inexperienced of archers, shooting from where ab was hidden, must strike some one of the beasts in that broad herd. ab sprang to his feet and drew his arrow to the head. the deer gathered for a second in affright, crowding each other before the wild bursting away together, and then the bow-string twanged, and the arrow sang hungrily, and there was the swift thud of hundreds of light feet, and the little glade was almost silent. it was not quite silent, for, floundering in its death struggles, was a single deer, through which had passed an arrow so fiercely driven that its flint head projected from the side opposite that which it had entered. [illustration: ab sprang to his feet, and drew his arrow to the head] half wild with triumph was the youth who bore home the arrow-stricken quarry, and not much more elated was he than the old man, who heard the story of the hunt, and who recognized, at once far more clearly than the younger one, the quality of the new weapon which had been discovered; the thing destined to become the greatest implement both of chase and warfare for thousands of years to come, and which was to be gradually improved, even by these two, until it became more to them than they could yet understand. but the lips of each of the two makers of the bow were sealed for the time. ab and old mok cherished together their mighty secret. chapter xiv. a lesson in swimming. ab and oak, ranging far in their hunting expeditions, had, long since, formed the acquaintance of the shell people, and had even partaken of their hospitality, though there was not much to attract a guest in the abodes of the creek-haunters. their homes were but small caves, not much more than deep burrows, dug here and there in the banks, above high water mark, and protected from wild beasts by the usual heaped rocks, leaving only a narrow passage. this insured warmth and comparative safety, but the homes lacked the spaciousness of the caves and caverns of the hills, and the food of fish and clams and periwinkles, with flesh and fruit but seldom gained, had little attraction for the occasional cave visitor. ab and oak would sometimes traffic with the shell people, exchanging some creature of the land for a product of the water, but they made brief stay in a locality where the food and odors were not quite to their accustomed taste. yet the settlement had a slight degree of interest to them. they had noted the buxom quality of some of the shell maidens, and the two had now attained an age when a bright-eyed young person of the other sex was agreeable to look upon. but there had been no love passages. neither of the youths was yet so badly stricken. there came an autumn morning when ab and oak, who had met at daybreak, determined to visit the shell people and go with them upon a fishing expedition. the shell people often fished from boats, and the boats were excellent. each consisted of four or five short logs of the most buoyant wood, bound firmly together with tough withes, but the contrivance was more than a simple raft, because, at the bow, it had been hewed to a point, and the logs had been so chosen that each curved upward there. it had been learned that the waves sometimes encountered could so more easily be cleft or overridden. none of these boats could sink, and the man of the time was quite at home in the water. it was fun for the young men whose tale is told here to go with the shell people and assist in spearing fish or drawing them from the river's depths upon rude hooks, and the shell people did not object, but were rather proud of the attendance of representatives of the hillside aristocracy. the morning was one to make men far older than these two most confident and full of life. the season was late, though the river's waters were not yet cold. the mast had already begun to fall and the nuts lay thickly among the leaves. every morning, and more regularly than it comes now, there was a spread of glistening hoar frost upon the lowlands and the little open lands in the forest and upon every spot not tree-protected. at such times there appeared to the eyes of the cave people the splendor of nature such as we now can hardly comprehend. it came most strikingly in spring and autumn, and was something wonderful. the cave men, probably, did not appreciate it. they were accustomed to it, for it was part of the record of every year. doubtless there came a greater vigor to them in the keen air of the hoar frost time, doubtless the step of each was made more springy and each man's valor more defined in this choice atmosphere. temperate, with a wonderful keenness to it, was the climate of the cave region in the valley of the present thames. even in the days of the cave men, the gulf stream, swinging from the equator in the great warm current already formed, laved the then peninsula as it now laves the british isles. the climate, as has been told, was almost as equable then as now, but with a certain crispness which was a heritage from the glacial epoch. it was a time to live in, and the two were merry on their journey in the glittering morning. the young men idled on their way and wasted an hour or two in vain attempts to approach a feeding deer nearly enough for effective spear-throwing. they were late when, after swimming the creek, they reached the shell village and there learned that the party had already gone. they decided that they might, perhaps, overtake the fishermen, and so, with the hunter's easy lope, started briskly down the river bank. they were not destined to fish that day. three or four miles had been passed and a straight stretch of the river had been attained, at the end of which, a mile away, could be seen the boats of the shell people, to be lost to sight a moment later as they swept around a bend. but there was something else in sight. perched comfortably upon a rock, the sides of which were so precipitous that they afforded a foothold only for human beings, was a young woman of the shell people who had before attracted ab's attention and something of his admiration. she was fishing diligently. she had been left by the fishing party, to be taken up on their return, because, in the rush of waters about the base of the rock, was a haunt of a small fish esteemed particularly, and because the girl was one of the little tribe's adepts with hook and line she raised her eyes as she heard the patter of footsteps upon the shore, but did not exhibit any alarm when she saw the two young men. the ordinary young woman of the shell people did not worry when away from land. she could swim like an otter and dive like a loon, and of wild beasts she had no fear when she was thus safely bestowed away from the death-harboring forest. the maiden on the rock was most serene. [illustration: the young men called to her but she made no answer. she but fished away demurely] the young men called to her, but she made no answer. she but fished away demurely, from time to time hauling up a flashing finny thing, which she calmly bumped on the rock and then tossed upon the silvery heap, which had already assumed fair dimensions, close behind her. as ab looked upon the young fisherwoman his interest in her grew rapidly and he was silent, though oak called out taunting words and asked her if she could not talk. it was not this young woman, but another, who had most pleased oak among the girls of the shell people. it was not love yet with ab, but the maiden interested him. he held no defined wish to carry her away to a new home with him, but there arose a feeling that he wanted to know her better. there might,--he didn't know--be as good wives among the shell maidens as among the well-running girls of the hills. "i'll swim to the rock!" he said to his companion, and oak laughed loudly. short time elapsed between decision and action in those days, and hardly had ab spoken when he flung his fur covering into the hands of oak, and, clad only in the clout about his hips, dropped, with a splash, into the water. all this time the girl had been eyeing every motion closely. as the little waves rose laughingly about the man, she descended lightly from her perch and slid into the stream as easily and silently as a beaver might have done. and then began a chase. the girl, finding mid-current swiftly, was a full hundred yards ahead as ab came fairly in her wake. a splendid swimmer was the stalwart young man of the hills. he had been in and out of water almost daily since early childhood, and, though there had never been a test, was confident that, among all the shell people, there was none he could not overtake, despite what he had heard and knew of their wonderful cleverness in the water. were not his arms and legs longer and stronger than theirs and his chest deeper? he felt that he could outswim easily any bold fisherman among them, and as for this girl, he would overtake her very quickly and draw her to the bank, and then there would be an interview of much enjoyment, at least to him. his strong arm swept the water back, and his strong legs, working with them, drove his body forward swiftly toward the brown object not very far ahead. along the bank ran the laughing and shouting oak. yard by yard, ab's mighty strokes brought him nearer the object of his pursuit. she was swimming breast forward, as was he--for that was his only way--she with a dog-like paddling stroke, and often she turned her head to look backward at the man. she did not, even yet, appear affrighted, and this ab wondered at, for it was seldom that a girl of the time, thus hunted, was not, and with reason, terrified. she, possibly, understood that the chase did not involve a real abduction, for she and her pursuer had often met, but there was, at least, reason enough for avoiding too close contact on this day. she swam on steadily, and, as steadily, ab gained upon her. down the long stretch of tumbling river, sweeping eastward between hill and slope and plain and woodland, went the chase, while the panting and cheering oak, strong-legged and enduring as he was, barely kept pace with the two heads he could see bobbing, not far apart now, in the tossing waters. ab had long since forgotten oak. he had forgotten how it was that he came to be thus swimming in the river. his thought was only what now made up an overmastering aim. he must reach and seize upon the girl before him! closer and closer, though she as much as he was aided by the swift current, the young man approached the girl. the hundred yards had lessened into tens and he could plainly see now the wake about her and the occasional up-flip of her brown heels as she went high in her stroke. he now felt easily assured of her and laughed to himself as he swept his arms backward in a fiercer stroke and came so close that he could discern her outline through the water. it was but a matter of endurance, he chuckled to himself. how could a woman outswim a man like him? it was just at the time when this thought came that ab saw the shell girl lift her head and turn it toward him and laugh--laugh recklessly, almost in his very face, so close together were they now. and then she taught him something! there was a dip such as the otter makes when he seeks the depths and there was no longer a girl in sight! but this was only a demonstration, made in sheer audacity and blithesome insolence, for the brown head soon appeared again some yards ahead and there was another twist of it and another merry laugh. then the neat body turned upon its side, and with quick outdriving legstrokes and the overhand and underhand pulling-forward which modern swimmers partly know, the girl shot ahead through the tiny white-capped waves and away from the swimmer so close behind her, as to-day the cutter leaves the scow. from the river bank came a wild yelp, the significance of which, if analyzed, might have included astonishment and great delight and brotherly derision. oak was having a great day of it! he was the sole witness of a swimming-match the like of which was rare, and he was getting even with his friend for various assumptions of superiority in various doings. unexhausted and sturdy and stubborn, ab was not the one to abandon his long chase because of this new phase of things. he inhaled a great breath and made the water foam with his swift strokes, but as well might a wild goose chase a swallow on the wing as he seek to overtake that brown streak on the water. it was wonderful, the manner in which that shell girl swam! she was like the birds which swim and dive and dip, and know of nothing which they fear if only they are in the water far enough away from where there is the need of stalking over soil and stone. it was not that the shell girl was other than at home on land. she was quite at home there and reasonably fleet, but the creek and river had so been her element from babyhood that the chase of the hill man had been, from the start, a sheer absurdity. ab lifted himself in the waters and gazed upon the dark spot far away, and, piqued and maddened, put forth all the swimming strength there was left in his brawny body. it seemed for a brief time that he was almost equal to the task of gaining upon what was little more than a dot upon the surface far ahead. but his scant prospect of success was only momentary. the trifling spot in the distant drifts of the river seemed to have certain ideas of its own. the speed of its course in the water did not abate and, in a moment, it was carried around the bend, and lost to sight. ab drifted to the turn and saw, below, a girl clambering into safety among the rafts of the fishing shell people. what she would tell them he did not know. that was not a matter to be much considered. there was but one thing to be done and that was to reach the land and return to a life more strictly earthly and more comfortable. there is nothing like water for overcoming a young man's fancy for many things. ab swam now with a somewhat tired and languid stroke to the shore, where oak awaited him hilariously. they almost came to blows that afternoon, and blows between such as they might have easily meant sudden death. but they were not rivals yet and there was much to talk of good-naturedly, after some slight outflamings of passion on the part of ab, and the two men were good friends again. the sum of all the day was that there had been much exercise and fun, for oak at least. ab had not caught the shell girl, manfully as he had striven. had he caught her and talked with her upon the river bank it might have changed the current of his life. with a man so young and sturdy and so full of life the laughing fancy of a moment might have changed into a stronger feeling and the swimming girl might have become a woman of the cave people, one not quite so equal by heritage to the task of breeding good climbing and running and fighting and progressive beings as some girl of the hills. it matters little what might have happened had the outcome of the day's effort been the reverse of what it was. this is but the account of the race and what the sequel was when ab swam so far and furiously and well. it was his first flirtation. it was yet to come to him that he should be really in love in the cave man's way. chapter xv. the mammoth at bay. it was late autumn, and a light snow covered the ground, when one day a cave man, panting for breath, came running down the river bank and paused at the cave of one-ear. he had news, great news! he told his story hurriedly, and then was taken into the cave and given meat, while ab, seizing his weapons, fled downward further still toward the great kitchen-midden of the shell people. just as ages and ages later, not far from the same region, some scottish runner carried the fiery cross, ab ran exultingly with the news it was his to bring. there must be an immediate gathering, not only of the cave men, but of the shell people as well, and great mutual effort for great gain. the mammoths were near the point of the upland! the runner to the cave of one-ear was a hunter living some miles to the north, upon a ledge of a broad forest-covered plateau terminating on the west in a slope which ended in a precipice with more than a hundred feet of sheer descent to the valley below. on rare occasions a herd of mammoths invaded the forest and worked itself toward the apex of the plateau, and then word went all over the region, for it was an event in the history of the cave men. if but a sufficient force could be suddenly assembled, food in abundance for all was almost certainly assured. the prize was something stupendous, but prompt action was required, and there might be tragedies. as bees hum and gather when their hive is disturbed, so did the shell people when ab burst in upon them and delivered his message. there was rushing about and a gathering of weapons and a sorting out of men who should go upon the expedition. but little time was wasted. within half an hour ab was straining back again up the river toward his own abode, while behind him trailed half a hundred of the shell people, armed in a way effective enough, but which, in the estimation of the cave men, was preposterous. the spears of the shell people had shafts of different wood and heads of different material from those of the cave men, and they used their weapons in a different manner. accustomed to the spearing of fish or of an occasional water beast, like a small hippopotamus, which still existed in the rivers of the peninsula, they always threw their spears--though the cave people were experts with this as well--and, as a last resource in close conflict, they used no stone ax or mace, but simply ran away, to throw again from a distance, or to fly again, as conditions made advisable. but they were brave in a way--it was necessary that all who would live must have a certain animal bravery in those days--and their numbers made them essential in the rare hunting of the mammoth. when the company reached the home of ab they found already assembled there a score of the hill men, and, as the word had gone out in every direction, it was found, when the rendezvous was reached, which was the cave of hilltop, the man living near the crest of the plateau, and the one who had made the first run down the river, that there were more than a hundred, counting all together, to advance against the herd and, if possible, drive the great beasts toward the precipice. among this hundred there was none more delighted than ab and oak, for, of course, these two had found each other in the group, and were almost like a brace of dogs whining for the danger and the hunt. not lightly was an expedition against a herd of mammoths to be begun, even by a hundred well-armed people of the time of the cave men. the mammoth was a monster beast, with perhaps somewhat less of sagaciousness than the modern elephant, but with a temper which was demoniacal when aroused, and with a strength which nothing could resist. he could be slain only by strategy. hence the everlasting watch over the triangular plateau and the gathering of the cave and river people to catch him at a disadvantage. but, even with a drove feeding near the slope which led to the precipice, the cave men would have been helpless without the introduction of other elements than their weapons and their clamor. the mammoth paid no more attention to the cave man with a spear than to one of the little wild horses which fed near him at times. the pygmy did not alarm him, but did the pygmy ever venture upon an attack, then it was likely to be seized by the huge trunk and flung against rock or tree, to fall crushed and mangled, or else it was trodden viciously under foot. from one thing, though, the mammoth, huge as he was, would flee in terror. he could not face the element of fire, and this the cave men had learned to their advantage. they could drive the mammoth when they dare not venture to attack him, and herein lay their advantage. under direction of the veteran hunter, hilltop, who had discovered the whereabouts of the drove, preparations were made for the dangerous advance, and the first thing done was the breaking off of dry roots of the overturned pitch pines, and gathering of knots of the same trees, with limbs attached, to serve as handles. these roots and knots, once lighted, would blaze for hours and made the most perfect of natural torches. lengths of bark of certain other trees when bound together and lighted at one end burned almost as long and brightly as the roots and knots. each man carried an unlighted torch of one kind or another, in addition to his weapons, and when this provision was made the band was stretched out in a long line and a silent advance began through the forest. the herd of mammoths was composed of nineteen, led by a monster even of his kind, and men who had been watching them all night and during the forenoon said that the herd was feeding very near the edge of the wood, where it ended on the slope leading to the precipice. there was ice upon the slope and there were chances of a great day's hunting. to cut off the mammoths, that is, to extend a line across the uprising peninsula where they were feeding, would require a line of not more than about five hundred yards in length, and as there were more than a hundred of the hunters, the line which could be formed would be most effective. lighted punk, which preserved fire and gave forth no odor to speak of, was carried by a number of the men, and the advance began. it had been an exhilarating scene when the cave men and shell people first assembled and when the work of gathering material for the torches was in progress. so far was the gathering from the present haunt of the game that caution had been unnecessary, and there was talk and laughter and all the open enjoyment of an anticipated conquest. the light snow, barely covering the ground, flashed in the sun, and the hunters, practically impervious to the slight cold, were almost prankish in their demeanor. ab and oak especially were buoyant. this was the first hunt upon the rocky peninsula of either of them, and they were delighted with the new surroundings and eager for the fray to come. all about was talk and laughter, which became general with any slight physical disaster which came to one among the hunters in the climbing of some tree for a promising dead branch or finding a treacherous hollow when assailing the roots of some upturned pine. it was a brisk scene and a lively one, that which occurred that crisp morning in late autumn when the wild men gathered to hunt the mammoth. all was brightness and jollity and noise. very different, in a moment, was the condition when the hunters entered the forest and, extended in line, began their advance toward the huge objects of their search. the cave man, almost a wild beast himself in some of his ways, had, on occasion, a footfall as light as that of any animal of the time. the twig scarcely crackled and the leaf scarcely rustled beneath his tread, and when the long line entered the wood the silence of death fell there, for the hunters made no sound, and what slight sound the woodland had before--the clatter of the woodpeckers and jays--was hushed by their advance. so through the forest, which was tolerably close, the dark line swept quietly forward until there came from somewhere a sudden signal, and with a still more cautious advance and contraction of the line as the peninsula narrowed the quarry was brought in sight of all. close to the edge of the slope, and separated by a slight open space from the forest proper, was an evergreen grove, in which the herd of monster beasts was feeding. a great bull, with long up-curling tusks, loomed above them all, and was farthest away in the grove. the hunters, hidden in the forest, lay voiceless and motionless until the elders decided upon a plan of attack, and then the word was passed along that each man must fire his torch. all along the edge of the wood arose the flashing of little flames. these grew in magnitude until a line of fire ran clear across the wood, and the mammoths nearest raised their trunks and showed signs of uneasiness. then came a signal, a wild shout, and at once, with a yell, the long line burst into the open, each man waving his flaming torch and rushing toward the grove. there was a chance--a slight one--that the whole herd might be stampeded, but this had rarely happened within the memory of the oldest hunter. the mammoth, though subject to panic, did not lack intelligence and when in a group was conscious of its strength. as that yell ascended, the startled beasts first rushed deeper into the grove and then, as the slope beyond was revealed to them, turned and charged blindly, all save one, the great tusker, who was feeding at the grove's outer verge. they came on, great mountains of flesh, but swerved as they met the advancing line of fire and weaved aimlessly up and down for a moment or two. then a huge bull, stung by a spear hurled by one of the hunters and frantic with fear, plunged forward across the line and the others followed blindly. three men were crushed to death in their passage and all the mammoths were gone save the big bull, who had started to rejoin his herd but had not reached it in time. he was now raging up and down in the grove, bewildered and trumpeting angrily. immediately the hunters gathered closer together and made their line of fire continuous. the mammoth rushed out clear of the trees and stood looming up, a magnificent creature of unrivaled size and majesty. his huge tusks shone out whitely against the mountain of dark shaggy hair. his small eyes blazed viciously as he raised his trunk and trumpeted out what seemed either a hoarse call to his herd or a roar of agony over his strait. he seemed for a moment as if about to rush upon the dense line of his tormentors, but the flaming faggots dashed almost in his face by the reckless and excited hunters daunted him, and, as a spear lodged in his trunk, he turned with almost a shriek of pain and dashed into the grove again. close at his heels bounded the hundred men, yelling like demons and forgetting all danger in the madness of the chase. right through the grove the great beast crashed and then half turned as he came to the open slope beyond. running beside him was a daring youth trying in vain to pierce him in the belly with his flint-headed spear, and, as the mammoth came for the moment to a half halt, his keen eyes noted the pygmy, his great trunk shot downward and backward, picked up the man and hurled him yards away against the base of a great tree, the body as it struck being crushed out of all semblance to man and dropping to the earth a shapeless lump. but the fire behind and about the desperate mammoth seemed all one flame now, countless spears thrown with all the force of strong arms were piercing his tough hide, and out upon the slope toward the precipice the great beast plunged. upon his very flanks was the fire and about him all the stinging danger from the half-crazed hunters. he lunged forward, slipped upon the smooth glacial floor beneath him, tried to turn again to meet his thronging foes and face the ring of flame, and then, wavering, floundering, moving wonderfully for a creature of his vast size, but uncertain as to foothold, he was driven to the very crest of the ledge, and, scrambling vainly, carrying away an avalanche of ice, snow and shrubs, went crashing to his death, a hundred feet below! chapter xvi. the feast of the mammoth. to the right and left of the precipice the fall to the plain below was more gradual, and with exultant yells, the cave and shell men rushed in either direction, those venturing nearest the sheer descent going down like monkeys, clinging as they went to shrubs and vines, while those who ran to where the drop was a degree more passable fairly tumbled downward to the plain. in an incredibly short space of time absolute silence prevailed in and about the grove where the scene had lately been so fiercely stirring. in the valley below there was wildest clamor. it was a great occasion for the human beings of the region. there was no question as to the value of the prize the hunters had secured. never before in any joint hunting expedition, within the memory of the oldest present, had followed more satisfactory result. the spoil was well worth the great effort that had been made; in the estimation of the time, perhaps worth the death of the hunters who had been killed. the huge beast lay dead, close to the base of the cliff. one great, yellow-white, curved tusk had been snapped off and showed itself distinct upon the grass some feet away from the mountain of flesh so lately animated. the sight was one worth looking upon in any age, for, in point of grandeur of appearance, the mammoth, while not as huge as some of the monsters of reptilian times, had a looming impressiveness never surpassed by any beast on the earth's surface. though prone and dead he was impressive. but the cave and shell men were not so much impressed as they were delighted. they had come into possession of food in abundance and there would be a feast of all the people of the region, and, after that, abundant meat in many a hut and cave for many a day. the hunters were noisy and excited. a group pounced upon the broken tusk--for a mammoth tusk, or a piece of one, was a prize in a cave dwelling--and there was prospect of a struggle, but grim voices checked the wrangle of those who had seized upon this portion of the spoil and it was laid aside, to be apportioned later. the feast was the thing to be considered now. again swift-footed messengers ran along forest paths and swam streams and thridded wood and thicket, this time to assemble, not the hunters alone, but with them all members of households who could conveniently and safely come to the gathering of the morrow, when the feast of the mammoth would be on. the messengers dispatched, the great carcass was assailed, and keen flint knives, wielded by strong and skillful hands, were soon separating from the body the thick skin, which was divided as seemed best to the leaders of the gathering, hilltop, the old hunter, for his special services, getting the chief award in the division. then long slices of the meat were cut away, fires were built, the hunters ate to repletion and afterward, with a few remaining awake as guards, slept the sleep of the healthy and fully fed. not in these modern days would such preliminary consumption of food be counted wisest preparation for a feast on the morrow, but the cave and shell men were alike independent of affections of the stomach or the liver, and could, for days in sequence, gorge themselves most buoyantly. the morning came crisp and clear, and, with the morning, came from all directions swiftly moving men and women, elated and hungry and expectant. the first families and all other families of the region were gathering for the greatest social function of the time. the men of various households had already exerted themselves and a score or two of fires were burning, while the odor of broiling meat was fragrant all about. hunter husbands met their broods, and there was banqueting, which increased as, hour after hour, new groups came in. the families of both ab and oak were among those early in the valley, beechleaf and bark, wide-eyed and curious, coming upon the scene as a sort of advance guard and proudly greeting ab. all about was heard clucking talk and laughter, an occasional shout, and ever the cracking of stone upon the more fragile thing, as the monster's roasted bones were broken to secure the marrow in them. there was hilarity and universal enjoyment, though the assemblage, almost by instinct, divided itself into two groups. the cave men and the shell men, while at this time friendly, were, as has been indicated, unlike in many tastes and customs and to an extent unlike in appearance. the cave man, accustomed to run like the deer along the forest ways, or to avoid sudden danger by swift upward clambering and swinging along among treetops, was leaner and more muscular than the shell man, and had in his countenance a more daring and confident expression. the shell man was shorter and, though brawny of build, less active of movement. he had spent more hours of each day of his life in his rude raft-boat, or in walking slowly with poised spear along creek banks, or, with bent back, digging for the great luscious shell-fish which made a portion of his food, than he had spent afoot and on land, with the smell of growing things in his nostrils. the flavor of the water was his, the flavor of the wood the cave man's. so it was that at the feast of the mammoth the allies naturally and good-naturedly became somewhat grouped, each person according to his kind. when hunger was satisfied and the talking-time came on, those with objects and impulses the same could compare notes most interestedly. constantly the number of the feasters increased, and by mid-day there was a company of magnitude. much meat was required to feed such a number, but there were tons of meat in a mammoth, enough to defy the immediate assaults of a much greater assemblage than this of exceedingly healthy people. and the smoke from the fires ascended and these rugged ones ate and were happy. but there came a time in the afternoon when even such feasters as were assembled on this occasion became, in a measure, content, when this one and that one began to look about, and when what might be called the social amenities of the period began. veterans flocked together, reminiscent of former days when another mammoth had been driven over this same cliff; the young grouped about different firesides, and there was talk of feats of strength and daring and an occasional friendly grapple. slender, sinewy girls, who had girls' ways then as now, ate together and looked about coquettishly and safely, for none had come without their natural guardians. rarely in the history of the cave men had there been a gathering more generally and thoroughly festive, one where good eating had made more good fellowship. possibly--for all things are relative--there has never occurred an affair of more social importance within the centuries since. human beings, dangerous ones, were merry and trusting together, and the young looked at each other. of course ab and oak had been eating in company. they had risked themselves dangerously in the battle on the cliff, had escaped injury and were here now, young men of importance, each endowed with an appetite corresponding with the physical exertion of which he was capable and which he never hesitated to make. the amount either of those young men had eaten was sufficient to make a gourmand, though of grossest roman times, fairly sick with envy, and they were still eating, though, it must be confessed, with modified enthusiasm. each held in his hand a smoking lump of flesh from some favored portion of the mammoth and each rent away an occasional mouthful with much content. suddenly ab ceased mastication and stood silent, gazing intently at a not unpleasing object a few yards distant. two girls stood together near a fire about which were grouped perhaps a dozen people. the two were eating, not voraciously, but with an apparent degree of interest in what they were doing, for they had not been among the early arrivals. it was upon these two that ab's wandering glance had fallen and had been held, and it was not surprising that he had become so interested. either of the couple was fitted to attract attention, though a pair more utterly unlike it would be difficult to imagine. one was slight and the other the very reverse, but each had striking characteristics. they stood there, the two, just as two girls so often stand to-day, the hand of one laid half-caressingly upon the hip of the other. the beaming, broad one was chattering volubly and the slender one listening carelessly. the talking of the heavier girl was interrupted evenly by her mumbling at a juicy strip of meat. her hunger, it was clear, had not yet been satisfied, and it was as clear, too, that her companion had yet an appetite. the slender one was, seemingly, not much interested in the conversation, but the other chattered on. it was plain that she was a most contented being. she was symmetrical only from the point of view of admirers of the heavily built. she had very broad hips and muscular arms and was somewhat squat of structure. it is hesitatingly to be admitted of this young lady that, sturdy and prepossessing, from a practical point of view, as she might be to the average food-winning cave man, she lacked a certain something which would, to the observant, place her at once in good society. she was an exceedingly hairy young woman. she wore the usual covering of skins, but she would have been well-draped, in moderately temperate weather, had the covering been absent. either for fashion's sake or comfort, not much weight of foreign texture in addition to her own hirsute and, to a certain extent, graceful, natural garb, was needed. she was a female esau of the time, just a great, good-hearted, strong and honest cave girl, of the subordinate and obedient class which began thousands of years before did history, one who recognized in the girl who stood beside her a stronger and dominating spirit, and who had been received as a trusted friend and willing assistant. it is so to-day, even among the creatures which are said to have no souls, the dogs especially. but the girl had strength and a certain quick, animal intelligence. she was the daughter of a cave man living not far from the home of old hilltop, and her name was moonface. her countenance was so broad and beaming that the appellation had suggested itself in her jolly childhood. very different from moonface was the slender being who, having eaten a strip of meat, was now seeking diligently with a splinter for the marrow in the fragment of bone her father had tossed toward her. her father was hilltop, the veteran of the immediate region and the hero of the day, and she was called lightfoot, a name she had gained early, for not in all the country round about was another who could pass over the surface of the earth with greater swiftness than could she. and it was upon lightfoot that ab was looking. the young woman would have been fair to look upon, or at least fascinating, to the most world-wearied and listless man of the present day. she stood there, easily and gracefully, her arms and part of her breast, above, and her legs from about the knees, below, showing clearly from beneath her covering of skins. her deep brown hair, knotted back with a string of the tough inner bark of some tree, hung upon the middle of her flat, in-setting back. she was not quite like any of the other girls about her. her eyes were larger and softer and there was more reflection and variety of expression in them. her limbs were quite as long as those of any of her companions and the fingers and toes, though slenderer, were quite as suggestive of quick and strong grasping capabilities, but there was, with all the proof of springiness and litheness, a certain rounding out. the strip of hair upon her legs below the knees was slight and silken, as was also that upon her arms. yet, undoubted leader in society as her appearance indicated, quite aside from her father's standing, there was in her face, with all its loftiness of air, a certain blithesomeness which was almost at variance with conditions. she was a most lovable young woman--there could be no question about that--and ab had, as he looked upon her for the first time, felt the fact from head to heel. he thought of her as like the leopard tree-cat, most graceful creature of the wood, so trim was she and full of elasticity, and thought of her, too, as he looked in her intelligent face, as higher in another way. he was somewhat awed, but he was courageous. he had, so far in life, but sought to get what he wanted whenever it was in sight. now he was nonplussed. presently lightfoot raised her eyes and they met those of ab. the young people looked at each other steadily for a moment and then the glance of the girl was turned away. but, meanwhile, the man had recovered himself. he had been eating, absent-mindedly, a well-cooked portion of a great steak of the mammoth's choicest part. he now tore it in twain and watched the girl intently. she raised her eyes again and he tossed her a half of the smoking flesh. she saw the movement, caught the food deftly in one hand as it reached her, and looked at ab and laughed. there was no mock modesty. she began eating the choice morsel contentedly; the two were, in a manner, now made formally acquainted. the young man did not, on the instant, pursue his seeming advantage, the result of an impulsive bravery requiring a greater effort on his part than the courage he had shown in conflict with many a beast of the forest. he did not talk to the young woman. but he thought to himself, while his blood bubbled in his veins, that he would find her again; that he would find her in the wood! she did not look at him more, for her people were clustering about her and this was a great occasion. ab was recalled to himself by a hoarse exclamation. oak was looking at him fiercely. there was no other sound, but the young man stood gazing fixedly at the place where the girl had just been lost amid the group about her. and ab knew instinctively, as men have learned to know so well in all the years, from the feeling which comes to them at such a time, that he had a rival, that oak also had seen and loved this slender creature of the hillside. there was a division of the mammoth flesh and hide and tusks. ab struggled manfully for a portion of one of the tusks, which he wanted for old mok's carving, and won it at last, the elders deciding that he and oak had fought well enough upon the cliff to entitle them to a part of the honor of the spoil, and oak opposing nothing done by ab, though his looks were glowering. then, as the sun passed toward the west, all the people separated to take the dangerous paths toward their homes. ab and oak journeyed away together. ab was jubilant, though doubtful, while the face of oak was dark. the heart of neither was light within him. chapter xvii. the comrades. drifting away in various directions toward their homes the cave and shell people still kept in groups, by instinct. social functions terminated before dark and guests going and coming kept together for mutual protection in those days of the cave bear and other beasts. but on the day of the feast of the mammoth there was somewhat less than the usual precaution shown. there were vigorous and well-armed hunters at hand by scores, and under such escort women and children might travel after dusk with a degree of safety, unless, indeed, the great cave tiger, sabre-tooth, chanced to be abroad, but he was more rarely to be met than others of the wild beasts of the time. when he came it was as a thunderbolt and there were death and mourning in his trail. the march through the forest as the shadows deepened was most watchful. there was a keen lookout on the part of the men, and the women kept their children well in hand. from time to time, one family after another detached itself from the main body and melted into the forest on the path to its own cave near at hand. thus hilltop and his family left the group in which were ab and oak, and glances of fire followed them as they went. the two girls, lightfoot and moonface, had walked together, chattering like crows. they had strung red berries upon grasses and had hung them in their hair and around their necks, and were fine creatures. lightfoot, as was her wont, laughed freakishly at whatever pleased her, and in her merry mood had an able second in her sturdy companion. there were moments, though, when even the irrepressible lightfoot was thoughtful and so quiet that the girl who was with her wondered. the greater girl had been lightly touched with that unnamable force which has changed men and women throughout all the ages. the picture of ab's earnest face was in her mind and would not depart. she could not, of course, define her own mood, nor did she attempt it. she felt within herself a certain quaking, as of fear, at the thought of him, and yet, so she told herself again and again, she was not afraid. all the time she could see ab's face, with its look of longing and possession, but with something else in it, when his eyes met hers, which she could not name nor understand. she could not speak of him, but moonface had upon her no such stilling influence. "they look alike," she said. lightfoot assented, knowing the girl meant ab and oak. "but ab is taller and stronger," moonface continued, and lightfoot assented as indifferently, for, somehow, of the two she had remembered definitely one only. she became daring in her reflections: "what if he should want to carry me to his cave?" and then she tried to run away from the thought and from anything and everybody else, leaping forward, outracing and leaving all the company. she reached her father's cave far ahead of the others and stood, laughing, at the entrance, as the family and moonface, a guest for the night, came trotting up. and ab, the buoyant and strong, was not himself as he journeyed with the homeward-pressing company. his mood changed and he dropped away from oak and lagged in the rear of the little band as it wound its way through the forest. slight time was needed for others to recognize his mood, and he was strong of arm and quick of temper, as all knew well, and, so, he was soon left to stalk behind in independent sulkiness. he felt a weight in his breast; a fiery spot burned there. he was fierce with oak because oak had looked at lightfoot with a warm light in his eyes. he! when he should have known that ab was looking at her! this made rage in his heart; and sadness came, too, because he was perplexed over the girl. "how can i get her?" he mumbled to himself, as he stalked along. meanwhile, at the van of the company there was noise and frolic. assembled in force, they were for the hour free from dread of the haunting terror of wild beasts, and, satisfied with eating, the cave and shell people were in one of the merriest moods of their lives, collectively speaking. the young men were especially jubilant and exuberant of demeanor. their sport was rough and dangerous. there were scuffling and wrestling and the more reckless threw their stone axes, sometimes at each other, always, it is true, with warning cries, but with such wild, unconscious strength put in the throwing that the finding of a living target might mean death. ab, engrossed in thoughts of something far apart from the rude sport about him, became nervously impatient. like the girl, he wanted to escape from his thoughts, and bounding ahead to mingle with the darting and swinging group in front, he was soon the swift and stalwart leader in their foolishly risky sport, the center of the whole commotion. one muscled man would hurl his stone hatchet or strong flint-headed spear at a green tree and another would imitate him until a space in advance was covered and the word given for a rush, when all would race for the target, each striving to reach it first and detach his own weapon before others came. it was a merry but too careless contest, with a chance of some serious happening. there followed a series of these mad games and the oldsters smiled as they heard the sound of vigorous contest and themselves raced as they could, to keep in close company with the stronger force. ab had shown his speed in all his playing. now he ran to the front and plucked out his spear, a winner, then doubled and ran back beside the pathway to mingle with the central body of travelers, having in mind only to keep in the heart and forefront of as many contests as possible. there was more shouting and another rush from the main body and, bounding aside from all, he ran to get the chance of again hurling his spear as well. a great oak stood in the middle of the pathway and toward it already a spear or two had been sent, all aimed, as the first thrower had indicated, at a white fungus growth which protruded from the tree. it was a matter of accuracy this time. ab leaped ahead some yards in advance of all and hurled his spear. he saw the white chips fly from the side of the fungus target, saw the quivering of the spear shaft with the head deep sunken in the wood, and then felt a sudden shock and pain in one of his legs. he fell sideways off the path and beneath the brushwood, as the wild band, young and old, swept by. he was crippled and could not walk. he called aloud, but none heard him amid the shouting of that careless race. he tried to struggle to his feet, but one leg failed him and he fell back, lying prone, just aside from the forest path, nearly weaponless and the easy prey of the wild beasts. what had hurt him so grievously was a spear thrown wildly from behind him. it had, hurled with great strength, struck a smooth tree trunk and glanced aside, the point of the spear striking the young man fairly in the calf of the leg, entering somewhat the bone itself, and shocking, for the moment, every nerve. the flint sides had cut a vein or two and these were bleeding, but that was nothing. the real danger lay in his helplessness. ab was alone, and would afford good eating for those of the forest who, before long, would be seeking him. the scent of the wild beast was a wonderful thing. the man tried to rise, then lay back sullenly. far in the distance, and growing fainter and fainter, he could hear the shouts of the laughing spear-throwers. the strong young man, thus left alone to death almost inevitable, did not altogether despair. he had still with him his good stone ax and his long and keen stone knife. he would, at least, hurt something sorely before he was eaten, he thought grimly to himself. and then he pressed leaves together on the cut upon his leg, and laid himself back upon the leaves and waited. he did not have to wait long. he had not thought to do so. how full the woods were of blood-scenting and man-eating things none knew better than he. his ear, keen and trained, caught the patter of a distant approach. "wolves," he said to himself at first, and then "hyenas," for the step was puzzling. he was perplexed. the step was regular, and it was not in the forest on either side, but was coming up the path. a terror came upon him and he had crawled deeper into the shades, when he noted that the steps first ceased, and then that they wandered searchingly and uncertainly. then, loud and strong, rang out a voice, calling his name, and it was the voice of oak! he could not answer for a moment, and then he cried out gladly. oak had, in the forward-rushing group, seen ab's hurt and fall, but had thought it a trifling matter, since no outcry came from those behind, and so had kept his course away and ahead with the rest. but finally he had noted the absence of ab and had questioned, and then--first telling some of his immediate companions that they were to lag and wait for him--had started back upon a run to reach the place where he had last seen his friend. it was easy now to arrange wet leaves about ab's crippling, but little more than temporary, wound. the two, one leaning upon the other and hobbling painfully, and each with weapons in hand, contrived, at last, to reach oak's lingering and grumbling contingent. ab was helped along by two instead of one then, and the rest was easy. when the pathway leading to home was reached, oak accompanied his friend, and the two passed the night together. ab, once on his own bed, with oak couched beside him, was surprised to find, not merely that his physical pain was going, but that the greater one was gone. the weight and burning had left his breast and he was no longer angry at oak. he thought blindly but directly toward conclusions. he had almost wanted to kill oak, all because each saw the charm of and wanted the possession of a slender, beautiful creature of their kind. then something dangerous had happened to him, and this same oak, his friend, the man he had wished to kill, had come back and saved his life. the sense which we call gratitude, and which is not unmingled with what we call honor, came to this young cave man then. he thought of many things, worried and wakeful as he was, and perhaps made more acute of perception by the slight, exciting fever of his wound. he thought of how the two, he and oak, had planned and risked together, of their boyish follies and failures and successes, and of how, in later years, oak had often helped him, of how he had saved oak's life once in the river swamp, where quicksands were, of how oak had now offset even that debt by carrying him away from certain ending amid wild beasts. no one--and of the cave men he knew many--no one in all the careless, merry party had missed him save oak. he doubtless could not have told himself why it was, but he was glad that he could repay it all and have the balance still upon his side. he was glad that he had the secret of the bow and arrow to reveal. that should be oak's! so it came that, late that night, when the fire in the cave had burned low and when one could not wisely speak above a whisper, ab told oak the story of the new weapon, of how it had been discovered, of how it was to be used and of all it was for hunters and fighters. furthermore, he brought his best bow and best arrows forth, and told oak they were his and that they would practice together in the morning. his astonished and delighted companion had little to say over the revelation. he was eager for the morning, but he straightened out his limbs upon the leafy mattress and slept well. so, somewhat later, did the half-feverish ab. morning came and the cave people were astir. there was brief though hearty feeding and then ab and oak and old mok, to whom ab had said much aside, went away from the cave and into the forest. there oak was taught the potency of the new weapon, its deadly quality and the safety of distance it afforded its user. it was a great morning for all three, not excepting the stern and critical old teacher, when they thus met together in the wood and the secret of what two had found was so transmitted to another. as for oak, he was fairly aflame with excitement. he was far from slow of mind and he recognized in a moment the enormous advantage of the new way of killing either the things they ate, or the things they dreaded most. he could scarcely restrain his eagerness to experiment for himself. before noon had come he was gone, carrying away the bow and the good arrows. as he disappeared in the wood ab said nothing, but to himself he thought: "he may have all the bows and arrows he can make, but i will have lightfoot myself!" ab and mok started for the cave again, ab, bow in hand and with ready arrow. there was a patter of feet upon leaves in the wood beside them and then the arrow was fitted to the string, while old mok, strong-armed if weak-legged, raised aloft his spear. the two were seeking no conflict with wild beasts today and were but defensive and alert. they were puzzled by the sound their quick ears caught. "patter, patter," ever beside them, but deep in the forest shade, came the sound of menacing followers of some sort. there was tension of nerves. old mok, sturdy and unconsciously fatalistic, was more self-contained than the youth at his side, bow-armed and with flint ax and knife ready for instant use. at last an open space was reached across which ran the well-worn path. now the danger must reveal itself. the two men emerged into the glade, and, a moment later, there bounded into it gamboling and full of welcome, the wolf cubs, which had played about the cave so long, who were now detached from their own kind and preferred the companionship of man. there was laughter then, and a more careless demeanor with the weapon borne. chapter xviii. love and death. different from his former self became this young forester, ab. he was thinking of something other than wild beasts and their pursuit. instinctively, the course of his hunting expeditions tended toward the northwest and soon the impulse changed to a design. he must look upon lightfoot again! henceforth he haunted the hill region, and never keener for quarry or more alert for the approach of some dangerous animal was the eye of this woodsman than it was for the appearance somewhere of a slender figure of a cave girl. neither game nor things to dread were numerous in the vicinity of the home of hilltop, for there one of the hardiest and wisest among hunters had occupied his cave for many years, and wild beasts learn things. so it chanced that lightfoot could wander farther afield than could most girls of the time. ab knew all this well, for the quality of expert and venturesome old hilltop was familiar to all the cave men throughout a wide stretch of country. so ab, somewhat shamefaced to his own consciousness, hunted in a region not the best for spoil, and looked for a girl who might appear on some forest path, moderately safe from the rush of any of the hungry man-eaters of the wood. but not all the time of this wild lover was wasted in haunting the possible idling-places of the girl he wanted so. with love there had come to him such sense and thoughtfulness as has come with earnest love to millions since. what could he do with lightfoot should he gain her? he was but a big, young fighting man and hunter, still sleeping, almost nightly, on one of the leaf beds in his father's cave. with a wife of his own he must have a cave of his own. compared with his first impulses toward the girl, this was a new train of thought, and, as we recognize it to-day, a nobler one. he wanted to care for his own. he wanted a cave fit for the reception of such a woman as this, to him, the sweetest and proudest of all beings, lightfoot, daughter of old hilltop, of the wooded highlands. far up the river, far beyond the home of oak's father and beyond the shining marshlands and the purple heather reaches which made the foothills pleasant, extended to the river's bank a promontory, bold and picturesque and clad heavily with the best of trees. it was a great stretch of land, where, in some of nature's grim work, the earth had been up-heaved and there had been raised good soil for giant forests, and at the same time been made broad caverns to become future habitations of the creature known as man. but the trees bore nuts and fruits, and such creatures as found food in nuts and fruits, and, later, such as loved rich herbage, came to the forest in great numbers, and then followed such as fed upon these again, all the flesh eaters, to whom man was, as any other living thing, to be seized upon and devoured. the promontory, so rich in game and nuts and fruits, was, at the same time, the most dangerous in all the region for human habitation. there were deep, dry caves within its limits, but in none of them had a cave man yet ventured to make his home. it was toward this promontory that the young man in love turned his eyes. because others had feared to make a home in this lone, high region should he also fear? there was food there in plenty and if there were chance of fighting in plenty, so much the better! was he not strong and fleet; had he not the best of spears and axes? above all, had he not the new weapon which made man far above the beasts? here was the place for a home which should be the best in all this region of the cave men. here game and food of all kinds would be most abundant. the situation would demand a brave man and a woman scarcely less courageous, but would not he and the girl he was determined to bring there meet all occasion? his mind was fixed. ab found a cave, one clean and dry and opening out upon a slight treeless area, and this he, lover-like, improved for the woman he had resolved to bring there, arranging carefully the interior of which must be a home. he had fancies such as lovers have exhibited from since the time when the plesiosaurus swashed away in the strand of a warm sea a hollow nursery for the birth and first tending of the young of his odd kind, up to the later time when men have squandered fortunes on the sleeping rooms of women they have loved. he toiled for many days. with his ax he chipped away the cavern's sharp protuberances at each side, and with the stone chips from the walls and with what he brought from outside, he made the floor white and clean and nearly level. he built a fireplace and chipped into a huge stone, which, fortunately, lay inside the cave, a hollow for holding drinking water, or for the boiling of meat. he built up a passage-way at the entrance, allowing something but not too much more than his own width, as the gauge for measurement of its breadth. he brought into the cave a deep carpet of leaves and made a wide bed in one corner and this he covered with furred skins, for many skins ab owned in his own right. then, with a thick fragment of tough branch as a lever, he rolled a big stone near the cave's entrance and left it ready to be occupied as a home. the woman was still lacking. there came a day when ab, impatient after his searching and waiting, but yet resolute, had killed a capercailzie--the great grouse-like bird of the time, the descendants of which live to-day in northern forests--and had built a fire and feasted, and then, instinctively careful, had climbed to the first broad, low branch of an enormous tree and there adjusted himself to sleep the sleep of one who has eaten heartily. he lay with the big branch for a bed, supported on either side by green, upspringing twigs, and slept well for an hour or two and then awoke, lazy and listless, but with much good to him from the repast and rest. it was not yet very late in the afternoon and the sun still shone kindly upon him, as upon a whole world of rejoicing things. something like a reflection of the life of the morning was beginning to manifest itself, as is ever the way where forests and wild things are. the wonderful noise of wood life was renewed. as the young man awakened, he felt in every pulse the thrilling powers of existence. everything was fair to look upon. his ears took in the sound of the voices of birds, already beginning vesper songs, though the afternoon was yet so early as scarcely to hint of evening, and the scent from a thousand plants and flowers, permeating and intoxicating, reached his senses as he lounged sprawlingly upon his safe bed aloft. it was attractive, the scene which ab looked upon. the forest was in all the glory of summer and nesting and breeding things were happy. there was the fullness of the being of trees and plants and of all birds and beasts. there was a soft commingling of sounds which told of the life about, the effect of which was, somehow, almost drowsy in the blending of all together. the great ferns waved gently along the hollows as the slight breeze touched them. they were queer, those ferns. they were not quite so slender and tapering and gothic as the ferns we see to-day. they were a trifle more lush and ragged, and their tips were sometimes almost rounded. but ab noted little of fern or bird. it was only the general sensuousness that was upon him. the smell of the pines was a partial tonic to the healthy, half-awakened man, and, though he lay back upon the rugged wooden bed and half dozed again, nature had aroused him a trifle beyond the point of relapse into absolute, unknowing slumber. there was coming to him a sharpness of perception which affected the quiescence of his enjoyment. he rose to a sitting posture and looked about him. at once his eyes flashed, every nerve and muscle became tense and the blood leaped turbulently in his veins. he had seen that for which he had come into this region, the girl who had so reached his rude, careless heart. lightfoot was very near him! the girl, all unconscious, was sitting upon the trunk of a fallen tree which lay close beside a creek. there was an abundance of small pebbles upon the little strand and the young lady was absent-mindedly engaged in an occupation in which, to the observer, she took some interest, while she, no doubt, was really thinking of something else. she sat there, slender, beautiful and excelling, in her way, the belle of the period, merely amusing herself. her toes were charming toes. there could be no debate on that point, for, while long and strong and flexible, they had a certain evenness and symmetry. they were being idly employed just now. at the creek's edge, half imbedded in the ground, uprose the crest of a granite stone. picking up pebble after pebble in her admirable toes, lightfoot was engaged in throwing them, one after another, at the outstanding point of granite, utilizing in the performance only those toes and the brown leg below the knee. she did exceedingly well and hit the red-brown target often. ab, hot-headed and fierce lover in the tree top, looked on admiringly. how perfect of form was she; how bright the face! and then, forgetting himself, he cried aloud and slid from the branch as easily and swiftly as any serpent and started running toward the girl. he must have her! with his cry, the girl leaped to her feet, and as he reached the ground, recognized him on the instant. she knew in the same instant that they had felt together and that it was not by accident that he was near her. she had felt as he; so far as a woman may feel with a man; but maidens are maidens, and sweet lightness dreads force, and a modified terror came upon her. she paused for a moment, then turned and ran toward the upland forest. not a moment hesitating or faltering as affected by the girl's action was the young man who had tumbled from the tree bed. the blood dancing within him and the great natural impulse of gaining what was greatest to him in life controlled him now. he was hot with fierce lovingness. he ran well, but he did not run better than the graceful thing before him. even for the critical being of the great cities of to-day, the one who "manages" races of all sorts, it would have been worth while to see this race in the forest. as the doe leaps, scarcely touching the ground, ran lightfoot. as the wolf or hound runs, less swift for the moment, but tireless, ran the man behind her. yet of all the men in the cave region, this flying girl wanted most this man to take her! it was the maidenly force-dreading instinct alone which made her run. ab, dogged and enduring, lost no space as the race led away toward the hill and home of the fleet thing ahead of him. there were miles to be covered, and therein he had hope. they were on the straight path to hilltop's cave, though there were divergent, curving side paths almost as available; but to avoid her pursuer, the fugitive could take none of these. there were cross-cuts everywhere. in leaving the direct path she would but lose ground. to reach soon enough by straight, clean running the towering wooded hill in which was her father's cave seemed the only hope of the half-unwilling fugitive. there were descents and ascents in the long chase and plateaus where the running was on level ground. straining forward, gaining little, but confident of overtaking the girl, ab, deep-chested and physically untroubled, pressed onward, when he noted that the girl made a sudden spurt and bounded forward with a speed not shown before, while, at the same time, she swerved from the right of the path. it was not ab who had made her swerve. some new alarm had come to her. she was about to reach and, as ab supposed, pass one of the inletting paths entering almost at right angles from the left. she did not pass it. she leaped into it in evident terror and then, breaking out from the wood on the right, came another form and one surely in swift following. ab knew the figure well. oak was the new pursuer! the awful rage which rose in the heart of ab as he saw what was happening is what can no more be described than one can tell what a tiger in the jungle thinks. he saw another--the other his friend--pursuing and intending to take what he wanted to be his and what had become to him more than all else in the world; more than much eating and the skins of things to keep him warm, more than a mammoth's tooth to carve, more than the glorious skin of the great cave tiger, the possession of which made a rude nobility, more than anything and all else! he leaped aside from the path. he knew well the other path upon which were running oak and lightfoot. he knew that he could intercept them, because, though the running was not so good, the distance to be covered was much less, for to him path running was a light matter. in the wood he ran as easily and leaped as well and attained a point almost as quickly as the beasts. there was a stress of effort and, as the shadows deepened, he burst in upon the cross path where he knew were the fleeing lightfoot and following oak. he had thought to head them off, but ab was not the only man who was swift of foot in the cave country. they passed, almost as he bounded from the forest. he saw them close together not many yards ahead of him and, with a shout of rage, bent himself in swift and terrible pursuit again. it was all plain to ab now as he flew along, unnoted by the two ahead of him. he knew that oak had, like him, determined to own lightfoot, and had like him, been seeking her. only chance had made the chase thus cross oak's path; but that made no difference. there must be a grim meeting soon. ab could see that the endurance of the wonderfully fleet-footed woman was not equal to that of the man so near her. she would soon be overtaken. before her rose the hill, not a mile in its slope, where were her father's cave, and safety. he knew that she had not the strength to breast it fleetly enough for covert. and, as he looked, he saw the girl turn a frightened face toward her close pursuer and knew that she saw him as well. her pace slackened for a moment as this revelation came to her, and he felt, somehow, that in him she recognized comparative protection. then she recovered herself and bent all the power she had toward the ascent. but oak had been gaining steadily, and now, with a sudden rush, he reached her and grasped her, the woman shrieking wildly. a moment later ab rushed in upon them with a shout. instinctively oak released the girl, for in the cry he heard that which meant menace and immediate danger. as lightfoot felt herself free she stood for a moment or two without a movement, with wide-open eyes, looking upon what was happening before her. then she bounded away, not looking backward as she ran. [illustration: ab stood there weaponless, a creature wandering of mind] the two men stood there glaring at each other, oak perched, and yet not perched, so broad and perfect was his foothold, on the crest of a slight shelf of the downward slope. there stood the two men, poised, the one above, the other below, two who had been as close together from childhood as all the attributes of mind and body might allow, and yet now as far apart as human beings may be. they were beautiful in a way, each in his murderous, unconscious posing for the leap. the sun hit the blue ax of oak and made it look a gray. the raised ax of ab, which was of a lighter colored stone, was in the shade and its yellowness was darkened into brown. the spectacle lasted for but a second. as oak leaped ab bounded aside and they stood upon a level, a tiny plateau, and there was fierce, strong fencing. one could not note its methods; even the keen-eyed wolverine, crouching low upon an adjacent monster limb, could never have followed the swift movements of these stone axes. the dreadful play was brief. the clash of stone together ceased as there came a duller sound, which told that stone had bitten bone. oak, slightly the higher of the two, as they stood thus in the fray, leaned forward suddenly, his arms aloft, while from his hand dropped the blue ax. he floundered down uncouthly and grasped the beech leaves with his hands, and then lay still. ab stood there weaponless, a creature wandering of mind. his yellow ax had parted from his hand, sunk deeply into the skull of oak, and he looked upon it curiously and vacantly. he was not sane. he stepped forward and pulled the ax away and lifted it to a level with his eyes and went to where the sunlight shone. the ax was not yellow any more. meanwhile a girl was flitting toward her home and the shadows of the waning day were deepening. chapter xix. a race with dread. ab looked toward the forest wherein lightfoot had fled and then looked upon that which lay at his feet. it was oak--there were the form and features of his friend--but, somehow, it was not oak. there was too much silence and the blood upon the leaves seemed far too bright. his rage departed, and he wanted oak to answer and called to him, but oak did not answer. then came slowly to him the idea that oak was dead and that the wild beasts would that night devour the dead man where he lay. the thought nerved him to desperate, sudden action. he leaped forward, he put his arms about the body and carried it away to a hollow in the wooded slope. he worked madly, doing some things as he had seen the cave people do at other buryings. he placed the weapons of oak beside him. he took from his belt his own knife, because it was better than that of oak, and laid it close to the dead man's hand, and then, first covering the body with beech leaves, he worked frantically upon the overhanging soil, prying it down with a sharp-pointed fragment of limb, and tossing in upon all as heavy stones as he could lift, until a great cairn rose above the hunter who would hunt no more. panting with his efforts, ab sat himself down upon a rock and looked upon the monument he had raised. again he called to oak, but there was still no answer. the sun had set, evening shadows thickened around him. then there came upon the live man a feeling as dreadful as it was new, and, with a yell, which was almost a shriek, he leaped to his feet and bounded away in fearful flight. he only knew this, that there was something hurt his inside of body and soul, but not the inside of him as it had been when once he had eaten poisonous berries or when he had eaten too much of the little deer. it was something different. it was an awful oppression, which seemed to leave his body, in a manner, unfeeling but which had a great dread about it and which made him think and think of the dead man, and made him want to run away and keep running. he had always run far that day, but he was not tired now. his legs seemed to have the hard sinews of the stag in them but up toward the top of him was something for them to carry away as fast and far as possible from somewhere. he raced from the dense woodland down into the broad morass to the west--beyond which was the rock country--and into which he had rarely ventured, so treacherous its ways. what cared he now! he made great leaps and his muscles and sinews responded to the thought of him. to cross that morass safely required a touch on tussocks and an upbounding aside, a zig-zag exhibition of great strength and knowingness and recklessness. but it was unreasoning; it was the instinct begotten of long training and, now, of the absence of all nervousness. each taut toe touched each point of bearing just as was required above the quagmire, and, all unperceiving and uncaring, he fled over dirty death as easily as he might have run upon some hardened woodland pathway. he did not think nor know nor care about what he was doing. he was only running away from the something he had never known before! why should he be running now? he had killed things before and not cared and had forgotten. why should he care now? but there was the something which made him run. and where was oak? would oak meet him again and would they hunt together? no, oak would not come, and he, this ab, had made it so! he must run. no one was following him--he knew that--but he must run! the marsh was passed, night had fallen, but he ran on, pressing into the bear and tiger haunted forest beyond. anything, anything, to make him forget the strange feeling and the thing which made him run! he plunged into a forest path, utterly reckless, wanting relief, a seeker for whatever might come. in that age and under such conditions as to locality it was inevitable that the creature, man, running through such a forest path at night, must face some fierce creature of the carnivora seeking his body for food. ab, blinded of mood, cared not for and avoided not a fight, though it might be with the monster bear or even the great tiger. there was no reason in his madness. he was, though he knew it not, a practical suicide, yet one who would die fighting. what to him were weight and strength to-night? what to him were such encounters as might come with hungry four-footed things? it would but relieve him were some of the beasts to try to gain his life and eat his body. his being seemed valueless, and as for the wild beasts--and here came out the splendid death-facing quality of the cave man--well, it would be odd if there were not more deaths than one! but all this was vague and only a minor part of thought. sometimes, as if to invite death, he yelled as he ran. he yelled whenever in his fleeting visions he saw oak lying dead again. so ran the man who had killed another. there was a growl ahead of him, a sudden breaking away of the bushes, and then he was thrown back, stunned and bleeding, because a great paw had smitten him. whatever the beast might be, it was hungry and had found what seemed easy prey. there was a difference, though, which the animal,--it was doubtless a bear--unfortunately for him, did not comprehend, between the quality of the being he proposed to eat just now and of other animals included in his ordinary menu. but the bear did not reason; he but plunged forward to crush out the remaining life of the runner his great paw had driven back and down and then to enjoy his meal. the man was little hurt. his skin coat had somewhat protected him and his sinewy body had such toughness that the hurling of it backward for a few feet was not anything involving a fatality. very surely and suddenly had been thrust upon him now the practical lesson of being or dying, and it was good for the half-crazed runner, for it cleared his mind. but it made him no less desperate or careless. with strength almost maniacal he leaped at what he would have fled from at any other time, and, swinging his ax with the quickness of light, struck tremendously at the great lowering head. he yelled again as he felt stone cut and crash into bone, though himself swept aside once more as a great paw, sidestruck, hurled him into the bushes. he bounded to his feet and saw something huge and dark and gasping floundering in the pathway. he thought not but ran on panting. by some strange freak of forest fortune abetting might the man wandering of mind had driven his ax nearly to the haft into the skull of his huge assailant. it may be that never before had a cave man, thus armed, done so well. the slayer ran on wildly, and now weaponless. soon to the runner the scene changed. the trees crowded each other less closely and there was less of denned pathway. there came something of an ascent and he breasted it, though less swiftly, for, despite the impelling force, nature had claims, and muscles were wearying of their work. fewer and fewer grew the trees. he knew that he was where there was now a sweep of rocky highlands and that he was not far from the fire country, of which old mok had so often told him. he burst into the open, and as he came out under the stars, which he could see again, he heard an ominous whine, too near, and a distant howl behind him. a wolf pack wanted him. he shuddered as he ran. the life instinct was fully awakened in him now, as the dread from which he had run became more distant. had he heard that close whine and distant howl before he fairly reached the open he would have sought a treetop for refuge. now it was too late. he must run ahead blindly across the treeless space for such harborage as might come. far ahead of him he could see light, the light of fire, reaching out toward him through the darkness. he was panting and wearied, but the sounds behind him were spur enough to bring the nearly dead to life. he bowed his head and ran with such effort as he had never made before in all his wild and daring existence. the wolves of the time, greater, swifter and fiercer than the gaunt gray wolves of northern latitudes and historic times, ran well, but so did contemporaneous man run well, and the chase was hard. with his life to save, ab swept panting over the rocky ground with a swiftness begotten of the grand last effort of remaining strength, running straight toward the light, while the wolf pack, now gathered, hurled itself from the wood behind and followed swiftly and relentlessly. ever before the man shone the light more brightly; ever behind him became more distinct the sound made by the following pack. it was a dire strait for the running man. he was no longer thinking of what he had lately done. he ran. [illustration: with a great leap he went at and through the curling crest of the yellow flame] the light he had seen extended as he neared it into what looked like a great fence of flame lying across his way. there were gaps in the fence where the flame, still continuous, was not so high as elsewhere. he did not hesitate. he ran straight ahead. closer and closer behind him crowded the pursuing wolves, and straight at the flame he ran. there was one chance in many, he thought, and he took it without hesitation. close before him now loomed the wall of flame. close behind him slavering jaws were working in anticipation, and there was a strain for the last rush. there was no alternative. straight at the fire wall where it was lowest rushed ab, and with a great leap he went at and through the curling crest of the yellow flame! the man had found safety! there was a moment of heat and then he knew himself to be sprawling upon green turf. a little of the strength of desperation was still with him and he bounded to his feet and looked about. there were no wolves. beside him was a great flat rock, and he clambered upon this, and then, over the crest of the flames could see easily enough the glaring eyes of his late pursuers. they were running up and down, raging for their prey, but kept from him beyond all peradventure by the fire they could not face. ab started upright on the rock panting and defiant, a splendid creature erect there in the firelight. soon there came to the man a more perfect sense of his safety. he shouted aloud to the flitting, snarling creatures, which could not harm him now; he stooped and found jagged stones, which he sent whirling among them. there was a savage satisfaction in it. suddenly the man fell to the ground, fairly groaning with exhaustion. nature had become indignant and the time for recuperation had been reached. the wearied runner lay breathing heavily and was soon asleep. the flames which had afforded safety gave also a grateful warmth in the chill night, and so it was that scarcely had his body touched the ground when he became oblivious to all about him, only the heaving of the broad chest showing that the man lying fairly exposed in the light was a living thing. the varying wind sometimes carried the sheet of flame to its utmost extent toward him, so that the heat must have been intense, and again would carry it in an opposite direction while the cold air swept down upon the sleeping man. nothing disturbed him. inured alike to heat and cold, ab slept on, slept for hours the sleep which follows vast strain and endurance in a healthy human being. then the form lying on the ground moved restlessly and muttered exclamations came from the lips. the man was dreaming. for as the sleeper lay there--he remembered it when he awoke and wondered over it many times in after years--oak sprang through the flames, as he himself had done, and soon lay panting by his side. the lapping of the fire, the snapping and snarling of the wolves beyond and the familiar sound of oak's voice all mingled confusedly in his ears, and then he and oak raced together over the rough ground, and wrestled and fought and played as they had wrestled and fought and played together for years. and the hours passed and the wind changed and the flames almost scorched him and ab started up, looking about him into the wild aspect of the fire country; for the night had passed and the sun had risen and set again since the exhausted man had fallen upon the ground and become unconscious. ab rolled instinctively a little away from the smoky sheets of flame and, sitting up, looked for oak. he could not see him. he ran wildly around among the rocks looking for him and despairingly called aloud his name. the moment his voice had been hoarsely lifted, "oak!" the memory of all that had happened rushed upon him. he stood there in the red firelight a statue of despair. oak was dead; he had killed oak, and buried him with his own hands, and yet he had seen oak but a minute ago! he had bounded through the flames and had wrestled and run races with ab, and they had talked together, and yet oak must be lying in the ground back there in the forest by the little hill. oak was dead. how could he get out of the ground? fear clutched at ab's heart, his limbs trembled under him. he whimpered like a lost and friendless hound and crouched close to the hospitable fire. his brain wavered under the stress of strange new impressions. he recalled some mutterings of old mok about the dead, that they had been seen after it was known that they were deep in the ground, but he knew it was not good to speak or think of such things. again ab sprang to his feet. it would not do to shut his eyes, for then he saw plainly oak in his shallow hole in the dark earth and the face ab had hurried to cover first when he was burying his friend, there under the trees. and so the night wore away, sleep coming fitfully from time to time. ab could not explore his retreat in the strange firelight nor run the risks of another night journey across the wild beasts' chosen country. he began to be hungry, with the fierce hunger of brute strength, sharpened by terrific labors, but he must wait for the morning. the night seemed endless. there was no relief from the thoughts which tortured him, but, at last, morning broke, and in action ab found the escape he had longed for. chapter xx. the fire country. it was light now and the sun shone fairly on ab's place of refuge. as his senses brought to him full appreciation he wondered at the scene about him. he was in a glade so depressed as to be a valley. about it, to the east and north and west, in a wavering, tossing wall, rose the uplifting line of fire through which he had leaped, though there were spaces where the height was insignificant. on the south, and extending till it circled a trifle to east, rose a wall of rock, evidently the end of a forest-covered promontory, for trees grew thickly to its very edge and their green branches overhung its sheer descent. coming from some crevice of the rocks on the east, and tumbling downward through the valley, was a riotous brook, which disappeared through some opening at the west. within this area, thus hemmed in by fire and rock, appeared no living thing save the birds which sang upon the bushes beside the small stream's banks and the butterflies which hung above the flowers and all the insect world which joined in the soft, humming chorus of the morning. it was something that ab looked upon with delighted wonder, but without understanding. what he saw was not a marvel. it was but the result of one of many upheavals at a time when the earth's cooled shell was somewhat thinner than now and when earthquakes, though there were no cities to overthrow, at least made havoc sometimes by changing the face of nature. there had come a great semi-circular crack in the earth, near and extending to the line of the sheer rock range. the natural gas, the product of the vegetation of thousands of centuries before, had found a chance to escape and had poured forth into the outer world. something, perhaps a lightning stroke and a flaming tree, perhaps some cave man making fire and consumed on the instant when he succeeded, had ignited the sheet of rising gas, and the result was the wall of flame. it was all natural and commonplace, for the time. there were other upleaping flame sheets in the surrounding region forever burning--as there are in northern asia to-day--but ab knew of these fires only from old mok's tales. he stood wonderstruck at what he saw about him. but this man in the valley was young and very strong, with tissues to be renewed, and the physical man within him clamored and demanded. he must eat. he ran forward and around, anxiously observant, and soon learned that at the western end of the valley, where the little creek tumbled through a rocky cut into a lower level, there was easy exit from the fire-encompassed and protected area. he clambered along the creek's rough, descending side. he emerged upon an easier slope and then found it possible to climb the hillside to the plane of the great wood. there must, he thought, be food of some sort, even for a man with only oak's knife in his possession! there was the forest and there were nuts. he was in the forest soon, among the gray-trunked, black-mottled beeches and the rough brown oaks. he found something of what he sought, the nuts lying under shed leaves, though the supply was scant. but nuts, to the cave man, made moderately good food, supplying a part of the sustenance he required, and ab ate of what he could find and arose from the devouring search and looked about him. he was weaponless, save for the knife, and a flint knife was but a thing for closest struggle. he longed now for his ax and spear and the strong bow which could hurt so at a distance. but there was one sort of weapon to be had. there was the club. he wandered about among the tops of fallen trees and wrenched at their dried limbs, and finally tore one away and broke off, later, with a prying leverage, what made a rough but available club for a cave man's purposes. it was much better than nothing. then began a steady trot toward what should be fair life again. there were vague paths through the forest made by wild beasts. as he moved the man thought deeply. he thought of the fire-wall, and could not with all his reasoning determine upon the cause of its existence, and so abandoned the subject as a thing, the nub of which was unreachable. that was the freshest object in his mind and the first to be mentally disposed of. but there were other subjects which came in swift succession. as he went along with a dog's gait he was not in much terror, practically weaponless as he was. his eye was good and he was going through the forest in the daylight. he was strong enough, club in hand, to meet the minor beasts. as for the others, if any of them appeared, there were the trees, and he could climb. so, as he trotted he could afford to think. and he thought much that day, this perplexed man, our grandfather with so many "greats" before the word. he had nothing to divert him even in the selection of the course toward his cave. he noted not where the sun stood, nor in what direction the tiny head-waters of the rivulets took their course, nor how the moss grew on the trees. he traveled in the wood by instinct, by some almost unexplainable gift which comes to the thing of the woods. the wolf has it; the indian has it; sometimes the white man of to-day has it. as he went ab engaged in deeper and more sustained thought than ever before in all his life. he was alone; new and strange scenes had enlarged his knowledge and swift happenings had made keener his perceptions. for days his entire being had been powerfully affected by his meeting with lightfoot at the feast of the mammoth and the events which had followed that meeting in such swift succession. the tragedy of oak's death had quickened his sensibilities. besides, what had ensued latest had been what was required to make him in a condition for the divination of things. the wise agree that much stimulant or much deprivation enables the brain convolutions to do their work well, though deprivation gets the cleaner end. the asceticism of marcus aurelius was productive of greater results than the deep drinking of any gallant young roman man of letters of whom he was a patron. the literature of fasting thinkers is something fine. ab, after exerting his strength to the utmost for days, had not eaten of flesh, and the strong influences to which he was subjected were exerted upon a man still, practically, fasting. for a time, the rude and earth-born child of the cave was lifted into a region of comparative sentiment and imagination. it was an experience which affected materially all his later life. ever to the trotting man came the feelings which must follow fierce love and deadly action and vague remorse and fear of something indefinable. he saw the face and form of lightfoot; he saw again the struggle, death-ending, with the friend of youth and of mutual growing into manhood. he remembered dimly the half insane flight, the leaps across the dreaded morass and, more distinctly, the chase by the wolves. the aspect of the fire country and of all that followed his awakening was, of course, yet fresh in his mind. he was burdened. ever uprising and oppressing above all else was the memory of the man he had killed and buried, covering the face first, so that it might not look at him. was oak really dead? he asked himself again! had not he, ab, as soon as he slept again, seen, alive and well, the close friend of his? he clung to the vision. he reasoned as deeply as it was in him to reason. as he struggled in his mind to obtain light there came to him the fancy of other things dimly related to the death mystery which had perplexed him and all his kind. there must be some one who made the river rise and fall or the nut-bearing forest be either fruitful or the hard reverse. who and what could it be? what should he do, what should all his friends do in the matter of relation to this unknown thing? with this day and hour did not come really the beginning of ab's thought upon the subject of what was, to him and those he knew, the supernatural. he had thought in the past--he could not help it--of the shadow and the echo. he remembered how he and oak had talked about the echo, and how they had tried to get rid of the thing which had more than once called back to them insolently across the valley. every word they shouted this hidden creature would mockingly repeat and there was no recourse for them. they had once fully armed themselves and, in a burst of desperate bravery, had resolved to find who and what the owner of this voice was and have, at least, a fight. they had crossed the valley and ranged about the woodland whence the voice seemed to have come, but they never found what they sought! the shadow which pursued them on sunny afternoons had puzzled them in another way. very persistent had been the flat, black, earth-clinging and distorted thing which followed them so everywhere. what was this black, following thing, anyhow, this thing which swung its unsubstantial body around as one moved but which ever kept its own feet at the feet of the pursued, wherever there was no shade, and which lay there beside one so persistently? but the echoes and the shadows were nothing as compared with the things which came to one at night. what were those creatures which came when a man was sleeping? why did they escape with the dawn and appear again only when he was asleep and helpless, at least until he awoke fairly and seized his ax? the sun rose high and dropped slowly down toward the west, where the far ocean was, and the shadows somewhat lengthened, but it was still light along the forest pathways and the untiring man still hurried on. he was now close to his country and becoming careless and at ease. but his imagination was still busy; he could not free himself of memory. there came to him still the vision of the friend he had buried, hiding his face first of all. the frenzy of his wish for knowing rushed again upon him. where was oak now? he demanded of himself and of all nature. "where is oak?" he yelled to the familiar trees beside his path. but the trees, even to the cave man, so close to them in the economy of wild life, so like them in his naturalness, could give no answer. so the cave man struggled in his dim, uncertain way with the eternal question: "if a man die shall he live again?" so the human mind still struggles, after thousands of centuries have contributed to its development. a wall more impassable than the wall of flame ab had so lately looked upon still rises between us and those who no longer live. we reach out for some knowledge of those who have died, and go almost into madness because we can grasp nothing. silence unbroken, darkness impenetrable ever guard the mystery of death. in the long ages since the cave man ran that day, love and hope have in faith erected, beyond the grim barriers of blackness and despair, fair pavilions of promise and consolation, but to the stern examiners of physical fact and reality there has come no news from beyond the walls of silence since. we clamor tearfully for some word from those who are dead, but no answer comes. so ab groped and strove alone in the forest, in his youth and ignorance, and in the youth and ignorance of our race. upon the pathway along the river's bank ab emerged at last. all was familiar to him now. there, by the clump of trees in the flat below, was the place where he and oak had dug the pit when they were but mere boys and had learned their first important lessons in sterner woodcraft. soon came in sight, as he ran, the entrance to the cave of his own family. he was home again. but he was not the one who had left that rude habitation three days before. he had gone away a youth. he had come back one who had suffered and thought. he came back a man. chapter xxi. the wooing of lightfoot. lightfoot, when ab seized oak, had fled away from the two infuriated men, as the hare runs, and had sped into the forest. she had the impetus of new fear now and ran swiftly as became her name, never looking behind her, nor did she slacken her pace, though panting and exhausted, until she found herself approaching the cave where lived her playmate, moonface, not more than an hour's run from her own home. the fleeing girl was fortunate in stumbling upon her friend as soon as she came into the open space about the cave. moonface was enjoying herself lazily that afternoon. she was leaning back idly in a swing of vines to which she had braided a flexible back, and was blinking somnolently in the sunshine as the visitor leaped from the wood. moonface recognized her friend, gave a quavering cry of delight and came slipping and rolling recklessly to the ground to meet her. lightfoot uttered no word. she stood breathless, and was rather carried than led by moonface to an easy seat, moss-padded, upon twisted tree roots, which was that young lady's ordinary resting-place. upon this seat the two sank, one overcome with past fear and present fatigue, and the other with an all-absorbing and demanding curiosity. it was beyond the ordinary scope of the self-restraining forces in moonface to await with calm the recovery of lightfoot's breath and powers of conversation. she pinched and shook her friend and demanded, half-crying but impatiently, some explanation. it was a great hour for moonface, the greatest in her life. here was her friend and dictator panting and terrified like some weak, hunted-down thing of the wood. it was a marvel. at last lightfoot spoke: "they are fighting at the foot of the hill!" she said, and moonface at once guessed the whole story, for she was not blind, this wide-mouthed creature. "why did you run away?" she asked. "i ran because i was scared. one of them must be dead before this time. i am glad i am alive myself," lightfoot gasped. then the girl covered her face with her hands as she recalled ab's face, distorted by passion and murderous hate, and oak's equally maddened look as, before the onrush, he had grasped her so firmly that the marks of his fingers remained blue upon her arms and slender waist and neck. then lightfoot, slow to regain her composure, told tremblingly the story of all that had occurred, finding comfort in the unaffrighted look upon the face, as well as in the reassuring talk, of her easy-going, unimaginative and cheerful and faithful companion. she remained as a guest at the cave overnight and the next forenoon, when she took her way for home, she was accompanied by moonface. gradually, as the hours passed, lightfoot regained something of her usual frame of mind and a little of her ordinary manner of careless light-heartedness, but when home had been reached and the girls had rested and eaten and she heard moonface telling anew for her the story of the flight in the wood, while her father, hilltop, and her two strapping brothers listened with interest, but with no degree of excitement, she felt again the wild alarm and horror and uncertainty which had affected her when first she fled from what was to her so dreadful. she crept away from the cave door near which the others sat enjoying the balmy midsummer afternoon, beckoning to one of her brothers to follow her, as the big fellow did unquestioningly, for lightfoot had been, almost from young girlhood, the dominant force in the family, even the strong father, though it was contrary to the spirit of the time, admiring and yielding to his one daughter without much comment. the great, hulking youth, well armed and ready for any adventure, joined her, nothing both, and the two disappeared, like shadows, in the depths of the forest. lightfoot had been the housekeeper in the cave of hilltop, the cave of the greatest hunter of the region, young despite the years which had encompassed him, and father of two boys who were fine specimens of the better men of the time. they were splendid whelps, and this slim thing, whom they had cared for as she grew, dominated them easily, though the age was not one of vast family affection, while chivalry, of course, did not exist. hilltop's wife had died two years before, and lightfoot, with unconscious force, had taken her mother's place. there was none other with woman's ways to help the men in the rock-guarded home on the windy hill. hilltop had not been altogether unthinking all this time. he had often looked upon his daughter's friend, the jolly, swart and well-fed moonface, and had much approved of her, but, today, as he listened to her story, he did not pay such attention as was demanded by the interest of the theme. an occasional death, though it were the killing of one cave man by another, was not a matter of huge importance. he was not inflamed in any way by what he heard, but as he looked and listened to the comfortable young person who was speaking, the idea, hastened it may be by some loving and domestic instinct, grew slowly in his brain that she might make for him as excellent a mate as any other of the "good matches" to be found in the immediately surrounding country. he was a most directly reasoning person, this hilltop, best of hunters and generally respected on the forest ridges. after the thought once dawned upon him, it grew and grew, and an idea fairly developed in hilltop's mind meant action. his fifty-five years of age had hardly cooled and had certainly not nearly approached to freezing the blood in his outstanding veins. he had a suit to make, and make at once. that he might have no interruption he bade stone-arm, his remaining son, who sat on a rock near by, and who had listened, open-mouthed, to the recital of moonface, to seek his brother and lightfoot in the forest path. there might be beasts abroad and two men were better than one, said this crafty father-hunter-lover. the boy, clever tracker as a red indian or australian trailer, soon found the path his brother and lightfoot had taken and joined them. as he listened to what they were saying he was glad he had been sent to follow them. they were hastening toward the valley. the trees were beginning to cast long shadows when the three came to where the more abrupt hillside reached the slope and where the torn ground, broken limbs and twigs and deep-indented footprints in the soil gave glaring evidence to the eye of yesterday's struggle. but, aside from all this, there was something else. there was a carpet of yellowish-brown leaves, at the edge of the circle of fray, where a man had fallen. on the clean stretch of evenly rain-packed leaves there were spots from which the scarlet had but lately faded into crimson. there was a place where the surface was disturbed and sunken a little. all three knew that a man had died there. the two young men and their sister stood together uttering no word. the men were amazed. the woman half comprehended all. she did not hesitate a moment. guided by a sure instinct, lightfoot reached, without thought or conscious search, the spot of unnatural earth which reared itself so near to them, the spot where was fresh stone-covered soil and where a man was buried. the pile of stones, newly heaped upon the moist earth, told their story. someone was buried there, but whom? was it oak or ab? "shall i dig?" said stone-arm, making ready for the task, while branch, his elder brother, prepared for work as well. "no! no!" cried lightfoot. "he is buried deep and the stones are over him. it will be night soon and the wolves and hyenas would be here before we could get away. let it be. someone is there, but the one who killed him has buried him. he will come back!" the two boys were silent, and lightfoot led the way toward home. when the three reached the cave of hilltop the sun was setting. something had happened at the cave, but there arises at this point no stern demand for going into details. hilltop, brave man, was no laggard in wooing, and moonface was not a nervous young person. when the other members of the household reached the cave moonface was already installed as mistress. there would be no reprisals from an injured family. the girl had lived with her ancient father, whom she had half-supported and who would, possibly, be transplanted to hilltop's cave for such pottering life as he was still capable of during the rest of his existence. the new régime was fairly established. the arrangement suited lightfoot well enough. this astounding stepmother had been her humble but faithful friend. lightfoot was a ruling woman spirit wherever she was, and she knew it, though she bowed at all times to the rule of strength as the only law. nevertheless she knew how to get her own way. with moonface, everything was easy for her and she found it rather pleasant than otherwise to find the other young woman made suddenly a permanent resident of the cave in which she had been born and had lived all her life. as the two girls met, and the situation was curtly announced by hilltop, their faces were worth the seeing. there was alarm and hopefulness upon the countenance of moonface, sudden astonishment and indignation, and then reflection, upon the face of lightfoot. after a few moments of thought both girls laughed cheerfully. the story of the newly found grave made but little impression upon the group and lightfoot, the only one of the household who thought much about it, thought silently. to her the single question was: "who lay there?" there was nothing strange to the others of the family in the thought that one man should have killed another, and no one attached blame to or proposed punishment of the slayer. sometimes after such a happening, the cave man who had slain another might have a rock rolled suddenly upon him from a height, or in passing a thicket have the flint head of a spear driven through him, but this was only the deed, perhaps, of an enraged father or brother, not in any sense a matter of course in the way of justice, and even such attempt at reprisal was not the rule. but in the bosom of lightfoot was a weight like a stone. it was as heavy, she thought, as one of the stones on the bare ground over the body of the man who lay there in the dark earth, because he had run after her. who was it? it might be ab! and all through the night the girl tossed uneasily on her bed of leaves, as she did for nights to come. as for moonface, who shall say what that rotund and hairy young person thought when the family had settled down to the changed order of things and she had adjusted herself to the duties of a matron in her new home? she was not less broadly buoyant and beaming, but who can tell that, when she noted lightfoot's burning look and thoughtful mien, moonface did not sometimes think of the two young men who, but yesterday, had rejoiced in such strength and vigor and charm of power and who were so good to look upon? she was a wife now, but to another sort of man. even the feminine among writers of erotic novels have not yet revealed what the young moon thinks when she "holds the old moon in her arms." anyhow, hilltop was a defense and a great provider of food. he was a fine figure of a man, too. [illustration: the girl cowered behind a refuge of leaves and branches] lightfoot was not much in the cave now. she lingered about the open space or wandered in the near wood. a woman's instinct told her to be out-doors all the time she could. a man would seek her, but with the thought came an awful dread. which man? one afternoon she saw something. two gray forms flitted across an open space in the forest near the cave, and in a moment the girl was in a treetop. what followed was the unexpected. close behind the gray things came a man, fully armed, straight, eager and alert and silent in his wood surroundings, with eyes roving over and searching all the open space about the cave of hilltop. the man was ab. the girl gave a shriek of delight, then, alarmed at the sound she had made, cowered behind a refuge of leaves and branches. she was happy beyond all her experience before. the question which had been in all her thoughts was answered! it was oak, not ab, who lay in the ground on the hillside. and, even as she realized this fully, there was a swift upward scramble and the young cave man was beside her on the limb. there was no running away this time. the girl's face told its story well enough, so well that ab, still lately doubting, though resolved, knew that his fitting mate belonged to him. there came to them the happiness which ever comes to lovers, be they man or bird or beast, and then came swift conclusion. he told her she must go with him at once, told her of the new cave and of all he had done, but the girl, well aware of the dangers of the beast-haunted region where the new home had been selected, was thoroughly alarmed. then ab told her of the little flying spears which old mok had made for him, and about the wonderful bow which sent them to their mark, and the girl was reassured and soon began to feel exceedingly brave and proud of her lover and his prowess. no need of carrying off a girl by force or craft on this occasion, for hilltop had fully recognized ab's strength and quality. the two went to the cave together and there was eating and then, later, two skin-clad human beings, a man and a woman, went away together through the forest. their journey was a long one and a careful lookout was necessary as they hurried along a pathway of the strange country. but the cave was reached at last, just as the sun burned red and gave a rosy glow to everything. silently the two came into the open space in front of what was to be their fortress and abode. solid was the rock about the entrance and narrow the blocked opening. smoke curled in a pretty spiral upward from where smoldered the fire ab had made the day before. lightfoot looked upon it all and laughed joyously, though tremblingly, for she had now given herself to a man and he had brought her to his place of living. as for the man, he looked down upon the girl delightedly. his pulse beat fast. he put his arm about her and together they entered the cave. there was a marriage but no ceremony. just as robins mate when they have met or as the buck and doe, so faithful man and wife became these two. darkness fell, the fire at the cave entrance flashed up fiercely and ab and lightfoot were "at home." chapter xxii. the honeymoon. the sun shone brilliantly, birds were singing and the balsam firs gave forth their morning incense as ab and lightfoot issued from their cave. they had eaten heartily, and came out buoyant and delighted with the world which was theirs. the chattering of the waterfowl along the river reached their ears faintly, the leaves were moved by a gentle breeze, there was a hum of insects in the air and the very pulse of living could be felt. ab carried his new weapon proudly, hungering for the love and admiration of this girl of his, and eager to show her its powers and to exhibit his own skill. at his back hung his quiver of mammoth bone. his bow, unstrung, was in his hand. in front of the cave was a bare area of many yards in extent, then came a few scattering trees and, at a distance of perhaps two hundred yards, the forest began. across the open space of ground, with its great mass of branches crushed together not far from the cave's mouth, had fallen one of the gigantic conifers' of the time, and was there gradually decaying, its huge limbs and bole, disintegrating, and dry as punk, affording, close at hand, a vast fuel supply, the exceptional value of which ab had recognized when making his selection of a home. near the edge of the little clearing made by nature, ab seated himself upon a log, and drawing lightfoot down to a seat beside him, began enthusiastically to make clear the marvels of the weapon he had devised and which he and old mok had developed into something startling in its possibilities. all details of the explanation made by the earnest young hunter, it is probable, lightfoot did not comprehend. she looked proudly at him, fingering the flint pointed arrows curiously, yet seemed rather intent upon the man than the wood and stone. but when he pointed at a great knot in a tree near them and bent his bow and sent an arrow fairly into the target, and when, even with her strength, lightfoot could not pull the arrow out, she was wild with admiration and excitement. she begged to be taught how to use, herself, this wonderful new weapon, for she recognized as readily as could anyone its adaptation to the use of one of inferior strength. the delighted lover was certainly as desirous as she that she should some day become an expert. he handed her the bow, retaining, slung over his shoulder, fortunately, as it developed, the bone quiver full of old mok's best arrows. he taught her, first, how to bend and string the bow. there were failures and successes, and there was much laughter from the merry-hearted lightfoot. finally, it happened that ab was not just content with the quality of the particular arrow which he had selected for lightfoot's use. he had taken a slender one with a clean flint head, but something about the notch had not quite suited him. with a thin, hard stone scraper, carried in a pouch of his furry garb, he began rasping and filing at this notch to make it better fit the string of tendons, while lightfoot, with the bow still strung, stood beside him. at last, tired of holding the thing in her hands, she passed it over her head and one shoulder and stood there jauntily, with both hands free, while the man scraped away with the one little flake of flint in his possession, and, as he worked, paused from time to time note how well he was rounding the notch in the end of the slight hardwood shaft. it was just as he was holding up to her eyes the arrow, now made almost an ideal one, according to his fancy, when there came to the ears of the two a sound, distinct, ominous and implying to them deadly peril, a sound such that, though nerves spoke and muscles acted, they were very near the momentary paralysis which sometimes come from sudden fearful shock. from close beside them came the half grunt and half growl of the great cave bear! with the instinct born of generations, each leaped independently toward the nearest tree, and, with the unconscious strength and celerity which comes to even wild animals with the dread of death at hand, each clambered to a treetop before a word was spoken. scarcely had either left the ground before there was a rush into the open glade of a huge brown hairy form, and this was instantly followed by another. as ab and lightfoot climbed far amid the branches and looked down, they saw upreared at the base of each tree the figure of one of the monsters whose hungry exclamations they knew so well. they had been careless, these two lovers, especially the man. he had known well, but for the moment had forgotten how beast-infested was the immediate area about his new home, and now had come the consequence of his thoughtlessness. he and his wife had been driven to the treetops within a few yards of their own hearthstone, leaving their weapons inside their cave! alarmed and panting, after settling down to a firm seat far aloft, each looked about to see what had become of the other. each was at once reassured as to the present, and each became much perplexed as to the future. the cave bear, like his weaker and degenerate descendant, the grizzly of to-day, had the quality of persistence well developed, and both ab and lightfoot knew that the siege of their enemies would be something more than for the moment. the trees in which they perched were very close to the wood, but not so close that the forest could be reached by passing from branch to branch. their two trees were not far from each other, but their branches did not intermingle. there was a distinct opening between them. the tree up which lightfoot had scrambled was a great fir towering high above the strong beech in which ab had found his safety. branches of the fir hung down until between their ends and ab's less lofty covert there were but a few yards of space. still, one trying to reach the beech from the lofty fir would find an unpleasantly wide gap. each of the creatures in the tree was unarmed. ab still bore the quiver full of admirable arrows, and across the breast of lightfoot still hung the strong bow which she had slung about her in such blithesome mood. soon began an exceedingly earnest conversation. ab, eager to reach again the fair creature who now belonged to him, was half frantic with rage, and lightfoot was far from her usual mood of careless gaiety. the two talked and considered, though but to little purpose, and, finally, after weary hours, the night came on. it was a trying situation. man and woman were in equal danger. the bears were hungry--and the cave bear knew his quarry. the beasts beneath were not disposed to leave the prey they had imprisoned aloft. the night grew, but either ab or lightfoot, looking down, could see the glare of small, hungry eyes. there was gentle talk between the two, for this was a great strait and, in straits, souls, be they prehistoric, historic or of to-day, always come closer together. very much more loving lovers, even, than they were before, became the two perched aloft that night. it was a comfort for the wedded pair to call to each other through the darkness. after a time, however, muscles grew lax with the continued strain. weariness clouded the spirits of the couple and almost overcame them and only the thing which has always, in great stress, given the greatest strength in this world--the love of male and female--sustained them. they stood the test pretty well. to sleep in a tree top was an easy thing for them, with the precautions, simple and natural, of the time. each plaited a withe of twigs with which to be tied to the tree or limb, and resting in the hollow nest where some great limb joined the bole, slept as sleep tired children, until the awakening of nature awoke these who were nature's own. when ab awoke, he had more on his mind than lightfoot, for he was the one who must care for the two. he blinked and wondered where he was. then he remembered all, suddenly. he looked across anxiously at a slender brown thing lying asleep, coiled so close to the bole of the tree to which she was bound that she seemed almost a part of it. then he looked down, and, after what he saw, thought very seriously. the bears were there! he looked up at the bright sky and all about him, and inhaled all the fragrance of the forest, and felt strong, and that he knew what he should do. he called aloud. the girl awoke, frightened. she would have fallen had she not been bound to the tree. gradually, the full meaning of the situation dawned upon her and she began to cry. she was hungry, her limbs were stiffened by her bands, and there was death below. but there, close to her, was the man. his voice gradually reassured her. he was becoming angry now, almost raging. here he was, the lord of a cave, independent and master as much as any other man whom he knew, perched in one tree while his bride of a day was in the top of another, yet kept apart from her by the brutes below! he had decided what to do, and now he talked to lightfoot with all the frankness of the strong male who felt that he had another to care for, and who realized his responsibility and authority together. as the strength and decided personality of the young man came to her through his voice, the young woman drew her scanty fur robe about her and checked her tears. she became comparatively calm and reasonable. the tree in which lightfoot had found refuge had many long slender branches lowering toward the giant beech into which the man had made his retreat. ab argued that it was possible--barely possible--for lightfoot's compact, agile, slender body to be launched in just the right way from one of the branches of the taller tree, and, swinging in its descent across the space between the two, lodge among the branches of the beech with him. strong arms ready to clasp her as she came and to withstand the shock and to hold her safely he promised and, to enforce his plea, he pointed out that, unless they thus took their fate in hand, there was starvation awaiting them as they were, while carrying out his plan, if any accident befell, there was only swift though dreadful death to reckon with. there was one chance for their lives and that chance must be taken. ab called to his young wife: "crawl out upon a branch above me, swing down from it, swing hard and throw yourself to me. i will catch you and hold you. i am strong." the woman, with all faith in the man, still demurred. it was a great test, even for the times and the occasion. but hunger was upon her and she was cold and was, naturally, very brave. she lowered herself and climbed down and reached an out-extending limb, and there, across the gap, she saw ab with his strong legs twined about the uprearing branch along which he laid, with giant brown arms stretched out confidently and with eyes steadily regarding her, eyes which had love and longing and a lot of fight in them. she walked out along the limb, holding herself safely by a firm hand-hold on the limb above, until the one her bare feet rested upon swayed and tipped uncertainly. then came her time of trial of nerve and trust. suddenly she stooped, caught the lower limb with her hands and then swung beneath it, hanging by her hands alone, and, hand over hand, passed herself along until she reached almost its end. then she began swaying back and forth. she was but a few yards above ab now, dangling in mid-air, while, below her, the two hungry bears had rushed together and were looking upward with red, anticipating eyes, the ooze coming from their mouths. the moment was awful. soon she must be a mangled thing devoured by frightful beasts, or else a woman with a life renewed. she looked at ab, and, with courage regained, prepared for the great effort which must end all or gain a better lease of life. she swung back and forth, each drawing up and outreach and flexible motion of her arms giving more momentum to the sway and conserving force for the launch of herself she was about to make. the desperation and strength of a wood-wise creature, so bravely combined, alone enabled her to obey ab's hoarse command. ab, with his arms outreaching in their strength, feeling the fierce eyes of the hungry bears below boring into his very heart, leaned forward and upward as the swing of the woman reached its climax. with a cry of warning, the woman launched herself and shot downward and forward, like a bolt to its mark, a very desirable lump of femininity as appearing in mid-air, but one somewhat forcible in its alighting. ab was strong, but when that girl landed fairly in his brawny arms, as she did beautifully, it was touch and go, for a fraction of a second, whether both should fall to the ground together or both be saved. he caught her deftly, but there was a great shock and swing and then, with a vast effort, there came recovery and the man drew himself, shaking, back to the support of the branch from which he had been almost wrenched away, at the same time placing beside him the object he had just caught. there was absolute silence for a moment or two between these unconventional lovers to whom had come escape from a hard situation. they were drawing deep breaths and recovering an equilibrium. there they sat together on the strong branch, each of them as secure and, for the moment, as perfectly at home as if lying on a couch in the cave. each of them was panting and each of them rejoicing. it was unlikely that upon their trained, robust nerves the life-endangering episode of a moment could have a more than passing effect. they sat so together for some minutes with arms entwined, still drawing deep breaths, and, a little later, began to laugh chucklingly, as breath came to be spared for such exhibition if human feeling. gradually, the indrawing and expelling of the glorious air shortened. the two had regained their normal condition and ab's face lengthened and the lines upon it became more distinct. he was all himself again, but in no dallying mood. he gave a triumphant whoop which echoed through the forest, shook his clenched hand savagely at the brutes below and reached toward lightfoot for the bow which hung about her shoulders. chapter xxiii. more of the honeymoon. the brown, downy woman knew, on the instant, what was her husband's mood and immediate intent when he thus shouted and took into his own keeping again the stiff bow which hung about her shoulders. she knew that her lord was not merely in a glad, but that he was also in a vengeful frame of mind, that he wanted from her what would enable him to kill things, and that, equipped again, he was full of the spirit of fight. she knew that, of the four animals grouped together, two huge creatures of the ground and two slighter ones perched in a tree top, the chances were that the condition of those below had suddenly become the less preferable. the bow was about ab's shoulders instantly, and then this preposterous young gentleman of the period turned to the woman and laughed, and caught her in one of his arms a little closer, and drew her up against him and laid his cheek against her own for a moment and drew it away and laughed again. the kiss, it is believed, had not fully developed itself in the cave man's time, but there were substitutes. then, releasing her, he said gleefully and chucklingly, "follow me;" and they clambered down the bole of the beech together until they reached the biggest and very lowest limb of all. it was perhaps twenty feet above the ground. a little below their dangling feet the hungry bears, hitherto more patient, now, with their expected prey so close at hand, becoming desperately excited, ran about, frothing and foaming and red-eyed, uprearing themselves in awful nearness, at times, in their eagerness to reach the prey which they had so awaited and which, to their intelligence, seemed about falling into their jaws. they had so driven into trees before, and finally consumed exhausted cave men and women. as bears went, they were doubtless logical animals. they could not know that there had come into possession of this particular pair of creatures of the sort they had occasionally eaten, a trifling thing of wood and sinew string and flint point, which was destined henceforth to make a decided change in the relative condition of the biped and quadruped hunters of the time. how could they know that something small and sharp would fly down and sting them more deeply than they had ever been stung before, that it would sting so deeply that their arteries might be cut, or their hearts pierced and that then they must lie down and die? the well-thrown spear had been, in other ages, a vast surprise to the carnivora of the period, but there was something yet to learn. when they had reached the huge branch so near the ground both ab and lightfoot were for a moment startled and lifted their feet instinctively, but it was only for a moment in the case of the man. he knew that he was perfectly safe and that he had with him an engine of death. he selected his best and strongest arrow, he fitted it carefully to the string and then, as his mother had done years before above the hyena which sought her child, he reached one foot down as far as he could, and swung it back and forth tantalizingly, just above the larger of the hungry beasts below. the monster, fierce with hunger and the desire for prey, roared aloud and upreared himself by the tree trunk and tore the bark with his strong claws, throwing back his great head as he looked upward at the quarry so near him and yet just beyond his reach. this was the man's opportunity. ab drew back the arrow till the flint head rested close by his out-straining hand and the tough wood of the bow creaked under the thrust of his muscled arm. then he released the shaft. so close together were man and bear that archer's skill of aim was not required. the brown target could not be missed. the arrow struck with a tear and the flint head drove through skin and tissue till its point protruded at the back of the great brute's neck. the bear fell suddenly backward, then rose again and reached blindly at its neck with its huge fore-paws, while from where the arrow had entered the blood came out in spurts. suddenly the bear ceased its appalling roars and started for the cave. there had come to it the instinct which makes such great beasts seek to die alone. it rushed at the narrow entrance but its course was scarcely noted by the couple in the tree. the other bear, the female, was seeking to reach them in no less savage mood than had animated her stricken mate. not often, when the cave man first learned the use of the bow, came to him such fortune with a first strong shot as that which had so come to ab. again he selected a good arrow, again shot his strongest and best, but the shaft only buried itself in the shoulder and served but to drive to absolute madness the raging creature thus sorely hurt. the forest echoed with the roaring of the infuriated animal, and as she reared herself clambering against the tree the tough fiber was rended away in great slivers, and the man and woman were glad that the trunk was thick and that they owned a natural citadel. again and again did ab discharge his arrows and still fail to reach a vital part of the terror below. she fairly bristled with the shafts. it was inevitable that she must die, but when the last shot had sped she was still infuriate and, apparently, as strong as ever. the archer looked down upon her with some measure of despondency in his face, but by no means with despair. he and his bride must wait. that was all, and this he told to lightfoot. that intelligent and reliable young helpmate of a few hours, who had looked upon what had occurred with an awed admiration, did not exhibit any depression. her husband, fortunate benedict, had produced a great effect upon her by his feat. she felt herself something like a queen. had she known enough and had the fancies of the ruth of some thousands of decades later she would have told him how completely thenceforth his people were her people and his gods her gods. the she bear became finally somewhat quieted; she tore less angrily at the tree and made less of the terrible clamor which had for the moment driven from the immediate region all the inmates of the wood, for none save the cave tiger cared to be in the immediate neighborhood of the cave bear. her roars changed into roaring growls, and she wandered staggeringly about. at last she started blindly and weakly toward the forest, and just as she had passed beneath its shadow, paused, weaved back and forth for a moment, and then fell over heavily. she was dead. not an action of the beast had escaped the eyes of ab. well he knew the ways of wounded things. as the bear toppled over he gave utterance to a whoop and, with a word to the girl beside him, slid lightly to the ground, she following him at once. it was very good to be upon the earth again. ab stamped with his feet and stretched his arms, and the woman danced upon the grass and laughed gleefully. but this was only for a moment or so. ab started toward the cave, and as he reached the entrance, gave a great cry of rage and dismay. lightfoot ran to his side and even her ready laugh failed her when she looked upon his perplexed and stormy countenance and saw what had happened. the rump of the monster he bear was what she looked upon. the beast, in his instinctive effort to crawl into some dark place to die, had fairly driven himself into the cave's entrance, dislodging some of the stones ab had placed there, had wedged himself in firmly, and had died before he could extricate his great carcass. the two human beings were homeless and, with all the arrows gone, weaponless, in the midst of a region so dangerously infested that any movement afoot was but inviting death. they were hungry, too, for many hours had passed since they had tasted food. it was not matter of surprise that even the stout-hearted cave man stood aghast. the occasion for ab's alarm was fully verified. from the spot where the cave bear lay at the forest's edge came a sharp, snapping growl. the lurking hyenas had found the food, and a long, inquiring howl from another direction told that the wolves had scented it and were gathering. for the instant ab was himself almost helpless with fear. the woman was simply nerveless. then the man, so accustomed to physical danger, recovered himself. he sprang forward, seized a stout fragment of limb which might serve as a sort of weapon, and, turning to the woman, said only the one word "fire." lightfoot understood and life came to her again. none in all the region could make a fire more swiftly than she. her quick eye detected just the base she wanted in a punkish fragment of wood and the harder and pointed bit of limb to be used in making the friction. in a time scarcely worth the noting the point was whirling about and burning into the wooden base, twirling with a skill and velocity not comprehensible by us to-day, for the cave people had perfected wonderfully this greatest manual art of the time, and lightfoot, muscular and enduring, was, as already said, in this thing the cleverest among the clever. ab, with ready club in hand, advanced cautiously toward the point at the wood's edge where lay the body of the bear. he paused as he came near enough to see what was happening. four great hyenas were tearing eagerly at the flesh of the dead brute, and behind them, deeper in the wood, were shining eyes, and ab knew that the wolf pack was gathering. the bear consumed, the man and woman, without defense, would surely be devoured. it was a desperate strait, but, though he was weaponless, there was the cave man's great resort, the fire, and there might be a chance for life. to seek the tree tops would be dangerous even now, and once ensconced in such harborage, only starvation was awaiting. he moved back noiselessly, with as little apparent motion as possible, for he did not want to attract the attention of the gleaming eyes in the distance, until he came near lightfoot again, and then he abandoned caution of movement and began tearing frantically at the limbs and débris of the great dead conifer, and to build a semicircular fence in front of the cave entrance. he did the swift work of half a score of men in his desperation and anxiety, his great strength serving him well in his compelling strait. meanwhile the stick twirled and rasped in the hands of the brown woman seated on the ground, and at last a tiny thread of smoke arose. the continued friction had done its work. deft himself at fire-making, ab knew just what was wanted at this moment and ran to his wife's side with punk from the dead tree, rubbed to a powder in his hard hands. the powder, poured gently down upon the point where the increasing heat had brought the gleam of fire, burst, almost at once, into a little flame. what followed was simple and easy. dry twigs made the slight flame a greater one and then, at a dozen different points, the wall which ab had built was fired. they were safe, for the time at least. behind them was the uprearing rock in which was the cave and before them, almost encircling them completely, was the ring of fire which no wild beast would cross. at one end, close to the rock, a space had been left by ab, that he and lightfoot might, through it, reach the vast store of fuel which lay there ready to the hand and so close that there was no danger in visiting it. hardly had the flame extended itself along the slight wooden barrier than the whole wood and clearing resounded with terrifying sounds. the wolf pack had increased until strong enough to battle with the hyenas for the remainder of the feast in the wood, and their fight was on. the feeling of terror had passed away from this young bride and groom, with the assurance of present safety, and ab felt the need of eating. "there is meat," he said, as he pointed toward the haunches of the bear, half-protruding from the rock, "and there is fire. the fire will cook the meat, and, besides, we are safe. we will eat!" the bridegroom of but a day or two said this somewhat grandiloquently, but he was not disposed to be vain or grandiloquent a little later. he put his hand to the belt of his furry garb and found no sharp flint knife there! it had been lost in his late tree clambering. he put his hand into the pouch of his cloak and found only the flint skin scraper, the scraper with which he had improved the arrow's notch, though it was not originally intended for such use. it was all that remained to him of weapon or utensil. but it would cut or tear, though with infinite effort, and the man, to reassure the woman, laughed, and assailed the brown haunch before him. even with his strength, it was difficult for ab to penetrate the tough skin of the bear with an implement intended for scraping, not for cutting, and it was only after he had finally cut, or rather dug, away enough to enable him to get his fingers under the skin and tear away an area of it by sheer main strength that the flesh was made available. that end once attained, there followed a hard transverse digging with the scraper, a grasp about tissue of strong, impressed fingers, and a shred of flesh came away. it was tossed at once to a young person who, long twig in hand, stood eagerly waiting. she caught the shred as she had caught the fine bit of mammoth when first she and ab had met, and it was at once impaled and thrust into the flames. it was withdrawn, it is to be feared, a trifle underdone, and then it disappeared, as did other shreds of excellent bear's meat which came following. it was a sight for a dyspeptic to note the eating of this belle-matron of the region on this somewhat exceptional occasion. strip after strip did ab tear away and toss to his wife until the expression on her face became a shade more peaceful and then it dawned upon him that she was eating and that he was not. there was clamor in his stomach. he sprang away from the bear, gave lightfoot the scraper and commanded her to get food for him as he had done for her. the girl complied and did as well as had done the man in digging away the meat. he ate as she had done, and, at last, partly gorged and content, allowed her to take her place at the fire and again eat to his serving. he had shown what, from the standard of the time, must be counted as most gallant and generous and courteous demeanor. he had thought a little of the woman. a tiny rill of cold water trickled down on one side of the outer door of their cave. with this their thirst was slaked, and they ate and ate. the shadows lengthened and ab replenished again and again the fire. from the semicircle of forest all about came the sound of footsteps rustling in the leaves. but the two people inside the fire fence, hungry no longer, were content. ab talked to his wife: "the fire will keep the man-eating things away," he said. "i ran not long ago with things behind me, and i would have been eaten had i not come upon a ring of fire like the one we have made. i leaped it and the eaters could not reach me. but, for the fire i leaped there was no wood. it came out of a crack in the ground. some day we will go there and i will show you that thing which is so strange." the woman listened, delighted, but, at last, there was a nodding of the head. she lay back upon the grass a sleepy being. ab looked at her and thought deeply. where was safety? as they were, one of them must be awake all the time to keep the fire replenished. until he could enter the cave again he must be weaponless. only the fire could protect the two. they had heat and food and nothing to fear for the moment, but they must fairly eat their way into a safety which would be permanent! he kept the fire alight far into the darkness, and then, piling the fuel high all along the line of defense, he aroused the sleeping woman and told her she must keep the flames bright while he slept in his turn. she was just the wife for such an emergency as this, and rose uncomplainingly to do her part of the guarding work. from the forest all about came snarling sounds or threatening growls, and eyes blazed in the somber depths beneath the trees. there were hungry things out there and they wanted to eat a man and woman, but fire they feared. the woman was not afraid. after hours had passed the man awoke and took the woman's place and she slept in his stead. morning came and the sounds from the forest died away partly, but the man and woman knew of the fierce creatures still lurking there. they knew what was before them. they must delve and eat their way into the cave as soon as possible. ab scraped at the bear's huge body with his inefficient bit of flint and dug away food in abundance, which he heaped up in a little red mound inside the fire, but the bear was a monstrous beast and it was a long way from tail to head. the days of the honeymoon passed with a degree of travail, for there was no moment when one of the two must not be awake feeding the guarding fire or digging at the bear. they ate still heartily on the second day but it is simple, truthful history to admit that on the sixth day bear's meat palled somewhat on the happy couple. to have eaten thirty quails in thirty days or, at a pinch, thirty quails in two days would have been nothing to either of them, but bear's meat eaten as part of what might be called a tunneling exploit ceased, finally, to possess an attractive flavor. there was a degree of shade cast by all these obtrusive circumstances across this honeymoon, but there came a day and hour when the bear was largely eaten, and fairly dug away as to much of the rest of him, and then, quite suddenly, his head and fore-quarters toppled forward into the cave, leaving the passage free, and when ab and lightfoot followed, one shouting and the other laughing, one coming again to his fortress and his weapons and his power, and the other to her hearth and duties. chapter xxiv. the fire country again. the sun rose brightly the next morning and when ab, armed and watchful, rolled the big stone away and passed the smoldering fire and issued from the cave into the open, the scene he looked upon was fair in every way. of what had been left of the great bear not a trace remained. even the bones had been dragged into the forest by the ravening creatures who had fed there during the night. there were birds singing and there were no enemies in sight. ab called to lightfoot and the two went forth together, loving and brave, but no longer careless in that too interesting region. and so began the home life of these two people. it was, in its way and relatively, as sweet and delicious as the first home life of any loving and appreciating man and woman of to-day. the two were very close, as the conditions under which they lived demanded. they were the only human beings within a radius of miles. the family of the cave man of the time was serenely independent, each having its own territory, and depending upon itself for its existence. and the two troubled themselves about nothing. who better than they could daily win the means of animal subsistence? ab taught lightfoot the art of cracking away the flakes of the flint nodules and of the finer chipping and rasping which made perfect the spear and arrowheads, and never was pupil swifter in the learning. he taught her, too, the use of his new weapon, and in all his life he did no wiser thing! it was not long before she became easily his superior with the bow, so far as her strength would allow, and her strength was far from insignificant. her arrows flew with greater accuracy than his, though the buzzing shaft had not as yet, and did not have for many centuries later, the "gray goose" feather which made the doing of its mission far more certain. lightfoot brought to the cave the capercailzie and willow grouse and other birds which were good things for the larder, and ab looked on admiringly. even in their joint hunting, when there was a half rivalry, he was happy in her. somehow, the arrow sang more merrily when it flew from lightfoot's bow. better than ab, too, could the young wife do rare climbing when in a nest far out upon some branch were eggs good for roasting and which could be reached only by a light-weight. and she learned the woods about them well, and, though ever dreading when alone, found where were the trees from which fell the greatest store of nuts and where, in the mud along the river's side, her long and highly educated toes could reach the clams which were excellent to feed upon. but never did the hunter leave the cave without a fear. ever, even in the daytime, was there too much rustling among the leaves of the near forest. ever when day had gone was there the sound of padded feet on the sward about the cave's blocked entrance. ever, at night, looking out through the narrow space between the heaped rocks, could the two inside the cave see fierce and blazing eyes and there would come to them the sound of snarls and growls as the beasts of different quality met one another. yet the two cared little for these fearful surroundings of the darkness. they were safe enough. in the morning there were no signs of the lurking beasts of prey. they were somewhere near, though, and waiting, and so ab and lightfoot had the strain of constant watchfulness upon them. it may be that because of this ever present peril the two grew closer together. it could not well be otherwise with human beings thus bound and isolated and facing and living upon the rest of nature, part of it seeking always their own lives. they became a wonderfully loving couple, as love went in that rude time. despite the too wearing outlook imposed upon them, because they were in so dangerous a locality, they were very happy. yet, one day, came a difference and a hurt. oak, apparently forgotten by others, was remembered by ab, though never spoken of. sometimes the man had tossed upon his bed of leaves and had muttered in his sleep, and the one word he had most often spoken in this troubled dreaming was the name of oak. early in their married life lightfoot, to whom the memory of the dead man, so little had she known him, was a far less haunting thing than to her husband, had suddenly broken a silence, saying "where is oak?" there was no answer, but the look of the man of whom she had asked the question was such that she was glad to creep from his sight unharmed. yet once again, months later, she forgot herself and mocked ab when he had been boastful over some exploit of strength and courage and when he had seemed to say that he knew no fear. she, but to tease him, sprang up with a face convulsed and agonized, and with staring eyes and hands opening and shutting, had cried out "oak! oak!" as she had seen ab do at night. her mimic terror was changed on the moment into reality. with a shudder and then with a glare in his eyes the man leaped toward her, snatching his great ax from his belt and swinging it above her head. the woman shrieked and shrank to the ground. the man whirled the weapon aloft and then, his face twitching convulsively, checked its descent. he may, in that moment, have thought of what followed the slaying of the other who had been close to him. there was no death done, but, thenceforth, lightfoot never uttered aloud the name of oak. she became more sedate and grave of bearing. the episode was but a passing, though not a forgotten one in the lives of the two. the months went by and there were tranquil hours in the cave as, at night, the weapons were shaped, and lightfoot boasted of the arrowheads she had learned to make so well. sometimes old mok would be rowed up the river to them by the sturdy and venturesome bark, who had grown into a particularly fine youth and who now cared for nothing more than his big brother's admiration. between old mok and lightfoot, to ab's great delight, grew up the warmest friendship. the old man taught the woman more of the details of good arrow-making and all he knew of woodcraft in all ways, and the lord of the place soon found his wife giving opinions with an air of the utmost knowledge and authority. whatever came to him from her and old mok pleased him, and when she told him of some of the finer points of arrow-making he stretched out his brawny arms and laughed. but there came, in time, a shade upon the face of the man. the incident of the talk of oak may have brought to his mind again more freshly and keenly the memory of the fire country. there he had found safety and great comfort. why should not he and lightfoot seize upon this home and live there? it was a wonderful place and warm, and there were forests at hand. he became so absorbed in his own thoughts on this great theme that the woman who was his could not understand his mood, but, one day, he told her of what he had been thinking and of what he had resolved upon. "i am going to the fire country," he said. armed, this time with spear and ax and bow and arrow, and with food abundant in the pouch of his skin garb, ab left the cave in which lightfoot was now to stay most of the time, well barricaded, for that she was to hunt afar alone in such a region was not even to be thought of. what thoughts came to the man as he traversed again the forest paths where he had so pondered as he once ran before can be but guessed at. certainly he had learned no more of oak. lightfoot, left alone in the cave, became at once a most discreet and careful personage, for one of her buoyant and daring temperament. she had often taken risks since her marriage, but there was always the chance of finding within the sound of her voice her big mate, ab, should danger overtake her. she remained close to the cave, and when early dusk came she lugged the stone barriers into place and built a night-fire within the entrance. the fierce and hungry beasts of the wood came, as usual, lurking and sniffing harshly about the entrance, and when she ventured there and peered outside she saw the wicked and leering eyes. alone and a little alarmed, she became more vengeful than she would have been with the big, careless ab beside her. she would have sport with her bow. the advantage of the bow is that it requires no swing of space for its work as is demanded of the flung spear. an arrow may be sent through a mere loophole with no probable demerit as to what it will accomplish. so the woman brought her strongest bow--and far beyond the rough bow of ab's first make was the bow they now possessed--and gathered together many of the arrows she could make so well and use so well, and, thus equipped, went again to the cave's entrance, and through the space between the heaped rocks of the doorway sent toward the eyes of wolf, or cave hyena, shafts to which they were unaccustomed, but which, somehow, pierced and could find mid-body quite as well as the cave man's spear. there was a certain comfort in the work, though it could not affect her condition in one way or another. it was only something of a gain to drive the eyes away. and ab reached the fire valley again. he found it as comfortable and untenanted as when the leap through the ring of flame had saved his life. he clambered up the creek and wandered along its banks, where the grass was green because of the warmth about, and studied all the qualities of the naturally defended valley. "i will make my home here," he said. "lightfoot shall come with me." the man returned to his cave and his lonely mate again and told her of the fire country. he said that in the fire valley they would be safer and happier, and told her how he had found an opening underneath the cliff which they could soon enlarge into a cave to meet all wants. not that a cave was really needed in a fire valley, but they might have one if they cared. and lightfoot was glad of the departure. the pair gathered their belongings together and there was the long journey over again which ab had just accomplished. but it was far different from either journey that he had made. there with him was his wife, and he was all equipped and was to begin a new sort of life which would, he felt, be good. lightfoot, bearing her load gallantly, was not less jubilant. as a matter of plain fact, though lightfoot had been happy in the cave in the forest, she had always recognized certain of its disadvantages, as had, in the end, her fearless husband. it is, in a general way, vexatious to live in a locality where, as soon as you leave your hearthstone, you incur, at least, a chance of an exciting and uncomfortable episode and then lodgment in the maw of some imposing creature of the carnivora. lightfoot was quite ready to seek with ab the fire valley of which he had so often told her. she was a plucky young matron, but there were extremes. there were no adventures on the journey worth relating. the fire valley was reached at nightfall and the two struggled weariedly up the rugged path beside the creek which issued from the valley's western end. as they reached the level ab threw down his burden, as did lightfoot, and as the woman's eyes roved over the bright scene, she gave a great gasp of delight. "it is our home!" she cried. they ate and slept in the light and warmth of surrounding flames, and when the day came they began the work of enlarging what was to be their cave. but, though they worked earnestly, they did not care so much for the prospective shelter as they might have done. what a cave had given was warmth and safety. here they had both, out of doors and under the clear sky. it was a new and glorious life. sometimes, though happy, the woman worked a little wearily, and, not long after the settlement of the two in their new home, a child was born to them, a son, robust and sturdy, who came afterward to be known as little mok. chapter xxv. a great step forward. there came to ab and lightfoot that comfort which comes with laboring for something desired. in all that the two did amid their pleasant surroundings life became a greater thing because its dangers were so lessened and its burdens lightened. but they were not long the sole human beings in the fire valley. there was room for many and soon old mok took up his permanent abode with them, for he was most contented when with ab, who seemed so like a son to him. a cave of his own was dug for mok, where, with his carving and his making of arrows and spearheads, he was happy in his old age. soon followed a hegira which made, for the first time, a community. the whole family of ab, one-ear, red-spot and bark and beech-leaf and the later ones, all came, and another cave was made, and then old hilltop was persuaded to follow the example and come with moonface and branch and stone arm, his big sons, and the group, thus established and naturally protected, feared nothing which might happen. the effect of daily counsel together soon made itself distinctly felt, and, under circumstances so different, many of the old ways were departed from. half a mile to the south the creek, which made a bend adown its course, tumbled into the river and upon the river were wild fowl in abundance and in its depths were fish. the forest abounded in game and there were great nut-bearing trees and the wild fruits in their season. wild bees hovered over the flowers in the open places and there were hoards of wild honey to be found in the hollows of deadened trunks or in the high rock crevices. a great honey-gatherer, by the way, was lightfoot, who could climb so well, and who, furthermore, had her own fancy for sweet things. it was either bark or moonface who usually accompanied her on her expeditions, and they brought back great store of this attractive spoil. the years passed and the community grew, not merely in numbers, but intelligence. though always an adviser with old mok, ab's chief male companion in adventure was the stanch hilltop, who was a man worth hunting with. having two such men to lead and with a force so strong behind them the valley people were able to cope with the more dangerous animals venturesomely, and soon the number of these was so decreased that even the children might venture a little way beyond the steep barriers which had been raised where the flame circle had its gaps. the opening to the north was closed by a high stone wall and that along the creek defended as effectively, in a different way. they were having good times in the valley. at first, the home of all was in the caves dug in the soft rock of the ledge, for of those who came to the novel refuge there was, for a season, none who could sleep in the bright light from the never-waning flames. there came a time, though, when, in midsummer, ab grumbled at the heat within his cave and he and lightfoot built for themselves an outside refuge, made of a bark-covered "lean-to" of long branches propped against the rock. thus was the first house made. the habitation proved so comfortable that others in the valley imitated it and soon there was a hive of similar huts along the foot of the overhanging precipice. when the short, sharp winter came, all did not seek their caves again, but the huts were made warmer by the addition to their walls of bark and skins, and cave dwelling in the valley was finally abandoned. there was one exception. old mok would not leave his warm retreat, and, as long as he lived, his rock burrow was his home. there came also, as recruits, young men, friends of the young men of the valley, and the band waxed and waned, for nothing could at once change the roving and independent habits of the cave men. but there came children to the mothers, the broad moonface being especially to the fore in this regard, and a fine group of youngsters played and straggled up and down the creek and fought valiantly together, as cave children should. the heads of families were friendly, though independent. usually they lived each without any reference to anyone else, but when a great hunt was on, or any emergency called, the band came together and fought, for the time, under ab's tacitly admitted leadership. and the young men brought wives from the country round. the area of improvement widened. around the fire village the zone of safety spread. the roar of the great cave tiger was less often heard within miles of the flaming torches of the valley so inhabited. there grew into existence something almost like a system of traffic, for, from distant parts, hitherto unknown, came other cave men, bringing skins, or flints, or tusks for carving, which they were eager to exchange for the new weapon and for instruction in its uses. ab was the first chieftain, the first to draw about him a clan of followers. the cave men were taking their first lesson in a slight, half unconfessed obedience, that first essential of community life where there is yet no law, not even the unwritten law of custom. running in and out among the children, sometimes pummeled by them, were a score or two of gray, four-footed, bone-awaiting creatures, who, though as yet uncounted in such relation, were destined to furnish a factor in man's advancement. they were wolves and yet no longer wolves. they had learned to cling to man, but were not yet intelligent enough or taught enough to aid him in his hunting. they were the dogs of the future, the four-footed things destined to become the closest friends of men of future ages, the descendants of the four cubs ab and oak had taken from the dens so many years before. it was humanizing for the children, this association of such a number together, though they ran only a little less wildly than those who had heretofore been born in the isolated caves. there came more of an average of intelligence among them, thus associated, though but little more attention was paid them than the cave men had afforded offspring in the past. there had come to ab after little mok two strong sons, reindeer and sure-aim, very much like him in his youth, but of them, until they reached the age of help and hunting, he saw little. lightfoot regarded them far more closely, for, despite the many duties which had come upon her, there never disappeared the mother's tenderness and watchfulness. and so it was with moonface, whose brood was so great, and who was like a noisy hen with chickens. so existed the hovering mother instinct with all the women of the valley, though then the mothers fished and hunted and had stirring events to distract them from domesticity and close affection almost as much as had the men. from this oddly formed community came a difference in certain ways of doing certain things, which changed man's status, which made a revolution second only to that made by the bow and for which even men of thought have not accounted as they should have done, with the illustration before them in our own times of what has followed so swiftly the use of steam and, later, of electricity. men write of and wonder at the strange gap between what are called the paleolithic and the neolithic ages, that is, between the ages when the spearheads and ax and arrowheads were of stone chipped roughly into shape, and the age of stone even-edged and smoothly polished. there was really no gap worth speaking of. the paleolithic age changed as suddenly into the neolithic as the age of horse power changed into that of steam and electricity, allowance being always made for the slower transmission of a new intelligence in the days when men lived alone and when a hundred years in the diffusion of knowledge was as a year to-day. one day ab went into old mok's cave grumbling. "i shot an arrow into a great deer," he said, "and i was close and shot it with all my force, but the beast ran before it fell and we had far to carry the meat. i tore the arrow from him and the blood upon the shaft showed that it had not gone half way in. i looked at the arrow and there was a jagged point uprising from its side. how can a man drive deeply an arrow which is so rough? are you getting too old to make good spears and arrows, mok?" and the man fumed a little. old mok made no reply, but he thought long and deeply after ab had left the cave. certainly ab must have good arrows! was there any way of bettering them? and, the next day, the crippled old man might have been seen looking for something beside the creek where it found its exit from the valley. there were stones ground into smoothness tossed up along the shore and the old man studied them most carefully. many times he had bent over a stream, watching, thinking, but this time he acted. he noted a small sandstone block against which were rasping stones of harder texture, and he picked this from the tumbling current and carried it to his cave. then, pouring a little water upon a depression in the stone's face, he selected his best big arrowhead and began rubbing it upon the wet sandstone. it was a weary work, for flint and sandstone are different things and flint is much the harder, but there came a slow result. smoother and smoother became the chipped arrowhead, and two days later--for all the waking hours of two days were required in the weary grinding--old mok gave to ab an arrow as smooth of surface and keen of edge as ever flew from bow while stone was used. and not many years passed--as years are counted in old history--before the smoothed stone weaponhead became the common property of cave men. the time of chipped stone had ended and that of smoothed stone had begun. there was no space between them to be counted now. one swiftly became the other. it was a matter of necessity, this exhibition of enterprise and sense by the early man in the prompt general utilization of a new discovery. and not alone in the improvements in means which came when men of the hunting type were so gathered in a community were the bow and the smoothed implements, though these were the greatest of the discoveries of the epoch. the fishermen who went to the river were not content with the raft-like devices of the aquatic shell people and learned, in time, that hollowed logs would float and that, with the aid of fire and flint axes, a great log could be hollowed. and never a phoenician ship-builder, never a fulton of the steamer, never a modern designer of great yachts, stood higher in the estimation of his fellows than stood the expert in the making of the rude boats, as uncouth in appearance as the river-horse which sometimes upset them, but from which men could, at least, let down their lines or dart their spears to secure the fish in the teeming waters. and the fishermen had better spears and hooks now, for comparison was necessarily always made among devices, and bone barbs and hooks were whittled out from which the fish no longer often floundered. there came, in time, the making of rude nets, plaited simply from the tough marsh grasses, but they served the purpose and lessened somewhat the gravity of the great food question. chapter xxvi. facing the raider. one day, at noon, a man burst, panting, through the wide open entrance to the fire valley. his coat of skin was rent and hung awry and, as all could see when he staggered down the pathway, the flesh was torn from one cheek and arm, and down his leg on one side was the stain of dried blood. he was exhausted from his hurt and his run and his talk was, at first, almost unmeaning. he was met by some of the older and wiser among those who saw him coming and to their questions answered only by demanding ab, who came at once. the hard-breathing and wounded man could only utter the words "big tiger," when he pitched forward and became unconscious. but his words had been enough. well understood was it by all who listened what a raid of the cave tiger meant, and there was a running to the gateway and soon was raised the wall of ready stone, upbuilt so high that even the leaping monster could not hope to reach its summit. later the story of the wounded, but now conscious and refreshed runner, was told with more of detail and coherence. the messenger brought out what he had to tell gaspingly. he had lost much blood and was faint, but he told how there had taken place something awful in the village of the shell men. it was but little after dusk the night before when the shell men were gathered together in merrymaking after good fishing and lucky gathering of what there was to eat along the shores of the shell fish and the egg-laying turtles and the capture of a huge river-horse. it had been, up to midnight, one of the greatest and most joyous meetings the shell people had joined in for many years. they were close-gathered and prosperous and content, and though there was daily turmoil and risk of death upon the water and sometimes as great risk upon the land, yet the village fringing the waters had grown, and the midden--the "kitchen-midden" of future ages--had raised itself steadily and now stretched far up and down the creek which was a river branch and far backward from the creek toward the forest which ended with the uplands. they had learned to dread the forest little, the water people, but from the forest now came what made for each in all the village a dread and horror. the cave tiger had been among them! the shell people had gathered together upon the sward fronting their line of shallow caves and one of them, the story-teller and singer, was chanting aloud of the river-horse and the great spoil which was theirs, when there was a hungry roar and the yell or shriek of all, men or women not too stricken by fear to be unable to utter sound, and then the leap into their midst of the cave tiger! perhaps the story-teller's chant had called the monster's attention to him, perhaps his attitude attracted it; whatever may have been the influence, the tiger seized the singer and leaped lightly into the open beyond the caves and, as lightly, with long bounds, into the blackness of the forest beyond. there was a moment of awe and horror and then the spirit of the brave shell men asserted itself. there was grasping of weapons and an outpouring in pursuit of the devourer. easy to follow was the trail, for a monster beast carrying a man cannot drop lightly in his leaps. there was a brief mile or two traversed, though hours were consumed in the search, and then, as morn was breaking, the seekers came upon what was left of the singer. it was not much and it lay across the forest pathway, for the cave tiger did not deign to hide his prey. there came a half moaning growl from the forest. that growl meant lurking death. then the seekers fled. there was consultation and a resolve to ask for help. so the runner, the man stricken down by a casual stroke in the tiger's rush, but bravest among his tribe, had come to the fire valley. to the panting stranger ab had not much to say. he saw to it that the man was refreshed and cared for and that the deep scars along his side were dressed after the cave man's fashion. but through the night which followed the great cave leader pondered deeply. why should men thus live and dread the cave tiger? surely men were wiser than any beast! this one monster must, anyhow, be slain! but little it mattered to all surrounding nature that the strong man in the fire valley had resolved upon the death of the cave tiger. the tiger was yet alive! there was a difference in the pulse of all the woodland. there was a hush throughout the forest. the word, somehow, went to every nerve of all the world of beasts, "sabre-tooth is here!" even the huge cave bear shuffled aside as there came to him the scent of the invader. the aurochs and the urus, the towering elk, the reindeer and the lesser horned and antlered things fled wildly as the tainted air brought to them the tale of impending murder. only the huge rhinoceros and mammoth stood their ground, and even these were terror-stricken with regard for their guarded young whenever the tiger neared them. the rhinoceros stood then, fierce-fronted and dangerous, its offspring hovering by its flanks, and the mammoths gathered in a ring encircling their calves and presenting an outward range of tusks to meet the hovering devourer. the dread was all about. the forest became seemingly nearly lifeless. there was less barking and yelping, less reckless playfulness of wild creatures, less rustling of the leaves and pattering along the forest paths. there was fear and quiet, for sabre-tooth had come! the runner, refreshed and strengthened by food and sleep, appeared before ab in the morning and told his story more in detail and got in return the short answer: "we will go with you and help you and your people. tigers must be killed!" rarely before had man gone out voluntarily to hunt the great cave tiger. he had, sometimes in awful strait, defended himself against the monster as best he could, but to seek the encounter where the odds were so great against him was an ugly task. now the man-slayer was to be the pursued instead of the pursuer. it required courage. the vengeful wounded man looked upon ab with a grim, admiring regard. "you fear not?" he said. there was bustling in the valley and soon a stalwart dozen men were armed with bow and spear and the journey was taken up toward the shell men's home. the village was reached at mid-day and as the little troop emerged from the forest the death wail fell upon their ears. "the tiger has come again!" exclaimed the runner. it was true. the tiger had come again! once more with his stunning roar he had swept through the village and had taken another victim, a woman, the wife of one of the head men. too benumbed by fear, this time, to act at once, the shell men had not pursued the great brute into the darkness. they had but ventured out in the morning and followed the trail and found that the tiger had carried the woman in very nearly the same direction as he had borne the man and that what remained from his gorging of the night lay where his earlier feast had been. it was the first tragedy almost repeated. the little group of fire valley folk entered the village and were received with shouts from the men, while from the throats of the women still rose the death wail. there were more people about the huts than ab had ever seen there and he recognized at once among the group many of the cave men from the east, strong people of his own kind. as the wounded runner had gone to the fire valley, so another had been sent to the east, to call upon another group for aid, and the eastern cave people, under the leadership of a huge, swarthy man called boarface, had come to learn what the strait was and to decide upon what degree of help they could afford to give. between these eastern and the western cave men there was a certain coldness. there was no open enmity, though at some time in the past there had been family battles and memories of feuds were still existent. but ab and boarface met genially and there was not a trace of difference now. boarface joined readily in the council which was held and decided that he would aid in the desperate hunt, and certainly his aid was not to be despised when his followers were looked upon. they were a stalwart lot. the way was taken by the gathered fighting men toward where, across the forest path, lay part of a woman. as the place was neared the band gathered close together and there were outpointing spears, just as the mammoths' tusks outpointed when the beasts guarded their young from the thing now hunted. but there came no attack and no sound from the forest. the tiger must be sleeping. beneath a huge tree bordering the pathway lay what remained of the woman's body. fifty feet above, and almost directly over this dreadful remnant of humanity, shot out a branch as thick as a man's body. there was consultation among the hunters and in this ab took the lead, while boarface and the shell men who had come to help assented readily. no need existed for the risk of an open fight with this great beast. craft must be used and ab gave forth his swift commands. the fire valley leader had seen to it that his company had brought what he needed in his effort to kill the tiger. there were two great tanned, tough urus hides. there were lengths of rhinoceros hide, cut thickly, which would endure a strain of more than the weight of ten brawny men. there was one spear, with a shaft of ash wood at least fifteen feet in length and as thick as a man's wrist. its head was a blade of hardest flint, but the spear was too heavy for a man's hurling. it had been made for another use. there was little hesitation in what was done, for ab knew well the quality of the work he had in hand. he unfolded his plan briefly and then he himself climbed to the treetop and out upon the limb, carrying with him the knotted strip of rhinoceros hide. in the pouch of his skin garment were pebbles. he reached a place on the big limb overhanging the path and dropped a pebble. it struck the earth a yard or two away from what remained of the woman's body and he shouted to those below to drag the mangled body to the spot where the pebble had hit the earth. they were about to do so when from the forest on one side of the path came a roar, so appalling in every way that there was no thought of anything among most of the workers save of sudden flight. the tiger was in the wood and very near and a scent had reached him. there was a flight which left upon the ground beneath the tree branches only old hilltop and the rough boarface and some dozen sturdy followers, these about equally divided between the east and the west men of the hills. there was swift and sharp work then. the tiger might come at any moment, and that meant death to one at least. but those who remained were brave men and they had come far to encompass this tiger's ending. they dragged what remained of the tiger's prey to where the pebble had hit the earth. ab, clinging and raging aloft, afar out upon the limb, shouted to hilltop to bring him the spear and the urus skins, and soon the sturdy old man was beside him. then, about two deep notches in the huge shaft, thongs were soon tied strongly, and just below its middle were attached the bag-shaped urus skins. near its end the rhinoceros thong was knotted and then it was left hanging from the limb supported by this strong rope, while, three-fourths of the way down its length, dangled on each side the two empty bags of hide. short orders were given, and, directed by boarface, one man after another climbed the tree, each with a weight of stones carried in his pouch, and each delivering his load to old hilltop, who, lying well out upon the limb, passed the stones to ab, who placed them in the skin pouches on either side the suspended and threatening spear. the big skin pouches on either side were filling rapidly, when there came from the forest another roar, nearer and more appalling than before, and some of the workers below fled panic-stricken. ab shouted and frothed and foamed as the men ran. old hilltop slid down the tree, ax in hand, followed by the dark boarface, and one or two of the men below were captured and made to work again. soon all the work which ab had in mind was done. above the path, just over what remained of the woman, hung the great spear, weighted with half a thousand pounds of stone and sure to reach its mark should the tiger seek its prey again. the branch was broad and the line of rhinoceros skin taut, and ab's flint knife was keen of edge. only courage and calmness were needed in the dread presence of the monster of the time. neither the swarthy boarface nor the gaunt hilltop wanted to leave him, but ab forced them away. not long to wait had the cave man, but the men who had been with him were already distant. the shadows were growing long now, but the light was still from the sunshine of the early afternoon. the man lying along the limb, knife in hand, could hear no sound save the soft swish of leaves against each other as the breeze of later day pushed its way through the forest, or the alarmed cries of knowing birds who saw on the ground beneath them a huge thing slip along with scarce a sound from the impact of his fearfully clawed but padded feet as he sought the meal he had prepared for himself. the great beast was approaching. the great man aloft was waiting. into the open along the path came the tiger, and ab, gripping the limb more firmly, looked down upon the thing so closely and in daylight for the first time in his life. ab was certainly brave, and he was calm and wise and thinking beyond his time, but when he saw plainly this beast which had slipped so easily and silently from the forest, safe though he was upon his perch, he was more than startled. the thing was so huge and with an aspect so terrible to look upon! the great cat's head moved slowly from side to side; the baleful eyes blazed up and down the pathway and the tawny muzzle was lifted to catch what burden there might be on the air. the beast seemed satisfied, emerging fairly into the sunlight. immense of size but with the graceful lankness of the tigers of to-day, sabre-tooth somewhat resembled them, though, beside him, the largest inmate of the indian jungle would appear but puny. the creature ab looked upon that day so long ago was beautiful, in his way. he was beautiful as is the peacock or the banded rattlesnake. there were color contrasts and fine blendings. the stripes upon him were wonderfully rich, and as he came creeping toward the body, he was as splendid as he was dreadful. with every nerve strained, but with his first impulse of something like terror gone, ab watched the devourer beneath him while his sharp flint knife, hard gripped, bore lightly against the taut rhinoceros-hide rope. the tiger began his ghastly meal but was not quite beneath the suspended spear. then came some distant sound in the forest and he raised his head and shifted his position. [illustration: upon the strong shaft of ash the monster was impaled] he was fairly under the spear now. the knife pressed firmly against the rawhide was drawn back and forth noiselessly but with effectiveness. suddenly the last tissue parted and the enormously weighted spear fell like a lightning-stroke. the broad flint head struck the tiger fairly between the shoulders, and, impelled by such a weight, passed through his huge body as if it had met no obstacle. upon the strong shaft of ash the monster was impaled. there echoed and reechoed through the forest a roar so fearful that even the hunters whom ab had sent far away from the scene of the tragedy clambered to the trees for refuge. the struggles of the pierced brute were tremendous beyond description, but no strength could avail it now; it had received its death wound and soon the great tiger lay still, as harmless as the squirrel, frightened and hidden in his nest. in wild triumph ab slid to the ground and then the long cry to summon his party went echoing through the wood. when the others found him he had withdrawn the spear and was already engaged, flint knife in hand, in stripping from the huge body the glorious robe it wore. there was excitement and rejoicing. the terror had been slain! the shell people were frantic in their exultation. meanwhile ab had called upon his own people to assist him and the wonderful skin of the tiger was soon stretched out upon the ground, a glorious possession for a cave man. "i will have half of it," declared boarface, and he and ab faced each other menacingly. "it shall not be cut," was the fierce retort. "it is mine. i killed the tiger!" strong hands gripped stone axes and there was chance of deadly fray then and there, but the shell people interfered and the shell people excelled in number, and were a potent influence for peace. ab carried away the splendid trophy, but as boarface and his men departed, there were black faces and threatening words. chapter xxvii. little mok. among all the children of ab--and remarkable it was for the age--the best loved was little mok, the eldest son. when the child, strong and joyous, was scarcely two years old, he fell from a ledge off the cliff where he had climbed to play, and both his legs were broken. strange to say he survived the accident in that time when the law of the survival of the fittest was almost invariable in its sternest and most purely physical demonstration. the mother love of lightfoot warded off the last pitiless blow of nature, although the child, a hopeless cripple, never after walked. the name little mok was naturally given him, and before long the child had won the heart, as well as the name, of the limping old maker of axes, spearheads and arrows. the closer ties of family life, as we know them now, existed but in their outlines to the cave man. the man and woman were faithful to each other with the fidelity of the higher animals and their children were cared for with rough tenderness in their infancy. the time of absolute dependence was made very short, though, and children very early were required to find some of their own food, and taught by necessity to protect themselves. but little mok, unable to take up for himself the burden of an independent existence, was not slain nor left to die of neglect as might have been another child thus crippled in the time in which he lived. he, once spared, grew into the wild hearts of those closest to him and became the guarded and cherished one of the rude home of ab and lightfoot, and to him was thus given the continuous love and care which the strong-limbed boys and girls of the family lost and never missed. it was a strange thing for the time. the child had qualities other than the negative ones of helplessness and weakness with which to bind to him the hearts of those around him, but the primary fact of his entire dependence upon them was what made him the center of the little circle of untaught, untamed cave people who lived in the fire valley. he may have been the first child ever so cherished from such impulse. from his mother the child inherited a joyous disposition which nothing could subdue. often on the return home from some little expedition on which it had been practicable to take him, sitting on lightfoot's shoulder, or on the still stronger arm of old one-ear, his silent, somewhat brooding grandfather, the little brown boy made the woods ring with shrill bird calls, or the mimicry of animals, and ever his laughter filled the spaces in between these sounds. other children flocked around the merry youngster, seeking to emulate his play of voice and the oldsters smiled as they saw and heard the joyous confusion about the tiny reveler. the excursions to the river were little mok's chief delight from his early childhood. he entered into the preparations for them with a zest and keen enjoyment born of the presence of an adventurous spirit in a maimed body, and when the fishing party left the fire camp it was incomplete if little mok was not carried lightly at the van, the life and joy of the occasion. no one ever forgot the day when little mok, then about six years old, caught his first fish. his joy and pride infected all as he exhibited his prize and boasted of what he would catch in the river next, and when, on the return, old mok saluted him as the "great fisherman," the elf's elation became too great for any expression. his little chest heaved, his eyes flashed, and then he wriggled from lightfoot's arms into the lap of old mok, snuggled down into the old man's furs and hid his face there; and the two understood each other. it was soon after this great event of the first fish-catching that red-spot, ab's mother, died. she had never quite adapted herself to the new life in the fire valley, and after a time she began to grow old very fast. at last a fever attacked her and the end of her patient, busy life came. after her death one-ear was much in old mok's cave, the two had so long been friends. there with them the crippled boy was often to be found. he was not always gay and joyous. sometimes he lay for days on his bed of leaves at home, in weakness and pain, silent and unlike himself. then when lightfoot's care had given him back a little strength, he would beg to be taken to old mok's cave. there he could sleep, he said, away from the noise and the lights of the outside world, and finally he claimed and was allowed a nest of his own in the warmest and darkest nook of old mok's den, where he slept every night, and sometimes a good part of the day, when one of his times of pain and weakness was upon him. here during many a long hour of work, experiment and argument, the wide eyes and quick ears of little mok saw and heard, while ab, mok and one-ear bent over their work at arrowhead or spear point, and talked of what might be done to improve the weapons upon which so much depended. here, when no one else remained in the weary darkness of night and the half light of stormy days old mok beguiled the time with stories, and sometimes in a hoarse voice even attempted to chant to his little hearer snatches of the wild singing tales of the shell people, for the shell people had a sort of story song. once, when lightfoot sat by old mok's fire, she told them of the time when she and ab found themselves outside their cave, unarmed, with a bear to be eaten through before they could get into their door, and little mok surprised his mother and old mok by an outburst of laughter at the tale. he had a glimmering of humor, and saw the droll side of the adventure, a view which had not occurred to lightfoot, nor to ab. the little lad, of the world, yet not in it, saw vaguely the surprises, lights and shades and contrasts of existence, and sometimes they made him laugh. the laugh of the cave man was not a common event, and when it came was likely to be sober and sardonic, at least it was so when not simply an evidence of rude health and high animal spirits. humor is one of the latest, as it is one of the most precious, grains shaken out of time's hour-glass, but little mok somehow caught a tiny bit of the rainbow gift, long before its time in the world, and soon, with him, it was to disappear for centuries to come. one day when little mok was brought back from an expedition to the river, he told old mok how he had sat long on the bank, too tired to fish, and had just rested and feasted his eyes on the wood, the stream, the small darting creatures in it, the birds, and the animals which came to drink. describing a herd of reindeer which had passed near him, little mok took up a piece of old mok's red chalkstone and on the wall of the cave drew a picture of the animal. the veteran stared in surprise. the picture was wonderfully life-like in grasp and detail. the child owned that great gift, the memory of sight, and his hand was cunning. encouraged by his success, the boy drew on, delighting old mok with his singular fidelity and skill. then came hours and days of sketching and etching in the old man's cave. the master was delighted. he brought out from their hiding places his choicest pieces of mammoth tusk or teeth of the river-horse for little mok's etchings and carvings. and, as time passed, the young artist excelled the old one, and became the pride and boast of his friend and teacher. sometimes the little lad would work far into the night, for he could not pause when he had begun a thing until it was complete--but then he would sleep in his warm nest until noon the next day, crawling out to cook a bit of meat for himself at the nearest fire, or sharing old mok's meal, as was more convenient. while everything else in the fire valley was growing, developing and flourishing, little mok's frail body had ever grown but slowly, and about the beginning of his twelfth year there appeared a change in him. he became permanently weak and grew more and more helpless day by day. his cherished excursions to the river, even his little journeys on old one-ear's strong arm to the cliff top, from whence he could see the whole world at once, had all to be abandoned. when the winter snows began to whirl in the air little mok was lying quietly on his bed, his great eyes looking wistfully up at lightfoot, who in vain taxed her limited skill and resources to tempt him to eat and become more sturdy. she hovered over him like a distressed mother bird over its youngling fallen from the nest, but, with all her efforts, she could not bring back even his usual slight measure of health and strength to the poor little mok. ab came sometimes and looked sadly at the two and then walked moodily away, a great weight on his breast. old mok was always at work, and yet always ready to give little mok water or turn his weary little frame on its rude bed, or spread the furs over the wasted body, and always lightfoot waited and hoped and feared. and at last little mok died, and was buried under the stones, and the snow fell over the lonely cairn under the fir trees outside the fire valley where his grave was made. lightfoot was silent and sad, and could not smile nor laugh any more. she longed for little mok, and did not eat or sleep. one night ab, trying to comfort her, said, "you will see him again." "what do you mean?" cried lightfoot. and ab only answered, "you will see him; he will come at night. go to sleep, and you will see him." but lightfoot could not sleep yet and for many a night her eyes closed only when extreme fatigue compelled sleep toward the morning. and at last, after many days and nights, lightfoot, when asleep, saw little mok. just as in life, she saw him, with all his familiar looks and motions. but he did not stay long. and again and again she saw him, and it comforted her somewhat because he smiled. there had come to her such a heartache about him, lying out there under the snow and stones, with no one to care for him, that the smile warmed her heavy heart and she told ab that she had seen little mok, only whispering it to him--for it was not well, she knew, to talk about such things--and she whispered to ab, too, her anguish that little mok only came at night, and never when it was day, but she did not complain. she only said: "i want to see him in the daytime." and ab could think of nothing to say. but that made him think more and more. he felt drawn closer to lightfoot, his wife, no longer a young girl, but the mother of little mok, who was dead, and of all his children. in his mind arose, vaguely obscure, yet persistent, the idea that brute strength and vigor, keen senses and reckless bravery were not, after all, the sole qualities that make and influence men. old mok, crippled and disabled for the hunt and defense, was nevertheless a power not to be despised, and little mok, the helpless child, had been still strong enough to win and keep the love of all the stalwart and rough cave people. ab was sorry for lightfoot. when in the spring the forlorn mother held in her arms a baby girl a little brightness came into her eyes again, and ab, seeing this, was glad, but neither ab nor lightfoot ever forgot their eldest and dearest, little mok. chapter xxviii. the battle of the barriers. while ab had been occupied by home affairs trouble for him and his people had been brewing. by no means unknown to each other before the tiger hunt were ab and boarface. they had hunted together and once boarface, with half a dozen companions, had visited the fire valley and had noted its many attractions and advantages. now boarface had gone away angry and muttering, and he was not a man to be thought of lightly. his rage over the memory of ab's trophy did not decrease with the return to his own region. why should this cave man of the west have sole possession of that valley, which was warm and green throughout the winter and where the wild beasts could not enter? why had he, this ab, been allowed to go away with all the tiger's skin? brooding enlarged into resolve and boarface gathered together his relations and adherents. "let us go and take the fire valley of ab," he said to them, and, gradually, though objections were made to the undertaking of an enterprise so fraught with danger, the listeners were persuaded. "there are other fires far down the river," said one old man. "let us go there, if it is fire we most need, and so we will not disturb nor anger ab, who has lived in his valley for many years. why battle with ab and all his people?" but boarface laughed aloud: "there are many other earth fires," he said. "i know them well, but there is no other fire which chances to make a flaming fence about a valley close to the great rocks, and which has water within the space it surrounds and which makes a wall against all the wild beasts. we will fight and win the valley of ab." and so they were led into the venture. they sought, too, the aid of the shell people in this raid, but were not successful. the shell people were not unfriendly to those of the fire valley, and had not ab been really the one to kill the tiger? besides, it was not wise for the waterside dwellers to engage in any controversy between the forest factions, for the hill people had memories and heavy axes. a few of the younger and more adventurous joined the force of boarface, but the alliance had no tribal sanction. still, the force of the swarthy leader of the eastern cave men was by no means insignificant. it contained good fighting men, and, when runners had gone far and wide in the eastern country, there were gathered nearly ten score of hunters who could throw the spear or wield the ax and who were not fearful of their lives. the band led by boarface started for the fire country, intending to surprise the people in the valley. they moved swiftly, but not so swiftly as a fleet young man from the shell people who preceded them. he was sent by the elders a day before the time fixed for the assault, and so ab learned all about the intended raid. then went forth runners from the valley; then the matron lightfoot's eyes became fiery, since ab was threatened; then old hilltop looked carefully over his spears, and poised thoughtfully his great stone ax; then moonface smote her children and gathered together certain weapons, and then old mok went into his cave and stayed there, working at none knew what. they came from all about, the western cave men, for never in the valley had food or shelter been refused to any and the eastern cave men were not loved. many a quarrel over game had taken place between the raging hunters of the different tribes, and many a bloody single-handed encounter had come in the depths of the forest. the band was not a large one, the eastern men being far more numerous, but the outlook was not as fine as it might be for the advancing boarface. the force assembled inside the valley was, in point of numbers, but little more than half his own, but it was entrenched and well-armed, and there were those among the defenders whom it was not well to meet in fight. but boarface was confident and was not dismayed when his force crept into the open only to find the ordinary valley entrance barred and all preparations made for giving him a welcome of the warmer sort. there was what could not be thoroughly barricaded in so brief a time, the entrance where the brook issued at the west. this pass must be forced, for the straight, uprising wall between the flames and across the opening to the north was something relatively unassailable. it was too narrow and too high and sheer and there were too many holes in the wall through which could be sent those piercing arrows which the western cave men knew how to use so well. the battle must be up along the bed of the little creek. the water was low at this season, so low that a man might wade easily anywhere, and there had been erected only a slight barrier, enough to keep wild beasts away, for ab had never thought of invasion by human beings. the creek tumbled downward, through passages, between straight-sided, ruggedly built stone heaps, with spaces between wide enough to admit a man, but not any great beast of prey. there was no place where, by a man, the wall could not easily be mounted and, above, there was no really good place of vantage for the defenders. so the invading force, concealment of action being no longer necessary, ranged themselves along the banks of the creek to the west of the valley and prepared for a rush. they had certain chances in their favor. they were strong men, who knew how to use their weapons well, and they were in numbers almost as two to one. meanwhile, inside the valley, where the approach and plans of the enemy had been seen and understood, there had gone on swiftly, under ab's stern direction, such preparation for the fray as seemed most adequate with the means at hand. the great advantage possessed was that the defenders, on firm footing themselves, could meet men climbing, and so, a little further up the creek than the beast-opposing wall, had been thrown up what was little more than a rude platform of rock, wide and with a broad expanse of top, on which all the valley's force might cluster in an emergency. upon this the people were to gather, defending the first pass, if they could, by flights of spears and arrows and here, at the end, to win or lose. this was the general preparation for the onslaught, but there had been precautions taken more personal and more involving the course of the most important of the people of the valley. at the left of the gorge, where must come the invaders, the rock rose sheerly and at one place extended outward a shelf, high up, but reached easily from the fire valley side. there were consultations between ab and the angry and anxious and almost tearful lightfoot. that charming lady, now easily the best archer of the tribe, had developed at once into a fighting creature and now demanded that her place be assigned to her. with her own bow, and with arrows in quantity, it was decided that she should occupy the ledge and do all she could. upon the ledge was comparative safety in the fray, and ab directed that she should go there. old hilltop said but little. it was understood, almost as a matter of course, that he would be upon the barrier and there face, with ab, the greatest issue. the old man was by no means unsatisfactory to look upon as he moved silently about and got ready the weapons he might have to use. gaunt, strong-muscled and resolute, he was worthy of admiration. ever following him with her eyes, when not engaged in the chastisement of one of her swart brood, was moonface, for moonface had long since learned to regard her grizzled lord with love as well as much respect. there were other good fighting men and other women beside these mentioned who would do their best, but these few were the dominant figures. meanwhile, boarface and his strong band had decided upon their plan of attack and would soon rush up the bed of the shallow stream with all the bravery and ferocity of those who were accustomed to face death lightly and to seize that which they wanted. the invaders came clambering up the creek's course, openly and with menacing and defiant shouts, for any concealment was now out of the question. they had but few bows and could, under the conditions, send no arrow flight which would be of avail, but they had thews and sinews and spears and axes. as they came with such rush as men might make up a tumbling waterway with slipping pebbles beneath the feet and forced themselves one by one between the heaped stone piles and fairly in front of the barrier there was a discharge of arrows and more than one man, impaled by a stone-headed shaft, fell, to dabble feebly in the water, and did not rise again. but there came a time in the fight when the bow must be abandoned. the assault was good and the demeanor of the men behind the barrier was good as well. not more gallant was one group than the other for there were splendid fighters in both ranks. the boasted short sword of the romans, in times effeminate, as compared with these, afforded not in its wielding a greater test of personal courage than the handling of the flint-headed spear or the stone knife or chipped ax. there, all along the barrier, was the real grappling of man and man, with further existence as the issue. the invaders, losing many of their number, for arrows flew steadily and a mass so large could not easily be missed even by the most bungling of those strong archers, swept upward to the barrier and then was a muscular, deadly tumult worth the seeing. to the south and nearest the side where lightfoot was perched with her bow and great bunch of arrows ab stood in front, while to his right and near the other end of the rude stone rampart was stationed old hilltop, and he hurled his spears and slew men as they came. the fight became simply a death struggle, with the advantage of position upon one side and of numbers on the other. and ab and boarface were each seeking the other. so the struggle lasted for a long half hour, and when it ended there were dead and dying men upon the barrier, while the waters of the creek were reddened by the blood of the slain assailants. the assault now ebbed a little. neither ab nor hilltop had been injured in the struggle. as the invaders pressed close ab had noted the whish of an arrow now and then and the hurt to one pressing him closely, and old hilltop had heard the wild cries of a woman who hovered in his rear and hurled stones in the faces of those who strove to reach him. and now there came a lull. boarface had recognized the futility of scaling, under such conditions, a steep so well defended and had thought of a better way to gain his end and crush ab and his people. he had heard the story of ab's first advent into the valley when, chased by the wolves, he leaped through the flame, and there came an inspiration to him! what one man had done others could do, and, with picked warriors of his band, he made a swift detour, while, at the same time, the main body rushed desperately upon the barrier again. what had been good fighting before was better now. lives were lost, and soon all arrows were spent and all spears thrown, and then came but the dull clashing of stone axes. ab raged up and down, and, ever in the front, faced the oncoming foe and slew as could slay the strong and utterly desperate. more than once his life was but a toy of chance as men sprang toward him, two or three together, but ever at such moment there sang an arrow by his head and one of his assailants, pierced in throat or body, fell back blindly, hampering his companions, whose heads ab's great ax was seeking fiercely. and, all the time, nearer the northern end of the barrier, old hilltop fought serenely and dreadfully. there were many dead men in the pools of the creek between the barrier and the entrance to the valley. and about ab ever sang the arrows from the rocky shelf. there was wild clamor, the clash of weapons and the shouting of battle-crazed men but there was not enough to drown the sound of a scream which rose piercingly above the din. ab recognized the voice of lightfoot and raised his eyes to see the woman, regardless of her own safety, standing upright and pointing up the valley. he knew that something meaning life and death was happening and that he must go. he leaped backward and a huge western cave man sprang to his place, to serve as best he could. not a moment too soon had that shrill cry reached the ears of the fighting man. he ran backward, shouting to a score of his people to follow him as he ran, and in an instant recognized that he had been outwitted, at least for the moment, by the vengeful boarface. as he rushed to the east toward the wall of flame he saw a dark form pass through its crest in a flying leap. there were others he knew would follow. his own feat of long ago was being repeated by boarface and his chosen group of best men! it was not boarface who leaped and it was hard for a gallant youth of the eastern cave men that he had strength and daring and had dashed ahead in the assault, for he had scarcely touched the ground when there sank deeply into his head a stone ax, impelled by the strongest arm of all that region, and he was no more among things alive. ab had reached the fire wall with the speed of a great runner while, close behind him, came his eager following. the forces could see each other clearly enough now, and those on the outside outnumbered those on the inside again by two to one. but those leaping the flames could not alight poised ready for a blow, and there were adroit and vengeful axmen awaiting them. there was a momentary pause for planning among the assailants, and then it was that ab fumed over his own lack of foresight. his chosen band who were with him now were all bowmen, and about the shoulder and chest of each was still slung his weapon, but there were no more arrows. each quiverful had been shot away early in the fight and then had come the spear and ax play. but what a chance for arrows now, with that threatening band preparing for the rush and leap together, and, while out of reach of spear or ax, within easy reach of the singing little shafts! oh, for the shafts now, those slender barbed things which were hurled in his new way! and, even as he thus raged, there came a feeble shout from down the valley behind him and he saw something very good! limping, with effort, but resolutely forward, was a bent old man, bearing encircled within his long arms a burden which ab himself could not have carried for any distance without stress and labored breathing. the lean old mok's arms were locked about a monster sheaf of straight flint-headed arrows, a sheaf greater in size than ever man had looked upon before. the crippled veteran had not been idle in his cave. he had worked upon the store of shafts and flintheads he had accumulated, and here was the result in a great emergency! the old man cast his sheaf upon the ground and then sank down, somewhat totteringly, beside it. there needed no shout of command from ab to tell those about him what to do. there was one combined yell of sudden exultation, a rush together for the shafts and a swift filling of empty quivers. it was but the work of a moment or two. then something promptly happened. the great fellows, though acting without orders, shot almost "all together," as the later english archers did, and so close just across the flame wall was the opposing group that the meanest archer in all the lot could scarcely fail to reach a living target, and stronger arms drew back those arrows than were the arms of those who drew bowstring in the battles of mediæval history. with the first deadly flight came a scattering outside and men lay tossing upon the ground in their death agony. there was no cessation to the shot, though boarface sought fiercely to rally his followers, until all had fled beyond the range of the bowmen. upon the ground were so many dead that the numbers of the two forces were now more nearly equal. but boarface had brave followers. they ranged themselves together at a safe distance and then started for the flame wall with a rush, to leap it all together. there was another arrow-flight as the onslaught came, and more men went down, but the charge could not be stopped. over the low flame-crests shot a great mass of bodies, there to meet that which was not good for them. the struggle was swift and deadly, but the forces were almost evenly matched now and the insiders had the advantage. boarface and ab met face to face in the melée and each leaped toward the other with a yell. there was to be a fight which must be excellent, for two strong leaders were meeting and there were many lives at stake. chapter xxix. old hilltop's last struggle. even as he leaped the flames, the desperate boarface hurled at ab a fragment of stone, which was a thing to be wisely dodged, and the invader was fairly on his feet and in position to face his adversary as the axes came together. more active, more powerful, it may be, and certainly more intelligent, was ab than boarface, but the leader of the assailants had been a raider from early youth and knew how to take advantage. in those fierce days to attain the death of an enemy, in any way, was the practical end sought in a conflict. close behind boarface had leaped a youth to whom the leader had given his commands before the onrush and who, as he found his feet upon the valley's sward, sought, not an adversary face to face, but circled about the two champions, seeking only to get behind the leaping ab while boarface occupied his sole attention. the young man bore a great stone-headed club, a dreadful weapon in such hands as his. the men struck furiously and flakes spun from the heavy axes, but boarface was being slowly driven back when there descended upon ab's shoulder a blow which swerved him and would certainly have felled a man with less heaped brawn to meet the impact. at the same instant boarface made a fierce downward stroke and ab leaped aside without parrying or returning it, for his arm was numbed. another such blow from the new assailant and his life was lost, yet he dare not turn. that would be his death. and now boarface rushed in again and as the axes came together called to his henchman to strike more surely. and just then, just as it seemed to ab the end was near, he heard behind him the sharp twang of the bowstring which had sounded so sweetly at the valley's other end and, with a groan, there pitched down upon the sward beside him a writhing man whose legs drew back and forth in agony and who had been pierced by an arrow shot fiercely and closely from behind and driven in between his shoulder blades. he knew what it must mean. the arm which had drawn that arrow to its head was that of a slight, strong creature who was not a man. lightfoot, wild with love and anxiety, had shot past old mok just as he laid down his bundle of arrows, and, when she saw her husband's peril, had leaped forward with arrow upon string and slain his latest assailant in the nick of time. now, with arrow notched again and a face ablaze with murderous helpfulness, she hovered near, intent only upon sending a second shaft into the breast of boarface. but there was no need. unhampered now, ab rushed in upon his enemy and rained such blows as only a giant could have parried. boarface fought desperately, but it was only man to man, and he was not the equal of the maddened one before him. his ax flew from his hand as his wrist was broken by ab's descending weapon, and the next moment he fell limply and hardly moved, for a second blow had sunk the stone weapon so deeply in his head that the haft was hidden in his long hair. it was all over in a moment now. as ab turned with a shout of triumph there was a swift end to the little battle. there were brief encounters here and there, but the eastern men were leaderless and less well-equipped than their foes, and though they fought as desperately as cornered wolves, there was no hope for them. three escaped. they fled wildly toward the flame and leaped over and through its flickering yellow crest and there was no pursuit. it was not a time for besieged men to be seeking useless vengeance. there came wild yells from the lower end of the valley where the greater fight was on. with a cry ab gathered his men together and the victorious band ran toward the barrier again, there with overwhelming force to end the struggle. ever, in later years, did ab regret that his fight with boarface had not ended sooner. to save an old hero he had come too late. boarface, when taking with him a strong band to the upper end of the valley, had still left a supposably overwhelming force to fight its way up and over the barrier. ab away from the scene of struggle, old hilltop assumed command. he was a fit man for such death-facing steadfastness as was here required. never had ab been able to persuade lightfoot's father to use or even try the new weapon, the bow and arrow. he had no tender feeling toward modern innovations. he had a clear eye and strong arm, and the ax and spear were good enough for him! he recognized ab's great qualities, but there were some things that even a well-regarded son-in-law could not impose upon any elder family male. among these was this twanging bow with its light shaft, better fitted for a child's plaything than for real work among men. as for him, give him a heavy spear, with the blade well set in thongs, or a heavy ax, with the head well clinched in the sinew-bound wooden haft. there was rarely miss or failure to the spear-thrust or the ax-stroke. and now, in proof of the soundness of his old-fashioned belief, he staked ruggedly his life. there were few spears left. there were only axes on either side. and there stood old hilltop upon the barrier, while beside him and all across stood men as brave if not quite as sturdy or as famous. in the rear of the line, noisy, sometimes fierce and sometimes weeping, were the women, whose skill was only a little less than that of the males and who were even more ruthless in all feeling toward the enemy. and still easily chief among these, conspicuous by her noisy and uncaring demeanor of mingled alarm and vengefulness, was the raging moonface. she rushed up close beside her husband's defending group and still hurled stones and hurled them most effectively. they went as if from a catapult, and more than one bone or head was broken that day by those missiles from the arm of this squat savage wife and mother. but the men below were outnumbering and brave, and now, maddened by different emotions, the lust of conquest, the murderous anger over slain companions and, underlying all, the thought of ownership of this fair and warm and safe place of home, were resolute in their attack. they had faith in their leader, boarface, and expected confidently every moment an onslaught to aid them from above. and so they came up the watery slope, one pressing blood-thirstily behind the other with an earnestness none but men as strong and well equipped and as brave or braver could hope to withstand. the closing struggle was desperate. hilltop stood to the front, between two rocks some few yards apart, over which bubbled the shallow creek, and between which was the main upward entrance to the valley. he stood upon a rock almost as flat as if some expert engineer of ages later had planed its surface and then adjusted it to a level, leaving the shallow waters tumbling all about it. the rock out-jutted somewhat on the slope and there must necessarily be some little climb to face the aged defender. on either side was a stretch of down-running, gradually-sloping waterfall, full of great boulders, embarrassing any straight rush of a group together, but, between and upward, sprang swart men, and facing them on either side of old hilltop beyond the rocks were the remainder of the mass of cave men upon whom he depended for making good the defense of the whole barrier. beside him, in the center of the battle, were the two creatures in the world upon whom he could most depend, his stalwart and splendid sons, strong-arm and branch. with them, as gallant if not as strong as his great brother, stood braced the eager bark. they were ready, these young men, but, as it chanced, there could be, at the beginning of the strong clamber of the foe, only one man to first meet them. all were behind this man at the front, for the flat rock came to something like a point. he stood there, hairy and bare except for the skin about his hips, and with only an ax in his hand, but this did not matter so much as it might have done, for only axes were borne by the up-clambering assailants. the throwing of an ax was a little matter to the sharp-eyed and flexile-muscled cave men. who could not dodge an ax was better out of the way and out of the world. a meeting such as this impending must be a matter only of close personal encounter and fencing with arm and wooden handle and flint-head of edge and weight. there was a clash of stone together, and, one after another, strong creatures with cloven skulls toppled backward, to fall into the babbling creek, their blood helping to change its coloring. leaping from side to side across his rock, along each edge of which the water rushed, old hilltop met the mass of enemies, while those who passed were brained by his great sons or by those behind. but the forces were unequal and the plane in front was not steep enough nor the water deep enough to prevent something like an organized onslaught. with fearful regularity, uplifted and thrown aside occasionally in defense to avoid a stroke, the ax of hilltop fell and there was more and more fine fighting and fine dying. on either side were men doing scarcely less stark work. hilltop's two sons, on either side of him now, as the assailants, crowded by those behind, pressed closer, fully justified their parentage by what they did, and bark was like a young tiger. but the onslaught was too strong. there were too many against too few. there were loud cries, a sudden impulse and, though axes rose and fell and more men tumbled backward into the water, the rock was swept upon and won and the old man stood alone amid his foes, his sons having been carried backward by the pressure of the mass. there was sullen battling on the upper level, but there was no fray so red as that where hilltop, old as he was, swung his awful ax among the close crowding throng of enemies about him. four fell with skulls cleanly split before a giant of the invaders got behind the gray defender of the pass. then an ax came crashing down and old hilltop pitched forward, dead before he fell into the cool waters of the pool below. there was a yell of exultation from the upward-climbing eastern cave men as they saw the most dangerous of their immediate enemies go down, but, before the echoes had come back, the sound was lost in that which came from the height above them. it was loud and threatening, but not the yell of their own kind. there had come sweeping down the valley the victors in the fight at the eastern end. ab, with the lust of battle fully upon him as he heard the wild shriek of moonface, who had seen her husband fall, was a creature as hungry for blood as any beast of all the forest, and his followers were scarce less terrible. swift and dreadful was the encounter which followed, but the issue was not doubtful for a moment. the barrier's living defenders became as wild themselves as were these conquering allies. the fight became a massacre. flying hopelessly up the valley, the remnant, only some twenty, of the eastern cave men ran into the vacant big cave for refuge and there, barricaded, could keep their pursuers at bay for the time at least. there was no immediate attack made upon the remnant of the assailants who had thus sought refuge. they were safely imprisoned, and about the cave's entrance there lay down to eat and rest a body of vengeful men of twice their number. the struggle was over, and won, but there was little happiness in the fire valley which had been so well defended. moonface, wildly fighting, had seen her husband's death. with the rush of ab's returning force which changed the tide of battle she had been swept away, shrieking and seeking to force herself toward the rock whereon old hilltop had so well demeaned himself. now there emerged from one side a woman who spoke to none but who clambered down the rough waterway and waded into the little pool below the rock and stooped and lifted something from the water. it was the body of the brave old hunter of the hills. with her arms clutched about it the woman began the clamber upward again, shaking her head dumbly, when rude warriors, touched somehow, despite the coarse texture of their being, came wading in to assist her with the ghastly burden. she emerged with it upon the level and laid it gently down upon the grass, but still uttered no word until her children gathered and the weeping lightfoot came to her and put her arms about her, and then from the uncouth creature's eyes came a flood of tears and a gasp which broke the tension, and the death wail sounded through the valley. the poor, affectionate animal was a little nearer herself again. there were dead men lying beside the flames at the eastern end of the valley, and these were brought by the men and tossed carelessly into the pools below where lay so many others of the slain. there were storm clouds gathering and all the valley people knew what must happen soon. the storm clouds burst; the little creek, transformed suddenly into a torrent by the fall of water from the heights above, swept the dead men away together to the river and so toward the sea. of all the invading force there remained alive only the three who had re-leaped the flames and those imprisoned in the cave. there was council that night between ab and his friends and, as the easiest way of disposing of the prisoners in the cave, it was proposed to block the entrance and allow the miserable losers in battle to there starve at their leisure. but the thoughtful old mok took ab aside and said: "why not let them live and work for us? they will do as you say. this was the place they wanted. they can stay and make us stronger." and ab saw the reason of all this and the hungry, imprisoned men were given the alternative of death or obedient companionship. they did not hesitate long. the warmth of the valley and its other advantages were what they had come for and they had no narrow views outside the food and fuel question. the valley was good. they accepted ab's authority and came out and fed and, with their wives and children, who were sent for, became of the valley people. this place of refuge and home and fortress was acquiring an importance. chapter xxx. our very great grandfather. and the years passed. one still afternoon in autumn a gray, hairy man, a man approaching old age, but without weakness of arm or stiffness of joint, as yet, sat on the height overlooking the village. he looked in tranquil comfort, now down into the little valley, and now across it into the wood beyond, where the sun was approaching the treetops. he had come to the hill with the mere instinct of the old hunter seeking to be completely out of doors, but he had brought work with him and was engaged, when not looking thoughtfully far away, in finishing a huge bow, the spring of which he occasionally tested. every motion showed the retained possession of tremendous strength as well as the knowledge of its use to most advantage. a very hale old man was ab, the great hunter and head of the people of the fire valley. a few yards away from ab, leaning against the trunk of a beech, stood lightfoot, her quick glance roving from place to place and as keen, seemingly, as ever. these two were still most content when together, and it was well for each that they had in the same degree withstood what the years bring. the woman had, perhaps, changed less than the man. her hair was still dark and her step had not grown heavy. she had changed in face and expression rather than in form. there had grown in her eyes and about her mouth the indefinable lines and tokens, pathetic and sweet, of care, of sorrow, of suffering and of quiet gladness, in short, of motherhood. as twilight came on the woods rang with the shouts and laughter of a party of young men who were coming home from some forest trip. ab, looking down the valley, over the flashing flame, into the forest hills, in whose deep shade lay little mok, old hilltop and ab's mother, could see the lusty youths in the village, running, leaping, wrestling and throwing spears, axes and stones in competition. a strange oppression came upon him and he thought of oak lying in the ground alone on the hillside, miles away. ab felt, even now, the strong, helpful arm of his friend around him, just as it was in the evening journey from the feast of the mammoth homeward, when he had been rescued from almost certain death by oak. a lump rose in the throat of the man of many battles and many trials. he shook himself, as if to shake off the memory that plagued him. oak came not often to trouble ab's peace now, and when he came it was always at night. morning never found him near the fire village. the young hunters, rioting like the young men in the valley, were passing now. ab looked upon them thoughtfully. he felt dimly a desire to speak to them, to tell them something about the hurts they might avoid, and how hard it was to have a great, heavy load on one's chest at times--all one's life--but the cave man was, as to the emotions, inarticulate. ab could no more have spoken his half defined feelings than the tree could cry out at the blow of the ax. the woman left the beech tree and approached the man and touched his arm. his eyes turned upon her kindly and after she had seated herself beside him, there was laughing talk, for lightfoot was declaring her desperate condition of hunger and demanding that he return to the valley with her. she examined his bow critically and had an opinion to express, for so fine a shot as she might surely talk a little about so manful a thing as the making of the weapon. and as the sun sank lower and the valley fell into shadow, the two descended together, a pair who, after all, had reason to be glad that they had lived. and the children these two left were bold and strong and dominant by nature, and maintained the family leadership as the village grew. with later generations came trouble vast and dire to the people of the land, but it was not the part of this proud and seasoned and well-weaponed group to flee like wild beasts when came drifting to the westward the first feeble vanguard of the aryan overflow. the vanguard was overthrown; its men made serfs and its women mothers. other cave men in other regions might escape to the northward as the wave increased, there to become frost-bitten lapps or the "skrallings" of the norsemen, the eskimo of to-day, but not so the people of the great fire valley or their stern and sturdy vassals for half a hundred miles about. no child's play was it for those of another and still rude civilization to meet them in their fastnesses, and the end of the struggle--for this region at least--was, not a conquest, but a blending, a blending good for each of the two forces. and as the face of nature changed with the ages, as the later glacial cold wavered and fluctuated and forced back and forth migrations of man and beast, still the first-formed group retained coherence, retained it beyond great natural cataclysms, retained it to historic ages, to wield long the smoothed stone weapons, and, afterward, the bronze axes, and to diverge in many branches of contentious defenders and invaders, to become iberian and gaul and celt and saxon, to fight family against family, and to commingle again in these later times. upon the beach the other day, watching the waves lap toward her, sat a woman, cultured, very beautiful and wise in woman's way and among the fairest and the best of all earth can produce. there are many such as she. barely longer ago than the other day, as time is counted, a rugged man, gentle as resolute and noble, became the enshrined hero of a vast republic, when he struck from slave limbs the shackles of four million people. in an insular home across the sea, interested still in the world's affairs, is an old man vigorous in his octogenarianism, a power, though out of power, a figure to be a monument in personal history, a great man. but a few years ago the whole world stood with bowed head while into the soil he loved was lowered the coffin of one who has bound the nations together in sympathy for _les misérables_ of the earth. in a home on the continent broods watchfully a bald-headed giant in cavalry boots, one who has dictated arbitrarily, as premier, the policy of the empire he has largely made. the woman upon the sands, the great liberator, the man wonderful even in old age, the heart-stirring writer, the man of giant personality physical and mental, have had reason to boast alike a strain of the blood of ab and lightfoot. in the veins of each has danced the transmitted product of the identical corpuscles which coursed in the veins of those two who first found a home in the fire valley. strong was primitive man; adroit, patient and faithful was primitive woman; he, the strongest, she, the fairest and cleverest of the time, could protect their offspring, breed and care for great children of similar powers and so insure a lasting race. thus has the good blue blood come down. this is not romance, this is not fancy; this is but faithful history. the end the land that time forgot by edgar rice burroughs chapter it must have been a little after three o'clock in the afternoon that it happened--the afternoon of june rd, . it seems incredible that all that i have passed through--all those weird and terrifying experiences--should have been encompassed within so short a span as three brief months. rather might i have experienced a cosmic cycle, with all its changes and evolutions for that which i have seen with my own eyes in this brief interval of time--things that no other mortal eye had seen before, glimpses of a world past, a world dead, a world so long dead that even in the lowest cambrian stratum no trace of it remains. fused with the melting inner crust, it has passed forever beyond the ken of man other than in that lost pocket of the earth whither fate has borne me and where my doom is sealed. i am here and here must remain. after reading this far, my interest, which already had been stimulated by the finding of the manuscript, was approaching the boiling-point. i had come to greenland for the summer, on the advice of my physician, and was slowly being bored to extinction, as i had thoughtlessly neglected to bring sufficient reading-matter. being an indifferent fisherman, my enthusiasm for this form of sport soon waned; yet in the absence of other forms of recreation i was now risking my life in an entirely inadequate boat off cape farewell at the southernmost extremity of greenland. greenland! as a descriptive appellation, it is a sorry joke--but my story has nothing to do with greenland, nothing to do with me; so i shall get through with the one and the other as rapidly as possible. the inadequate boat finally arrived at a precarious landing, the natives, waist-deep in the surf, assisting. i was carried ashore, and while the evening meal was being prepared, i wandered to and fro along the rocky, shattered shore. bits of surf-harried beach clove the worn granite, or whatever the rocks of cape farewell may be composed of, and as i followed the ebbing tide down one of these soft stretches, i saw the thing. were one to bump into a bengal tiger in the ravine behind the bimini baths, one could be no more surprised than was i to see a perfectly good quart thermos bottle turning and twisting in the surf of cape farewell at the southern extremity of greenland. i rescued it, but i was soaked above the knees doing it; and then i sat down in the sand and opened it, and in the long twilight read the manuscript, neatly written and tightly folded, which was its contents. you have read the opening paragraph, and if you are an imaginative idiot like myself, you will want to read the rest of it; so i shall give it to you here, omitting quotation marks--which are difficult of remembrance. in two minutes you will forget me. my home is in santa monica. i am, or was, junior member of my father's firm. we are ship-builders. of recent years we have specialized on submarines, which we have built for germany, england, france and the united states. i know a sub as a mother knows her baby's face, and have commanded a score of them on their trial runs. yet my inclinations were all toward aviation. i graduated under curtiss, and after a long siege with my father obtained his permission to try for the lafayette escadrille. as a stepping-stone i obtained an appointment in the american ambulance service and was on my way to france when three shrill whistles altered, in as many seconds, my entire scheme of life. i was sitting on deck with some of the fellows who were going into the american ambulance service with me, my airedale, crown prince nobbler, asleep at my feet, when the first blast of the whistle shattered the peace and security of the ship. ever since entering the u-boat zone we had been on the lookout for periscopes, and children that we were, bemoaning the unkind fate that was to see us safely into france on the morrow without a glimpse of the dread marauders. we were young; we craved thrills, and god knows we got them that day; yet by comparison with that through which i have since passed they were as tame as a punch-and-judy show. i shall never forget the ashy faces of the passengers as they stampeded for their life-belts, though there was no panic. nobs rose with a low growl. i rose, also, and over the ship's side, i saw not two hundred yards distant the periscope of a submarine, while racing toward the liner the wake of a torpedo was distinctly visible. we were aboard an american ship--which, of course, was not armed. we were entirely defenseless; yet without warning, we were being torpedoed. i stood rigid, spellbound, watching the white wake of the torpedo. it struck us on the starboard side almost amidships. the vessel rocked as though the sea beneath it had been uptorn by a mighty volcano. we were thrown to the decks, bruised and stunned, and then above the ship, carrying with it fragments of steel and wood and dismembered human bodies, rose a column of water hundreds of feet into the air. the silence which followed the detonation of the exploding torpedo was almost equally horrifying. it lasted for perhaps two seconds, to be followed by the screams and moans of the wounded, the cursing of the men and the hoarse commands of the ship's officers. they were splendid--they and their crew. never before had i been so proud of my nationality as i was that moment. in all the chaos which followed the torpedoing of the liner no officer or member of the crew lost his head or showed in the slightest any degree of panic or fear. while we were attempting to lower boats, the submarine emerged and trained guns on us. the officer in command ordered us to lower our flag, but this the captain of the liner refused to do. the ship was listing frightfully to starboard, rendering the port boats useless, while half the starboard boats had been demolished by the explosion. even while the passengers were crowding the starboard rail and scrambling into the few boats left to us, the submarine commenced shelling the ship. i saw one shell burst in a group of women and children, and then i turned my head and covered my eyes. when i looked again to horror was added chagrin, for with the emerging of the u-boat i had recognized her as a product of our own shipyard. i knew her to a rivet. i had superintended her construction. i had sat in that very conning-tower and directed the efforts of the sweating crew below when first her prow clove the sunny summer waters of the pacific; and now this creature of my brain and hand had turned frankenstein, bent upon pursuing me to my death. a second shell exploded upon the deck. one of the lifeboats, frightfully overcrowded, swung at a dangerous angle from its davits. a fragment of the shell shattered the bow tackle, and i saw the women and children and the men vomited into the sea beneath, while the boat dangled stern up for a moment from its single davit, and at last with increasing momentum dived into the midst of the struggling victims screaming upon the face of the waters. now i saw men spring to the rail and leap into the ocean. the deck was tilting to an impossible angle. nobs braced himself with all four feet to keep from slipping into the scuppers and looked up into my face with a questioning whine. i stooped and stroked his head. "come on, boy!" i cried, and running to the side of the ship, dived headforemost over the rail. when i came up, the first thing i saw was nobs swimming about in a bewildered sort of way a few yards from me. at sight of me his ears went flat, and his lips parted in a characteristic grin. the submarine was withdrawing toward the north, but all the time it was shelling the open boats, three of them, loaded to the gunwales with survivors. fortunately the small boats presented a rather poor target, which, combined with the bad marksmanship of the germans preserved their occupants from harm; and after a few minutes a blotch of smoke appeared upon the eastern horizon and the u-boat submerged and disappeared. all the time the lifeboats had been pulling away from the danger of the sinking liner, and now, though i yelled at the top of my lungs, they either did not hear my appeals for help or else did not dare return to succor me. nobs and i had gained some little distance from the ship when it rolled completely over and sank. we were caught in the suction only enough to be drawn backward a few yards, neither of us being carried beneath the surface. i glanced hurriedly about for something to which to cling. my eyes were directed toward the point at which the liner had disappeared when there came from the depths of the ocean the muffled reverberation of an explosion, and almost simultaneously a geyser of water in which were shattered lifeboats, human bodies, steam, coal, oil, and the flotsam of a liner's deck leaped high above the surface of the sea--a watery column momentarily marking the grave of another ship in this greatest cemetery of the seas. when the turbulent waters had somewhat subsided and the sea had ceased to spew up wreckage, i ventured to swim back in search of something substantial enough to support my weight and that of nobs as well. i had gotten well over the area of the wreck when not a half-dozen yards ahead of me a lifeboat shot bow foremost out of the ocean almost its entire length to flop down upon its keel with a mighty splash. it must have been carried far below, held to its mother ship by a single rope which finally parted to the enormous strain put upon it. in no other way can i account for its having leaped so far out of the water--a beneficent circumstance to which i doubtless owe my life, and that of another far dearer to me than my own. i say beneficent circumstance even in the face of the fact that a fate far more hideous confronts us than that which we escaped that day; for because of that circumstance i have met her whom otherwise i never should have known; i have met and loved her. at least i have had that great happiness in life; nor can caspak, with all her horrors, expunge that which has been. so for the thousandth time i thank the strange fate which sent that lifeboat hurtling upward from the green pit of destruction to which it had been dragged--sent it far up above the surface, emptying its water as it rose above the waves, and dropping it upon the surface of the sea, buoyant and safe. it did not take me long to clamber over its side and drag nobs in to comparative safety, and then i glanced around upon the scene of death and desolation which surrounded us. the sea was littered with wreckage among which floated the pitiful forms of women and children, buoyed up by their useless lifebelts. some were torn and mangled; others lay rolling quietly to the motion of the sea, their countenances composed and peaceful; others were set in hideous lines of agony or horror. close to the boat's side floated the figure of a girl. her face was turned upward, held above the surface by her life-belt, and was framed in a floating mass of dark and waving hair. she was very beautiful. i had never looked upon such perfect features, such a divine molding which was at the same time human--intensely human. it was a face filled with character and strength and femininity--the face of one who was created to love and to be loved. the cheeks were flushed to the hue of life and health and vitality, and yet she lay there upon the bosom of the sea, dead. i felt something rise in my throat as i looked down upon that radiant vision, and i swore that i should live to avenge her murder. and then i let my eyes drop once more to the face upon the water, and what i saw nearly tumbled me backward into the sea, for the eyes in the dead face had opened; the lips had parted; and one hand was raised toward me in a mute appeal for succor. she lived! she was not dead! i leaned over the boat's side and drew her quickly in to the comparative safety which god had given me. i removed her life-belt and my soggy coat and made a pillow for her head. i chafed her hands and arms and feet. i worked over her for an hour, and at last i was rewarded by a deep sigh, and again those great eyes opened and looked into mine. at that i was all embarrassment. i have never been a ladies' man; at leland-stanford i was the butt of the class because of my hopeless imbecility in the presence of a pretty girl; but the men liked me, nevertheless. i was rubbing one of her hands when she opened her eyes, and i dropped it as though it were a red-hot rivet. those eyes took me in slowly from head to foot; then they wandered slowly around the horizon marked by the rising and falling gunwales of the lifeboat. they looked at nobs and softened, and then came back to me filled with questioning. "i--i--" i stammered, moving away and stumbling over the next thwart. the vision smiled wanly. "aye-aye, sir!" she replied faintly, and again her lips drooped, and her long lashes swept the firm, fair texture of her skin. "i hope that you are feeling better," i finally managed to say. "do you know," she said after a moment of silence, "i have been awake for a long time! but i did not dare open my eyes. i thought i must be dead, and i was afraid to look, for fear that i should see nothing but blackness about me. i am afraid to die! tell me what happened after the ship went down. i remember all that happened before--oh, but i wish that i might forget it!" a sob broke her voice. "the beasts!" she went on after a moment. "and to think that i was to have married one of them--a lieutenant in the german navy." presently she resumed as though she had not ceased speaking. "i went down and down and down. i thought i should never cease to sink. i felt no particular distress until i suddenly started upward at ever-increasing velocity; then my lungs seemed about to burst, and i must have lost consciousness, for i remember nothing more until i opened my eyes after listening to a torrent of invective against germany and germans. tell me, please, all that happened after the ship sank." i told her, then, as well as i could, all that i had seen--the submarine shelling the open boats and all the rest of it. she thought it marvelous that we should have been spared in so providential a manner, and i had a pretty speech upon my tongue's end, but lacked the nerve to deliver it. nobs had come over and nosed his muzzle into her lap, and she stroked his ugly face, and at last she leaned over and put her cheek against his forehead. i have always admired nobs; but this was the first time that it had ever occurred to me that i might wish to be nobs. i wondered how he would take it, for he is as unused to women as i. but he took to it as a duck takes to water. what i lack of being a ladies' man, nobs certainly makes up for as a ladies' dog. the old scalawag just closed his eyes and put on one of the softest "sugar-wouldn't-melt-in-my-mouth" expressions you ever saw and stood there taking it and asking for more. it made me jealous. "you seem fond of dogs," i said. "i am fond of this dog," she replied. whether she meant anything personal in that reply i did not know; but i took it as personal and it made me feel mighty good. as we drifted about upon that vast expanse of loneliness it is not strange that we should quickly become well acquainted. constantly we scanned the horizon for signs of smoke, venturing guesses as to our chances of rescue; but darkness settled, and the black night enveloped us without ever the sight of a speck upon the waters. we were thirsty, hungry, uncomfortable, and cold. our wet garments had dried but little and i knew that the girl must be in grave danger from the exposure to a night of cold and wet upon the water in an open boat, without sufficient clothing and no food. i had managed to bail all the water out of the boat with cupped hands, ending by mopping the balance up with my handkerchief--a slow and back-breaking procedure; thus i had made a comparatively dry place for the girl to lie down low in the bottom of the boat, where the sides would protect her from the night wind, and when at last she did so, almost overcome as she was by weakness and fatigue, i threw my wet coat over her further to thwart the chill. but it was of no avail; as i sat watching her, the moonlight marking out the graceful curves of her slender young body, i saw her shiver. "isn't there something i can do?" i asked. "you can't lie there chilled through all night. can't you suggest something?" she shook her head. "we must grin and bear it," she replied after a moment. nobbler came and lay down on the thwart beside me, his back against my leg, and i sat staring in dumb misery at the girl, knowing in my heart of hearts that she might die before morning came, for what with the shock and exposure, she had already gone through enough to kill almost any woman. and as i gazed down at her, so small and delicate and helpless, there was born slowly within my breast a new emotion. it had never been there before; now it will never cease to be there. it made me almost frantic in my desire to find some way to keep warm the cooling lifeblood in her veins. i was cold myself, though i had almost forgotten it until nobbler moved and i felt a new sensation of cold along my leg against which he had lain, and suddenly realized that in that one spot i had been warm. like a great light came the understanding of a means to warm the girl. immediately i knelt beside her to put my scheme into practice when suddenly i was overwhelmed with embarrassment. would she permit it, even if i could muster the courage to suggest it? then i saw her frame convulse, shudderingly, her muscles reacting to her rapidly lowering temperature, and casting prudery to the winds, i threw myself down beside her and took her in my arms, pressing her body close to mine. she drew away suddenly, voicing a little cry of fright, and tried to push me from her. "forgive me," i managed to stammer. "it is the only way. you will die of exposure if you are not warmed, and nobs and i are the only means we can command for furnishing warmth." and i held her tightly while i called nobs and bade him lie down at her back. the girl didn't struggle any more when she learned my purpose; but she gave two or three little gasps, and then began to cry softly, burying her face on my arm, and thus she fell asleep. chapter toward morning, i must have dozed, though it seemed to me at the time that i had lain awake for days, instead of hours. when i finally opened my eyes, it was daylight, and the girl's hair was in my face, and she was breathing normally. i thanked god for that. she had turned her head during the night so that as i opened my eyes i saw her face not an inch from mine, my lips almost touching hers. it was nobs who finally awoke her. he got up, stretched, turned around a few times and lay down again, and the girl opened her eyes and looked into mine. hers went very wide at first, and then slowly comprehension came to her, and she smiled. "you have been very good to me," she said, as i helped her to rise, though if the truth were known i was more in need of assistance than she; the circulation all along my left side seeming to be paralyzed entirely. "you have been very good to me." and that was the only mention she ever made of it; yet i know that she was thankful and that only reserve prevented her from referring to what, to say the least, was an embarrassing situation, however unavoidable. shortly after daylight we saw smoke apparently coming straight toward us, and after a time we made out the squat lines of a tug--one of those fearless exponents of england's supremacy of the sea that tows sailing ships into french and english ports. i stood up on a thwart and waved my soggy coat above my head. nobs stood upon another and barked. the girl sat at my feet straining her eyes toward the deck of the oncoming boat. "they see us," she said at last. "there is a man answering your signal." she was right. a lump came into my throat--for her sake rather than for mine. she was saved, and none too soon. she could not have lived through another night upon the channel; she might not have lived through the coming day. the tug came close beside us, and a man on deck threw us a rope. willing hands dragged us to the deck, nobs scrambling nimbly aboard without assistance. the rough men were gentle as mothers with the girl. plying us both with questions they hustled her to the captain's cabin and me to the boiler-room. they told the girl to take off her wet clothes and throw them outside the door that they might be dried, and then to slip into the captain's bunk and get warm. they didn't have to tell me to strip after i once got into the warmth of the boiler-room. in a jiffy, my clothes hung about where they might dry most quickly, and i myself was absorbing, through every pore, the welcome heat of the stifling compartment. they brought us hot soup and coffee, and then those who were not on duty sat around and helped me damn the kaiser and his brood. as soon as our clothes were dry, they bade us don them, as the chances were always more than fair in those waters that we should run into trouble with the enemy, as i was only too well aware. what with the warmth and the feeling of safety for the girl, and the knowledge that a little rest and food would quickly overcome the effects of her experiences of the past dismal hours, i was feeling more content than i had experienced since those three whistle-blasts had shattered the peace of my world the previous afternoon. but peace upon the channel has been but a transitory thing since august, . it proved itself such that morning, for i had scarce gotten into my dry clothes and taken the girl's apparel to the captain's cabin when an order was shouted down into the engine-room for full speed ahead, and an instant later i heard the dull boom of a gun. in a moment i was up on deck to see an enemy submarine about two hundred yards off our port bow. she had signaled us to stop, and our skipper had ignored the order; but now she had her gun trained on us, and the second shot grazed the cabin, warning the belligerent tug-captain that it was time to obey. once again an order went down to the engine-room, and the tug reduced speed. the u-boat ceased firing and ordered the tug to come about and approach. our momentum had carried us a little beyond the enemy craft, but we were turning now on the arc of a circle that would bring us alongside her. as i stood watching the maneuver and wondering what was to become of us, i felt something touch my elbow and turned to see the girl standing at my side. she looked up into my face with a rueful expression. "they seem bent on our destruction," she said, "and it looks like the same boat that sunk us yesterday." "it is," i replied. "i know her well. i helped design her and took her out on her first run." the girl drew back from me with a little exclamation of surprise and disappointment. "i thought you were an american," she said. "i had no idea you were a--a--" "nor am i," i replied. "americans have been building submarines for all nations for many years. i wish, though, that we had gone bankrupt, my father and i, before ever we turned out that frankenstein of a thing." we were approaching the u-boat at half speed now, and i could almost distinguish the features of the men upon her deck. a sailor stepped to my side and slipped something hard and cold into my hand. i did not have to look at it to know that it was a heavy pistol. "tyke 'er an' use 'er," was all he said. our bow was pointed straight toward the u-boat now as i heard word passed to the engine for full speed ahead. i instantly grasped the brazen effrontery of the plucky english skipper--he was going to ram five hundreds tons of u-boat in the face of her trained gun. i could scarce repress a cheer. at first the boches didn't seem to grasp his intention. evidently they thought they were witnessing an exhibition of poor seamanship, and they yelled their warnings to the tug to reduce speed and throw the helm hard to port. we were within fifty feet of them when they awakened to the intentional menace of our maneuver. their gun crew was off its guard; but they sprang to their piece now and sent a futile shell above our heads. nobs leaped about and barked furiously. "let 'em have it!" commanded the tug-captain, and instantly revolvers and rifles poured bullets upon the deck of the submersible. two of the gun-crew went down; the other trained their piece at the water-line of the oncoming tug. the balance of those on deck replied to our small-arms fire, directing their efforts toward the man at our wheel. i hastily pushed the girl down the companionway leading to the engine-room, and then i raised my pistol and fired my first shot at a boche. what happened in the next few seconds happened so quickly that details are rather blurred in my memory. i saw the helmsman lunge forward upon the wheel, pulling the helm around so that the tug sheered off quickly from her course, and i recall realizing that all our efforts were to be in vain, because of all the men aboard, fate had decreed that this one should fall first to an enemy bullet. i saw the depleted gun-crew on the submarine fire their piece and i felt the shock of impact and heard the loud explosion as the shell struck and exploded in our bows. i saw and realized these things even as i was leaping into the pilot-house and grasping the wheel, standing astride the dead body of the helmsman. with all my strength i threw the helm to starboard; but it was too late to effect the purpose of our skipper. the best i did was to scrape alongside the sub. i heard someone shriek an order into the engine-room; the boat shuddered and trembled to the sudden reversing of the engines, and our speed quickly lessened. then i saw what that madman of a skipper planned since his first scheme had gone wrong. with a loud-yelled command, he leaped to the slippery deck of the submersible, and at his heels came his hardy crew. i sprang from the pilot-house and followed, not to be left out in the cold when it came to strafing the boches. from the engine room companionway came the engineer and stockers, and together we leaped after the balance of the crew and into the hand-to-hand fight that was covering the wet deck with red blood. beside me came nobs, silent now, and grim. germans were emerging from the open hatch to take part in the battle on deck. at first the pistols cracked amidst the cursing of the men and the loud commands of the commander and his junior; but presently we were too indiscriminately mixed to make it safe to use our firearms, and the battle resolved itself into a hand-to-hand struggle for possession of the deck. the sole aim of each of us was to hurl one of the opposing force into the sea. i shall never forget the hideous expression upon the face of the great prussian with whom chance confronted me. he lowered his head and rushed at me, bellowing like a bull. with a quick side-step and ducking low beneath his outstretched arms, i eluded him; and as he turned to come back at me, i landed a blow upon his chin which sent him spinning toward the edge of the deck. i saw his wild endeavors to regain his equilibrium; i saw him reel drunkenly for an instant upon the brink of eternity and then, with a loud scream, slip into the sea. at the same instant a pair of giant arms encircled me from behind and lifted me entirely off my feet. kick and squirm as i would, i could neither turn toward my antagonist nor free myself from his maniacal grasp. relentlessly he was rushing me toward the side of the vessel and death. there was none to stay him, for each of my companions was more than occupied by from one to three of the enemy. for an instant i was fearful for myself, and then i saw that which filled me with a far greater terror for another. my boche was bearing me toward the side of the submarine against which the tug was still pounding. that i should be ground to death between the two was lost upon me as i saw the girl standing alone upon the tug's deck, as i saw the stern high in air and the bow rapidly settling for the final dive, as i saw death from which i could not save her clutching at the skirts of the woman i now knew all too well that i loved. i had perhaps the fraction of a second longer to live when i heard an angry growl behind us mingle with a cry of pain and rage from the giant who carried me. instantly he went backward to the deck, and as he did so he threw his arms outwards to save himself, freeing me. i fell heavily upon him, but was upon my feet in the instant. as i arose, i cast a single glance at my opponent. never again would he menace me or another, for nob's great jaws had closed upon his throat. then i sprang toward the edge of the deck closest to the girl upon the sinking tug. "jump!" i cried. "jump!" and i held out my arms to her. instantly as though with implicit confidence in my ability to save her, she leaped over the side of the tug onto the sloping, slippery side of the u-boat. i reached far over to seize her hand. at the same instant the tug pointed its stern straight toward the sky and plunged out of sight. my hand missed the girl's by a fraction of an inch, and i saw her slip into the sea; but scarce had she touched the water when i was in after her. the sinking tug drew us far below the surface; but i had seized her the moment i struck the water, and so we went down together, and together we came up--a few yards from the u-boat. the first thing i heard was nobs barking furiously; evidently he had missed me and was searching. a single glance at the vessel's deck assured me that the battle was over and that we had been victorious, for i saw our survivors holding a handful of the enemy at pistol points while one by one the rest of the crew was coming out of the craft's interior and lining up on deck with the other prisoners. as i swam toward the submarine with the girl, nobs' persistent barking attracted the attention of some of the tug's crew, so that as soon as we reached the side there were hands to help us aboard. i asked the girl if she was hurt, but she assured me that she was none the worse for this second wetting; nor did she seem to suffer any from shock. i was to learn for myself that this slender and seemingly delicate creature possessed the heart and courage of a warrior. as we joined our own party, i found the tug's mate checking up our survivors. there were ten of us left, not including the girl. our brave skipper was missing, as were eight others. there had been nineteen of us in the attacking party and we had accounted in one way and another during the battle for sixteen germans and had taken nine prisoners, including the commander. his lieutenant had been killed. "not a bad day's work," said bradley, the mate, when he had completed his roll. "only losing the skipper," he added, "was the worst. he was a fine man, a fine man." olson--who in spite of his name was irish, and in spite of his not being scotch had been the tug's engineer--was standing with bradley and me. "yis," he agreed, "it's a day's wor-rk we're after doin', but what are we goin' to be doin' wid it now we got it?" "we'll run her into the nearest english port," said bradley, "and then we'll all go ashore and get our v. c.'s," he concluded, laughing. "how you goin' to run her?" queried olson. "you can't trust these dutchmen." bradley scratched his head. "i guess you're right," he admitted. "and i don't know the first thing about a sub." "i do," i assured him. "i know more about this particular sub than the officer who commanded her." both men looked at me in astonishment, and then i had to explain all over again as i had explained to the girl. bradley and olson were delighted. immediately i was put in command, and the first thing i did was to go below with olson and inspect the craft thoroughly for hidden boches and damaged machinery. there were no germans below, and everything was intact and in ship-shape working order. i then ordered all hands below except one man who was to act as lookout. questioning the germans, i found that all except the commander were willing to resume their posts and aid in bringing the vessel into an english port. i believe that they were relieved at the prospect of being detained at a comfortable english prison-camp for the duration of the war after the perils and privations through which they had passed. the officer, however, assured me that he would never be a party to the capture of his vessel. there was, therefore, nothing to do but put the man in irons. as we were preparing to put this decision into force, the girl descended from the deck. it was the first time that she or the german officer had seen each other's faces since we had boarded the u-boat. i was assisting the girl down the ladder and still retained a hold upon her arm--possibly after such support was no longer necessary--when she turned and looked squarely into the face of the german. each voiced a sudden exclamation of surprise and dismay. "lys!" he cried, and took a step toward her. the girl's eyes went wide, and slowly filled with a great horror, as she shrank back. then her slender figure stiffened to the erectness of a soldier, and with chin in air and without a word she turned her back upon the officer. "take him away," i directed the two men who guarded him, "and put him in irons." when he had gone, the girl raised her eyes to mine. "he is the german of whom i spoke," she said. "he is baron von schoenvorts." i merely inclined my head. she had loved him! i wondered if in her heart of hearts she did not love him yet. immediately i became insanely jealous. i hated baron friedrich von schoenvorts with such utter intensity that the emotion thrilled me with a species of exaltation. but i didn't have much chance to enjoy my hatred then, for almost immediately the lookout poked his face over the hatchway and bawled down that there was smoke on the horizon, dead ahead. immediately i went on deck to investigate, and bradley came with me. "if she's friendly," he said, "we'll speak her. if she's not, we'll sink her--eh, captain?" "yes, lieutenant," i replied, and it was his turn to smile. we hoisted the union jack and remained on deck, asking bradley to go below and assign to each member of the crew his duty, placing one englishman with a pistol beside each german. "half speed ahead," i commanded. more rapidly now we closed the distance between ourselves and the stranger, until i could plainly see the red ensign of the british merchant marine. my heart swelled with pride at the thought that presently admiring british tars would be congratulating us upon our notable capture; and just about then the merchant steamer must have sighted us, for she veered suddenly toward the north, and a moment later dense volumes of smoke issued from her funnels. then, steering a zigzag course, she fled from us as though we had been the bubonic plague. i altered the course of the submarine and set off in chase; but the steamer was faster than we, and soon left us hopelessly astern. with a rueful smile, i directed that our original course be resumed, and once again we set off toward merry england. that was three months ago, and we haven't arrived yet; nor is there any likelihood that we ever shall. the steamer we had just sighted must have wirelessed a warning, for it wasn't half an hour before we saw more smoke on the horizon, and this time the vessel flew the white ensign of the royal navy and carried guns. she didn't veer to the north or anywhere else, but bore down on us rapidly. i was just preparing to signal her, when a flame flashed from her bows, and an instant later the water in front of us was thrown high by the explosion of a shell. bradley had come on deck and was standing beside me. "about one more of those, and she'll have our range," he said. "she doesn't seem to take much stock in our union jack." a second shell passed over us, and then i gave the command to change our direction, at the same time directing bradley to go below and give the order to submerge. i passed nobs down to him, and following, saw to the closing and fastening of the hatch. it seemed to me that the diving-tanks never had filled so slowly. we heard a loud explosion apparently directly above us; the craft trembled to the shock which threw us all to the deck. i expected momentarily to feel the deluge of inrushing water, but none came. instead we continued to submerge until the manometer registered forty feet and then i knew that we were safe. safe! i almost smiled. i had relieved olson, who had remained in the tower at my direction, having been a member of one of the early british submarine crews, and therefore having some knowledge of the business. bradley was at my side. he looked at me quizzically. "what the devil are we to do?" he asked. "the merchantman will flee us; the war-vessel will destroy us; neither will believe our colors or give us a chance to explain. we will meet even a worse reception if we go nosing around a british port--mines, nets and all of it. we can't do it." "let's try it again when this fellow has lost the scent," i urged. "there must come a ship that will believe us." and try it again we did, only to be almost rammed by a huge freighter. later we were fired upon by a destroyer, and two merchantmen turned and fled at our approach. for two days we cruised up and down the channel trying to tell some one, who would listen, that we were friends; but no one would listen. after our encounter with the first warship i had given instructions that a wireless message be sent out explaining our predicament; but to my chagrin i discovered that both sending and receiving instruments had disappeared. "there is only one place you can go," von schoenvorts sent word to me, "and that is kiel. you can't land anywhere else in these waters. if you wish, i will take you there, and i can promise that you will be treated well." "there is another place we can go," i sent back my reply, "and we will before we'll go to germany. that place is hell." chapter those were anxious days, during which i had but little opportunity to associate with lys. i had given her the commander's room, bradley and i taking that of the deck-officer, while olson and two of our best men occupied the room ordinarily allotted to petty officers. i made nobs' bed down in lys' room, for i knew she would feel less alone. nothing of much moment occurred for a while after we left british waters behind us. we ran steadily along upon the surface, making good time. the first two boats we sighted made off as fast as they could go; and the third, a huge freighter, fired on us, forcing us to submerge. it was after this that our troubles commenced. one of the diesel engines broke down in the morning, and while we were working on it, the forward port diving-tank commenced to fill. i was on deck at the time and noted the gradual list. guessing at once what was happening, i leaped for the hatch and slamming it closed above my head, dropped to the centrale. by this time the craft was going down by the head with a most unpleasant list to port, and i didn't wait to transmit orders to some one else but ran as fast as i could for the valve that let the sea into the forward port diving-tank. it was wide open. to close it and to have the pump started that would empty it were the work of but a minute; but we had had a close call. i knew that the valve had never opened itself. some one had opened it--some one who was willing to die himself if he might at the same time encompass the death of all of us. after that i kept a guard pacing the length of the narrow craft. we worked upon the engine all that day and night and half the following day. most of the time we drifted idly upon the surface, but toward noon we sighted smoke due west, and having found that only enemies inhabited the world for us, i ordered that the other engine be started so that we could move out of the path of the oncoming steamer. the moment the engine started to turn, however, there was a grinding sound of tortured steel, and when it had been stopped, we found that some one had placed a cold-chisel in one of the gears. it was another two days before we were ready to limp along, half repaired. the night before the repairs were completed, the sentry came to my room and awoke me. he was rather an intelligent fellow of the english middle class, in whom i had much confidence. "well, wilson," i asked. "what's the matter now?" he raised his finger to his lips and came closer to me. "i think i've found out who's doin' the mischief," he whispered, and nodded his head toward the girl's room. "i seen her sneakin' from the crew's room just now," he went on. "she'd been in gassin' wit' the boche commander. benson seen her in there las' night, too, but he never said nothin' till i goes on watch tonight. benson's sorter slow in the head, an' he never puts two an' two together till some one else has made four out of it." if the man had come in and struck me suddenly in the face, i could have been no more surprised. "say nothing of this to anyone," i ordered. "keep your eyes and ears open and report every suspicious thing you see or hear." the man saluted and left me; but for an hour or more i tossed, restless, upon my hard bunk in an agony of jealousy and fear. finally i fell into a troubled sleep. it was daylight when i awoke. we were steaming along slowly upon the surface, my orders having been to proceed at half speed until we could take an observation and determine our position. the sky had been overcast all the previous day and all night; but as i stepped into the centrale that morning i was delighted to see that the sun was again shining. the spirits of the men seemed improved; everything seemed propitious. i forgot at once the cruel misgivings of the past night as i set to work to take my observations. what a blow awaited me! the sextant and chronometer had both been broken beyond repair, and they had been broken just this very night. they had been broken upon the night that lys had been seen talking with von schoenvorts. i think that it was this last thought which hurt me the worst. i could look the other disaster in the face with equanimity; but the bald fact that lys might be a traitor appalled me. i called bradley and olson on deck and told them what had happened, but for the life of me i couldn't bring myself to repeat what wilson had reported to me the previous night. in fact, as i had given the matter thought, it seemed incredible that the girl could have passed through my room, in which bradley and i slept, and then carried on a conversation in the crew's room, in which von schoenvorts was kept, without having been seen by more than a single man. bradley shook his head. "i can't make it out," he said. "one of those boches must be pretty clever to come it over us all like this; but they haven't harmed us as much as they think; there are still the extra instruments." it was my turn now to shake a doleful head. "there are no extra instruments," i told them. "they too have disappeared as did the wireless apparatus." both men looked at me in amazement. "we still have the compass and the sun," said olson. "they may be after getting the compass some night; but they's too many of us around in the daytime fer 'em to get the sun." it was then that one of the men stuck his head up through the hatchway and seeing me, asked permission to come on deck and get a breath of fresh air. i recognized him as benson, the man who, wilson had said, reported having seen lys with von schoenvorts two nights before. i motioned him on deck and then called him to one side, asking if he had seen anything out of the way or unusual during his trick on watch the night before. the fellow scratched his head a moment and said, "no," and then as though it was an afterthought, he told me that he had seen the girl in the crew's room about midnight talking with the german commander, but as there hadn't seemed to him to be any harm in that, he hadn't said anything about it. telling him never to fail to report to me anything in the slightest out of the ordinary routine of the ship, i dismissed him. several of the other men now asked permission to come on deck, and soon all but those actually engaged in some necessary duty were standing around smoking and talking, all in the best of spirits. i took advantage of the absence of the men upon the deck to go below for my breakfast, which the cook was already preparing upon the electric stove. lys, followed by nobs, appeared as i entered the centrale. she met me with a pleasant "good morning!" which i am afraid i replied to in a tone that was rather constrained and surly. "will you breakfast with me?" i suddenly asked the girl, determined to commence a probe of my own along the lines which duty demanded. she nodded a sweet acceptance of my invitation, and together we sat down at the little table of the officers' mess. "you slept well last night?" i asked. "all night," she replied. "i am a splendid sleeper." her manner was so straightforward and honest that i could not bring myself to believe in her duplicity; yet--thinking to surprise her into a betrayal of her guilt, i blurted out: "the chronometer and sextant were both destroyed last night; there is a traitor among us." but she never turned a hair by way of evidencing guilty knowledge of the catastrophe. "who could it have been?" she cried. "the germans would be crazy to do it, for their lives are as much at stake as ours." "men are often glad to die for an ideal--an ideal of patriotism, perhaps," i replied; "and a willingness to martyr themselves includes a willingness to sacrifice others, even those who love them. women are much the same, except that they will go even further than most men--they will sacrifice everything, even honor, for love." i watched her face carefully as i spoke, and i thought that i detected a very faint flush mounting her cheek. seeing an opening and an advantage, i sought to follow it up. "take von schoenvorts, for instance," i continued: "he would doubtless be glad to die and take us all with him, could he prevent in no other way the falling of his vessel into enemy hands. he would sacrifice anyone, even you; and if you still love him, you might be his ready tool. do you understand me?" she looked at me in wide-eyed consternation for a moment, and then she went very white and rose from her seat. "i do," she replied, and turning her back upon me, she walked quickly toward her room. i started to follow, for even believing what i did, i was sorry that i had hurt her. i reached the door to the crew's room just behind her and in time to see von schoenvorts lean forward and whisper something to her as she passed; but she must have guessed that she might be watched, for she passed on. that afternoon it clouded over; the wind mounted to a gale, and the sea rose until the craft was wallowing and rolling frightfully. nearly everyone aboard was sick; the air became foul and oppressive. for twenty-four hours i did not leave my post in the conning tower, as both olson and bradley were sick. finally i found that i must get a little rest, and so i looked about for some one to relieve me. benson volunteered. he had not been sick, and assured me that he was a former r.n. man and had been detailed for submarine duty for over two years. i was glad that it was he, for i had considerable confidence in his loyalty, and so it was with a feeling of security that i went below and lay down. i slept twelve hours straight, and when i awoke and discovered what i had done, i lost no time in getting to the conning tower. there sat benson as wide awake as could be, and the compass showed that we were heading straight into the west. the storm was still raging; nor did it abate its fury until the fourth day. we were all pretty well done up and looked forward to the time when we could go on deck and fill our lungs with fresh air. during the whole four days i had not seen the girl, as she evidently kept closely to her room; and during this time no untoward incident had occurred aboard the boat--a fact which seemed to strengthen the web of circumstantial evidence about her. for six more days after the storm lessened we still had fairly rough weather; nor did the sun once show himself during all that time. for the season--it was now the middle of june--the storm was unusual; but being from southern california, i was accustomed to unusual weather. in fact, i have discovered that the world over, unusual weather prevails at all times of the year. we kept steadily to our westward course, and as the u- was one of the fastest submersibles we had ever turned out, i knew that we must be pretty close to the north american coast. what puzzled me most was the fact that for six days we had not sighted a single ship. it seemed remarkable that we could cross the atlantic almost to the coast of the american continent without glimpsing smoke or sail, and at last i came to the conclusion that we were way off our course, but whether to the north or to the south of it i could not determine. on the seventh day the sea lay comparatively calm at early dawn. there was a slight haze upon the ocean which had cut off our view of the stars; but conditions all pointed toward a clear morrow, and i was on deck anxiously awaiting the rising of the sun. my eyes were glued upon the impenetrable mist astern, for there in the east i should see the first glow of the rising sun that would assure me we were still upon the right course. gradually the heavens lightened; but astern i could see no intenser glow that would indicate the rising sun behind the mist. bradley was standing at my side. presently he touched my arm. "look, captain," he said, and pointed south. i looked and gasped, for there directly to port i saw outlined through the haze the red top of the rising sun. hurrying to the tower, i looked at the compass. it showed that we were holding steadily upon our westward course. either the sun was rising in the south, or the compass had been tampered with. the conclusion was obvious. i went back to bradley and told him what i had discovered. "and," i concluded, "we can't make another five hundred knots without oil; our provisions are running low and so is our water. god only knows how far south we have run." "there is nothing to do," he replied, "other than to alter our course once more toward the west; we must raise land soon or we shall all be lost." i told him to do so; and then i set to work improvising a crude sextant with which we finally took our bearings in a rough and most unsatisfactory manner; for when the work was done, we did not know how far from the truth the result might be. it showed us to be about º north and º west--nearly twenty-five hundred miles off our course. in short, if our reading was anywhere near correct, we must have been traveling due south for six days. bradley now relieved benson, for we had arranged our shifts so that the latter and olson now divided the nights, while bradley and i alternated with one another during the days. i questioned both olson and benson closely in the matter of the compass; but each stoutly maintained that no one had tampered with it during his tour of duty. benson gave me a knowing smile, as much as to say: "well, you and i know who did this." yet i could not believe that it was the girl. we kept to our westerly course for several hours when the lookout's cry announced a sail. i ordered the u- 's course altered, and we bore down upon the stranger, for i had come to a decision which was the result of necessity. we could not lie there in the middle of the atlantic and starve to death if there was any way out of it. the sailing ship saw us while we were still a long way off, as was evidenced by her efforts to escape. there was scarcely any wind, however, and her case was hopeless; so when we drew near and signaled her to stop, she came into the wind and lay there with her sails flapping idly. we moved in quite close to her. she was the balmen of halmstad, sweden, with a general cargo from brazil for spain. i explained our circumstances to her skipper and asked for food, water and oil; but when he found that we were not german, he became very angry and abusive and started to draw away from us; but i was in no mood for any such business. turning toward bradley, who was in the conning-tower, i snapped out: "gun-service on deck! to the diving stations!" we had no opportunity for drill; but every man had been posted as to his duties, and the german members of the crew understood that it was obedience or death for them, as each was accompanied by a man with a pistol. most of them, though, were only too glad to obey me. bradley passed the order down into the ship and a moment later the gun-crew clambered up the narrow ladder and at my direction trained their piece upon the slow-moving swede. "fire a shot across her bow," i instructed the gun-captain. accept it from me, it didn't take that swede long to see the error of his way and get the red and white pennant signifying "i understand" to the masthead. once again the sails flapped idly, and then i ordered him to lower a boat and come after me. with olson and a couple of the englishmen i boarded the ship, and from her cargo selected what we needed--oil, provisions and water. i gave the master of the balmen a receipt for what we took, together with an affidavit signed by bradley, olson, and myself, stating briefly how we had come into possession of the u- and the urgency of our need for what we took. we addressed both to any british agent with the request that the owners of the balmen be reimbursed; but whether or not they were, i do not know.[ ] with water, food, and oil aboard, we felt that we had obtained a new lease of life. now, too, we knew definitely where we were, and i determined to make for georgetown, british guiana--but i was destined to again suffer bitter disappointment. six of us of the loyal crew had come on deck either to serve the gun or board the swede during our set-to with her; and now, one by one, we descended the ladder into the centrale. i was the last to come, and when i reached the bottom, i found myself looking into the muzzle of a pistol in the hands of baron friedrich von schoenvorts--i saw all my men lined up at one side with the remaining eight germans standing guard over them. i couldn't imagine how it had happened; but it had. later i learned that they had first overpowered benson, who was asleep in his bunk, and taken his pistol from him, and then had found it an easy matter to disarm the cook and the remaining two englishmen below. after that it had been comparatively simple to stand at the foot of the ladder and arrest each individual as he descended. the first thing von schoenvorts did was to send for me and announce that as a pirate i was to be shot early the next morning. then he explained that the u- would cruise in these waters for a time, sinking neutral and enemy shipping indiscriminately, and looking for one of the german raiders that was supposed to be in these parts. he didn't shoot me the next morning as he had promised, and it has never been clear to me why he postponed the execution of my sentence. instead he kept me ironed just as he had been; then he kicked bradley out of my room and took it all to himself. we cruised for a long time, sinking many vessels, all but one by gunfire, but we did not come across a german raider. i was surprised to note that von schoenvorts often permitted benson to take command; but i reconciled this by the fact that benson appeared to know more of the duties of a submarine commander than did any of the stupid germans. once or twice lys passed me; but for the most part she kept to her room. the first time she hesitated as though she wished to speak to me; but i did not raise my head, and finally she passed on. then one day came the word that we were about to round the horn and that von schoenvorts had taken it into his fool head to cruise up along the pacific coast of north america and prey upon all sorts and conditions of merchantmen. "i'll put the fear of god and the kaiser into them," he said. the very first day we entered the south pacific we had an adventure. it turned out to be quite the most exciting adventure i had ever encountered. it fell about this way. about eight bells of the forenoon watch i heard a hail from the deck, and presently the footsteps of the entire ship's company, from the amount of noise i heard at the ladder. some one yelled back to those who had not yet reached the level of the deck: "it's the raider, the german raider _geier_!" i saw that we had reached the end of our rope. below all was quiet--not a man remained. a door opened at the end of the narrow hull, and presently nobs came trotting up to me. he licked my face and rolled over on his back, reaching for me with his big, awkward paws. then other footsteps sounded, approaching me. i knew whose they were, and i looked straight down at the flooring. the girl was coming almost at a run--she was at my side immediately. "here!" she cried. "quick!" and she slipped something into my hand. it was a key--the key to my irons. at my side she also laid a pistol, and then she went on into the centrale. as she passed me, i saw that she carried another pistol for herself. it did not take me long to liberate myself, and then i was at her side. "how can i thank you?" i started; but she shut me up with a word. "do not thank me," she said coldly. "i do not care to hear your thanks or any other expression from you. do not stand there looking at me. i have given you a chance to do something--now do it!" the last was a peremptory command that made me jump. glancing up, i saw that the tower was empty, and i lost no time in clambering up, looking about me. about a hundred yards off lay a small, swift cruiser-raider, and above her floated the german man-of-war's flag. a boat had just been lowered, and i could see it moving toward us filled with officers and men. the cruiser lay dead ahead. "my," i thought, "what a wonderful targ--" i stopped even thinking, so surprised and shocked was i by the boldness of my imagery. the girl was just below me. i looked down on her wistfully. could i trust her? why had she released me at this moment? i must! i must! there was no other way. i dropped back below. "ask olson to step down here, please," i requested; "and don't let anyone see you ask him." she looked at me with a puzzled expression on her face for the barest fraction of a second, and then she turned and went up the ladder. a moment later olson returned, and the girl followed him. "quick!" i whispered to the big irishman, and made for the bow compartment where the torpedo-tubes are built into the boat; here, too, were the torpedoes. the girl accompanied us, and when she saw the thing i had in mind, she stepped forward and lent a hand to the swinging of the great cylinder of death and destruction into the mouth of its tube. with oil and main strength we shoved the torpedo home and shut the tube; then i ran back to the conning-tower, praying in my heart of hearts that the u- had not swung her bow away from the prey. no, thank god! never could aim have been truer. i signaled back to olson: "let 'er go!" the u- trembled from stem to stern as the torpedo shot from its tube. i saw the white wake leap from her bow straight toward the enemy cruiser. a chorus of hoarse yells arose from the deck of our own craft: i saw the officers stand suddenly erect in the boat that was approaching us, and i heard loud cries and curses from the raider. then i turned my attention to my own business. most of the men on the submarine's deck were standing in paralyzed fascination, staring at the torpedo. bradley happened to be looking toward the conning-tower and saw me. i sprang on deck and ran toward him. "quick!" i whispered. "while they are stunned, we must overcome them." a german was standing near bradley--just in front of him. the englishman struck the fellow a frantic blow upon the neck and at the same time snatched his pistol from its holster. von schoenvorts had recovered from his first surprise quickly and had turned toward the main hatch to investigate. i covered him with my revolver, and at the same instant the torpedo struck the raider, the terrific explosion drowning the german's command to his men. bradley was now running from one to another of our men, and though some of the germans saw and heard him, they seemed too stunned for action. olson was below, so that there were only nine of us against eight germans, for the man bradley had struck still lay upon the deck. only two of us were armed; but the heart seemed to have gone out of the boches, and they put up but half-hearted resistance. von schoenvorts was the worst--he was fairly frenzied with rage and chagrin, and he came charging for me like a mad bull, and as he came he discharged his pistol. if he'd stopped long enough to take aim, he might have gotten me; but his pace made him wild, so that not a shot touched me, and then we clinched and went to the deck. this left two pistols, which two of my own men were quick to appropriate. the baron was no match for me in a hand-to-hand encounter, and i soon had him pinned to the deck and the life almost choked out of him. a half-hour later things had quieted down, and all was much the same as before the prisoners had revolted--only we kept a much closer watch on von schoenvorts. the _geier_ had sunk while we were still battling upon our deck, and afterward we had drawn away toward the north, leaving the survivors to the attention of the single boat which had been making its way toward us when olson launched the torpedo. i suppose the poor devils never reached land, and if they did, they most probably perished on that cold and unhospitable shore; but i couldn't permit them aboard the u- . we had all the germans we could take care of. that evening the girl asked permission to go on deck. she said that she felt the effects of long confinement below, and i readily granted her request. i could not understand her, and i craved an opportunity to talk with her again in an effort to fathom her and her intentions, and so i made it a point to follow her up the ladder. it was a clear, cold, beautiful night. the sea was calm except for the white water at our bows and the two long radiating swells running far off into the distance upon either hand astern, forming a great v which our propellers filled with choppy waves. benson was in the tower, we were bound for san diego and all looked well. lys stood with a heavy blanket wrapped around her slender figure, and as i approached her, she half turned toward me to see who it was. when she recognized me, she immediately turned away. "i want to thank you," i said, "for your bravery and loyalty--you were magnificent. i am sorry that you had reason before to think that i doubted you." "you did doubt me," she replied in a level voice. "you practically accused me of aiding baron von schoenvorts. i can never forgive you." there was a great deal of finality in both her words and tone. "i could not believe it," i said; "and yet two of my men reported having seen you in conversation with von schoenvorts late at night upon two separate occasions--after each of which some great damage was found done us in the morning. i didn't want to doubt you; but i carried all the responsibility of the lives of these men, of the safety of the ship, of your life and mine. i had to watch you, and i had to put you on your guard against a repetition of your madness." she was looking at me now with those great eyes of hers, very wide and round. "who told you that i spoke with baron von schoenvorts at night, or any other time?" she asked. "i cannot tell you, lys," i replied, "but it came to me from two different sources." "then two men have lied," she asserted without heat. "i have not spoken to baron von schoenvorts other than in your presence when first we came aboard the u- . and please, when you address me, remember that to others than my intimates i am miss la rue." did you ever get slapped in the face when you least expected it? no? well, then you do not know how i felt at that moment. i could feel the hot, red flush surging up my neck, across my cheeks, over my ears, clear to my scalp. and it made me love her all the more; it made me swear inwardly a thousand solemn oaths that i would win her. [ ] late in july, , an item in the shipping news mentioned a swedish sailing vessel, balmen, rio de janeiro to barcelona, sunk by a german raider sometime in june. a single survivor in an open boat was picked up off the cape verde islands, in a dying condition. he expired without giving any details. chapter for several days things went along in about the same course. i took our position every morning with my crude sextant; but the results were always most unsatisfactory. they always showed a considerable westing when i knew that we had been sailing due north. i blamed my crude instrument, and kept on. then one afternoon the girl came to me. "pardon me," she said, "but were i you, i should watch this man benson--especially when he is in charge." i asked her what she meant, thinking i could see the influence of von schoenvorts raising a suspicion against one of my most trusted men. "if you will note the boat's course a half-hour after benson goes on duty," she said, "you will know what i mean, and you will understand why he prefers a night watch. possibly, too, you will understand some other things that have taken place aboard." then she went back to her room, thus ending the conversation. i waited until half an hour after benson had gone on duty, and then i went on deck, passing through the conning-tower where benson sat, and looking at the compass. it showed that our course was north by west--that is, one point west of north, which was, for our assumed position, about right. i was greatly relieved to find that nothing was wrong, for the girl's words had caused me considerable apprehension. i was about to return to my room when a thought occurred to me that again caused me to change my mind--and, incidentally, came near proving my death-warrant. when i had left the conning-tower little more than a half-hour since, the sea had been breaking over the port bow, and it seemed to me quite improbable that in so short a time an equally heavy sea could be deluging us from the opposite side of the ship--winds may change quickly, but not a long, heavy sea. there was only one other solution--since i left the tower, our course had been altered some eight points. turning quickly, i climbed out upon the conning-tower. a single glance at the heavens confirmed my suspicions; the constellations which should have been dead ahead were directly starboard. we were sailing due west. just for an instant longer i stood there to check up my calculations--i wanted to be quite sure before i accused benson of perfidy, and about the only thing i came near making quite sure of was death. i cannot see even now how i escaped it. i was standing on the edge of the conning-tower, when a heavy palm suddenly struck me between the shoulders and hurled me forward into space. the drop to the triangular deck forward of the conning-tower might easily have broken a leg for me, or i might have slipped off onto the deck and rolled overboard; but fate was upon my side, as i was only slightly bruised. as i came to my feet, i heard the conning-tower cover slam. there is a ladder which leads from the deck to the top of the tower. up this i scrambled, as fast as i could go; but benson had the cover tight before i reached it. i stood there a moment in dumb consternation. what did the fellow intend? what was going on below? if benson was a traitor, how could i know that there were not other traitors among us? i cursed myself for my folly in going out upon the deck, and then this thought suggested another--a hideous one: who was it that had really been responsible for my being here? thinking to attract attention from inside the craft, i again ran down the ladder and onto the small deck only to find that the steel covers of the conning-tower windows were shut, and then i leaned with my back against the tower and cursed myself for a gullible idiot. i glanced at the bow. the sea seemed to be getting heavier, for every wave now washed completely over the lower deck. i watched them for a moment, and then a sudden chill pervaded my entire being. it was not the chill of wet clothing, or the dashing spray which drenched my face; no, it was the chill of the hand of death upon my heart. in an instant i had turned the last corner of life's highway and was looking god almighty in the face--the u- was being slowly submerged! it would be difficult, even impossible, to set down in writing my sensations at that moment. all i can particularly recall is that i laughed, though neither from a spirit of bravado nor from hysteria. and i wanted to smoke. lord! how i did want to smoke; but that was out of the question. i watched the water rise until the little deck i stood on was awash, and then i clambered once more to the top of the conning-tower. from the very slow submergence of the boat i knew that benson was doing the entire trick alone--that he was merely permitting the diving-tanks to fill and that the diving-rudders were not in use. the throbbing of the engines ceased, and in its stead came the steady vibration of the electric motors. the water was halfway up the conning-tower! i had perhaps five minutes longer on the deck. i tried to decide what i should do after i was washed away. should i swim until exhaustion claimed me, or should i give up and end the agony at the first plunge? from below came two muffled reports. they sounded not unlike shots. was benson meeting with resistance? personally it could mean little to me, for even though my men might overcome the enemy, none would know of my predicament until long after it was too late to succor me. the top of the conning-tower was now awash. i clung to the wireless mast, while the great waves surged sometimes completely over me. i knew the end was near and, almost involuntarily, i did that which i had not done since childhood--i prayed. after that i felt better. i clung and waited, but the water rose no higher. instead it receded. now the top of the conning-tower received only the crests of the higher waves; now the little triangular deck below became visible! what had occurred within? did benson believe me already gone, and was he emerging because of that belief, or had he and his forces been vanquished? the suspense was more wearing than that which i had endured while waiting for dissolution. presently the main deck came into view, and then the conning-tower opened behind me, and i turned to look into the anxious face of bradley. an expression of relief overspread his features. "thank god, man!" was all he said as he reached forth and dragged me into the tower. i was cold and numb and rather all in. another few minutes would have done for me, i am sure, but the warmth of the interior helped to revive me, aided and abetted by some brandy which bradley poured down my throat, from which it nearly removed the membrane. that brandy would have revived a corpse. when i got down into the centrale, i saw the germans lined up on one side with a couple of my men with pistols standing over them. von schoenvorts was among them. on the floor lay benson, moaning, and beyond him stood the girl, a revolver in one hand. i looked about, bewildered. "what has happened down here?" i asked. "tell me!" bradley replied. "you see the result, sir," he said. "it might have been a very different result but for miss la rue. we were all asleep. benson had relieved the guard early in the evening; there was no one to watch him--no one but miss la rue. she felt the submergence of the boat and came out of her room to investigate. she was just in time to see benson at the diving rudders. when he saw her, he raised his pistol and fired point-blank at her, but he missed and she fired--and didn't miss. the two shots awakened everyone, and as our men were armed, the result was inevitable as you see it; but it would have been very different had it not been for miss la rue. it was she who closed the diving-tank sea-cocks and roused olson and me, and had the pumps started to empty them." and there i had been thinking that through her machinations i had been lured to the deck and to my death! i could have gone on my knees to her and begged her forgiveness--or at least i could have, had i not been anglo-saxon. as it was, i could only remove my soggy cap and bow and mumble my appreciation. she made no reply--only turned and walked very rapidly toward her room. could i have heard aright? was it really a sob that came floating back to me through the narrow aisle of the u- ? benson died that night. he remained defiant almost to the last; but just before he went out, he motioned to me, and i leaned over to catch the faintly whispered words. "i did it alone," he said. "i did it because i hate you--i hate all your kind. i was kicked out of your shipyard at santa monica. i was locked out of california. i am an i. w. w. i became a german agent--not because i love them, for i hate them too--but because i wanted to injure americans, whom i hated more. i threw the wireless apparatus overboard. i destroyed the chronometer and the sextant. i devised a scheme for varying the compass to suit my wishes. i told wilson that i had seen the girl talking with von schoenvorts, and i made the poor egg think he had seen her doing the same thing. i am sorry--sorry that my plans failed. i hate you." he didn't die for a half-hour after that; nor did he speak again--aloud; but just a few seconds before he went to meet his maker, his lips moved in a faint whisper; and as i leaned closer to catch his words, what do you suppose i heard? "now--i--lay me--down--to--sleep" that was all; benson was dead. we threw his body overboard. the wind of that night brought on some pretty rough weather with a lot of black clouds which persisted for several days. we didn't know what course we had been holding, and there was no way of finding out, as we could no longer trust the compass, not knowing what benson had done to it. the long and the short of it was that we cruised about aimlessly until the sun came out again. i'll never forget that day or its surprises. we reckoned, or rather guessed, that we were somewhere off the coast of peru. the wind, which had been blowing fitfully from the east, suddenly veered around into the south, and presently we felt a sudden chill. "peru!" snorted olson. "when were yez after smellin' iceber-rgs off peru?" icebergs! "icebergs, nothin'!" exclaimed one of the englishmen. "why, man, they don't come north of fourteen here in these waters." "then," replied olson, "ye're sout' of fourteen, me b'y." we thought he was crazy; but he wasn't, for that afternoon we sighted a great berg south of us, and we'd been running north, we thought, for days. i can tell you we were a discouraged lot; but we got a faint thrill of hope early the next morning when the lookout bawled down the open hatch: "land! land northwest by west!" i think we were all sick for the sight of land. i know that i was; but my interest was quickly dissipated by the sudden illness of three of the germans. almost simultaneously they commenced vomiting. they couldn't suggest any explanation for it. i asked them what they had eaten, and found they had eaten nothing other than the food cooked for all of us. "have you drunk anything?" i asked, for i knew that there was liquor aboard, and medicines in the same locker. "only water," moaned one of them. "we all drank water together this morning. we opened a new tank. maybe it was the water." i started an investigation which revealed a terrifying condition--some one, probably benson, had poisoned all the running water on the ship. it would have been worse, though, had land not been in sight. the sight of land filled us with renewed hope. our course had been altered, and we were rapidly approaching what appeared to be a precipitous headland. cliffs, seemingly rising perpendicularly out of the sea, faded away into the mist upon either hand as we approached. the land before us might have been a continent, so mighty appeared the shoreline; yet we knew that we must be thousands of miles from the nearest western land-mass--new zealand or australia. we took our bearings with our crude and inaccurate instruments; we searched the chart; we cudgeled our brains; and at last it was bradley who suggested a solution. he was in the tower and watching the compass, to which he called my attention. the needle was pointing straight toward the land. bradley swung the helm hard to starboard. i could feel the u- respond, and yet the arrow still clung straight and sure toward the distant cliffs. "what do you make of it?" i asked him. "did you ever hear of caproni?" he asked. "an early italian navigator?" i returned. "yes; he followed cook about . he is scarcely mentioned even by contemporaneous historians--probably because he got into political difficulties on his return to italy. it was the fashion to scoff at his claims, but i recall reading one of his works--his only one, i believe--in which he described a new continent in the south seas, a continent made up of 'some strange metal' which attracted the compass; a rockbound, inhospitable coast, without beach or harbor, which extended for hundreds of miles. he could make no landing; nor in the several days he cruised about it did he see sign of life. he called it caprona and sailed away. i believe, sir, that we are looking upon the coast of caprona, uncharted and forgotten for two hundred years." "if you are right, it might account for much of the deviation of the compass during the past two days," i suggested. "caprona has been luring us upon her deadly rocks. well, we'll accept her challenge. we'll land upon caprona. along that long front there must be a vulnerable spot. we will find it, bradley, for we must find it. we must find water on caprona, or we must die." and so we approached the coast upon which no living eyes had ever rested. straight from the ocean's depths rose towering cliffs, shot with brown and blues and greens--withered moss and lichen and the verdigris of copper, and everywhere the rusty ocher of iron pyrites. the cliff-tops, though ragged, were of such uniform height as to suggest the boundaries of a great plateau, and now and again we caught glimpses of verdure topping the rocky escarpment, as though bush or jungle-land had pushed outward from a lush vegetation farther inland to signal to an unseeing world that caprona lived and joyed in life beyond her austere and repellent coast. but metaphor, however poetic, never slaked a dry throat. to enjoy caprona's romantic suggestions we must have water, and so we came in close, always sounding, and skirted the shore. as close in as we dared cruise, we found fathomless depths, and always the same undented coastline of bald cliffs. as darkness threatened, we drew away and lay well off the coast all night. we had not as yet really commenced to suffer for lack of water; but i knew that it would not be long before we did, and so at the first streak of dawn i moved in again and once more took up the hopeless survey of the forbidding coast. toward noon we discovered a beach, the first we had seen. it was a narrow strip of sand at the base of a part of the cliff that seemed lower than any we had before scanned. at its foot, half buried in the sand, lay great boulders, mute evidence that in a bygone age some mighty natural force had crumpled caprona's barrier at this point. it was bradley who first called our attention to a strange object lying among the boulders above the surf. "looks like a man," he said, and passed his glasses to me. i looked long and carefully and could have sworn that the thing i saw was the sprawled figure of a human being. miss la rue was on deck with us. i turned and asked her to go below. without a word she did as i bade. then i stripped, and as i did so, nobs looked questioningly at me. he had been wont at home to enter the surf with me, and evidently he had not forgotten it. "what are you going to do, sir?" asked olson. "i'm going to see what that thing is on shore," i replied. "if it's a man, it may mean that caprona is inhabited, or it may merely mean that some poor devils were shipwrecked here. i ought to be able to tell from the clothing which is more near the truth. "how about sharks?" queried olson. "sure, you ought to carry a knoife." "here you are, sir," cried one of the men. it was a long slim blade he offered--one that i could carry between my teeth--and so i accepted it gladly. "keep close in," i directed bradley, and then i dived over the side and struck out for the narrow beach. there was another splash directly behind me, and turning my head, i saw faithful old nobs swimming valiantly in my wake. the surf was not heavy, and there was no undertow, so we made shore easily, effecting an equally easy landing. the beach was composed largely of small stones worn smooth by the action of water. there was little sand, though from the deck of the u- the beach had appeared to be all sand, and i saw no evidences of mollusca or crustacea such as are common to all beaches i have previously seen. i attribute this to the fact of the smallness of the beach, the enormous depth of surrounding water and the great distance at which caprona lies from her nearest neighbor. as nobs and i approached the recumbent figure farther up the beach, i was appraised by my nose that whether man or not, the thing had once been organic and alive, but that for some time it had been dead. nobs halted, sniffed and growled. a little later he sat down upon his haunches, raised his muzzle to the heavens and bayed forth a most dismal howl. i shied a small stone at him and bade him shut up--his uncanny noise made me nervous. when i had come quite close to the thing, i still could not say whether it had been man or beast. the carcass was badly swollen and partly decomposed. there was no sign of clothing upon or about it. a fine, brownish hair covered the chest and abdomen, and the face, the palms of the hands, the feet, the shoulders and back were practically hairless. the creature must have been about the height of a fair sized man; its features were similar to those of a man; yet had it been a man? i could not say, for it resembled an ape no more than it did a man. its large toes protruded laterally as do those of the semiarboreal peoples of borneo, the philippines and other remote regions where low types still persist. the countenance might have been that of a cross between pithecanthropus, the java ape-man, and a daughter of the piltdown race of prehistoric sussex. a wooden cudgel lay beside the corpse. now this fact set me thinking. there was no wood of any description in sight. there was nothing about the beach to suggest a wrecked mariner. there was absolutely nothing about the body to suggest that it might possibly in life have known a maritime experience. it was the body of a low type of man or a high type of beast. in neither instance would it have been of a seafaring race. therefore i deduced that it was native to caprona--that it lived inland, and that it had fallen or been hurled from the cliffs above. such being the case, caprona was inhabitable, if not inhabited, by man; but how to reach the inhabitable interior! that was the question. a closer view of the cliffs than had been afforded me from the deck of the u- only confirmed my conviction that no mortal man could scale those perpendicular heights; there was not a finger-hold, not a toe-hold, upon them. i turned away baffled. nobs and i met with no sharks upon our return journey to the submarine. my report filled everyone with theories and speculations, and with renewed hope and determination. they all reasoned along the same lines that i had reasoned--the conclusions were obvious, but not the water. we were now thirstier than ever. the balance of that day we spent in continuing a minute and fruitless exploration of the monotonous coast. there was not another break in the frowning cliffs--not even another minute patch of pebbly beach. as the sun fell, so did our spirits. i had tried to make advances to the girl again; but she would have none of me, and so i was not only thirsty but otherwise sad and downhearted. i was glad when the new day broke the hideous spell of a sleepless night. the morning's search brought us no shred of hope. caprona was impregnable--that was the decision of all; yet we kept on. it must have been about two bells of the afternoon watch that bradley called my attention to the branch of a tree, with leaves upon it, floating on the sea. "it may have been carried down to the ocean by a river," he suggested. "yes," i replied, "it may have; it may have tumbled or been thrown off the top of one of these cliffs." bradley's face fell. "i thought of that, too," he replied, "but i wanted to believe the other." "right you are!" i cried. "we must believe the other until we prove it false. we can't afford to give up heart now, when we need heart most. the branch was carried down by a river, and we are going to find that river." i smote my open palm with a clenched fist, to emphasize a determination unsupported by hope. "there!" i cried suddenly. "see that, bradley?" and i pointed at a spot closer to shore. "see that, man!" some flowers and grasses and another leafy branch floated toward us. we both scanned the water and the coastline. bradley evidently discovered something, or at least thought that he had. he called down for a bucket and a rope, and when they were passed up to him, he lowered the former into the sea and drew it in filled with water. of this he took a taste, and straightening up, looked into my eyes with an expression of elation--as much as to say "i told you so!" "this water is warm," he announced, "and fresh!" i grabbed the bucket and tasted its contents. the water was very warm, and it was fresh, but there was a most unpleasant taste to it. "did you ever taste water from a stagnant pool full of tadpoles?" bradley asked. "that's it," i exclaimed, "--that's just the taste exactly, though i haven't experienced it since boyhood; but how can water from a flowing stream, taste thus, and what the dickens makes it so warm? it must be at least or fahrenheit, possibly higher." "yes," agreed bradley, "i should say higher; but where does it come from?" "that is easily discovered now that we have found it," i answered. "it can't come from the ocean; so it must come from the land. all that we have to do is follow it, and sooner or later we shall come upon its source." we were already rather close in; but i ordered the u- 's prow turned inshore and we crept slowly along, constantly dipping up the water and tasting it to assure ourselves that we didn't get outside the fresh-water current. there was a very light off-shore wind and scarcely any breakers, so that the approach to the shore was continued without finding bottom; yet though we were already quite close, we saw no indication of any indention in the coast from which even a tiny brooklet might issue, and certainly no mouth of a large river such as this must necessarily be to freshen the ocean even two hundred yards from shore. the tide was running out, and this, together with the strong flow of the freshwater current, would have prevented our going against the cliffs even had we not been under power; as it was we had to buck the combined forces in order to hold our position at all. we came up to within twenty-five feet of the sheer wall, which loomed high above us. there was no break in its forbidding face. as we watched the face of the waters and searched the cliff's high face, olson suggested that the fresh water might come from a submarine geyser. this, he said, would account for its heat; but even as he spoke a bush, covered thickly with leaves and flowers, bubbled to the surface and floated off astern. "flowering shrubs don't thrive in the subterranean caverns from which geysers spring," suggested bradley. olson shook his head. "it beats me," he said. "i've got it!" i exclaimed suddenly. "look there!" and i pointed at the base of the cliff ahead of us, which the receding tide was gradually exposing to our view. they all looked, and all saw what i had seen--the top of a dark opening in the rock, through which water was pouring out into the sea. "it's the subterranean channel of an inland river," i cried. "it flows through a land covered with vegetation--and therefore a land upon which the sun shines. no subterranean caverns produce any order of plant life even remotely resembling what we have seen disgorged by this river. beyond those cliffs lie fertile lands and fresh water--perhaps, game!" "yis, sir," said olson, "behoind the cliffs! ye spoke a true word, sir--behoind!" bradley laughed--a rather sorry laugh, though. "you might as well call our attention to the fact, sir," he said, "that science has indicated that there is fresh water and vegetation on mars." "not at all," i rejoined. "a u-boat isn't constructed to navigate space, but it is designed to travel below the surface of the water." "you'd be after sailin' into that blank pocket?" asked olson. "i would, olson," i replied. "we haven't one chance for life in a hundred thousand if we don't find food and water upon caprona. this water coming out of the cliff is not salt; but neither is it fit to drink, though each of us has drunk. it is fair to assume that inland the river is fed by pure streams, that there are fruits and herbs and game. shall we lie out here and die of thirst and starvation with a land of plenty possibly only a few hundred yards away? we have the means for navigating a subterranean river. are we too cowardly to utilize this means?" "be afther goin' to it," said olson. "i'm willing to see it through," agreed bradley. "then under the bottom, wi' the best o' luck an' give 'em hell!" cried a young fellow who had been in the trenches. "to the diving-stations!" i commanded, and in less than a minute the deck was deserted, the conning-tower covers had slammed to and the u- was submerging--possibly for the last time. i know that i had this feeling, and i think that most of the others did. as we went down, i sat in the tower with the searchlight projecting its seemingly feeble rays ahead. we submerged very slowly and without headway more than sufficient to keep her nose in the right direction, and as we went down, i saw outlined ahead of us the black opening in the great cliff. it was an opening that would have admitted a half-dozen u-boats at one and the same time, roughly cylindrical in contour--and dark as the pit of perdition. as i gave the command which sent the u- slowly ahead, i could not but feel a certain uncanny presentiment of evil. where were we going? what lay at the end of this great sewer? had we bidden farewell forever to the sunlight and life, or were there before us dangers even greater than those which we now faced? i tried to keep my mind from vain imagining by calling everything which i observed to the eager ears below. i was the eyes of the whole company, and i did my best not to fail them. we had advanced a hundred yards, perhaps, when our first danger confronted us. just ahead was a sharp right-angle turn in the tunnel. i could see the river's flotsam hurtling against the rocky wall upon the left as it was driven on by the mighty current, and i feared for the safety of the u- in making so sharp a turn under such adverse conditions; but there was nothing for it but to try. i didn't warn my fellows of the danger--it could have but caused them useless apprehension, for if we were to be smashed against the rocky wall, no power on earth could avert the quick end that would come to us. i gave the command full speed ahead and went charging toward the menace. i was forced to approach the dangerous left-hand wall in order to make the turn, and i depended upon the power of the motors to carry us through the surging waters in safety. well, we made it; but it was a narrow squeak. as we swung around, the full force of the current caught us and drove the stern against the rocks; there was a thud which sent a tremor through the whole craft, and then a moment of nasty grinding as the steel hull scraped the rock wall. i expected momentarily the inrush of waters that would seal our doom; but presently from below came the welcome word that all was well. in another fifty yards there was a second turn, this time toward the left! but it was more of a gentle curve, and we took it without trouble. after that it was plain sailing, though as far as i could know, there might be most anything ahead of us, and my nerves strained to the snapping-point every instant. after the second turn the channel ran comparatively straight for between one hundred and fifty and two hundred yards. the waters grew suddenly lighter, and my spirits rose accordingly. i shouted down to those below that i saw daylight ahead, and a great shout of thanksgiving reverberated through the ship. a moment later we emerged into sunlit water, and immediately i raised the periscope and looked about me upon the strangest landscape i had ever seen. we were in the middle of a broad and now sluggish river the banks of which were lined by giant, arboraceous ferns, raising their mighty fronds fifty, one hundred, two hundred feet into the quiet air. close by us something rose to the surface of the river and dashed at the periscope. i had a vision of wide, distended jaws, and then all was blotted out. a shiver ran down into the tower as the thing closed upon the periscope. a moment later it was gone, and i could see again. above the trees there soared into my vision a huge thing on batlike wings--a creature large as a large whale, but fashioned more after the order of a lizard. then again something charged the periscope and blotted out the mirror. i will confess that i was almost gasping for breath as i gave the commands to emerge. into what sort of strange land had fate guided us? the instant the deck was awash, i opened the conning-tower hatch and stepped out. in another minute the deck-hatch lifted, and those who were not on duty below streamed up the ladder, olson bringing nobs under one arm. for several minutes no one spoke; i think they must each have been as overcome by awe as was i. all about us was a flora and fauna as strange and wonderful to us as might have been those upon a distant planet had we suddenly been miraculously transported through ether to an unknown world. even the grass upon the nearer bank was unearthly--lush and high it grew, and each blade bore upon its tip a brilliant flower--violet or yellow or carmine or blue--making as gorgeous a sward as human imagination might conceive. but the life! it teemed. the tall, fernlike trees were alive with monkeys, snakes, and lizards. huge insects hummed and buzzed hither and thither. mighty forms could be seen moving upon the ground in the thick forest, while the bosom of the river wriggled with living things, and above flapped the wings of gigantic creatures such as we are taught have been extinct throughout countless ages. "look!" cried olson. "would you look at the giraffe comin' up out o' the bottom of the say?" we looked in the direction he pointed and saw a long, glossy neck surmounted by a small head rising above the surface of the river. presently the back of the creature was exposed, brown and glossy as the water dripped from it. it turned its eyes upon us, opened its lizard-like mouth, emitted a shrill hiss and came for us. the thing must have been sixteen or eighteen feet in length and closely resembled pictures i had seen of restored plesiosaurs of the lower jurassic. it charged us as savagely as a mad bull, and one would have thought it intended to destroy and devour the mighty u-boat, as i verily believe it did intend. we were moving slowly up the river as the creature bore down upon us with distended jaws. the long neck was far outstretched, and the four flippers with which it swam were working with powerful strokes, carrying it forward at a rapid pace. when it reached the craft's side, the jaws closed upon one of the stanchions of the deck rail and tore it from its socket as though it had been a toothpick stuck in putty. at this exhibition of titanic strength i think we all simultaneously stepped backward, and bradley drew his revolver and fired. the bullet struck the thing in the neck, just above its body; but instead of disabling it, merely increased its rage. its hissing rose to a shrill scream as it raised half its body out of water onto the sloping sides of the hull of the u- and endeavored to scramble upon the deck to devour us. a dozen shots rang out as we who were armed drew our pistols and fired at the thing; but though struck several times, it showed no signs of succumbing and only floundered farther aboard the submarine. i had noticed that the girl had come on deck and was standing not far behind me, and when i saw the danger to which we were all exposed, i turned and forced her toward the hatch. we had not spoken for some days, and we did not speak now; but she gave me a disdainful look, which was quite as eloquent as words, and broke loose from my grasp. i saw i could do nothing with her unless i exerted force, and so i turned with my back toward her that i might be in a position to shield her from the strange reptile should it really succeed in reaching the deck; and as i did so i saw the thing raise one flipper over the rail, dart its head forward and with the quickness of lightning seize upon one of the boches. i ran forward, discharging my pistol into the creature's body in an effort to force it to relinquish its prey; but i might as profitably have shot at the sun. shrieking and screaming, the german was dragged from the deck, and the moment the reptile was clear of the boat, it dived beneath the surface of the water with its terrified prey. i think we were all more or less shaken by the frightfulness of the tragedy--until olson remarked that the balance of power now rested where it belonged. following the death of benson we had been nine and nine--nine germans and nine "allies," as we called ourselves, now there were but eight germans. we never counted the girl on either side, i suppose because she was a girl, though we knew well enough now that she was ours. and so olson's remark helped to clear the atmosphere for the allies at least, and then our attention was once more directed toward the river, for around us there had sprung up a perfect bedlam of screams and hisses and a seething caldron of hideous reptiles, devoid of fear and filled only with hunger and with rage. they clambered, squirmed and wriggled to the deck, forcing us steadily backward, though we emptied our pistols into them. there were all sorts and conditions of horrible things--huge, hideous, grotesque, monstrous--a veritable mesozoic nightmare. i saw that the girl was gotten below as quickly as possible, and she took nobs with her--poor nobs had nearly barked his head off; and i think, too, that for the first time since his littlest puppyhood he had known fear; nor can i blame him. after the girl i sent bradley and most of the allies and then the germans who were on deck--von schoenvorts being still in irons below. the creatures were approaching perilously close before i dropped through the hatchway and slammed down the cover. then i went into the tower and ordered full speed ahead, hoping to distance the fearsome things; but it was useless. not only could any of them easily outdistance the u- , but the further upstream we progressed the greater the number of our besiegers, until fearful of navigating a strange river at high speed, i gave orders to reduce and moved slowly and majestically through the plunging, hissing mass. i was mighty glad that our entrance into the interior of caprona had been inside a submarine rather than in any other form of vessel. i could readily understand how it might have been that caprona had been invaded in the past by venturesome navigators without word of it ever reaching the outside world, for i can assure you that only by submarine could man pass up that great sluggish river, alive. we proceeded up the river for some forty miles before darkness overtook us. i was afraid to submerge and lie on the bottom overnight for fear that the mud might be deep enough to hold us, and as we could not hold with the anchor, i ran in close to shore, and in a brief interim of attack from the reptiles we made fast to a large tree. we also dipped up some of the river water and found it, though quite warm, a little sweeter than before. we had food enough, and with the water we were all quite refreshed; but we missed fresh meat. it had been weeks, now, since we had tasted it, and the sight of the reptiles gave me an idea--that a steak or two from one of them might not be bad eating. so i went on deck with a rifle, twenty of which were aboard the u- . at sight of me a huge thing charged and climbed to the deck. i retreated to the top of the conning-tower, and when it had raised its mighty bulk to the level of the little deck on which i stood, i let it have a bullet right between the eyes. the thing stopped then and looked at me a moment as much as to say: "why this thing has a stinger! i must be careful." and then it reached out its long neck and opened its mighty jaws and grabbed for me; but i wasn't there. i had tumbled backward into the tower, and i mighty near killed myself doing it. when i glanced up, that little head on the end of its long neck was coming straight down on top of me, and once more i tumbled into greater safety, sprawling upon the floor of the centrale. olson was looking up, and seeing what was poking about in the tower, ran for an ax; nor did he hesitate a moment when he returned with one, but sprang up the ladder and commenced chopping away at that hideous face. the thing didn't have sufficient brainpan to entertain more than a single idea at once. though chopped and hacked, and with a bullethole between its eyes, it still persisted madly in its attempt to get inside the tower and devour olson, though its body was many times the diameter of the hatch; nor did it cease its efforts until after olson had succeeded in decapitating it. then the two men went on deck through the main hatch, and while one kept watch, the other cut a hind quarter off plesiosaurus olsoni, as bradley dubbed the thing. meantime olson cut off the long neck, saying that it would make fine soup. by the time we had cleared away the blood and refuse in the tower, the cook had juicy steaks and a steaming broth upon the electric stove, and the aroma arising from p. olsoni filled us all with a hitherto unfelt admiration for him and all his kind. chapter the steaks we had that night, and they were fine; and the following morning we tasted the broth. it seemed odd to be eating a creature that should, by all the laws of paleontology, have been extinct for several million years. it gave one a feeling of newness that was almost embarrassing, although it didn't seem to embarrass our appetites. olson ate until i thought he would burst. the girl ate with us that night at the little officers' mess just back of the torpedo compartment. the narrow table was unfolded; the four stools were set out; and for the first time in days we sat down to eat, and for the first time in weeks we had something to eat other than the monotony of the short rations of an impoverished u-boat. nobs sat between the girl and me and was fed with morsels of the plesiosaurus steak, at the risk of forever contaminating his manners. he looked at me sheepishly all the time, for he knew that no well-bred dog should eat at table; but the poor fellow was so wasted from improper food that i couldn't enjoy my own meal had he been denied an immediate share in it; and anyway lys wanted to feed him. so there you are. lys was coldly polite to me and sweetly gracious to bradley and olson. she wasn't of the gushing type, i knew; so i didn't expect much from her and was duly grateful for the few morsels of attention she threw upon the floor to me. we had a pleasant meal, with only one unfortunate occurrence--when olson suggested that possibly the creature we were eating was the same one that ate the german. it was some time before we could persuade the girl to continue her meal, but at last bradley prevailed upon her, pointing out that we had come upstream nearly forty miles since the boche had been seized, and that during that time we had seen literally thousands of these denizens of the river, indicating that the chances were very remote that this was the same plesiosaur. "and anyway," he concluded, "it was only a scheme of mr. olson's to get all the steaks for himself." we discussed the future and ventured opinions as to what lay before us; but we could only theorize at best, for none of us knew. if the whole land was infested by these and similar horrid monsters, life would be impossible upon it, and we decided that we would only search long enough to find and take aboard fresh water and such meat and fruits as might be safely procurable and then retrace our way beneath the cliffs to the open sea. and so at last we turned into our narrow bunks, hopeful, happy and at peace with ourselves, our lives and our god, to awaken the following morning refreshed and still optimistic. we had an easy time getting away--as we learned later, because the saurians do not commence to feed until late in the morning. from noon to midnight their curve of activity is at its height, while from dawn to about nine o'clock it is lowest. as a matter of fact, we didn't see one of them all the time we were getting under way, though i had the cannon raised to the deck and manned against an assault. i hoped, but i was none too sure, that shells might discourage them. the trees were full of monkeys of all sizes and shades, and once we thought we saw a manlike creature watching us from the depth of the forest. shortly after we resumed our course upstream, we saw the mouth of another and smaller river emptying into the main channel from the south--that is, upon our right; and almost immediately after we came upon a large island five or six miles in length; and at fifty miles there was a still larger river than the last coming in from the northwest, the course of the main stream having now changed to northeast by southwest. the water was quite free from reptiles, and the vegetation upon the banks of the river had altered to more open and parklike forest, with eucalyptus and acacia mingled with a scattering of tree ferns, as though two distinct periods of geologic time had overlapped and merged. the grass, too, was less flowering, though there were still gorgeous patches mottling the greensward; and lastly, the fauna was less multitudinous. six or seven miles farther, and the river widened considerably; before us opened an expanse of water to the farther horizon, and then we sailed out upon an inland sea so large that only a shore-line upon our side was visible to us. the waters all about us were alive with life. there were still a few reptiles; but there were fish by the thousands, by the millions. the water of the inland sea was very warm, almost hot, and the atmosphere was hot and heavy above it. it seemed strange that beyond the buttressed walls of caprona icebergs floated and the south wind was biting, for only a gentle breeze moved across the face of these living waters, and that was damp and warm. gradually, we commenced to divest ourselves of our clothing, retaining only sufficient for modesty; but the sun was not hot. it was more the heat of a steam-room than of an oven. we coasted up the shore of the lake in a north-westerly direction, sounding all the time. we found the lake deep and the bottom rocky and steeply shelving toward the center, and once when i moved straight out from shore to take other soundings we could find no bottom whatsoever. in open spaces along the shore we caught occasional glimpses of the distant cliffs, and here they appeared only a trifle less precipitous than those which bound caprona on the seaward side. my theory is that in a far distant era caprona was a mighty mountain--perhaps the world's mightiest mountain--and that in some titanic eruption volcanic action blew off the entire crest, blew thousands of feet of the mountain upward and outward and onto the surrounding continent, leaving a great crater; and then, possibly, the continent sank as ancient continents have been known to do, leaving only the summit of caprona above the sea. the encircling walls, the central lake, the hot springs which feed the lake, all point to such a conclusion, and the fauna and the flora bear indisputable evidence that caprona was once part of some great land-mass. as we cruised up along the coast, the landscape continued a more or less open forest, with here and there a small plain where we saw animals grazing. with my glass i could make out a species of large red deer, some antelope and what appeared to be a species of horse; and once i saw the shaggy form of what might have been a monstrous bison. here was game a plenty! there seemed little danger of starving upon caprona. the game, however, seemed wary; for the instant the animals discovered us, they threw up their heads and tails and went cavorting off, those farther inland following the example of the others until all were lost in the mazes of the distant forest. only the great, shaggy ox stood his ground. with lowered head he watched us until we had passed, and then continued feeding. about twenty miles up the coast from the mouth of the river we encountered low cliffs of sandstone, broken and tortured evidence of the great upheaval which had torn caprona asunder in the past, intermingling upon a common level the rock formations of widely separated eras, fusing some and leaving others untouched. we ran along beside them for a matter of ten miles, arriving off a broad cleft which led into what appeared to be another lake. as we were in search of pure water, we did not wish to overlook any portion of the coast, and so after sounding and finding that we had ample depth, i ran the u- between head-lands into as pretty a landlocked harbor as sailormen could care to see, with good water right up to within a few yards of the shore. as we cruised slowly along, two of the boches again saw what they believed to be a man, or manlike creature, watching us from a fringe of trees a hundred yards inland, and shortly after we discovered the mouth of a small stream emptying into the bay. it was the first stream we had found since leaving the river, and i at once made preparations to test its water. to land, it would be necessary to run the u- close in to the shore, at least as close as we could, for even these waters were infested, though, not so thickly, by savage reptiles. i ordered sufficient water let into the diving-tanks to lower us about a foot, and then i ran the bow slowly toward the shore, confident that should we run aground, we still had sufficient lifting force to free us when the water should be pumped out of the tanks; but the bow nosed its way gently into the reeds and touched the shore with the keel still clear. my men were all armed now with both rifles and pistols, each having plenty of ammunition. i ordered one of the germans ashore with a line, and sent two of my own men to guard him, for from what little we had seen of caprona, or caspak as we learned later to call the interior, we realized that any instant some new and terrible danger might confront us. the line was made fast to a small tree, and at the same time i had the stern anchor dropped. as soon as the boche and his guard were aboard again, i called all hands on deck, including von schoenvorts, and there i explained to them that the time had come for us to enter into some sort of an agreement among ourselves that would relieve us of the annoyance and embarrassment of being divided into two antagonistic parts--prisoners and captors. i told them that it was obvious our very existence depended upon our unity of action, that we were to all intent and purpose entering a new world as far from the seat and causes of our own world-war as if millions of miles of space and eons of time separated us from our past lives and habitations. "there is no reason why we should carry our racial and political hatreds into caprona," i insisted. "the germans among us might kill all the english, or the english might kill the last german, without affecting in the slightest degree either the outcome of even the smallest skirmish upon the western front or the opinion of a single individual in any belligerent or neutral country. i therefore put the issue squarely to you all; shall we bury our animosities and work together with and for one another while we remain upon caprona, or must we continue thus divided and but half armed, possibly until death has claimed the last of us? and let me tell you, if you have not already realized it, the chances are a thousand to one that not one of us ever will see the outside world again. we are safe now in the matter of food and water; we could provision the u- for a long cruise; but we are practically out of fuel, and without fuel we cannot hope to reach the ocean, as only a submarine can pass through the barrier cliffs. what is your answer?" i turned toward von schoenvorts. he eyed me in that disagreeable way of his and demanded to know, in case they accepted my suggestion, what their status would be in event of our finding a way to escape with the u- . i replied that i felt that if we had all worked loyally together we should leave caprona upon a common footing, and to that end i suggested that should the remote possibility of our escape in the submarine develop into reality, we should then immediately make for the nearest neutral port and give ourselves into the hands of the authorities, when we should all probably be interned for the duration of the war. to my surprise he agreed that this was fair and told me that they would accept my conditions and that i could depend upon their loyalty to the common cause. i thanked him and then addressed each one of his men individually, and each gave me his word that he would abide by all that i had outlined. it was further understood that we were to act as a military organization under military rules and discipline--i as commander, with bradley as my first lieutenant and olson as my second, in command of the englishmen; while von schoenvorts was to act as an additional second lieutenant and have charge of his own men. the four of us were to constitute a military court under which men might be tried and sentenced to punishment for infraction of military rules and discipline, even to the passing of the death-sentence. i then had arms and ammunition issued to the germans, and leaving bradley and five men to guard the u- , the balance of us went ashore. the first thing we did was to taste the water of the little stream--which, to our delight, we found sweet, pure and cold. this stream was entirely free from dangerous reptiles, because, as i later discovered, they became immediately dormant when subjected to a much lower temperature than degrees fahrenheit. they dislike cold water and keep as far away from it as possible. there were countless brook-trout here, and deep holes that invited us to bathe, and along the bank of the stream were trees bearing a close resemblance to ash and beech and oak, their characteristics evidently induced by the lower temperature of the air above the cold water and by the fact that their roots were watered by the water from the stream rather than from the warm springs which we afterward found in such abundance elsewhere. our first concern was to fill the water tanks of the u- with fresh water, and that having been accomplished, we set out to hunt for game and explore inland for a short distance. olson, von schoenvorts, two englishmen and two germans accompanied me, leaving ten to guard the ship and the girl. i had intended leaving nobs behind, but he got away and joined me and was so happy over it that i hadn't the heart to send him back. we followed the stream upward through a beautiful country for about five miles, and then came upon its source in a little boulder-strewn clearing. from among the rocks bubbled fully twenty ice-cold springs. north of the clearing rose sandstone cliffs to a height of some fifty to seventy-five feet, with tall trees growing at their base and almost concealing them from our view. to the west the country was flat and sparsely wooded, and here it was that we saw our first game--a large red deer. it was grazing away from us and had not seen us when one of my men called my attention to it. motioning for silence and having the rest of the party lie down, i crept toward the quarry, accompanied only by whitely. we got within a hundred yards of the deer when he suddenly raised his antlered head and pricked up his great ears. we both fired at once and had the satisfaction of seeing the buck drop; then we ran forward to finish him with our knives. the deer lay in a small open space close to a clump of acacias, and we had advanced to within several yards of our kill when we both halted suddenly and simultaneously. whitely looked at me, and i looked at whitely, and then we both looked back in the direction of the deer. "blime!" he said. "wot is hit, sir?" "it looks to me, whitely, like an error," i said; "some assistant god who had been creating elephants must have been temporarily transferred to the lizard-department." "hi wouldn't s'y that, sir," said whitely; "it sounds blasphemous." "it is no more blasphemous than that thing which is swiping our meat," i replied, for whatever the thing was, it had leaped upon our deer and was devouring it in great mouthfuls which it swallowed without mastication. the creature appeared to be a great lizard at least ten feet high, with a huge, powerful tail as long as its torso, mighty hind legs and short forelegs. when it had advanced from the wood, it hopped much after the fashion of a kangaroo, using its hind feet and tail to propel it, and when it stood erect, it sat upon its tail. its head was long and thick, with a blunt muzzle, and the opening of the jaws ran back to a point behind the eyes, and the jaws were armed with long sharp teeth. the scaly body was covered with black and yellow spots about a foot in diameter and irregular in contour. these spots were outlined in red with edgings about an inch wide. the underside of the chest, body and tail were a greenish white. "wot s'y we pot the bloomin' bird, sir?" suggested whitely. i told him to wait until i gave the word; then we would fire simultaneously, he at the heart and i at the spine. "hat the 'eart, sir--yes, sir," he replied, and raised his piece to his shoulder. our shots rang out together. the thing raised its head and looked about until its eyes rested upon us; then it gave vent to a most appalling hiss that rose to the crescendo of a terrific shriek and came for us. "beat it, whitely!" i cried as i turned to run. we were about a quarter of a mile from the rest of our party, and in full sight of them as they lay in the tall grass watching us. that they saw all that had happened was evidenced by the fact that they now rose and ran toward us, and at their head leaped nobs. the creature in our rear was gaining on us rapidly when nobs flew past me like a meteor and rushed straight for the frightful reptile. i tried to recall him, but he would pay no attention to me, and as i couldn't see him sacrificed, i, too, stopped and faced the monster. the creature appeared to be more impressed with nobs than by us and our firearms, for it stopped as the airedale dashed at it growling, and struck at him viciously with its powerful jaws. nobs, though, was lightning by comparison with the slow thinking beast and dodged his opponent's thrust with ease. then he raced to the rear of the tremendous thing and seized it by the tail. there nobs made the error of his life. within that mottled organ were the muscles of a titan, the force of a dozen mighty catapults, and the owner of the tail was fully aware of the possibilities which it contained. with a single flip of the tip it sent poor nobs sailing through the air a hundred feet above the ground, straight back into the clump of acacias from which the beast had leaped upon our kill--and then the grotesque thing sank lifeless to the ground. olson and von schoenvorts came up a minute later with their men; then we all cautiously approached the still form upon the ground. the creature was quite dead, and an examination resulted in disclosing the fact that whitely's bullet had pierced its heart, and mine had severed the spinal cord. "but why didn't it die instantly?" i exclaimed. "because," said von schoenvorts in his disagreeable way, "the beast is so large, and its nervous organization of so low a caliber, that it took all this time for the intelligence of death to reach and be impressed upon the minute brain. the thing was dead when your bullets struck it; but it did not know it for several seconds--possibly a minute. if i am not mistaken, it is an allosaurus of the upper jurassic, remains of which have been found in central wyoming, in the suburbs of new york." an irishman by the name of brady grinned. i afterward learned that he had served three years on the traffic-squad of the chicago police force. i had been calling nobs in the meantime and was about to set out in search of him, fearing, to tell the truth, to do so lest i find him mangled and dead among the trees of the acacia grove, when he suddenly emerged from among the boles, his ears flattened, his tail between his legs and his body screwed into a suppliant s. he was unharmed except for minor bruises; but he was the most chastened dog i have ever seen. we gathered up what was left of the red deer after skinning and cleaning it, and set out upon our return journey toward the u-boat. on the way olson, von schoenvorts and i discussed the needs of our immediate future, and we were unanimous in placing foremost the necessity of a permanent camp on shore. the interior of a u-boat is about as impossible and uncomfortable an abiding-place as one can well imagine, and in this warm climate, and in warm water, it was almost unendurable. so we decided to construct a palisaded camp. chapter as we strolled slowly back toward the boat, planning and discussing this, we were suddenly startled by a loud and unmistakable detonation. "a shell from the u- !" exclaimed von schoenvorts. "what can be after signifyin'?" queried olson. "they are in trouble," i answered for all, "and it's up to us to get back to them. drop that carcass," i directed the men carrying the meat, "and follow me!" i set off at a rapid run in the direction of the harbor. we ran for the better part of a mile without hearing anything more from the direction of the harbor, and then i reduced the speed to a walk, for the exercise was telling on us who had been cooped up for so long in the confined interior of the u- . puffing and panting, we plodded on until within about a mile of the harbor we came upon a sight that brought us all up standing. we had been passing through a little heavier timber than was usual to this part of the country, when we suddenly emerged into an open space in the center of which was such a band as might have caused the most courageous to pause. it consisted of upward of five hundred individuals representing several species closely allied to man. there were anthropoid apes and gorillas--these i had no difficulty in recognizing; but there were other forms which i had never before seen, and i was hard put to it to say whether they were ape or man. some of them resembled the corpse we had found upon the narrow beach against caprona's sea-wall, while others were of a still lower type, more nearly resembling the apes, and yet others were uncannily manlike, standing there erect, being less hairy and possessing better shaped heads. there was one among the lot, evidently the leader of them, who bore a close resemblance to the so-called neanderthal man of la chapelle-aux-saints. there was the same short, stocky trunk upon which rested an enormous head habitually bent forward into the same curvature as the back, the arms shorter than the legs, and the lower leg considerably shorter than that of modern man, the knees bent forward and never straightened. this creature and one or two others who appeared to be of a lower order than he, yet higher than that of the apes, carried heavy clubs; the others were armed only with giant muscles and fighting fangs--nature's weapons. all were males, and all were entirely naked; nor was there upon even the highest among them a sign of ornamentation. at sight of us they turned with bared fangs and low growls to confront us. i did not wish to fire among them unless it became absolutely necessary, and so i started to lead my party around them; but the instant that the neanderthal man guessed my intention, he evidently attributed it to cowardice upon our part, and with a wild cry he leaped toward us, waving his cudgel above his head. the others followed him, and in a minute we should have been overwhelmed. i gave the order to fire, and at the first volley six of them went down, including the neanderthal man. the others hesitated a moment and then broke for the trees, some running nimbly among the branches, while others lost themselves to us between the boles. both von schoenvorts and i noticed that at least two of the higher, manlike types took to the trees quite as nimbly as the apes, while others that more nearly approached man in carriage and appearance sought safety upon the ground with the gorillas. an examination disclosed that five of our erstwhile opponents were dead and the sixth, the neanderthal man, was but slightly wounded, a bullet having glanced from his thick skull, stunning him. we decided to take him with us to camp, and by means of belts we managed to secure his hands behind his back and place a leash around his neck before he regained consciousness. we then retraced our steps for our meat being convinced by our own experience that those aboard the u- had been able to frighten off this party with a single shell--but when we came to where we had left the deer it had disappeared. on the return journey whitely and i preceded the rest of the party by about a hundred yards in the hope of getting another shot at something edible, for we were all greatly disgusted and disappointed by the loss of our venison. whitely and i advanced very cautiously, and not having the whole party with us, we fared better than on the journey out, bagging two large antelope not a half-mile from the harbor; so with our game and our prisoner we made a cheerful return to the boat, where we found that all were safe. on the shore a little north of where we lay there were the corpses of twenty of the wild creatures who had attacked bradley and his party in our absence, and the rest of whom we had met and scattered a few minutes later. we felt that we had taught these wild ape-men a lesson and that because of it we would be safer in the future--at least safer from them; but we decided not to abate our carefulness one whit, feeling that this new world was filled with terrors still unknown to us; nor were we wrong. the following morning we commenced work upon our camp, bradley, olson, von schoenvorts, miss la rue, and i having sat up half the night discussing the matter and drawing plans. we set the men at work felling trees, selecting for the purpose jarrah, a hard, weather-resisting timber which grew in profusion near by. half the men labored while the other half stood guard, alternating each hour with an hour off at noon. olson directed this work. bradley, von schoenvorts and i, with miss la rue's help, staked out the various buildings and the outer wall. when the day was done, we had quite an array of logs nicely notched and ready for our building operations on the morrow, and we were all tired, for after the buildings had been staked out we all fell in and helped with the logging--all but von schoenvorts. he, being a prussian and a gentleman, couldn't stoop to such menial labor in the presence of his men, and i didn't see fit to ask it of him, as the work was purely voluntary upon our part. he spent the afternoon shaping a swagger-stick from the branch of jarrah and talking with miss la rue, who had sufficiently unbent toward him to notice his existence. we saw nothing of the wild men of the previous day, and only once were we menaced by any of the strange denizens of caprona, when some frightful nightmare of the sky swooped down upon us, only to be driven off by a fusillade of bullets. the thing appeared to be some variety of pterodactyl, and what with its enormous size and ferocious aspect was most awe-inspiring. there was another incident, too, which to me at least was far more unpleasant than the sudden onslaught of the prehistoric reptile. two of the men, both germans, were stripping a felled tree of its branches. von schoenvorts had completed his swagger-stick, and he and i were passing close to where the two worked. one of them threw to his rear a small branch that he had just chopped off, and as misfortune would have it, it struck von schoenvorts across the face. it couldn't have hurt him, for it didn't leave a mark; but he flew into a terrific rage, shouting: "attention!" in a loud voice. the sailor immediately straightened up, faced his officer, clicked his heels together and saluted. "pig!" roared the baron, and struck the fellow across the face, breaking his nose. i grabbed von schoenvorts' arm and jerked him away before he could strike again, if such had been his intention, and then he raised his little stick to strike me; but before it descended the muzzle of my pistol was against his belly and he must have seen in my eyes that nothing would suit me better than an excuse to pull the trigger. like all his kind and all other bullies, von schoenvorts was a coward at heart, and so he dropped his hand to his side and started to turn away; but i pulled him back, and there before his men i told him that such a thing must never again occur--that no man was to be struck or otherwise punished other than in due process of the laws that we had made and the court that we had established. all the time the sailor stood rigidly at attention, nor could i tell from his expression whether he most resented the blow his officer had struck him or my interference in the gospel of the kaiser-breed. nor did he move until i said to him: "plesser, you may return to your quarters and dress your wound." then he saluted and marched stiffly off toward the u- . just before dusk we moved out into the bay a hundred yards from shore and dropped anchor, for i felt that we should be safer there than elsewhere. i also detailed men to stand watch during the night and appointed olson officer of the watch for the entire night, telling him to bring his blankets on deck and get what rest he could. at dinner we tasted our first roast caprona antelope, and we had a mess of greens that the cook had found growing along the stream. all during the meal von schoenvorts was silent and surly. after dinner we all went on deck and watched the unfamiliar scenes of a capronian night--that is, all but von schoenvorts. there was less to see than to hear. from the great inland lake behind us came the hissing and the screaming of countless saurians. above us we heard the flap of giant wings, while from the shore rose the multitudinous voices of a tropical jungle--of a warm, damp atmosphere such as must have enveloped the entire earth during the paleozoic and mesozoic eras. but here were intermingled the voices of later eras--the scream of the panther, the roar of the lion, the baying of wolves and a thunderous growling which we could attribute to nothing earthly but which one day we were to connect with the most fearsome of ancient creatures. one by one the others went to their rooms, until the girl and i were left alone together, for i had permitted the watch to go below for a few minutes, knowing that i would be on deck. miss la rue was very quiet, though she replied graciously enough to whatever i had to say that required reply. i asked her if she did not feel well. "yes," she said, "but i am depressed by the awfulness of it all. i feel of so little consequence--so small and helpless in the face of all these myriad manifestations of life stripped to the bone of its savagery and brutality. i realize as never before how cheap and valueless a thing is life. life seems a joke, a cruel, grim joke. you are a laughable incident or a terrifying one as you happen to be less powerful or more powerful than some other form of life which crosses your path; but as a rule you are of no moment whatsoever to anything but yourself. you are a comic little figure, hopping from the cradle to the grave. yes, that is our trouble--we take ourselves too seriously; but caprona should be a sure cure for that." she paused and laughed. "you have evolved a beautiful philosophy," i said. "it fills such a longing in the human breast. it is full, it is satisfying, it is ennobling. what wondrous strides toward perfection the human race might have made if the first man had evolved it and it had persisted until now as the creed of humanity." "i don't like irony," she said; "it indicates a small soul." "what other sort of soul, then, would you expect from `a comic little figure hopping from the cradle to the grave'?" i inquired. "and what difference does it make, anyway, what you like and what you don't like? you are here for but an instant, and you mustn't take yourself too seriously." she looked up at me with a smile. "i imagine that i am frightened and blue," she said, "and i know that i am very, very homesick and lonely." there was almost a sob in her voice as she concluded. it was the first time that she had spoken thus to me. involuntarily, i laid my hand upon hers where it rested on the rail. "i know how difficult your position is," i said; "but don't feel that you are alone. there is--is one here who--who would do anything in the world for you," i ended lamely. she did not withdraw her hand, and she looked up into my face with tears on her cheeks and i read in her eyes the thanks her lips could not voice. then she looked away across the weird moonlit landscape and sighed. evidently her new-found philosophy had tumbled about her ears, for she was seemingly taking herself seriously. i wanted to take her in my arms and tell her how i loved her, and had taken her hand from the rail and started to draw her toward me when olson came blundering up on deck with his bedding. the following morning we started building operations in earnest, and things progressed finely. the neanderthal man was something of a care, for we had to keep him in irons all the time, and he was mighty savage when approached; but after a time he became more docile, and then we tried to discover if he had a language. lys spent a great deal of time talking to him and trying to draw him out; but for a long while she was unsuccessful. it took us three weeks to build all the houses, which we constructed close by a cold spring some two miles from the harbor. we changed our plans a trifle when it came to building the palisade, for we found a rotted cliff near by where we could get all the flat building-stone we needed, and so we constructed a stone wall entirely around the buildings. it was in the form of a square, with bastions and towers at each corner which would permit an enfilading fire along any side of the fort, and was about one hundred and thirty-five feet square on the outside, with walls three feet thick at the bottom and about a foot and a half wide at the top, and fifteen feet high. it took a long time to build that wall, and we all turned in and helped except von schoenvorts, who, by the way, had not spoken to me except in the line of official business since our encounter--a condition of armed neutrality which suited me to a t. we have just finished it, the last touches being put on today. i quit about a week ago and commenced working on this chronicle for our strange adventures, which will account for any minor errors in chronology which may have crept in; there was so much material that i may have made some mistakes, but i think they are but minor and few. i see in reading over the last few pages that i neglected to state that lys finally discovered that the neanderthal man possessed a language. she has learned to speak it, and so have i, to some extent. it was he--his name he says is am, or ahm--who told us that this country is called caspak. when we asked him how far it extended, he waved both arms about his head in an all-including gesture which took in, apparently, the entire universe. he is more tractable now, and we are going to release him, for he has assured us that he will not permit his fellows to harm us. he calls us galus and says that in a short time he will be a galu. it is not quite clear to us what he means. he says that there are many galus north of us, and that as soon as he becomes one he will go and live with them. ahm went out to hunt with us yesterday and was much impressed by the ease with which our rifles brought down antelopes and deer. we have been living upon the fat of the land, ahm having shown us the edible fruits, tubers and herbs, and twice a week we go out after fresh meat. a certain proportion of this we dry and store away, for we do not know what may come. our drying process is really smoking. we have also dried a large quantity of two varieties of cereal which grow wild a few miles south of us. one of these is a giant indian maize--a lofty perennial often fifty and sixty feet in height, with ears the size of a man's body and kernels as large as your fist. we have had to construct a second store house for the great quantity of this that we have gathered. september , : three months ago today the torpedo from the u- started me from the peaceful deck of the american liner upon the strange voyage which has ended here in caspak. we have settled down to an acceptance of our fate, for all are convinced that none of us will ever see the outer world again. ahm's repeated assertions that there are human beings like ourselves in caspak have roused the men to a keen desire for exploration. i sent out one party last week under bradley. ahm, who is now free to go and come as he wishes, accompanied them. they marched about twenty-five miles due west, encountering many terrible beasts and reptiles and not a few manlike creatures whom ahm sent away. here is bradley's report of the expedition: marched fifteen miles the first day, camping on the bank of a large stream which runs southward. game was plentiful and we saw several varieties which we had not before encountered in caspak. just before making camp we were charged by an enormous woolly rhinoceros, which plesser dropped with a perfect shot. we had rhinoceros-steaks for supper. ahm called the thing "atis." it was almost a continuous battle from the time we left the fort until we arrived at camp. the mind of man can scarce conceive the plethora of carnivorous life in this lost world; and their prey, of course, is even more abundant. the second day we marched about ten miles to the foot of the cliffs. passed through dense forests close to the base of the cliffs. saw manlike creatures and a low order of ape in one band, and some of the men swore that there was a white man among them. they were inclined to attack us at first; but a volley from our rifles caused them to change their minds. we scaled the cliffs as far as we could; but near the top they are absolutely perpendicular without any sufficient cleft or protuberance to give hand or foot-hold. all were disappointed, for we hungered for a view of the ocean and the outside world. we even had a hope that we might see and attract the attention of a passing ship. our exploration has determined one thing which will probably be of little value to us and never heard of beyond caprona's walls--this crater was once entirely filled with water. indisputable evidence of this is on the face of the cliffs. our return journey occupied two days and was as filled with adventure as usual. we are all becoming accustomed to adventure. it is beginning to pall on us. we suffered no casualties and there was no illness. i had to smile as i read bradley's report. in those four days he had doubtless passed through more adventures than an african big-game hunter experiences in a lifetime, and yet he covered it all in a few lines. yes, we are becoming accustomed to adventure. not a day passes that one or more of us does not face death at least once. ahm taught us a few things that have proved profitable and saved us much ammunition, which it is useless to expend except for food or in the last recourse of self-preservation. now when we are attacked by large flying reptiles we run beneath spreading trees; when land carnivora threaten us, we climb into trees, and we have learned not to fire at any of the dinosaurs unless we can keep out of their reach for at least two minutes after hitting them in the brain or spine, or five minutes after puncturing their hearts--it takes them so long to die. to hit them elsewhere is worse than useless, for they do not seem to notice it, and we had discovered that such shots do not kill or even disable them. september , : much has happened since i last wrote. bradley is away again on another exploration expedition to the cliffs. he expects to be gone several weeks and to follow along their base in search of a point where they may be scaled. he took sinclair, brady, james, and tippet with him. ahm has disappeared. he has been gone about three days; but the most startling thing i have on record is that von schoenvorts and olson while out hunting the other day discovered oil about fifteen miles north of us beyond the sandstone cliffs. olson says there is a geyser of oil there, and von schoenvorts is making preparations to refine it. if he succeeds, we shall have the means for leaving caspak and returning to our own world. i can scarce believe the truth of it. we are all elated to the seventh heaven of bliss. pray god we shall not be disappointed. i have tried on several occasions to broach the subject of my love to lys; but she will not listen. chapter october , : this is the last entry i shall make upon my manuscript. when this is done, i shall be through. though i may pray that it reaches the haunts of civilized man, my better judgment tells me that it will never be perused by other eyes than mine, and that even though it should, it would be too late to avail me. i am alone upon the summit of the great cliff overlooking the broad pacific. a chill south wind bites at my marrow, while far below me i can see the tropic foliage of caspak on the one hand and huge icebergs from the near antarctic upon the other. presently i shall stuff my folded manuscript into the thermos bottle i have carried with me for the purpose since i left the fort--fort dinosaur we named it--and hurl it far outward over the cliff-top into the pacific. what current washes the shore of caprona i know not; whither my bottle will be borne i cannot even guess; but i have done all that mortal man may do to notify the world of my whereabouts and the dangers that threaten those of us who remain alive in caspak--if there be any other than myself. about the th of september i accompanied olson and von schoenvorts to the oil-geyser. lys came with us, and we took a number of things which von schoenvorts wanted for the purpose of erecting a crude refinery. we went up the coast some ten or twelve miles in the u- , tying up to shore near the mouth of a small stream which emptied great volumes of crude oil into the sea--i find it difficult to call this great lake by any other name. then we disembarked and went inland about five miles, where we came upon a small lake entirely filled with oil, from the center of which a geyser of oil spouted. on the edge of the lake we helped von schoenvorts build his primitive refinery. we worked with him for two days until he got things fairly well started, and then we returned to fort dinosaur, as i feared that bradley might return and be worried by our absence. the u- merely landed those of us that were to return to the fort and then retraced its course toward the oil-well. olson, whitely, wilson, miss la rue, and myself disembarked, while von schoenvorts and his german crew returned to refine the oil. the next day plesser and two other germans came down overland for ammunition. plesser said they had been attacked by wild men and had exhausted a great deal of ammunition. he also asked permission to get some dried meat and maize, saying that they were so busy with the work of refining that they had no time to hunt. i let him have everything he asked for, and never once did a suspicion of their intentions enter my mind. they returned to the oil-well the same day, while we continued with the multitudinous duties of camp life. for three days nothing of moment occurred. bradley did not return; nor did we have any word from von schoenvorts. in the evening lys and i went up into one of the bastion towers and listened to the grim and terrible nightlife of the frightful ages of the past. once a saber-tooth screamed almost beneath us, and the girl shrank close against me. as i felt her body against mine, all the pent love of these three long months shattered the bonds of timidity and conviction, and i swept her up into my arms and covered her face and lips with kisses. she did not struggle to free herself; but instead her dear arms crept up about my neck and drew my own face even closer to hers. "you love me, lys?" i cried. i felt her head nod an affirmative against my breast. "tell me, lys," i begged, "tell me in words how much you love me." low and sweet and tender came the answer: "i love you beyond all conception." my heart filled with rapture then, and it fills now as it has each of the countless times i have recalled those dear words, as it shall fill always until death has claimed me. i may never see her again; she may not know how i love her--she may question, she may doubt; but always true and steady, and warm with the fires of love my heart beats for the girl who said that night: "i love you beyond all conception." for a long time we sat there upon the little bench constructed for the sentry that we had not as yet thought it necessary to post in more than one of the four towers. we learned to know one another better in those two brief hours than we had in all the months that had intervened since we had been thrown together. she told me that she had loved me from the first, and that she never had loved von schoenvorts, their engagement having been arranged by her aunt for social reasons. that was the happiest evening of my life; nor ever do i expect to experience its like; but at last, as is the way of happiness, it terminated. we descended to the compound, and i walked with lys to the door of her quarters. there again she kissed me and bade me good night, and then she went in and closed the door. i went to my own room, and there i sat by the light of one of the crude candles we had made from the tallow of the beasts we had killed, and lived over the events of the evening. at last i turned in and fell asleep, dreaming happy dreams and planning for the future, for even in savage caspak i was bound to make my girl safe and happy. it was daylight when i awoke. wilson, who was acting as cook, was up and astir at his duties in the cook-house. the others slept; but i arose and followed by nobs went down to the stream for a plunge. as was our custom, i went armed with both rifle and revolver; but i stripped and had my swim without further disturbance than the approach of a large hyena, a number of which occupied caves in the sand-stone cliffs north of the camp. these brutes are enormous and exceedingly ferocious. i imagine they correspond with the cave-hyena of prehistoric times. this fellow charged nobs, whose capronian experiences had taught him that discretion is the better part of valor--with the result that he dived head foremost into the stream beside me after giving vent to a series of ferocious growls which had no more effect upon hyaena spelaeus than might a sweet smile upon an enraged tusker. afterward i shot the beast, and nobs had a feast while i dressed, for he had become quite a raw-meat eater during our numerous hunting expeditions, upon which we always gave him a portion of the kill. whitely and olson were up and dressed when we returned, and we all sat down to a good breakfast. i could not but wonder at lys' absence from the table, for she had always been one of the earliest risers in camp; so about nine o'clock, becoming apprehensive lest she might be indisposed, i went to the door of her room and knocked. i received no response, though i finally pounded with all my strength; then i turned the knob and entered, only to find that she was not there. her bed had been occupied, and her clothing lay where she had placed it the previous night upon retiring; but lys was gone. to say that i was distracted with terror would be to put it mildly. though i knew she could not be in camp, i searched every square inch of the compound and all the buildings, yet without avail. it was whitely who discovered the first clue--a huge human-like footprint in the soft earth beside the spring, and indications of a struggle in the mud. then i found a tiny handkerchief close to the outer wall. lys had been stolen! it was all too plain. some hideous member of the ape-man tribe had entered the fort and carried her off. while i stood stunned and horrified at the frightful evidence before me, there came from the direction of the great lake an increasing sound that rose to the volume of a shriek. we all looked up as the noise approached apparently just above us, and a moment later there followed a terrific explosion which hurled us to the ground. when we clambered to our feet, we saw a large section of the west wall torn and shattered. it was olson who first recovered from his daze sufficiently to guess the explanation of the phenomenon. "a shell!" he cried. "and there ain't no shells in caspak besides what's on the u- . the dirty boches are shellin' the fort. come on!" and he grasped his rifle and started on a run toward the lake. it was over two miles, but we did not pause until the harbor was in view, and still we could not see the lake because of the sandstone cliffs which intervened. we ran as fast as we could around the lower end of the harbor, scrambled up the cliffs and at last stood upon their summit in full view of the lake. far away down the coast, toward the river through which we had come to reach the lake, we saw upon the surface the outline of the u- , black smoke vomiting from her funnel. von schoenvorts had succeeded in refining the oil! the cur had broken his every pledge and was leaving us there to our fates. he had even shelled the fort as a parting compliment; nor could anything have been more truly prussian than this leave-taking of the baron friedrich von schoenvorts. olson, whitely, wilson, and i stood for a moment looking at one another. it seemed incredible that man could be so perfidious--that we had really seen with our own eyes the thing that we had seen; but when we returned to the fort, the shattered wall gave us ample evidence that there was no mistake. then we began to speculate as to whether it had been an ape-man or a prussian that had abducted lys. from what we knew of von schoenvorts, we would not have been surprised at anything from him; but the footprints by the spring seemed indisputable evidence that one of caprona's undeveloped men had borne off the girl i loved. as soon as i had assured myself that such was the case, i made my preparations to follow and rescue her. olson, whitely, and wilson each wished to accompany me; but i told them that they were needed here, since with bradley's party still absent and the germans gone it was necessary that we conserve our force as far as might be possible. chapter it was a sad leave-taking as in silence i shook hands with each of the three remaining men. even poor nobs appeared dejected as we quit the compound and set out upon the well-marked spoor of the abductor. not once did i turn my eyes backward toward fort dinosaur. i have not looked upon it since--nor in all likelihood shall i ever look upon it again. the trail led northwest until it reached the western end of the sandstone cliffs to the north of the fort; there it ran into a well-defined path which wound northward into a country we had not as yet explored. it was a beautiful, gently rolling country, broken by occasional outcroppings of sandstone and by patches of dense forest relieved by open, park-like stretches and broad meadows whereon grazed countless herbivorous animals--red deer, aurochs, and infinite variety of antelope and at least three distinct species of horse, the latter ranging in size from a creature about as large as nobs to a magnificent animal fourteen to sixteen hands high. these creatures fed together in perfect amity; nor did they show any great indications of terror when nobs and i approached. they moved out of our way and kept their eyes upon us until we had passed; then they resumed their feeding. the path led straight across the clearing into another forest, lying upon the verge of which i saw a bit of white. it appeared to stand out in marked contrast and incongruity to all its surroundings, and when i stopped to examine it, i found that it was a small strip of muslin--part of the hem of a garment. at once i was all excitement, for i knew that it was a sign left by lys that she had been carried this way; it was a tiny bit torn from the hem of the undergarment that she wore in lieu of the night-robes she had lost with the sinking of the liner. crushing the bit of fabric to my lips, i pressed on even more rapidly than before, because i now knew that i was upon the right trail and that up to this point at least, lys still had lived. i made over twenty miles that day, for i was now hardened to fatigue and accustomed to long hikes, having spent considerable time hunting and exploring in the immediate vicinity of camp. a dozen times that day was my life threatened by fearsome creatures of the earth or sky, though i could not but note that the farther north i traveled, the fewer were the great dinosaurs, though they still persisted in lesser numbers. on the other hand the quantity of ruminants and the variety and frequency of carnivorous animals increased. each square mile of caspak harbored its terrors. at intervals along the way i found bits of muslin, and often they reassured me when otherwise i should have been doubtful of the trail to take where two crossed or where there were forks, as occurred at several points. and so, as night was drawing on, i came to the southern end of a line of cliffs loftier than any i had seen before, and as i approached them, there was wafted to my nostrils the pungent aroma of woodsmoke. what could it mean? there could, to my mind, be but a single solution: man abided close by, a higher order of man than we had as yet seen, other than ahm, the neanderthal man. i wondered again as i had so many times that day if it had not been ahm who stole lys. cautiously i approached the flank of the cliffs, where they terminated in an abrupt escarpment as though some all powerful hand had broken off a great section of rock and set it upon the surface of the earth. it was now quite dark, and as i crept around the edge of the cliff, i saw at a little distance a great fire around which were many figures--apparently human figures. cautioning nobs to silence, and he had learned many lessons in the value of obedience since we had entered caspak, i slunk forward, taking advantage of whatever cover i could find, until from behind a bush i could distinctly see the creatures assembled by the fire. they were human and yet not human. i should say that they were a little higher in the scale of evolution than ahm, possibly occupying a place of evolution between that of the neanderthal man and what is known as the grimaldi race. their features were distinctly negroid, though their skins were white. a considerable portion of both torso and limbs were covered with short hair, and their physical proportions were in many aspects apelike, though not so much so as were ahm's. they carried themselves in a more erect position, although their arms were considerably longer than those of the neanderthal man. as i watched them, i saw that they possessed a language, that they had knowledge of fire and that they carried besides the wooden club of ahm, a thing which resembled a crude stone hatchet. evidently they were very low in the scale of humanity, but they were a step upward from those i had previously seen in caspak. but what interested me most was the slender figure of a dainty girl, clad only in a thin bit of muslin which scarce covered her knees--a bit of muslin torn and ragged about the lower hem. it was lys, and she was alive and so far as i could see, unharmed. a huge brute with thick lips and prognathous jaw stood at her shoulder. he was talking loudly and gesticulating wildly. i was close enough to hear his words, which were similar to the language of ahm, though much fuller, for there were many words i could not understand. however i caught the gist of what he was saying--which in effect was that he had found and captured this galu, that she was his and that he defied anyone to question his right of possession. it appeared to me, as i afterward learned was the fact, that i was witnessing the most primitive of marriage ceremonies. the assembled members of the tribe looked on and listened in a sort of dull and perfunctory apathy, for the speaker was by far the mightiest of the clan. there seemed no one to dispute his claims when he said, or rather shouted, in stentorian tones: "i am tsa. this is my she. who wishes her more than tsa?" "i do," i said in the language of ahm, and i stepped out into the firelight before them. lys gave a little cry of joy and started toward me, but tsa grasped her arm and dragged her back. "who are you?" shrieked tsa. "i kill! i kill! i kill!" "the she is mine," i replied, "and i have come to claim her. i kill if you do not let her come to me." and i raised my pistol to a level with his heart. of course the creature had no conception of the purpose of the strange little implement which i was poking toward him. with a sound that was half human and half the growl of a wild beast, he sprang toward me. i aimed at his heart and fired, and as he sprawled headlong to the ground, the others of his tribe, overcome by fright at the report of the pistol, scattered toward the cliffs--while lys, with outstretched arms, ran toward me. as i crushed her to me, there rose from the black night behind us and then to our right and to our left a series of frightful screams and shrieks, bellowings, roars and growls. it was the night-life of this jungle world coming into its own--the huge, carnivorous nocturnal beasts which make the nights of caspak hideous. a shuddering sob ran through lys' figure. "o god," she cried, "give me the strength to endure, for his sake!" i saw that she was upon the verge of a breakdown, after all that she must have passed through of fear and horror that day, and i tried to quiet and reassure her as best i might; but even to me the future looked most unpromising, for what chance of life had we against the frightful hunters of the night who even now were prowling closer to us? now i turned to see what had become of the tribe, and in the fitful glare of the fire i perceived that the face of the cliff was pitted with large holes into which the man-things were clambering. "come," i said to lys, "we must follow them. we cannot last a half-hour out here. we must find a cave." already we could see the blazing green eyes of the hungry carnivora. i seized a brand from the fire and hurled it out into the night, and there came back an answering chorus of savage and rageful protest; but the eyes vanished for a short time. selecting a burning branch for each of us, we advanced toward the cliffs, where we were met by angry threats. "they will kill us," said lys. "we may as well keep on in search of another refuge." "they will not kill us so surely as will those others out there," i replied. "i am going to seek shelter in one of these caves; nor will the man-things prevent." and i kept on in the direction of the cliff's base. a huge creature stood upon a ledge and brandished his stone hatchet. "come and i will kill you and take the she," he boasted. "you saw how tsa fared when he would have kept my she," i replied in his own tongue. "thus will you fare and all your fellows if you do not permit us to come in peace among you out of the dangers of the night." "go north," he screamed. "go north among the galus, and we will not harm you. some day will we be galus; but now we are not. you do not belong among us. go away or we will kill you. the she may remain if she is afraid, and we will keep her; but the he must depart." "the he won't depart," i replied, and approached still nearer. rough and narrow ledges formed by nature gave access to the upper caves. a man might scale them if unhampered and unhindered, but to clamber upward in the face of a belligerent tribe of half-men and with a girl to assist was beyond my capability. "i do not fear you," screamed the creature. "you were close to tsa; but i am far above you. you cannot harm me as you harmed tsa. go away!" i placed a foot upon the lowest ledge and clambered upward, reaching down and pulling lys to my side. already i felt safer. soon we would be out of danger of the beasts again closing in upon us. the man above us raised his stone hatchet above his head and leaped lightly down to meet us. his position above me gave him a great advantage, or at least so he probably thought, for he came with every show of confidence. i hated to do it, but there seemed no other way, and so i shot him down as i had shot down tsa. "you see," i cried to his fellows, "that i can kill you wherever you may be. a long way off i can kill you as well as i can kill you near by. let us come among you in peace. i will not harm you if you do not harm us. we will take a cave high up. speak!" "come, then," said one. "if you will not harm us, you may come. take tsa's hole, which lies above you." the creature showed us the mouth of a black cave, but he kept at a distance while he did it, and lys followed me as i crawled in to explore. i had matches with me, and in the light of one i found a small cavern with a flat roof and floor which followed the cleavage of the strata. pieces of the roof had fallen at some long-distant date, as was evidenced by the depth of the filth and rubble in which they were embedded. even a superficial examination revealed the fact that nothing had ever been attempted that might have improved the livability of the cavern; nor, should i judge, had it ever been cleaned out. with considerable difficulty i loosened some of the larger pieces of broken rock which littered the floor and placed them as a barrier before the doorway. it was too dark to do more than this. i then gave lys a piece of dried meat, and sitting inside the entrance, we dined as must have some of our ancient forbears at the dawning of the age of man, while far below the open diapason of the savage night rose weird and horrifying to our ears. in the light of the great fire still burning we could see huge, skulking forms, and in the blacker background countless flaming eyes. lys shuddered, and i put my arm around her and drew her to me; and thus we sat throughout the hot night. she told me of her abduction and of the fright she had undergone, and together we thanked god that she had come through unharmed, because the great brute had dared not pause along the danger-infested way. she said that they had but just reached the cliffs when i arrived, for on several occasions her captor had been forced to take to the trees with her to escape the clutches of some hungry cave-lion or saber-toothed tiger, and that twice they had been obliged to remain for considerable periods before the beasts had retired. nobs, by dint of much scrambling and one or two narrow escapes from death, had managed to follow us up the cliff and was now curled between me and the doorway, having devoured a piece of the dried meat, which he seemed to relish immensely. he was the first to fall asleep; but i imagine we must have followed suit soon, for we were both tired. i had laid aside my ammunition-belt and rifle, though both were close beside me; but my pistol i kept in my lap beneath my hand. however, we were not disturbed during the night, and when i awoke, the sun was shining on the tree-tops in the distance. lys' head had drooped to my breast, and my arm was still about her. shortly afterward lys awoke, and for a moment she could not seem to comprehend her situation. she looked at me and then turned and glanced at my arm about her, and then she seemed quite suddenly to realize the scantiness of her apparel and drew away, covering her face with her palms and blushing furiously. i drew her back toward me and kissed her, and then she threw her arms about my neck and wept softly in mute surrender to the inevitable. it was an hour later before the tribe began to stir about. we watched them from our "apartment," as lys called it. neither men nor women wore any sort of clothing or ornaments, and they all seemed to be about of an age; nor were there any babies or children among them. this was, to us, the strangest and most inexplicable of facts, but it recalled to us that though we had seen many of the lesser developed wild people of caspak, we had never yet seen a child or an old man or woman. after a while they became less suspicious of us and then quite friendly in their brutish way. they picked at the fabric of our clothing, which seemed to interest them, and examined my rifle and pistol and the ammunition in the belt around my waist. i showed them the thermos-bottle, and when i poured a little water from it, they were delighted, thinking that it was a spring which i carried about with me--a never-failing source of water supply. one thing we both noticed among their other characteristics: they never laughed nor smiled; and then we remembered that ahm had never done so, either. i asked them if they knew ahm; but they said they did not. one of them said: "back there we may have known him." and he jerked his head to the south. "you came from back there?" i asked. he looked at me in surprise. "we all come from there," he said. "after a while we go there." and this time he jerked his head toward the north. "be galus," he concluded. many times now had we heard this reference to becoming galus. ahm had spoken of it many times. lys and i decided that it was a sort of original religious conviction, as much a part of them as their instinct for self-preservation--a primal acceptance of a hereafter and a holier state. it was a brilliant theory, but it was all wrong. i know it now, and how far we were from guessing the wonderful, the miraculous, the gigantic truth which even yet i may only guess at--the thing that sets caspak apart from all the rest of the world far more definitely than her isolated geographical position or her impregnable barrier of giant cliffs. if i could live to return to civilization, i should have meat for the clergy and the layman to chew upon for years--and for the evolutionists, too. after breakfast the men set out to hunt, while the women went to a large pool of warm water covered with a green scum and filled with billions of tadpoles. they waded in to where the water was about a foot deep and lay down in the mud. they remained there from one to two hours and then returned to the cliff. while we were with them, we saw this same thing repeated every morning; but though we asked them why they did it we could get no reply which was intelligible to us. all they vouchsafed in way of explanation was the single word ata. they tried to get lys to go in with them and could not understand why she refused. after the first day i went hunting with the men, leaving my pistol and nobs with lys, but she never had to use them, for no reptile or beast ever approached the pool while the women were there--nor, so far as we know, at other times. there was no spoor of wild beast in the soft mud along the banks, and the water certainly didn't look fit to drink. this tribe lived largely upon the smaller animals which they bowled over with their stone hatchets after making a wide circle about their quarry and driving it so that it had to pass close to one of their number. the little horses and the smaller antelope they secured in sufficient numbers to support life, and they also ate numerous varieties of fruits and vegetables. they never brought in more than sufficient food for their immediate needs; but why bother? the food problem of caspak is not one to cause worry to her inhabitants. the fourth day lys told me that she thought she felt equal to attempting the return journey on the morrow, and so i set out for the hunt in high spirits, for i was anxious to return to the fort and learn if bradley and his party had returned and what had been the result of his expedition. i also wanted to relieve their minds as to lys and myself, as i knew that they must have already given us up for dead. it was a cloudy day, though warm, as it always is in caspak. it seemed odd to realize that just a few miles away winter lay upon the storm-tossed ocean, and that snow might be falling all about caprona; but no snow could ever penetrate the damp, hot atmosphere of the great crater. we had to go quite a bit farther than usual before we could surround a little bunch of antelope, and as i was helping drive them, i saw a fine red deer a couple of hundred yards behind me. he must have been asleep in the long grass, for i saw him rise and look about him in a bewildered way, and then i raised my gun and let him have it. he dropped, and i ran forward to finish him with the long thin knife, which one of the men had given me; but just as i reached him, he staggered to his feet and ran on for another two hundred yards--when i dropped him again. once more was this repeated before i was able to reach him and cut his throat; then i looked around for my companions, as i wanted them to come and carry the meat home; but i could see nothing of them. i called a few times and waited, but there was no response and no one came. at last i became disgusted, and cutting off all the meat that i could conveniently carry, i set off in the direction of the cliffs. i must have gone about a mile before the truth dawned upon me--i was lost, hopelessly lost. the entire sky was still completely blotted out by dense clouds; nor was there any landmark visible by which i might have taken my bearings. i went on in the direction i thought was south but which i now imagine must have been about due north, without detecting a single familiar object. in a dense wood i suddenly stumbled upon a thing which at first filled me with hope and later with the most utter despair and dejection. it was a little mound of new-turned earth sprinkled with flowers long since withered, and at one end was a flat slab of sandstone stuck in the ground. it was a grave, and it meant for me that i had at last stumbled into a country inhabited by human beings. i would find them; they would direct me to the cliffs; perhaps they would accompany me and take us back with them to their abodes--to the abodes of men and women like ourselves. my hopes and my imagination ran riot in the few yards i had to cover to reach that lonely grave and stoop that i might read the rude characters scratched upon the simple headstone. this is what i read: here lies john tippet englishman killed by tyrannosaurus sept., a.d. r. i. p. tippet! it seemed incredible. tippet lying here in this gloomy wood! tippet dead! he had been a good man, but the personal loss was not what affected me. it was the fact that this silent grave gave evidence that bradley had come this far upon his expedition and that he too probably was lost, for it was not our intention that he should be long gone. if i had stumbled upon the grave of one of the party, was it not within reason to believe that the bones of the others lay scattered somewhere near? chapter as i stood looking down upon that sad and lonely mound, wrapped in the most dismal of reflections and premonitions, i was suddenly seized from behind and thrown to earth. as i fell, a warm body fell on top of me, and hands grasped my arms and legs. when i could look up, i saw a number of giant figures pinioning me down, while others stood about surveying me. here again was a new type of man--a higher type than the primitive tribe i had just quitted. they were a taller people, too, with better-shaped skulls and more intelligent faces. there were less of the ape characteristics about their features, and less of the negroid, too. they carried weapons, stone-shod spears, stone knives, and hatchets--and they wore ornaments and breech-cloths--the former of feathers worn in their hair and the latter made of a single snake-skin cured with the head on, the head depending to their knees. of course i did not take in all these details upon the instant of my capture, for i was busy with other matters. three of the warriors were sitting upon me, trying to hold me down by main strength and awkwardness, and they were having their hands full in the doing, i can tell you. i don't like to appear conceited, but i may as well admit that i am proud of my strength and the science that i have acquired and developed in the directing of it--that and my horsemanship i always have been proud of. and now, that day, all the long hours that i had put into careful study, practice and training brought me in two or three minutes a full return upon my investment. californians, as a rule, are familiar with ju-jutsu, and i especially had made a study of it for several years, both at school and in the gym of the los angeles athletic club, while recently i had had, in my employ, a jap who was a wonder at the art. it took me just about thirty seconds to break the elbow of one of my assailants, trip another and send him stumbling backward among his fellows, and throw the third completely over my head in such a way that when he fell his neck was broken. in the instant that the others of the party stood in mute and inactive surprise, i unslung my rifle--which, carelessly, i had been carrying across my back; and when they charged, as i felt they would, i put a bullet in the forehead of one of them. this stopped them all temporarily--not the death of their fellow, but the report of the rifle, the first they had ever heard. before they were ready to attack me again, one of them spoke in a commanding tone to his fellows, and in a language similar but still more comprehensive than that of the tribe to the south, as theirs was more complete than ahm's. he commanded them to stand back and then he advanced and addressed me. he asked me who i was, from whence i came and what my intentions were. i replied that i was a stranger in caspak, that i was lost and that my only desire was to find my way back to my companions. he asked where they were and i told him toward the south somewhere, using the caspakian phrase which, literally translated, means "toward the beginning." his surprise showed upon his face before he voiced it in words. "there are no galus there," he said. "i tell you," i said angrily, "that i am from another country, far from caspak, far beyond the high cliffs. i do not know who the galus may be; i have never seen them. this is the farthest north i have been. look at me--look at my clothing and my weapons. have you ever seen a galu or any other creature in caspak who possessed such things?" he had to admit that he had not, and also that he was much interested in me, my rifle and the way i had handled his three warriors. finally he became half convinced that i was telling him the truth and offered to aid me if i would show him how i had thrown the man over my head and also make him a present of the "bang-spear," as he called it. i refused to give him my rifle, but promised to show him the trick he wished to learn if he would guide me in the right direction. he told me that he would do so tomorrow, that it was too late today and that i might come to their village and spend the night with them. i was loath to lose so much time; but the fellow was obdurate, and so i accompanied them. the two dead men they left where they had fallen, nor gave them a second glance--thus cheap is life upon caspak. these people also were cave-dwellers, but their caves showed the result of a higher intelligence that brought them a step nearer to civilized man than the tribe next "toward the beginning." the interiors of their caverns were cleared of rubbish, though still far from clean, and they had pallets of dried grasses covered with the skins of leopard, lynx, and bear, while before the entrances were barriers of stone and small, rudely circular stone ovens. the walls of the cavern to which i was conducted were covered with drawings scratched upon the sandstone. there were the outlines of the giant red-deer, of mammoths, of tigers and other beasts. here, as in the last tribe, there were no children or any old people. the men of this tribe had two names, or rather names of two syllables, and their language contained words of two syllables; whereas in the tribe of tsa the words were all of a single syllable, with the exception of a very few like atis and galus. the chief's name was to-jo, and his household consisted of seven females and himself. these women were much more comely, or rather less hideous than those of tsa's people; one of them, even, was almost pretty, being less hairy and having a rather nice skin, with high coloring. they were all much interested in me and examined my clothing and equipment carefully, handling and feeling and smelling of each article. i learned from them that their people were known as band-lu, or spear-men; tsa's race was called sto-lu--hatchet-men. below these in the scale of evolution came the bo-lu, or club-men, and then the alus, who had no weapons and no language. in that word i recognized what to me seemed the most remarkable discovery i had made upon caprona, for unless it were mere coincidence, i had come upon a word that had been handed down from the beginning of spoken language upon earth, been handed down for millions of years, perhaps, with little change. it was the sole remaining thread of the ancient woof of a dawning culture which had been woven when caprona was a fiery mount upon a great land-mass teeming with life. it linked the unfathomable then to the eternal now. and yet it may have been pure coincidence; my better judgment tells me that it is coincidence that in caspak the term for speechless man is alus, and in the outer world of our own day it is alalus. the comely woman of whom i spoke was called so-ta, and she took such a lively interest in me that to-jo finally objected to her attentions, emphasizing his displeasure by knocking her down and kicking her into a corner of the cavern. i leaped between them while he was still kicking her, and obtaining a quick hold upon him, dragged him screaming with pain from the cave. then i made him promise not to hurt the she again, upon pain of worse punishment. so-ta gave me a grateful look; but to-jo and the balance of his women were sullen and ominous. later in the evening so-ta confided to me that she was soon to leave the tribe. "so-ta soon to be kro-lu," she confided in a low whisper. i asked her what a kro-lu might be, and she tried to explain, but i do not yet know if i understood her. from her gestures i deduced that the kro-lus were a people who were armed with bows and arrows, had vessels in which to cook their food and huts of some sort in which they lived, and were accompanied by animals. it was all very fragmentary and vague, but the idea seemed to be that the kro-lus were a more advanced people than the band-lus. i pondered a long time upon all that i had heard, before sleep came to me. i tried to find some connection between these various races that would explain the universal hope which each of them harbored that some day they would become galus. so-ta had given me a suggestion; but the resulting idea was so weird that i could scarce even entertain it; yet it coincided with ahm's expressed hope, with the various steps in evolution i had noted in the several tribes i had encountered and with the range of type represented in each tribe. for example, among the band-lu were such types as so-ta, who seemed to me to be the highest in the scale of evolution, and to-jo, who was just a shade nearer the ape, while there were others who had flatter noses, more prognathous faces and hairier bodies. the question puzzled me. possibly in the outer world the answer to it is locked in the bosom of the sphinx. who knows? i do not. thinking the thoughts of a lunatic or a dope-fiend, i fell asleep; and when i awoke, my hands and feet were securely tied and my weapons had been taken from me. how they did it without awakening me i cannot tell you. it was humiliating, but it was true. to-jo stood above me. the early light of morning was dimly filtering into the cave. "tell me," he demanded, "how to throw a man over my head and break his neck, for i am going to kill you, and i wish to know this thing before you die." of all the ingenuous declarations i have ever heard, this one copped the proverbial bun. it struck me as so funny that, even in the face of death, i laughed. death, i may remark here, had, however, lost much of his terror for me. i had become a disciple of lys' fleeting philosophy of the valuelessness of human life. i realized that she was quite right--that we were but comic figures hopping from the cradle to the grave, of interest to practically no other created thing than ourselves and our few intimates. behind to-jo stood so-ta. she raised one hand with the palm toward me--the caspakian equivalent of a negative shake of the head. "let me think about it," i parried, and to-jo said that he would wait until night. he would give me a day to think it over; then he left, and the women left--the men for the hunt, and the women, as i later learned from so-ta, for the warm pool where they immersed their bodies as did the shes of the sto-lu. "ata," explained so-ta, when i questioned her as to the purpose of this matutinal rite; but that was later. i must have lain there bound and uncomfortable for two or three hours when at last so-ta entered the cave. she carried a sharp knife--mine, in fact, and with it she cut my bonds. "come!" she said. "so-ta will go with you back to the galus. it is time that so-ta left the band-lu. together we will go to the kro-lu, and after that the galus. to-jo will kill you tonight. he will kill so-ta if he knows that so-ta aided you. we will go together." "i will go with you to the kro-lu," i replied, "but then i must return to my own people `toward the beginning.'" "you cannot go back," she said. "it is forbidden. they would kill you. thus far have you come--there is no returning." "but i must return," i insisted. "my people are there. i must return and lead them in this direction." she insisted, and i insisted; but at last we compromised. i was to escort her as far as the country of the kro-lu and then i was to go back after my own people and lead them north into a land where the dangers were fewer and the people less murderous. she brought me all my belongings that had been filched from me--rifle, ammunition, knife, and thermos bottle, and then hand in hand we descended the cliff and set off toward the north. for three days we continued upon our way, until we arrived outside a village of thatched huts just at dusk. so-ta said that she would enter alone; i must not be seen if i did not intend to remain, as it was forbidden that one should return and live after having advanced this far. so she left me. she was a dear girl and a stanch and true comrade--more like a man than a woman. in her simple barbaric way she was both refined and chaste. she had been the wife of to-jo. among the kro-lu she would find another mate after the manner of the strange caspakian world; but she told me very frankly that whenever i returned, she would leave her mate and come to me, as she preferred me above all others. i was becoming a ladies' man after a lifetime of bashfulness! at the outskirts of the village i left her without even seeing the sort of people who inhabited it, and set off through the growing darkness toward the south. on the third day i made a detour westward to avoid the country of the band-lu, as i did not care to be detained by a meeting with to-jo. on the sixth day i came to the cliffs of the sto-lu, and my heart beat fast as i approached them, for here was lys. soon i would hold her tight in my arms again; soon her warm lips would merge with mine. i felt sure that she was still safe among the hatchet people, and i was already picturing the joy and the love-light in her eyes when she should see me once more as i emerged from the last clump of trees and almost ran toward the cliffs. it was late in the morning. the women must have returned from the pool; yet as i drew near, i saw no sign of life whatever. "they have remained longer," i thought; but when i was quite close to the base of the cliffs, i saw that which dashed my hopes and my happiness to earth. strewn along the ground were a score of mute and horrible suggestions of what had taken place during my absence--bones picked clean of flesh, the bones of manlike creatures, the bones of many of the tribe of sto-lu; nor in any cave was there sign of life. closely i examined the ghastly remains fearful each instant that i should find the dainty skull that would shatter my happiness for life; but though i searched diligently, picking up every one of the twenty-odd skulls, i found none that was the skull of a creature but slightly removed from the ape. hope, then, still lived. for another three days i searched north and south, east and west for the hatchetmen of caspak; but never a trace of them did i find. it was raining most of the time now, and the weather was as near cold as it ever seems to get on caprona. at last i gave up the search and set off toward fort dinosaur. for a week--a week filled with the terrors and dangers of a primeval world--i pushed on in the direction i thought was south. the sun never shone; the rain scarcely ever ceased falling. the beasts i met with were fewer in number but infinitely more terrible in temper; yet i lived on until there came to me the realization that i was hopelessly lost, that a year of sunshine would not again give me my bearings; and while i was cast down by this terrifying knowledge, the knowledge that i never again could find lys, i stumbled upon another grave--the grave of william james, with its little crude headstone and its scrawled characters recording that he had died upon the th of september--killed by a saber-tooth tiger. i think that i almost gave up then. never in my life have i felt more hopeless or helpless or alone. i was lost. i could not find my friends. i did not even know that they still lived; in fact, i could not bring myself to believe that they did. i was sure that lys was dead. i wanted myself to die, and yet i clung to life--useless and hopeless and harrowing a thing as it had become. i clung to life because some ancient, reptilian forbear had clung to life and transmitted to me through the ages the most powerful motive that guided his minute brain--the motive of self-preservation. at last i came to the great barrier-cliffs; and after three days of mad effort--of maniacal effort--i scaled them. i built crude ladders; i wedged sticks in narrow fissures; i chopped toe-holds and finger-holds with my long knife; but at last i scaled them. near the summit i came upon a huge cavern. it is the abode of some mighty winged creature of the triassic--or rather it was. now it is mine. i slew the thing and took its abode. i reached the summit and looked out upon the broad gray terrible pacific of the far-southern winter. it was cold up there. it is cold here today; yet here i sit watching, watching, watching for the thing i know will never come--for a sail. chapter once a day i descend to the base of the cliff and hunt, and fill my stomach with water from a clear cold spring. i have three gourds which i fill with water and take back to my cave against the long nights. i have fashioned a spear and a bow and arrow, that i may conserve my ammunition, which is running low. my clothes are worn to shreds. tomorrow i shall discard them for leopard-skins which i have tanned and sewn into a garment strong and warm. it is cold up here. i have a fire burning and i sit bent over it while i write; but i am safe here. no other living creature ventures to the chill summit of the barrier cliffs. i am safe, and i am alone with my sorrows and my remembered joys--but without hope. it is said that hope springs eternal in the human breast; but there is none in mine. i am about done. presently i shall fold these pages and push them into my thermos bottle. i shall cork it and screw the cap tight, and then i shall hurl it as far out into the sea as my strength will permit. the wind is off-shore; the tide is running out; perhaps it will be carried into one of those numerous ocean-currents which sweep perpetually from pole to pole and from continent to continent, to be deposited at last upon some inhabited shore. if fate is kind and this does happen, then, for god's sake, come and get me! it was a week ago that i wrote the preceding paragraph, which i thought would end the written record of my life upon caprona. i had paused to put a new point on my quill and stir the crude ink (which i made by crushing a black variety of berry and mixing it with water) before attaching my signature, when faintly from the valley far below came an unmistakable sound which brought me to my feet, trembling with excitement, to peer eagerly downward from my dizzy ledge. how full of meaning that sound was to me you may guess when i tell you that it was the report of a firearm! for a moment my gaze traversed the landscape beneath until it was caught and held by four figures near the base of the cliff--a human figure held at bay by three hyaenodons, those ferocious and blood-thirsty wild dogs of the eocene. a fourth beast lay dead or dying near by. i couldn't be sure, looking down from above as i was; but yet i trembled like a leaf in the intuitive belief that it was lys, and my judgment served to confirm my wild desire, for whoever it was carried only a pistol, and thus had lys been armed. the first wave of sudden joy which surged through me was short-lived in the face of the swift-following conviction that the one who fought below was already doomed. luck and only luck it must have been which had permitted that first shot to lay low one of the savage creatures, for even such a heavy weapon as my pistol is entirely inadequate against even the lesser carnivora of caspak. in a moment the three would charge! a futile shot would but tend more greatly to enrage the one it chanced to hit; and then the three would drag down the little human figure and tear it to pieces. and maybe it was lys! my heart stood still at the thought, but mind and muscle responded to the quick decision i was forced to make. there was but a single hope--a single chance--and i took it. i raised my rifle to my shoulder and took careful aim. it was a long shot, a dangerous shot, for unless one is accustomed to it, shooting from a considerable altitude is most deceptive work. there is, though, something about marksmanship which is quite beyond all scientific laws. upon no other theory can i explain my marksmanship of that moment. three times my rifle spoke--three quick, short syllables of death. i did not take conscious aim; and yet at each report a beast crumpled in its tracks! from my ledge to the base of the cliff is a matter of several thousand feet of dangerous climbing; yet i venture to say that the first ape from whose loins my line has descended never could have equaled the speed with which i literally dropped down the face of that rugged escarpment. the last two hundred feet is over a steep incline of loose rubble to the valley bottom, and i had just reached the top of this when there arose to my ears an agonized cry--"bowen! bowen! quick, my love, quick!" i had been too much occupied with the dangers of the descent to glance down toward the valley; but that cry which told me that it was indeed lys, and that she was again in danger, brought my eyes quickly upon her in time to see a hairy, burly brute seize her and start off at a run toward the near-by wood. from rock to rock, chamoislike, i leaped downward toward the valley, in pursuit of lys and her hideous abductor. he was heavier than i by many pounds, and so weighted by the burden he carried that i easily overtook him; and at last he turned, snarling, to face me. it was kho of the tribe of tsa, the hatchet-men. he recognized me, and with a low growl he threw lys aside and came for me. "the she is mine," he cried. "i kill! i kill!" i had had to discard my rifle before i commenced the rapid descent of the cliff, so that now i was armed only with a hunting knife, and this i whipped from its scabbard as kho leaped toward me. he was a mighty beast, mightily muscled, and the urge that has made males fight since the dawn of life on earth filled him with the blood-lust and the thirst to slay; but not one whit less did it fill me with the same primal passions. two abysmal beasts sprang at each other's throats that day beneath the shadow of earth's oldest cliffs--the man of now and the man-thing of the earliest, forgotten then, imbued by the same deathless passion that has come down unchanged through all the epochs, periods and eras of time from the beginning, and which shall continue to the incalculable end--woman, the imperishable alpha and omega of life. kho closed and sought my jugular with his teeth. he seemed to forget the hatchet dangling by its aurochs-hide thong at his hip, as i forgot, for the moment, the dagger in my hand. and i doubt not but that kho would easily have bested me in an encounter of that sort had not lys' voice awakened within my momentarily reverted brain the skill and cunning of reasoning man. "bowen!" she cried. "your knife! your knife!" it was enough. it recalled me from the forgotten eon to which my brain had flown and left me once again a modern man battling with a clumsy, unskilled brute. no longer did my jaws snap at the hairy throat before me; but instead my knife sought and found a space between two ribs over the savage heart. kho voiced a single horrid scream, stiffened spasmodically and sank to the earth. and lys threw herself into my arms. all the fears and sorrows of the past were wiped away, and once again i was the happiest of men. with some misgivings i shortly afterward cast my eyes upward toward the precarious ledge which ran before my cave, for it seemed to me quite beyond all reason to expect a dainty modern belle to essay the perils of that frightful climb. i asked her if she thought she could brave the ascent, and she laughed gayly in my face. "watch!" she cried, and ran eagerly toward the base of the cliff. like a squirrel she clambered swiftly aloft, so that i was forced to exert myself to keep pace with her. at first she frightened me; but presently i was aware that she was quite as safe here as was i. when we finally came to my ledge and i again held her in my arms, she recalled to my mind that for several weeks she had been living the life of a cave-girl with the tribe of hatchet-men. they had been driven from their former caves by another tribe which had slain many and carried off quite half the females, and the new cliffs to which they had flown had proven far higher and more precipitous, so that she had become, through necessity, a most practiced climber. she told me of kho's desire for her, since all his females had been stolen and of how her life had been a constant nightmare of terror as she sought by night and by day to elude the great brute. for a time nobs had been all the protection she required; but one day he disappeared--nor has she seen him since. she believes that he was deliberately made away with; and so do i, for we both are sure that he never would have deserted her. with her means of protection gone, lys was now at the mercy of the hatchet-man; nor was it many hours before he had caught her at the base of the cliff and seized her; but as he bore her triumphantly aloft toward his cave, she had managed to break loose and escape him. "for three days he has pursued me," she said, "through this horrible world. how i have passed through in safety i cannot guess, nor how i have always managed to outdistance him; yet i have done it, until just as you discovered me. fate was kind to us, bowen." i nodded my head in assent and crushed her to me. and then we talked and planned as i cooked antelope-steaks over my fire, and we came to the conclusion that there was no hope of rescue, that she and i were doomed to live and die upon caprona. well, it might be worse! i would rather live here always with lys than to live elsewhere without her; and she, dear girl, says the same of me; but i am afraid of this life for her. it is a hard, fierce, dangerous life, and i shall pray always that we shall be rescued from it--for her sake. that night the clouds broke, and the moon shone down upon our little ledge; and there, hand in hand, we turned our faces toward heaven and plighted our troth beneath the eyes of god. no human agency could have married us more sacredly than we are wed. we are man and wife, and we are content. if god wills it, we shall live out our lives here. if he wills otherwise, then this manuscript which i shall now consign to the inscrutable forces of the sea shall fall into friendly hands. however, we are each without hope. and so we say good-bye in this, our last message to the world beyond the barrier cliffs. (signed) bowen j. tyler, jr. lys la r. tyler. transcribers note: this etext was produced from amazing stories october, november and december . extensive research did not uncover any evidence that the u.s. copyright on this publication was renewed. the return of tharn by howard browne [illustration: maddened and in pain from the flames, the lion sprang over the burning stockade] when tharn set out to rescue his beloved dylara, he did not dream the whole cro-magnon world opposed him trakor, youthful member of the tribe of gerdak, moved at a swinging trot along a winding game trail that led to the caves of his people. through occasional rifts in the matted mazes of branches, leafs, creepers and vines of the semi-tropical forest and jungle, rays of the late afternoon sun dappled the dusty elephant path under his naked feet. his slim young body, clothed only by the pelt of jalok, the panther, twisted about his loins, was bathed in perspiration, for both heat and humidity were intense here in the heart of primeval jungle. from time to time he transferred the flint-tipped spear to his left hand while he rubbed dry the sweating palm of his right against his loin cloth; for a slippery spear shaft could mean the difference between life and death in a battle with some savage denizen of this untamed world. trakor was beginning to worry. there was less than an hour of daylight remaining and he was still a long way from home. the thought of spending even a small portion of a night alone in a territory that abounded in lions, panthers, leopards and the other fearsome creatures of forest and plain, sent shivers of dread coursing along his spine. and there was no one but himself to blame for this predicament! a boy of seventeen had no business attempting a task that would have given an older, more experienced warrior pause. only a fool, he told himself bitterly, would have gone forth alone to hunt without having first gained experience by many trips in the company of seasoned hunters, thus learning the habits of the wild creatures. it was all lanoa's fault! in the soft fragrance of midnight hair curling about the tanned oval of her lovely face, in the smoothly rounded perfection of her slender body, in the golden depths of her clear, glowing eyes, were the seeds of madness that had sent him forth on a fool's errand! before coming under her spell he was content to spend his days learning from old wokard the art of painting scenes of tribal life and the hunt on the walls of the caves of his people. not until he watched lanoa's other suitors displaying the trophies of the hunt did young trakor make his decision to lay aside his paints and venture out in search of game. for it was easy to see how greatly lanoa was impressed by the boastful tales of the other young men. but where they hunted in groups, for safety's sake, trakor would go out alone after neela, the zebra, or bana, the deer. and when lanoa saw him return to the caves of gerdak with the carcass of neela across his shoulders, his heavy spear trailing from a casual hand, then would she realize that of all the young men of the tribe it was trakor who was best suited to be her mate! thus the stuff of dreams ... and how different the reality! since early morning of this day he had wandered through the forest and across wide stretches of prairie, seeking any of the various species of succulent grass-eaters that served as the principal fare of the cro-magnons. and while he had caught sight of grazing herds on several occasions, his utter lack of experience in the art of stalking prevented him from coming anywhere near enough for a successful spear cast. now he was slinking back home empty handed to face the gibes of those he had thought to impress, while the light of day gradually waned and the dark shadows of the jungle grew heavier across his path. but the boy's wounded pride began to trouble him less as the certainty that he must spend a night in the open became increasingly evident. the everyday noises of the jungle, so nerve-wracking to those unable to interpret them, yet unnoticed by the jungle-wise, kept him in a constant state of apprehension while his fertile imagination pictured lurking shapes crouched behind the wall of tangled underbrush lining either side of the trail. * * * * * without warning, the narrow path debouched into a fair-sized clearing, through the center of which moved the sluggish waters of a shallow stream, its low banks covered with reeds. compared with the dull half-light of jungle depths, the glade seemed bright as midday, although the sun had already dipped behind the towering rampart of trees to the west. trakor's heart swelled with renewed confidence and his step was almost jaunty as he moved through the knee-deep grasses and rustling reeds to the river bank. now he knew exactly where he was. another hour at a half-trot would bring him to the caves of gerdak. the jungle wasn't such a fearsome place after all! he had spent an entire day in the open and not once come across anything more dangerous than monkeys and birds. tomorrow he would go out again to hunt, nor would he return empty-handed a second time. dropping to his hands and knees at the river's edge, he drank deeply of the brackish waters. rising, he took up his spear, waded the ankle-deep stream and trotted lightly onward, his goal the break in the opposite wall of trees which marked the continuation of the same trail he had been following. thus did young trakor betray his abysmal ignorance of the jungle and its inhabitants. no experienced wayfarer of the wild places would have approached that opening without the utmost caution; for it is often just such a setting the great cats choose as a place to lie in wait for game. the slender youth was within a few feet of the bole of a mammoth tree that marked the trail's entrance, when a sudden rustling amid a clump of grasses to one side of the path brought him to a startled halt. before trakor could recover from his initial shock, those trembling grasses parted, and with majestic deliberation, sadu, the lion, stepped into the trail less than twenty paces from the paralyzed youngster. huge, impressive, his sleek, tawny coat and bristling mane shimmering in the fading sunlight, his tufted, sinuous tail moving in jerky undulations, stood the jungle king, his round yellow eyes fastened hypnotically on his intended prey. trakor knew that only seconds remained for him in this life, that within fleeting moments he must go down to a horrible death beneath rending fangs. and with that knowledge came a fatalistic courage--a courage he had not dreamed he possessed. with icy calmness he closed the fingers of his right hand tightly about the shaft of his spear and brought it up level with his shoulder, point foremost, ready for a cast when the great beast should charge. slowly sadu crouched for the spring, his giant head flattened almost to the ground, massive hindquarters drawn beneath him like powerful springs, his long tail extended and quivering. voicing a thunderous roar, sadu sprang. * * * * * racing across the plains and through the jungles of a savage world, moving with unflagging swiftness by night and by day, came tharn, mighty warrior of an era already old twenty thousand years before the founding of rome--an era which witnessed the arrival to recognizable prehistory of the first _true man_. somewhere to the south of this cro-magnon fighting man, separated by endless vistas of primeval forest, grass-filled plains and towering mountain ranges, were the girl he loved and the men who had taken her. still fresh in tharn's memory were the events of the past few weeks: the battles in sephar's arena; the bloody revolt engineered by tharn and his friends; the arrival of his father and fifty warriors of his tribe; the ascension of his close friend, katon, to the kingship of sephar; the finding of his own mother, long given up for dead after disappearing from the tribal caves ten summers before; the stunning shock upon learning that jotan had taken dylara with him when he and his party of fellow ammadians began their journey back to far-off ammad, mother country of a civilization and culture far in advance of the cro-magnon cave dwellers.[ ] [ ] "warrior of the dawn", december, -january, , _amazing stories_.--ed. the thrust of a knife from the cowardly and treacherous hand of sephar's high priest had come near to costing tharn his life on the eve of his departure in quest of dylara. as it was, an entire moon passed before the caveman was able to leave his bed. pryak, the high priest, had died horribly in payment of his treachery; but tharn suffered a thousand deaths from enforced idleness while the girl he loved was being carried farther and farther from the one person who possessed the ability to effect her rescue. and then, over a moon ago, tharn bade farewell to his mother and to the father whose name he bore, and plunged into the heart of the unfamiliar territory south of sephar, taking up the trail of those ammadians who held dylara. * * * * * near sunset of this particular day, tharn awoke from a nap, as it was his practice during the baking heat of mid-afternoons. by thus conserving his strength during the more trying portion of the days, he was able to spend many hours after nightfall, when the air was cooler, in pursuit of his quarry. rising to his feet on a softly swaying branch a full hundred feet above the jungle floor, tharn flexed the mighty muscles of arms and legs, his naked chest swelling as he drew in great draughts of humid atmosphere. the slender fingers of his strong, sun-bronzed hand pushed back the shock of thick black hair crowning his finely shaped head and strikingly handsome features, while the flashing, intelligent gray eyes roved quickly over the mazes of foliage surrounding him. nor was it his eyes alone that probed those curtains of growing things; ears and a nose keen as those of any jungle dweller were no less active. he was on the point of descending to the game trail below when siha, the wind, brought to his sensitive nostrils the scent of man commingled with the acrid smell of sadu, the lion. for the space of a dozen heartbeats he stood there, high above the hard-packed earth, while his keen mind rapidly analyzed the message his nose had picked up. from the strength of those scents he knew both man and beast were not far away, while the direction of the breeze told him their position. since the day tharn, the son of tharn, set out in search of the girl he loved, he had encountered men on several occasions and always those meetings were unpleasant. the cro-magnon tribes inhabiting the mountain ranges between sephar and the land of ammad were distinguished by their ability as fighters and an unflagging suspicion of strangers. were it not for tharn's tremendous strength and incredible agility, he would have died long ere this. consequently his first reaction was to let sadu and the unknown man settle their impending quarrel without his own intervention. but a basic part of tharn's character was his ready willingness to come to the aid of the underdog, to champion the cause of the weak and oppressed. it was a trait which had brought him to the brink of disaster more than once; but tharn, were he to have given the matter any thought at all, would not have had it otherwise. thus it was that the caveman altered his course to the east and he set off through the trees, swinging among the branches with the ease and celerity of little nobar, the monkey. now and then, with the agility of long practice, he sent his lithe body hurtling across some gap between trees, to grasp with unerring accuracy the limb his quick eye had selected. yet notwithstanding his seemingly reckless pace his passage was almost soundless; and though the tangled verdure appeared as a solid wall, only rarely did his flying figure scrape against the riot of vegetation hemming him in. a few minutes later the giant cro-magnard swung into the branches of a tree at the edge of a large circular clearing. even as he reached the broad surface of a bough extending over the floor of the open ground, he caught sight of his old enemy, sadu, the lion, crouching in the trail almost directly beneath him. simultaneously he saw sadu's intended prey: a slender cro-magnon youth, some four years younger than tharn himself, who was standing stiffly erect, facing the lion, a flint-tipped spear poised in his right hand. tharn felt himself thrill to the boy's unflinching courage even as he recognized its futility, since no human could thus withstand the iron-thewed engine of destruction that was sadu, the lion. tharn was given no opportunity to make use of his arrows or grass rope; for even as he observed the two figures below, the lion's tail shot stiffly erect, a shattering roar split apart the jungle stillness and sadu charged. as a swimmer dives from a springboard, so did tharn launch himself into space, his right hand snatching the flint knife from the folds of his loincloth as he left the branch. * * * * * never before had the cave lord thus attacked the king of beasts; but never before had he sought to wrest sadu's prey, unharmed, from the animal's fangs and claws. as it was, he landed full upon the lion's back, crushing the beast to earth only inches short of its goal. voicing a startled shriek, sadu rebounded from the forest floor like a tawny ball and turned to rend his foolhardy attacker. tharn, however, was not on the ground. his mind, trained from birth to function with lightning-like rapidity, had chosen the only way to prevent his unplanned act from resulting in certain death for himself. and so it was, as his diving body crushed sadu to the ground, he passed his strong left arm about its neck, locked his powerful legs about its loins, and plunged his flint knife into its side, seeking the savage heart. roaring, snarling and spitting in a frenzy of rage, sadu reared high and toppled back upon the human leech. but tharn's legs locked only the tighter while the heavy knife, backed by biceps like banded layers of steel, sank home again and again. had the battle endured seconds longer the outcome might very well have been reversed. but before then tharn's weapon tore twice into that untamed heart, and sadu, with a final fearsome shriek, collapsed to move no more. as tharn rose to his feet, his calm gray eyes met the awed, half-mesmerized gaze of the boy whose life he had saved. at sight of the incredulous expression on the young face, the cave lord's firm lips curved in a winning smile that lighted up his strong, noble features. as for trakor, he could not have moved or spoken had his life depended on it. there was no doubt in his mind but that he was in the presence of one of the gods old wokard often described. who else but a god could slay sadu with only a knife; who else but a god could possess such a combination of inhuman strength and unbelievable agility? the noble poise of that handsome head above broad shoulders, the soft sinuous curves of that straight and perfect figure, the unclouded bronze skin, the calm dignity of bearing and manner--all those things were attributes of the benign gods who watched over and protected the people of gerdak's tribe. tharn's smile broadened as he guessed something of what was running through the boy's mind. "do you," he asked, "hunt often for sadu with only a spear?" trakor shivered. "i would not hunt him with a forest of spears! when he came out of the grasses my blood turned to water and my toes crawled under my heels. now i know what it is to be afraid!" "you should have taken to the trees while i fought with sadu," tharn said. "had he killed me, he would have slain you as well." "even sadu cannot kill a god," the boy said simply. tharn blinked. "a god? i am no god. i am tharn, a man of the caves, like you." trakor, while tremendously flattered at being compared with the stranger, was far from convinced that tharn was telling the truth. "a caveman could not slay sadu thus," he declared, pushing a bare toe gingerly against the dead beast's back. "no, you are a god, for gods have been described to me many times by old wokard, who knows all about such things." the giant cro-magnard shrugged, smiling, and sought to change the subject. "who are you?" he asked. "i am trakor, of the tribe of gerdak." "the caves of your people are nearby?" "an hour's march in that direction," trakor said, pointing. tharn's eyebrows lifted in surprise. "so far? do you often go alone this deep into the jungle?" whereupon trakor found himself telling the forest god the whole story: how the raven-haired lanoa had shown, by her admiration for the young hunters of the tribe, that she would never become the mate of a man who did not excel in the hunt; how he was determined to prove to her and to the others of gerdak's tribe that he too was a great hunter. tharn listened with grave attention, and while there were times when he was tempted to smile at some unconscious revelation of the boy's character, he resisted the impulse. it required courage to venture alone into the forest armed only with a spear. the soul of an artist, as revealed by trakor's love of painting, had clashed with the hot blood of youth and a desire to appear to advantage in the eyes of a lovely woman. older and more conservative men than tharn would have named trakor's act sheer lunacy; but tharn was neither old nor conservative. under the circumstances he would have done exactly the same thing. * * * * * when trakor was finished, tharn said, "there will be other days for hunting. unless you are willing to travel the jungle at night, you had best start for the caves of gerdak." trakor sought to hide his apprehension as he looked about the dusk-filled glade and back to the dark hole which marked the game trail entrance. "you are right," he said, turning to the cave lord. "i am grateful to you for saving me from sadu, mighty tharn. who knows but that someday i may be of help to you." "who knows?" tharn repeated gravely. he remained standing there as trakor turned and walked briskly toward the wall of foliage to the south. the boy's shoulders were squared and his brown-thatched head erect as he moved away, and tharn felt a warm glow of admiration at the fierce pride that would not let its owner ask for further protection. for he knew that secretly trakor dreaded the thought of traversing the final stretch of night-shrouded jungle. purposely he waited until the youth was nearly out of sight, to learn if, at the last moment, trakor's step might falter or his head turn for one last appealing glance. but the boy forged steadily ahead.... "wait, trakor," tharn called. the youth turned quickly and watched as tharn gathered up his bow, quiver of arrows and grass rope from where they had fallen when he leaped to do battle with sadu. with his weapons restored to their usual places, the caveman rejoined trakor at the forest's edge. "since my way lies in the same direction," tharn said, "i will go with you for a time." "good," trakor said laconically. he might have said more, but he doubted the steadiness of his own voice, so great his relief. side by side they moved briskly along the winding trail, while the gloom of early night grew amidst the semi-tropical depths of forest and its inextricably tangled maze of branches, vines and creepers. in some way these two members of the first race of _true men_ to trod the globe were much alike; in others, as different as day from night. in age tharn was no more than four years beyond his companion; in height perhaps an inch taller. both were darkly tanned and each was clothed only by a loin-cloth of panther skin. but there the similarity ended. where trakor was slender and with muscles not yet fully developed, tharn's bronzed body was sheathed in supple sinews that rippled like steel cables beneath smooth skin. there was an undefinable surety, a boundless confidence, reflected in the graceful majesty of his expression and bearing. unconsciously trakor sought to carry himself in a like manner, for he was deep in the throes of hero worship. "tell me, tharn," trakor said diffidently, at last, "are you not truly a god?" "it might be," tharn said lightly. "since i have never met a god, i would not know." trakor thought over the answer for a while. it did not seem that a real god such as old wokard described would speak so of himself. could it be that his new found friend, for all his superhuman abilities, was actually an ordinary man, just as he had claimed from the first? well, man he might be, but never an ordinary one! "i am glad you are a man, tharn," he said finally. "i do not think i would like to know a god." "nor would i," tharn agreed soberly. * * * * * they moved rapidly ahead for a time, neither speaking. suddenly the thunderous challenge of a lion rose from the depths of jungle not far to their right. trakor shivered slightly and shot a quick glance at his companion. it was too dark for him to make out tharn's expression but he seemed entirely unmoved by the sound of sadu's voice. a moment later trakor heard the rustle of something moving in the undergrowth beside the trail, and a prickly sensation crawled along his spine. sadu was hunting again! he would have liked to call tharn's attention to the faint sound but hesitated to do so lest he appear overly nervous. again came the slight rustle. "it is gubo, the hyena," tharn said unexpectedly. trakor gasped. "how do you know that?" he demanded, both relieved and bewildered. "he is upwind from us." "upwind? you mean you can scent him?" "yes." the young man from the tribe of gerdak nearly betrayed his skepticism. never before had he heard of a man whose nose could receive and interpret a scent spoor. it smacked of a kinship with the animals themselves. "are you sure?" he asked uneasily. tharn's quick ear caught the undercurrent of incredulity in the boy's voice, and he smiled under the cover of darkness. it was not the first time his unique ability had been doubted. he drew trakor to a halt. "watch," he said. lifting his head the cave lord gave voice to the hunting squall of a leopard. so perfect was his imitation of tarlok's cry, so fearsome the sound, that trakor shrank back in quick alarm. as the harsh scream rose on the night air, there was a sudden flurry of motion among the tangled foliage to their right, a blurred figure skidded into the trail ahead of where they stood and disappeared around a bend of the path. in the brief moment in which it was visible, trakor recognized the animal as gubo. crestfallen, trakor could think of nothing to say. never again, he resolved, would he doubt any statement made by this god-like stranger. there were many questions he burned to ask, but an aura of reserve seemed to surround the man--an aura he hesitated to intrude upon. at last he could contain his curiosity no longer. "where lie the caves of your people, tharn?" "nearly two moons' march to the north," the cave lord replied readily enough. "you came so great a distance alone?" "yes." "why?" tharn did not at once reply. during the moon since he had set out from sephar in search of dylara this was his first opportunity for a friendly word with a fellow man. on the several occasions that he encountered hunting parties of cro-magnon warriors, he had been regarded as legitimate prey to be hunted down and slain. tharn expected no different attitude; it was the way of his own people when they came across fighting-men of other tribes. consequently he gave such groups a wide berth, fighting against them only when given no other choice. long periods of silence, however, were no hardship to tharn. since boyhood he was accustomed to spending most of his days and many nights alone in the jungles and on the broad plains of this savage, untamed world, finding his greatest pleasure in matching his courage, cunning and strength against the denizens of forest and prairie. and because none of the other young men of his father's tribe was so highly developed mentally or physically, he made no intimates among them. it was the kind of life which tends to develop a reticent nature in any man; and while tharn was in no way morose or antisocial he was given to saying little beyond what must, of necessity, be put into words. * * * * * under the warmth of trakor's awed respect and undisguised admiration, however, tharn's customary reserve began to thaw and he spoke at greater length than he intended. "two moons ago," he began, while they moved steadily along the twisting elephant path, "the girl i wanted as my mate was taken by a group of men who called themselves ammadians. these men came from a great territory that lies south of your own caves. ages ago many hundreds of the ammadians left their country and traveled into the north, stopping finally in a high valley only a few marches from where the caves of my people now are." "here they built many strange caves on level ground by piling heavy slabs of rock together, surrounding them all by a great wall of stone. they named this place sephar and spoke of themselves as sepharians." "from time to time bands of ammadians cross the plains and mountains and jungles between ammad and sephar. the leader of one of those bands, an ammadian named jotan, saw dylara and wanted her for himself. not long before this, dylara had been taken from me by a hunting party of sepharians, and she was held captive by sephar's chief until he gave her to jotan." "soon thereafter jotan's party set out on the return journey to ammad. because of a wound, it was an entire moon before i was able to set out in pursuit of those who hold dylara." so engrossed was trakor in the other's story that he quite forgot his uneasiness regarding the night-cloaked jungle about him. his imagination was fired by tharn's adventures, and his ready sympathy went out to the cave lord in his romantic quest. "then you must enter the land called ammad and take dylara from those who have her?" he asked. tharn nodded. "at first," he said, "i hoped to overtake jotan and his men before they could reach ammad. but several times i lost their trail for days on end. once a raging fire swept over a great stretch of grasslands i was crossing and i was forced to spend many days circling the burned section before i was able to pick up the signs of their passage. then, ten suns ago, i lost the trail completely; since then i have been guided only by the directions given me when i left sephar." for a little while trakor did not speak. then: "are these men you call ammadians not so large as the people of our tribes? do they cover their bodies with a strange kind of skin that comes from no animal? and do they wear strange coverings on their feet? and do they carry a strange length of branch with a tight length of gut tied to each end and many small spears such as you are carrying?" tharn, his pulses suddenly beginning to pound, seized the boy by one arm, bringing him to an involuntary halt. "such are the ammadians," he said tensely. "what do you know about them?" "i have heard the warriors of my tribe speak of them," trakor said. "there have been times in the past when we fought them. but they are brave and good fighters and we do not have the gut-strung branches which throw the small spears so straight and so far. so now we seek no quarrel with them unless they come too near our caves." "why, it was no more than five suns ago that roban, son of gerdak himself, watched a large party of them as they made their way up the great cliffs not far to the east of our caves. i heard him tell about it at the cooking fires that same night." "did he speak of women being among them?" tharn demanded. trakor scratched his head. "i do not think so. as i remember it now, i did not hear the whole story; for lanoa walked away from the fires and i followed her before roban had finished." tharn's hand dropped from the boy's arm. "come," he said, and once more they set out along the path. chapter ii cro-magnon hospitality as the two cro-magnon men rounded an abrupt bend in the elephant path, the jungle and forest ended sharply at the edge of a wide clearing before a sheer cliff, its surface dotted with many cave entrances. near the escarpment base a dozen cooking fires blossomed against the darkness, and the shadowy forms of members of gerdak's tribe moved about them. for a moment tharn and his companion remained standing at the forest edge watching the activity. the cave lord's acute sense of caution, without which few dwellers of this savage world lived long, kept him motionless while his sharp eyes took in every detail of the surrounding terrain. this business of approaching a village of strangers--and therefore enemies!--was a move not lightly to be taken, even when accompanied by one of its inhabitants. trakor tugged at his arm. "come, tharn! come and receive the gratitude of my father and my people for saving me from sadu. when they hear how you slew him with nothing more than a knife they will worship you as a god!" his vague reluctance still with him, tharn permitted the youth to urge him into the open. they were well into the clearing before one of the men about the fires caught sight of them and gave a warning shout. instantly a score of warriors caught up their spears and formed a bristling line facing the newcomers, while others piled dry branches on the fires sending flames shooting high to illuminate the scene with almost midday brightness. "put down your spears!" cried tharn's companion, laughing. "it is i--trakor, son of kygor. where are your hunters' eyes that you do not know me?" but the line of spear heads did not waver. now, moving from behind the formation of fighting men came gerdak, chief of the tribe. short, squat and very ugly was gerdak. set nearly flush on his broad sloping shoulders was a bullet-like head, almost hairless as the result of an old scalp infection. firelight reflected in his pig-like eyes made them glow like burning sparks as he glowered from beneath shaggy brows at the tall stranger at trakor's side. "who is he?" growled the chief, jerking a grimy thumb at the cave lord. "he is my friend," trakor said, and there was the beginning of anger in his tone. "his name is tharn. in all the world there is no greater fighter." nothing changed in gerdak's expression. "he is not one of us. tell him to go at once or i will kill him!" trakor stiffened. suddenly his anger flamed into the open--flamed with such intensity that he completely forgot the object of his wrath was his own chief. "_you_ will kill him! ha! there are not fifty among you who could kill him! with only a knife he slew sadu--leaping upon him as though sadu were no more than bana, the deer. he comes among us as my friend--treat him as such!" as he spoke trakor, beside himself with the hot anger of the young, had advanced until he was standing directly before the burly chieftain. with his last words the boy so forgot himself as to shake a fist in the other's face. with a lightning sweep of one knotted fist gerdak struck the infuriated boy squarely in the face. so terrible the force of the blow that trakor's feet completely left the ground and he fell, unconscious, a full ten feet from where he had been standing. * * * * * even as the boy's body was falling tharn acted. with a catlike bound he reached the chief, fastened a hand about the man's bull neck and lifted him into the air. holding the dazed gerdak in a grip of steel he began to shake him until bones creaked in protest and his senses fled and he hung, limp and lifeless, in the circle of those mighty fingers. as gerdak crumbled to the ground, his spellbound warriors came to life. with shouts of rage they leaped forward to close upon the stranger who had dared to lay hands on their chief. but the agility and muscles that had brought their owner through countless jungle battles were more than gerdak's warriors had reckoned with. with a panther-like leap tharn reached trakor's prone figure. snatching it from the ground to a place across his shoulder the cave lord turned and raced for the safety of the forest. behind him came a shouting, cursing mob of raging fighting-men, brandishing spears and knives of flint. had they thrown those spears within the first few seconds, the outcome would have been certain and gerdak avenged. but they did not, and seconds later tharn and his burden were lost among the shadows of overhanging trees. for more than an hour gerdak's warriors ranged the vicinity in search of the pair, thrusting their spears among the tangled undergrowth and racing along the game trail on the chance their quarry was following it. finally they reluctantly abandoned the hunt and returned to where the body of their chief still lay on the clearing floor. discovering a spark of life yet remaining, they bore him to his cave and after a while succeeded in bringing him back to consciousness. it would be many suns before gerdak fully recovered from his experience, but deeply planted in his dull-witted mind were the seeds of fear--fear that the mighty stranger called tharn might return. * * * * * a weaving, bobbing sensation was trakor's first impression as his hurt brain struggled back to consciousness. beneath him was warm smooth flesh, and now and then he felt the brush of leaves or a vine against his back and sides. when he opened his eyes he found himself being borne at a rapid pace through the forest top. for a moment he was unable to grasp the meaning of his strange position, then a familiar voice said, almost in his ear: "lie still for a little while. we are almost there." it was tharn's voice and with it came the memory of what had transpired before gerdak's fist struck him unconscious. with a sigh, trakor let the tenseness leave his body and he lay quietly across his new friend's broad shoulder. onward went tharn, threading his way among the tangled labyrinth of branches with practiced ease. broad boughs bent alarmingly beneath the double burden as he neared their tips while passing from one tree to another; but always he found the next before the weight proved too heavy. yet so accustomed to such jungle highways was the cave lord that he seemed fairly to be flying through the trees. finally tharn came to rest upon a wide branch high above the ground. gently he deposited trakor to a sitting position beside him, permitting the boy to rest his back against the tree's bole. so intense was the darkness about them that trakor was barely able to make out the form of his rescuer although he was only a few inches away. trakor grasped a small branch to insure him from slipping from his high flung perch and for a little while said nothing, waiting until he could be sure the words would come out without a quaver. "where are we, tharn?" he said finally, pleased at the matter-of-fact tone he was able to muster. the darkness hid tharn's understanding smile. "a short distance from the caves of your people." "they are no longer my people," trakor said hotly. "even when i told them you were my friend they were against you." he was silent for a moment. then: "what happened after gerdak struck me?" briefly tharn told him of what transpired in the clearing. when he was finished, the boy was thoughtful for a little while. the realization was strong that never as long as gerdak lived would he be able to return to his own people. that alone did not cause him to regret what had happened; it was the knowledge he might never again see his father and mother that was hard for him to bear. as he was still hardly more than boy quick tears stung his eyes and he was thankful the darkness prevented his companion from seeing these signs of weakness. the turn events had taken within the clearing had hurt tharn, too. lost was his opportunity of questioning roban, son of gerdak, about the party of ammadians trakor had mentioned. he broke the momentary silence to say: "have you any idea where the ammadians scaled the cliffs you mentioned?" not until now did trakor recall the reason his new friend had sought out the caves of gerdak. the realization that his own unthinking anger was largely responsible for tharn's failure to get the information was galling and he said so at length. tharn halted the flow of self recrimination. "gerdak," he pointed out, "would not have allowed his son to tell me anything. i hardly expected any other reception so we have lost nothing.... do the ammadian travelers who pass this way scale the cliffs at the same place each time?" "no," trakor replied sadly. "there are many places that afford a way over them." "and you recall nothing roban said which would indicate the place this last party used?" "no, tharn. it could be any one of ten." when the man beside him made no reply, he added: "what do we do now?" * * * * * trakor's use of the word "we" brought the realization to tharn that he was now faced with two problems. the first, of course, was to locate the trail of dylara's abductors--and already his keen mind had hit on a short cut to that end. the second problem showed every indication of being a great deal harder to solve: what was he going to do with trakor? to permit the boy to return to the caves of gerdak was unthinkable. the chief would be sure to blame him for what had happened; and while he might not actually kill trakor he would certainly make his life unbearable. nor could he leave this inexperienced youngster to face the jungle alone. sadu or jalok would be feeding on his soft flesh before two suns were gone! the only alternative was to take the boy with him on his search for dylara. it would mean slowing his pursuit of the ammadians to a relative crawl--a thought galling to the cave lord.... "what do we do now?" trakor said again. tharn shrugged lightly, his decision made. "we wait awhile. now we shall sleep for an hour or two." "up here?" trakor's voice faltered a little. "would it be better to sleep on the ground?" tharn asked with grim humor. as though to underscore the question, the distant scream of a panther came to their ears. trakor shivered. "the tree is better," he admitted. "it is only that i have never slept in a tree," he laughed uncertainly. "i suppose i can get used to it." "lean your back against the trunk," tharn said, "and allow your legs to drop on either side of the branch you are sitting on, resting your feet on the branches directly below. that way you will not fall, no matter how soundly you sleep." the boy obeyed, and while he found the position less restful than the heap of pelts in the cave of his father, it was bearable. he knew he would not be able to sleep, for already the chill of the jungle at night was creeping into his bones. seconds later he was sleeping soundly, while above him tharn too slept in a fork of the same tree. * * * * * a hand shaking his shoulder awoke trakor with a start. crouching on the branch beside him was tharn, his magnificent body faintly discernible in the diffused light of uda, the moon. "come," tharn said. "it is time we set about locating the path used by the ammadians in scaling the cliffside." "at night?" trakor asked wonderingly. "would it not be better to wait until there is enough light to pick up the trail?" "i have another plan," tharn replied evasively. "here," he added, stooping. "place your arms about my neck." although he did not understand the reason behind the order trakor followed his companion's bidding. an instant later he was swept up and out into the maze of branches while borne in tharn's arms. where before much of the passage through the middle terraces of the trees had been hidden from trakor by darkness, now the way was lighted by the moon, disclosing to the youth's horrified eyes the awful depths beneath. gradually trakor's fears grew less as he observed the unfailing sureness with which tharn trod this high-flung pathway, and in its place came an abounded admiration of his agility and strength. never before had he heard of a human who used the same avenues as little nobar, the monkey--and used them with the same nimbleness and speed. occasionally warriors of his tribe lay in wait for game among tree branches, but such climbing was as nothing when compared to this. that uncanny instinct which so often had guided tharn through unfamiliar territory did not fail him this time, and within half an hour he and his burden were gazing from the safety of a high branch at the deserted cliffside containing the caves of gerdak. at the sight of the familiar scene a great weight seemed to press against trakor's heart. was his new-found friend deserting him--returning him to certain suffering at the hands of short-tempered gerdak? did not tharn know that never again would he dare to return to his own cave--that the chief would make him pay a thousandfold for championing the giant stranger? dreading the reply, he asked: "why have we come back here, tharn?" "you told me roban, son of gerdak, knows the route taken by the ammadians," said tharn. "i am going to ask him where i may find it." "but you cannot!" cried trakor. "the instant gerdak and his warriors see you their spears will cut you to pieces!" "then i must keep from being seen," tharn observed lightly. "point out to me the cave where roban sleeps. i will enter and get him, bringing him here that i may question him in peace." trakor was horrified by the suggestion. "it is impossible! mighty as you are, you could not hope to enter and leave the chief's own cave without being caught. always several warriors sleep just within the entrance, for there are several among the tribe who hate gerdak and he fears assassination while he sleeps." for a long moment tharn seemed lost in thought and trakor was congratulating himself upon his success in talking the cave lord out of his mad scheme. but tharn's next words showed his silence had been prompted by another reason altogether. "describe gerdak's cave to me," he said, "telling me, if you can, where in it roban is most likely to be sleeping." for a second trakor was tempted to disclaim all knowledge of the subject. but then the realization came that tharn would go ahead with his plan with or without the information he sought. carefully he told all he could about the chief's cave, describing in minute detail its layout and plan, together with such information as where the guards were likely to be sleeping and the probable location of roban's sleeping furs. roban, he said, would not be difficult to pick out. he was about trakor's own age but very skinny, with long legs and arms and a peculiarly shaped head, the crown rising almost to a point. he was an unpleasant youngster, sly and cunning, and generally disliked. tharn listened attentively; and when his new friend was done, he unshipped the quiver of arrows from its place on his back and handed it and his spear to trakor. the grass rope he left coiled across his shoulder and under the opposite arm, and his flint knife remained in the folds of his loin-cloth. "wait here for me," tharn said. the boy nodded, not trusting himself to speak, and watched the other slip easily through the branches to the ground at the clearing's edge. * * * * * broken cloud formations dotted the midnight sky and tharn waited patiently until one of them could obscure the full moon long enough for him to gain the foot of the steep scarp a hundred yards away. several times small clouds blotted out uda's radiant beams; but not until a sizable one moved into the proper position did tharn leave the protecting shadows of the tree. with great bounding strides, silent as the shadows themselves, tharn crossed the clearing to the cliff's base. for a few moments he skirted its edge until he located a series of man-carved ridges which formed a rude and perilous ladder to the cave entrances above. with the sure-footedness of long practice he swarmed lightly upward, past cave after cave, until he came to rest a few feet below the yawning hole marking the entrance to gerdak's dwelling. he crouched there motionless, his ears straining for some indication that those within were still awake. but other than a faint sound of someone snoring, he heard nothing. with infinite stealth he drew himself onto the ledge outside. to his unbelievably sensitive nostrils came the assorted smells of a cro-magnon shelter. through the medium of scent he established that five men and two women were within, all of them his ears said were sound asleep. suddenly the cloud was gone from the moon's face and silver effulgence bathed the cliffside, leaving tharn exposed to possible discovery. and so, crouching, the naked blade of his flint knife held ready, tharn entered the lair of gerdak, chief of a cro-magnon tribe. as tarlok, the leopard, stalks the wariest of grass-eaters, so did tharn make his way into that black hole. no human ear would have been able to mark his passage as his naked feet, seemingly endowed with eyes of their own, threaded their way past one sleeping body after another. two warriors lay athwart the entrance; these tharn stepped across, so close he could feel the animal heat from their bodies. past a stack of spears piled against a side wall, avoiding a block of stone on which were piled several baked clay pots and dishes, skirting a heap of furs where an old woman slept, mouth open and the breath whistling between toothless gums ... these were danger points along the way. at last he reached the rear wall of the cave--and there he found the object of his search. a lanky length of tanned human lay face up on a pile of skins, breathing heavily, arms thrown wide. a few feet away, near a side wall, lay the stocky form and hairless pate that belonged to gerdak, the chief. the time had come for the high point of danger in tharn's plan. crouching beside the sleeping form of roban, tharn tightened his hold on the hilt of his knife, swung his arm in a short savage arc and brought the butt of the knife hard against the young man's skull! there was a single violent upheaval of limbs which tharn smothered instantly beneath his own weight, a sobbing cry which died unborn as a mighty hand pressed against the parted lips ... and roban lay senseless. swinging the unconscious youth to his shoulders, tharn turned to make his way back to the cave entrance. three cautious steps he took ... and then a muscular hand closed about his ankle! chapter iii sadu attacks sadu, the lion, pacing slowly and majestically through the velvet blackness of a jungle night, came to a sudden halt as siha, the wind, brought to his sensitive nostrils the acrid scent of burning wood. for several long minutes the great cat stood as though turned to stone, his broad nostrils twitching nervously under the biting fumes. sadu was unpleasantly familiar with the red teeth that ate everything in their path, for it had been scarcely a moon ago that he barely escaped the fangs of a forest fire. had it been smoke alone which sadu smelled, he would have turned away and sought his night's food elsewhere. but commingled with the scent of fire was another smell, and it was the latter that finally sent him slinking ahead. after the lion progressed another several hundred yards in this manner, the winding game trail debouched abruptly into a large natural clearing bordering the reed-covered banks of a wide shallow river. standing amid the impenetrable shadows cast by a great tree at the clearing's edge, sadu surveyed with slitted eyes the bustle of activity about the open ground. there were at least fifty men there, some of them tending a blazing windrow of branches arranged in a large circle to encompass a considerable section of open ground where were heaped several mounds of supplies. others were preparing the evening meal, bringing water from the river and performing the other duties which go with establishing camp for the night. it was the scent of these men that had brought sadu here. ordinarily he would have passed up the two-legged creatures for the more satisfactory flesh of zebra or deer, but there had been an absence of such meat lately because grass-replenishing rain had not fallen in many moons and the grass-eaters had strayed away from the vicinity in search of fresh pastures. too, sadu had found man easy prey when he was alone--in numbers he was dangerous, particularly when backed by burning brands and sharp-pointed sticks. the circle of fire with which these men had surrounded themselves gave sadu pause. only the pangs of hunger kept him from turning about and seeking less complicated prey. slowly the heavy lips rolled back, baring the great fangs, and from the depths of the cavernous chest came a series of grunting coughs. as the dull, rumbling challenge reached the ears of those within the camp, men straightened from their tasks and looked fearfully into the heavy darkness beyond the light from the fires. a few unslung their bows and tested the strings, while others made sure their heavy war spears were within reach. in the center of the camp itself, a group of five people--two girls and three men--broke off their conversation as the first notes of sadu's voice reached them, and looked nervously at one another. "sadu is hungry too," one of the girls observed lightly as she turned her attention back to the freshly grilled meat on the clay dish before her. "will he attack us?" the other girl asked unsteadily, her dark eyes round with fear. her slender, softly rounded body was covered with a knee-length tunic of some coarse, woven material and a cloud of black curls framed the delicate features of her olive-skinned face. "i do not think so, alurna," the first girl said, without taking her eyes from her food. "sadu fears fire; he would have to be close to starving to brave the flames." one of the three men, a slight, small-boned man whose round, full-fleshed face habitually wore an expression of slow-witted amiability, moved a little closer to the fire. "how do we know," he said anxiously, "whether this lion is not that hungry?" the first girl shook back her wealth of reddish brown hair and looked at the speaker, her brown eyes sparkling with laughter. she said, "we _can't_ know, javan--not until he either springs through the fire or turns around and goes away." if the words brought any comfort to javan, his actions failed to show it. once more he shifted his position until he was close to sitting in the burning branches and the fingers of his right hand were trembling uncontrollably as he groped for his flint-tipped spear. "dylara jests, javan," the tall, broad-shouldered man next to him said. "there are too many of us for even several lions to attack." "you say that, jotan," dylara said, "because you do not know sadu as i know him. often he will charge a hundred warriors through fires far larger than ours, yet at times several lions have run away from one man walking alone in the jungle. more than any other beast, sadu is a creature of moods, and no one can say for sure what he will do." * * * * * the third man in the group rose now to scrape the remaining food on his plate into the fire. he said, "we are certainly in no position to dispute with dylara the habits of animals." there was a subtle note of condescension in his voice that only jotan and the princess alurna noticed. "you must remember that dylara is different from us. most of her life has been spent among the people of the caves, and there can be no doubt but that the barbarians know the jungle and its life far better than we can ever hope to." jotan's pale blue eyes frosted over and the hard, firm angle of his jaw tightened. for nearly two moons now he had endured tamar's gibes at his love for a girl who had been a barbarian slave of sephar's court. many times during those sixty suns had tamar said that no member of ammad's ruling class, as was jotan, had a right to take as mate some half-savage cave girl. there was such a thing, argued tamar, as _noblesse oblige_, and jotan was not only alienating his friends by this mad passion but breaking the laws of his class and his country. not that tamar had anything personal against dylara. on the contrary, he thought her beautiful and as gracious and regal as alurna herself. but there was the matter of birth and blood--barriers too great for acceptance as the noble jotan's mate. all this was in jotan's thoughts as he answered tamar's last remark. "perhaps it would be better for us," he observed lightly, "if we had a little of dylara's knowledge of the jungle creatures and their ways. perhaps then we would be spared such terror at the sound of sadu's roar." he made the statement while looking full into tamar's eyes, and was rewarded by seeing a tinge of red creep into his friend's freshly scraped cheeks. and because no man likes to be called a coward, no matter how indirectly, tamar sought to hit back ... in the one way that would cut jotan the deepest. "it is unfortunate," he said mildly, "that we could not have brought along with us the wild man who came to sephar seeking dylara. i'll wager he would not turn a hair were sadu to charge among us at this moment." as though in direct challenge to the statement, sadu, in the darkness beyond the camp, again lifted his voice in the hunting roar of the king of beasts. this time the hot blood of anger welled into jotan's face and a biting retort formed on his lips. but a glimpse of dylara's suddenly stricken expression checked them there, unuttered. in the brief silence that followed tamar's words, dylara was aware that the others were watching her as though to learn if tamar's edged comment would goad her into a response. and so she made answer; and while the words were directed to tamar, it was jotan whom they hurt. "you are right, tamar," she said proudly. "tharn, more than any man i have ever known, is free of fear. how could he know fear when there is no man or animal that could match his strength, agility or quick mind." "had you seen him, as i did, crush the skull of a full-grown lion with a single blow of his fist, had you seen him close in battle with tarlok, the leopard, with only a stone knife to use against tarlok's teeth and claws, had he carried any of you through the highest branches of the forest top--then you would know why i am sure he came through the battles in sephar's arena! that is why i know that even now he is on his way to take me from you." "and when he does come, neither you nor all the warriors with you can keep him from his purpose. you are children--all of you!--when compared to tharn!" * * * * * the nails of jotan's fingers were biting into his palms. "and would you go with him, dylara?" he asked between stiff lips. the girl's lovely brown eyes softened as she saw the pain under his carefully expressionless face. "yes, i would go with him," she said gently. "all of us know that i am no more than a prisoner among you. all of you have been kind and thoughtful and friendly toward me. yet there is never a moment that i am not under the eyes of a guard. that is why i say that, given the chance, i would escape and return to the caves of majok, my father." alurna shuddered. "you would not get very far, dylara. the jungle beasts would get you the first night." "i think not," dylara said matter-of-factly. "you keep forgetting that i am not a sepharian. the jungle and plains are not to me the horrible places they seem to you who have spent your lives behind the stone walls of your cities." "how can you think of returning to such a life, dylara?" jotan said, almost pleadingly. "it is no way for a girl to live--in constant danger day after day, living in cold, damp holes in a cliff, wearing only an animal skin." "wait until you have seen the city of ammad! as wonderful as sephar must have seemed to you, it is crude and barbaric when compared to the splendor of the cities of my country. and in all the world there is no palace so lavish as that of jaltor, king of all ammad. why, a few days among the glories and comforts of life among my people and the thought of returning to your caves would be hateful indeed!" but dylara was shaking her head. "no, jotan. tamar is right when he says i would not fit into such a life. i was taken to sephar as a slave to the sepharians; and, as considerate as you have been, i am being taken to ammad while still a slave." "not as a slave!" jotan protested. "you are to become my mate. you will be shown the same honor, the same respect that i am given. i am a noble of ammad, dylara. jaltor, ruler of ammad, is my father's closest friend. he--all ammad--will be at your feet the day we go before the high-priest of the god-whose-name-may-not-be-spoken-aloud and he makes you my mate." the conversation clearly had gotten out of hand. both jotan and dylara, so hard did each strive to make the other see his side of the argument, were putting into words things they ordinarily would never have said in front of those with them. and all during the exchange, alurna, princess of sephar, sat there and watched them, her head bowed slightly and a hand shielding her face that none might see the hatred and jealousy mirrored there. for jotan was hers! whether he was aware of that as yet was immaterial. men had been blinded by beauty before and still brought to their senses before it was too late. as lovely as the cave girl was, alurna knew that her own beauty suffered little by comparison--something that jotan would have seen long ago were his eyes not blinded by a mad infatuation. there was little else to do for the time being, alurna realized, except wait. tonight or tomorrow or a moon from now the opportunity for ridding herself of her brown-haired rival would come along. she had almost arranged the girl's death in sephar, but dylara had slain the hired assassin. next time the result would be different. fortunately it was not something that had to be done in a hurry. dylara gave no indication of willingly becoming jotan's mate, and being a person of high principles, jotan would have her no other way. the only danger, really, was that his unfailing courtesy, thoughtfulness and complete adoration might succeed in winning the cave girl's love. * * * * * sadu, the lion, standing beyond the circle of light cast by the fire, raised his voice in a challenging roar that cut into silence the encampment of humans. his hunger was growing with the passage of time and the sight of the many two-legged creatures behind the leaping flames. again, sadu's majestic voice rolled out, filling the clearing with spine-tingling sound, and from the depths of night-shrouded jungle behind him came an answering roar. a moment later the foliage parted and a second lion slunk through the shadows just beyond the periphery of light. the newcomer was a great, tawny-maned beast even larger than the first. he eyed the blazing piles of branches and the men beyond them with slitted eyes for a long moment, then uttered a series of low, coughing grunts. in response to the signal, three more lions--a female and two full-grown males--emerged from the undergrowth to join their leader. the first lion eyed the strange family and bared his great fangs, warning them with a low rumble that he would permit no interference in his hunting. they stared at him silently with a kind of dignified reserve, then turned their attention toward the humans beyond the wall of fire. two full hours dragged past. within the camp the larger part of the caravan was sleeping soundly, huddled against the chill night air in sleeping furs. the normal guard of ten warriors had been doubled against the possibility of attack by the great cats. suddenly one of the lions rose to its feet and with regal deliberateness stalked into the open ground bordering the line of fires. slowly the jungle king strode along the unsteady line of burning wood, his lithe sinews rolling beneath the shimmering hide, the sinuous tail moving in graceful undulations. soundless were his padded paws on the turf and the mighty voice was silent. several minutes passed before one of the guards caught sight of the single lion. the man lifted a loud shout of alarm and several more of the sentries hastened to join their companion. when he pointed out sadu less than a spear's cast outside the fires, the others readied their weapons for the attack they expected at any moment; while sadu, seeing the flurry of motion among the hated manthings, lifted his mighty head and gave voice to a thunderous roar. "... dylara! dylara!" the cave girl awakened instantly at sound of the frightened voice. she sat up and threw back the folds of her sleeping furs. in the flickering reddish glow of the night fires she saw the slender form of the princess alurna bending over her. "what is the matter?" majok's daughter demanded. "the lions!" alurna moaned through chattering teeth. "listen!" fully aroused by the other's panic, dylara rose from the ground and tried to pierce the velvet wall beyond the light. most of the camp's sentries were grouped at a point near the line of fire, fingering their spear and bows nervously and staring at something between them and the jungle. ... sadu ceased his uneasy pacing, his tail lashing now in brief, jerky movements. too long had he put off feeding. the fearsome fires were dimmer now; let them die down just a little more and he would leap across them and take his food. elsewhere among the sheltering trees the other lions watched him with unblinking attention. by now there were fully a score of the mammoth brutes lying among the tall grasses and reeds. in two's and threes--even one family of six--they had assembled, drawn to the scene by the voices of the first arrivals. again sadu threw back his head and poured out his rumbling roar, seeking to build up his confidence sufficiently to brave the fires protecting his prey. cautiously he began to inch his way toward the flames, his hindquarters held low, his majestic head extended and flattened until his nose was close to the ground. while behind him other lions, made bold by his move, also began to creep toward the circle of fire. * * * * * dylara stiffened as sadu's august voice echoed through the clearing. her brown eyes, keener than most, began to pick out points of glowing yellow among the black shadows of the trees--bits of light that she recognized instantly as the eyes of lions. even as she was conscious that there were many of them, she became aware of their growing size. the cave girl waited no longer. pushing past the fear-ridden princess, she went quickly to where jotan slept nearby beneath a mound of furs and began shaking him urgently by the shoulder. the ammadian opened his eyes. "what--what is it? dylara? what is wrong?" "the lions!" dylara said hurriedly. "many of them. they are preparing to charge us!" flinging aside his furs, jotan leaped to his feet and raced among the sleeping warriors, arousing them with a prodding foot and a few urgent words of explanation. meanwhile, dylara hurried to where the sentries were keeping watchful eyes on the first lion. "quick!" she exclaimed. "throw some of the burning branches among the trees. there is still time to drive sadu away!" ... sadu, at sight of the rapidly awakening camp, halted his slow advance. for a moment he hesitated, his highly strung nerves twitching with indecision. and when several of the men dragged burning branches from the fires and threw them, like blazing spears, in his direction, he snarled uneasily and drew back. already a few of the other lions had turned tail to flee back into the jungle. in another moment the retreat would become a rout and sadu must seek elsewhere for food. and then there occurred one of those unpredictable turns of fate which none can foresee. one of the blazing brands, propelled by a strong arm, struck full against the flank of a retreating lion. there followed a puff of smoke as hair burned away a wide patch and seared the skin beneath. sadu's uncertain temper blazed with the flame. with a startled roar that paled to nothing the surrounding chorus of growls, screams and curses, he wheeled about and bore down upon the camp, roaring as he came. a few feet short of the flaming stockade, sadu rose in a mighty leap, cleared the flames easily, and landed squarely among the startled sepharians. instantly pandemonium raged. the men scattered wildly from sadu's flailing claws and glistening fangs, only to encounter other lions who, emboldened by the success of the first, had turned back to leap the barrier. already a dozen of the tawny, sinuous bodies were sowing death among the ranks of jotan's followers. the princess alurna huddled among a heap of furs and sought to close her eyes against the horrors of the growing massacre. but not seeing at all was infinitely worse than reality, and so her eyes remained open and staring. suddenly a huge, yellow-maned monster bounded toward her. a lithe spring brought it atop a mound of supplies scarcely ten feet from where she lay paralyzed with fear. slowly the lordly head swung in a menacing circle and the savage eyes fixed upon her shrinking form. the small ears twitched back until they lay tight against the sleek skull, the mammoth maw parted to disclose awesome fangs and a low growl rumbled low in the deep chest. jotan, shouting orders in an effort to rally his scattered men to some semblance of order, caught sight of the doomed princess as sadu rose in his spring toward her. careless of his own safety, he drew back his strong right arm and launched his heavy war spear. the keen blade flashed across the intervening space and caught sadu squarely in the chest, knocking him to one side and killing him instantly. * * * * * while all this was taking place, dylara, daughter of majok, had remained crouched close to one of the heaps of burning branches where she knew sadu would be reluctant to approach. she saw man after man go down beneath the ravaging cats, and twice she saw lions leap back into the darkness, carrying the limp corpse of some unfortunate ammadian. she witnessed, too, jaton's rescue of the princess alurna, and despite the awful carnage about her, she smiled grimly as urim's daughter ran forward and threw her arms about the tall ammadian noble. at the moment it abruptly dawned on dylara that this was her opportunity to escape from those who held her an unwilling captive. she turned her head and stared out into the open ground between camp and forest edge, seeing the long shadows cast by the flickering flames. if she could but cross that ribbon of grassland safely and gain the safety of the trees! even as she silently voiced the wish, her mind was made up for her. from behind one of the piles of supplies emerged a tawny shape. two blazing eyes caught sight of the cave girl, and heedless of the nearby fire, the giant cat began to slink toward her. dylara, wise to the ways of the jungle, acted. without a second's hesitation she whirled about and raced through a narrow break in the circle of fire, heading for the darkness beyond. even as she acted, she knew this might be merely exchanging one peril for another: there could easily be ten lions between her and the safety of the trees. with an earth-shaking roar, sadu gave chase. her heart pounding wildly, dylara shot across the open ground like an arrow from a bow. behind her, gaining ground as though his frail quarry were standing still, came the lion, its jaws widely distended, low growls welling from its throat. the low-spreading branches of a forest tree loomed ahead of the fleeing girl. sadu was only a few feet behind her ... already he was launching the last leap that would crush the girl to earth just short of her goal. * * * * * in the camp itself, jotan's bellowed commands were beginning to take effect on the disorganized warriors. those still alive and unwounded managed to form a spear-bristling phalanx, standing shoulder to shoulder, while the blood-hungry cats moved slowly around them. twice, a lion charged that square of flint spear-tips, only to fall back with roars of rage and bleeding from wounds. for a few minutes longer the beasts continued to circle warily about the men, now and then feinting charges in an effort to draw them into breaking ranks. but the warriors, heartened by the confident bearing of their leader, held fast in spite of the fearful nearness of distended jaws and gleaming fangs. at last, as though by some strange understanding, the lions began to withdraw, dragging with them some of the torn bodies of warriors who had died during the battle. only the sharp commands of jotan himself prevented the others from an attempt to save their fallen comrades from so horrible a fate--jotan who was realist enough to know that any such foolhardy action--no matter how noble the purpose--could only result in further casualties. when at last the lions were gone, jotan set about restoring the broken defenses of the camp. fires were increased in number and size, scattered supplies and weapons were reassembled and the wounded cared for. not until all this was done did jotan learn of dylara's disappearance. at first he was nearly frantic with worry, picturing her as being dragged away by one of the marauders. it was not until he questioned the wounded that the true story came out. "no, sadu did not get her. not in the camp anyway." the warrior, wincing from the pain of a long gash in one arm, pulled himself into a sitting position as he replied to jotan's questions. "she was crouched down near the fires until one of the lions began to creep up on her. she wasted no time in doing something about that!" "what _did_ she do?" jotan demanded impatiently. "the only thing she could have done: slipped through the fires and ran for the trees." the young ammadian noble glanced toward the stygian gloom of the distant jungle and a faint shudder coursed through him. "what a mad thing to do!" he said, half to himself. "i would rather face sadu here in the light than plunge into those shadows." to the wounded man he said, "did you see her reach the trees?" the other man shook his head. "my eyes are not that good. the lion chased her into the darkness and i lost sight of them both. she had a good start and she ran very swiftly." "which way did she go?" the warrior waved an arm toward the south. jotan picked four men who, carrying spears and torches, accompanied their leader in that direction. they reached the fringe of trees and jungle to the south of the camp, and walked among the tree boles, calling out the cave girl's name. but only the voices of disturbed bird life and the distant scream of a panther answered their cries. "sadu must have gotten her after all," said one of the four. "i don't believe it!" jotan snapped. "she knows the jungle beasts too well for that to happen." "then why," asked another of the men, "does she not answer our calls?" jotan ignored the question. "return to the camp," he said through a strange lump in his throat. "when morning comes, we will take up the search for her." alurna, still weak and shaken from her recent experience with sadu, watched the five men enter the camp. she saw jotan dismiss the others and come over to where she was seated between tamar and javan. when there was no sight of dylara, and when she noticed jotan's grim expression, her heart bounded with a wild and horrible hope. "well, jotan?" tamar said quietly. * * * * * his friend spread his hands in a helpless gesture. "there is no trace of her," he admitted, and in his voice was a note of such intense suffering that tamar's heart went out to him. javan, blinked stolidly at the stricken man, put into words the unvoiced question of the others. "the lions...." jotan shook his head. "i don't believe they got her. there were no signs of a struggle. no ... bones." his voice faltered on that last word, and he threw his hands wide in sick bewilderment. "i don't know what to think!" the princess alurna spoke up suddenly in silken tones. "have you forgotten so soon, o noble jotan, the cave girl's own words?" jotan stared deep into the faintly mocking gray-green eyes of urim's daughter. "what do you mean?" he said stiffly. "did she not say: 'i would escape and return to the caves of majok, my father'? did those words mean so little to you?" harsh lines deepened at the corners of jotan's lips. "yes, she said that. but she would not try to get away at night. especially tonight, when there are the god knows how many lions roaming about the camp. the hardiest warrior would not dare that, let alone a frail girl." "how long," tamar broke in, "will you go on thinking of dylara as a 'frail' girl? can't you understand that she is not our kind of woman? she does not fear the jungle: all that she needed was a chance to get into it without our seeing her, and tonight she was given that chance. you have sadu to thank for that." for several long minutes jotan sat there without speaking, his gaze fixed unseeingly on the leaping flames of the campfire. what strange currents and cross-currents, he mused, had been set into motion by his love for the girl of the caves. there was the steadily widening rift with tamar--tamar whose only flaw was his stiff-necked pride in lineage and noble blood--tamar, who was his closest friend, his almost constant companion since boyhood. together they had learned the arts of hunting and fighting, together they had served as fellow officers in jaltor's armies, together they had crossed those interminable stretches of jungle, plain and mountain between ammad and far-off sephar. could he afford to risk an almost certain break with tamar by pursuing further his mad infatuation for the missing cave girl? there was another complication, too--one leaving him open for repercussions even more unpleasant than the loss of a friend. there was no doubt in his mind but that the princess alurna was in love with him. he knew that in the eyes of his family and friends she would make any man a mate to be proud of. from the standpoint of beauty alone she was almost as lovely as dylara. more than that, however, alurna was the niece of jaltor, monarch of all ammad and a personal friend of jotan's own father. jotan shuddered slightly. he could well imagine jaltor's reaction upon learning that the daughter of his dead brother had been spurned in favor of a half-wild woman of the caves! and then the lithe, softly curved body of dylara came unbidden before his mind's eye ... and all else was forgotten. he rose stiffly from where he sat among his friends, conscious from their expressions that they knew he had arrived at a decision affecting them all. "when the dawn comes," he said in a strangely toneless voice, "we break camp and continue on toward ammad. not all of us will go on, however. a few warriors shall accompany me in search of dylara ... and i shall not return without her!" [illustration: hers was the beauty famous across half a world] chapter iv the seeds of treachery [illustration] otar, a warrior in the service of vokal, a powerful and high-ranking nobleman of the city of ammad, was violently unhappy this night. his sandaled feet beat an angry rhythm against the pavement in front of the arched opening in the high stone wall about his master's estate. thirty paces one way, an about face executed with the military precision vokal demanded of his guards, then thirty paces back again, spear held rigidly across his tunic-clad chest. the velvety blackness of a moonless night weighted the street and matched his mood--a blackness only intensified by the feeble yellow rays of a lantern in a niche above the gate. silently he cursed the captain of the guards who had demoted him to night sentry duty, then he cursed vokal for his mad judgment in picking so heartless a captain to begin with. there was a sound reason for otar's unhappiness. only the day before he had taken a mate--the incomparable marua, daughter of one of vokal's understewards--marua, whose exquisite blonde beauty and matchless form had brought her a host of male admirers, many of them in high positions in vokal's service. among them was ekbar, captain of the nobleman's guards; and therein, otar knew, lay the reason why he was walking a midnight post outside vokal's sprawling estate. the thought of his lovely new mate alone in his snug apartment in the guard's quarters while he paced away the hours brought a fresh flood of curses to his lips. "greetings," said a hoarse whispering voice behind him. otar, startled, whirled and leveled his spear in one rapid motion. "who speaks?" he growled. an indistinct figure, muffled to the chin in a black cloak, was standing in the street only a foot or two beyond reach of the questing spearhead. "fear not," said the harsh voice. "it is i--heglar, nobleman of ammad. i am here to hold an audience with the noble vokal. at his own invitation. here." he held out his hand from under the cloak and something gleamed from the center of his palm in the faint light. "examine this by the rays from yonder lantern." cautiously, his heavy spear ready in his right hand, otar took the object and backed away until he could see it clearly. his careful maneuvering was in line with orders, for attempts at assassination were fairly common among ammad's nobles in their ceaseless efforts for power second only to jaltor himself, king of all ammad. a single glance was all otar needed. it was vokal's personal talisman: a small square of gold bearing on one side a peculiar design cut in the soft metal. no humblest warrior in all vokal's vast retinue who did not know that design and his duties when faced with it. he returned the talisman to the man who called himself heglar and stepped back, bringing his spear sharply to a saluting position. "you may pass, noble heglar. this path will bring you to a side door of vokal's palace. the guard there will see to it that you are taken to him." * * * * * vokal stood on a small balcony of stone outside his private apartment on the fourth level of his huge, many-roomed palace. he was a tall slender graceful man in his early fifties, with a narrow face, small cameo-sharp features and a languid almost dreamy quality in his movements and expression. prematurely gray hair waved back from a brow of classical perfection, and the hand he lifted to smooth that hair was narrow and long fingered and beautifully kept. he was wearing the knee-length tunic common to all men and women of ammad, but his was of a better weave, its belt of the same material was a full two inches wider and trimmed with the purple of ammadian royalty. from this elevated position he was able to look out over the northern section of the city of ammad--a vast orderly array of box-like stone buildings, some gray and some white, rising one to three floors above the streets. fully five miles from where vokal stood was the northern section of the great gray wall of stone encircling the city, and the buildings became smaller and simpler in design the nearer they were to that wall. a man's position in ammad was determined by how near the city's center his dwelling stood. at the metropolis' exact center was the mammoth palace of jaltor, king of ammad and supreme ruler of a vast country of jungle, plain and mountain extending a moon's march in all directions. like vokal's own palace, jaltor's rose from the crest of one of the city's five hills; but the king's, in addition to being at the exact center of ammad, stood on the highest of them all. it could be seen from the windows on the opposite side of vokal's palace--the principal reason his personal quarters were here. sight of that huge sprawling pile of white stone, its roof six levels above the ground, was a constant source of irritation to him. a sound of soft knocking from behind him aroused vokal from his reverie, and he turned unhurriedly and re-entered the room. the knocking was repeated. vokal sank gracefully into an easy chair covered with the soft pelt of tarlok, the leopard, crossed his shapely bare legs and studied the effect with approval. again the sound of knocking, a shade louder this time. "enter," called vokal around a yawn which he covered with the tips of two fingers. a door opened, revealing the rigidly erect figure and carefully expressionless visage of an officer of the palace guard. vokal concluded his yawn. "yes, bartan?" "the noble heglar is here, most-high." "excellent! permit him to enter immediately." the guard executed a sharp quarter turn and stepped back, allowing a man swathed to the chin in the voluminous folds of a black cloak to push past him into the room. "greetings, noble vokal." the words came out in a hoarse croak that grated against the host's sensitive ears. "greetings, noble heglar." vokal's smile seemed even dreamier than usual. "remove your cloak, please, and be seated.... bartan, tell a slave to bring us wine." "at once, most-high." the guard withdrew, closing the door softly. vokal's gray-blue eyes went to his guest and he smiled blandly. "i trust all is well with you and the members of your family, noble heglar." * * * * * stripped of his cloak, heglar was revealed as a man of extraordinary thinness and considerable age. the pronounced hollows in his cheeks and a thin nose the dimensions of an eagle's beak, together with the rocky ridge of an underslung jaw, gave him an emaciated look. but his body was straight as a young sapling, his shoulders for all their boniness were surprisingly broad, and his light blue eyes were alert and piercing. he ignored his host's solicitous inquiry concerning his family and bent and unknotted the thongs of his heelless sandals. kicking them off he leaned back in his chair and, sighing with relief, placed his bare feet on a low stool in front of him. if he caught the faint wrinkle of disgust about vokal's shapely lips he ignored it. "you'll forgive an old man for humoring his feet," he croaked. "i'm not accustomed to long walks these days." "by all means give them comfort." "i tried to learn from your messenger the reason behind your asking me here tonight. he would tell me nothing--simply gave me your message, handed me your emblem piece--" he dug a hand into a pocket of the tunic, took out the square of gold and handed it to vokal--"and left without another word." "you could hardly expect one of my men to do otherwise," vokal said frostily. "one never knows." the old man settled himself more comfortably in his chair. "i was curious and a little doubtful at the interest of the third most powerful man in all ammad--especially when his interest concerns the most impoverished and least influential noble of that same country." there was a soft knock at the door and a slave girl slipped in, placed a tray of wine and two goblets on a low table between the two men, and went out as silently as she had entered. heglar's eyes followed her trim figure until the gently closing door shut off his view. "believe me," he said, watching vokal fill the two goblets, "there was a day i had slaves like that one. many slaves--and more warriors than any noble in all ammad. only old rokkor himself, jaltor's father, had more of them." he sighed gustily. "but that's all in the past now. my only regret is that i must leave my young mate and our two children with little more than a roof above their heads when i die." "your love for the gracious and beautiful rhoa is well known throughout all ammad," vokal murmured, handing his guest one of the filled goblets. the old man gulped a third of its contents before taking the container from his lips. "and why shouldn't i love her?" he demanded harshly. "thirty summers my junior, lovely enough to have her pick of men--and she chooses me. forty summers i spent with my first woman--and what a sour-faced old hyena _she_ was--and not a child to show for it. now we have two, rhoa and i--and i have nothing to leave them but a miserable hovel in place of the palace i once owned." vokal sipped daintily from his goblet and let the garrulous old man ramble on. let him go on bemoaning his lowly position and living over his past glories. every word of it would make the old one more agreeable to vokal's proposition. the nostalgic refrain went on until heglar had emptied his first glass of wine and extended it for a second helping. this time he spilled a few drops on the floor as a voluntary offering to the god-whose-name-may-not-be-spoken-aloud--a tribute given usually only during formal dinners--gulped down several swallows of the alcoholic grape beverage, then turned those sharp eyes on vokal. "but," he said hoarsely, "you didn't ask me here to talk of the old days. what do you want of me, noble vokal?" * * * * * there was a short period of silence during which vokal appeared to be making up his mind. wavering light from candles set in wall brackets about the long, richly furnished room gave a lean, almost vulpine cast to his calm face and a glittering sparkle to his cold eyes. finally he said: "i want to make you a wealthy man again, heglar." the hand holding the wine goblet jerked involuntarily and some of the wrinkles in the aged face seemed to deepen. "... why me?" vokal smiled dreamily. "right to the point, eh, heglar? it is one of my reasons for selecting you." "hmm." the old one looked down into his half-empty goblet to hide the sudden gleam in his eyes. "tell me more of these reasons for wishing to make me rich." "the list is long," vokal said graciously, "so i shall give only the principal ones. first, it is well known throughout all ammad that you are a man of your word--that once you give a pledge nothing in this world or the next could force you to go back on your word." heglar scowled. "one of the reasons i am a poor man today!" "secondly," vokal went on, "it is reported that you are a walking dead man, that you have only a few moons left to live because of the sickness in your throat." at the other's startled expression he waved a languid hand. "it is common knowledge, noble heglar; your physician is a talkative man." "thirdly," he continued, his voice calm, almost indifferent, "your long and honorable career as a mighty warrior proves you a man of great physical courage, and you are still strong and active enough for a dangerous task." a wry smile touched the old man's lips. "then i am expected to earn this wealth you are offering me?" "of course. i am not noted for being a charitable man, noble heglar." "... are there other reasons?" "lastly," vokal said imperturbably, "as a nobleman you have the freedom of jaltor's court and may come and go there as you please." he looked sharply at the older man as he finished speaking and for a long moment they stared into each other's eyes in silence. heglar was the first to speak. "now that you have listed my qualifications, what use do you expect to put them to?" vokal bent forward and fixed him with his penetrating gaze. "i must call upon the first of them before this conversation can go any further. will you give me your solemn pledge that not one word of this will go beyond the two of us?" "... yes." "good. i want you to forfeit the few remaining moons of life left to you." heglar blinked. it was the sole sign of emotion aroused by that startling declaration. "those few moons are priceless to me, noble vokal," he said, a faint smile hovering about his lips. "i am prepared to pay heavily for them." "you would have to.... what do you want me to do?" vokal leaned back in his chair and placed the tips of his fingers lightly together, looking over them at the old man. his eyes had gone back to being dreamy again. he said: "i want you to _attempt_ the assassination of jaltor, king of ammad!" the breath left heglar's lungs in an explosive gasp. "what madness is this!" he cried hoarsely. "why do you want jaltor dead? certainly his death would not better your position as a noble in the court. his son would take the throne; and even if something happened to _him_, his sister would be next in line. are you planning to do away with the entire royal family, noble vokal?" vokal was shaking his head. "i'm afraid you did not understand me, my friend. i said that i wanted you to _attempt_ jaltor's assassination--not to kill him." "this makes no sense to me!" "it is very simple. i want you to attend one of jaltor's morning audiences within the next day or two. work your way close to him, draw a knife and make a clumsy attempt to stab him. but be sure you fail. the guards will overpower you instantly; and when jaltor demands to know why you tried to kill him, refuse to answer other than to hint that you were not alone in the plot." "knowing jaltor as we both do, he will order you put to torture in an effort to learn the facts. endure that torture as long as you possibly can. then blurt out the name of the man who hired you." heglar was watching him through narrowed eyes. "i'm beginning to see the light," he said dourly. "the name i give him will be that of the man you are really after." "exactly." "whereupon i will be put to death." "jaltor has never been famed for his leniency, noble heglar." * * * * * the old man drained his goblet of wine and put it on the table with a steady hand. "at least he is a just man. he would punish only those he believed implicated in the plot; my family would not be persecuted." he seemed to be speaking to himself. "rhoa would be a wealthy woman and my children would never know want or hardship...." his eyes came slowly up to vokal. "my price will be one thousand tals!" it was a staggering amount--the equivalent of twelve thousand young male slaves--but vokal never hesitated. "i will pay it, noble heglar," he said quietly. "in advance." "as you wish. i need no assurance beyond your word that you will carry out the exact terms of the arrangement." heglar sighed. "you have my word.... what name will jaltor's torture wring from my reluctant lips?" "that of the noble garlud." "oho!" heglar nodded in tribute. "that clears up the picture. garlud is second only to jaltor as the most powerful man in all ammad. with him out of the way, you, as the next in line among ammad's noblemen, will take garlud's place and all the benefits that go with it. i congratulate you, noble vokal, on your shrewdness." they filled their earthen goblets and drank. after a moment heglar said, "there is one drawback to your plan, my friend. i hesitate to mention it, for a man as thorough as you has doubtless anticipated that flaw and taken steps to overcome it." "no man is perfect," vokal said equably. "to what do you refer?" "garlud has a son. as is our custom he will inherit his father's position and estate even though garlud is executed for treason." "and if the son is dead also?" vokal said silkily. "so you _have_ thought of it! i might have known. in that case, since garlud's mate died over a moon ago, his wealth returns to the state, except for the palace which is given to the next nobleman in line." "precisely." "uh-hunh. do you know for sure that garlud's son--let's see: his name is ... ah--" "jotan." "of course. a fine young man too--as i remember him. you're sure he's dead?" "if not, he soon will be." "but he is not in ammad, i understand. didn't he make a trip to sephar, vokal?" "he is due back within half a moon at the earliest." "how will you handle the matter when he arrives at ammad's gates?" vokal smiled his dreamy smile. "he will not arrive at ammad's gates, o heglar! the day you attempt jaltor's assassination a party of my most trusted guards will leave ammad to intercept jotan and his men. their orders will be to leave not one of them alive." "it is clear that you have thought of everything!" the old man gulped down his wine and stood up. "it is late, and at my age i need a great deal of sleep--especially if i am to be tortured by jaltor's experts in that line! so, if you will pay me my thousand tals, noble vokal, i shall leave you." "of course." vokal rose smoothly to his feet, went to the door and summoned a guard outside. "arouse yodak and instruct him to bring a thousand tals to me here." "at once, most-high." the guard saluted and went quickly down the hall. heglar was shaking his head admiringly. "you take some long chances, vokal!" the gray-haired nobleman glanced sharply at him. "what do you mean?" "this matter of your guards calling you 'most-high'. that is a mark of respect given only to kings, you know. i doubt if jaltor would approve of your appropriating it to your own use." * * * * * the other's blue-gray eyes seemed to film over. "kings have been known to die, noble heglar--and at times the ranking nobleman takes his place. one must prepare for every possibility." "even to having one's guards form the habit of saying most-high, eh?" the arrival of a small frail-bodied old man in hastily donned tunic ended the conversation. he was bearing a small cloth bag which gave off the sounds of clinking metal. "the thousand tals, most-high," he quavered, holding out the bag. vokal took it and dismissed the man. "... would you care to count them?" he said upon placing the bag in heglar's hands. "it is not necessary," the old man said, then smiling, added: "you need my specialized services too badly to cheat me!" vokal summoned a guard and instructed him to appoint several warriors to escort the old man safely to his home, as robbery under cover of night was far from unusual on ammad's numerous streets. when the door had closed and vokal was alone once more, he returned to his chair and filled his wine cup. "a thousand tals," he mused. "heglar's assistance comes high indeed. but let him fondle them for a little while before they come back to me--along with the lovely rhoa. i wonder what the old man would say if he knew his mate has been my mistress these past three moons!" chapter v beyond the heights as tharn felt those fingers close about his ankle he dropped instantly to his other knee to keep from being upset and swung his free hand in a sweeping blow at the point where reason told him the face of his attacker would be. so quickly had he acted that his knuckles thudded home on an unseen jaw before its owner was able to shout an alarm. there followed a convulsive twist of a body in front of him and the clutching fingers loosed their hold. his unconscious prize still hanging from his shoulders, tharn regained his feet and raced cat-like for the mouth of the cave. behind him he caught the sound of a startled grunt, followed by a wild yell that roused every occupant of the cave while tharn was still a good thirty feet short of his goal. a huge form shot up in front of him, a raised knife silhouetted against the star light beyond. behind him naked feet whispered against rock as several enemy warriors rushed to close with the foolhardy intruder. tharn was trapped! burdened as he was by the limp weight of his captive, he knew his chances of leaving gerdak's cave were almost nonexistant. but not once did the thought come to him of abandoning his catch--his only means of locating the route of those who held dylara. with a single bound he was upon the man in his path; a supple twist of his body allowed the descending knife to slip harmlessly past. at the same instant he drove a hip into his attacker, who, off balance, was knocked headlong into two other warriors. the way was clear now to the cave's mouth and tharn was congratulating himself that he would at least reach open air when two more warriors dropped from above onto the narrow ledge of gerdak's cave. evidently they had been aroused by the chorus of yells and had come down from their caves to investigate. at sight of their leveled spears tharn skidded to a halt. behind him he could hear at least two of gerdak's personal guards moving cautiously forward to take him from the rear. with no avenue for retreat, with a pair of trained fighting men cutting off his advance, his chances for escape were thinned indeed. yet not for an instant did his confidence waver. he had weathered worse situations, and the muscles and cunning developed by a thousand jungle battles were weapons superior to the flint-headed spears hemming him in. even as he came to a halt, his sharp eyes caught a glimpse of that stack of spears he had passed when first entering the cave. one bronzed arm shot out, circled the lot of those keen-pointed sticks and lifted and flung them in one continuous motion. the warriors outside were engulfed by the minor avalanche of flint and wood. they stepped back precipitantly, and one of the men was tripped up as a shaft slipped between his legs. with a shrill cry of terror he tottered momentarily on the brink of the ledge, then went over backwards, his despairing scream rising thinly on the night air. tharn had not waited to learn the outcome of his ruse. while the remaining warrior was attempting to sidestep the shower of spears the cave lord was upon him. avoiding the flint point licking out at his naked chest, he ducked and swung his free fist in a savage arc that ended wrist deep in an unprotected belly. bent nearly double by the blow, the enemy cro-magnard was lifted completely from his feet and propelled into space, his already unconscious body tracing a perfect parabola to death on the ground sixty feet below. * * * * * although no enemy stood before him, tharn was a long way from safety. a spear thrown from the cave behind him passed scant inches from his head signifying gardak's personal guards had recovered their wits and were after him once more. below him a score of cave mouths were disgorging armed fighting men and flaming torches dotted the cliffside. to attempt to descend by the path that had brought him here was worse than foolhardy. as in most cro-magnon settlements, the chief's own cave was nearest the cliff's top. a glance upward revealed to tharn the escarpment's top not more than twenty feet distant. to swarm up that almost vertical slope while burdened with a body would have taxed the agility of little nobar, the monkey. but there was no other avenue of escape except to battle an entire community--and no time to compute chances for scaling those heights. already two warriors, each armed with a stone knife, had gained the ledge on either side of him, grins of triumph curling their lips, while a faint scuffling sound against the cave floor behind him told tharn others were slinking toward him from the rear. with a muffled snarl tharn wheeled and began to climb. his groping fingers and toes found outcroppings of rock to serve as almost invisible rungs of a perilous ladder. a lifetime of climbing, plus utter self-confidence, sent him up that sheer surface with incredible speed. so completely unexpected was their quarry's route that gerdak's men were thrown into momentary confusion. by the time the first shower of spears rose toward the climbing cave man he was three-quarters of the way to freedom. as a result most of the weapons fell short of their mark, while the others, because of the uncertain light and the swiftness of their target's progress, missed completely. immediately a second flight of spears were launched--but time had run out. tharn was already over the lip of the precipice as they were rising in his direction. he found himself on rolling, grass-covered ground. a hundred yards ahead was a jungle-cloaked forest, its towering trees close-knit to the point of impenetrability. with long, loping strides tharn crossed the ribbon of grassland, melting into the shadows of the overhanging branches as the first of gerdak's warriors appeared at the cliff's top. the ground was too choked with verdure for more than snail-like progress, and tharn, his unconscious burden still draped across one broad shoulder, took to the trees. with a celerity that long ago had become second nature to him he raced through the branches, moving parallel to the strip of grassland he had crossed a few moments earlier. the shouts of his bewildered pursuers faded, swallowed up finally by the noises peculiar to a nocturnal jungle. half an hour later altered his course and returned to the ribbon of open ground. by this time his captive was showing signs of returning consciousness and tharn tightened his grip on the youth's arm to prevent him from attempting to get away. he could feel tremors of fear course through the flesh pressing against his shoulder and he smiled grimly. a terrified prisoner was usually a tractable one. at this point the cliffside was neither as steep nor as high as that housing gerdak's tribe. tharn went over its edge without hesitation, slipping groundward with the reckless abandon of a falling stone, yet landing there without an appreciable jar. the forest at this point came almost to the base of the cliff. tharn entered, swung lightly up to the middle terraces and set out on the return journey to that point opposite gerdak's caves where he had left trakor. while he had still a goodly distance to go he heard the sounds of shouting voices and caught an occasional glimpse of a flaming torch through rifts in the foliage ahead. evidently gerdak was not lightly giving up hope of getting his hands on the man who had made fools of him and his warriors. an unerring instinct developed through years of travel through uncharted terrains brought tharn to the very tree where he had left his new found friend. but even as he entered its branches his nose told him what his eyes verified. "trakor," he called out, keeping his voice down lest some nearby enemy warrior hear it. "trakor, where are you?" there was no answer. trakor was gone. * * * * * even as sadu left the ground in a final leap aimed at crushing dylara's fleeing figure to earth, the girl sprang for a low-hanging branch of a jungle giant. as her fingers closed about its rough bark she flung her body to one side, sadu's cruel talons raking the air scant inches away. before the beast could turn and leap a second time she was twenty feet above it and climbing with the speed of desperation. she heard the sound of tearing foliage as the lion sprang blindly into the lower branches, a thump as it toppled back to earth, then an angry roar of protest at being cheated of its prey. she stopped her climb then and leaned her head weakly against the bole, panting and shivering from strain and utter relief. below her, sadu stalked back and forth a time or two, voicing his displeasure. this lasted for no more than a moment or two, however; sadu was too much of a realist to waste time in bewailing his ill luck. the rumblings of satisfaction from his fellows as they bore their kills into the forest, the screams of dying men, told him there was food aplenty back among the fires. dylara caught a glimpse of the brute as it slunk swiftly toward the terrified encampment. she crouched there, watching the awful scenes of carnage while gradually her heart stopped its mad pounding and the trembling left her legs and arms. she knew regret that many of the men she had learned to know and respect were dying so horribly, but the sight of what went on did not affect her beyond that. except for these last few moons all of her eighteen years had been spent practically cheek by jowl with the jungle and its denizens, the only life she had known. the fiercest animals had stalked her at times, just as the warriors of her father's tribe had stalked them. she knew first-hand the stinging insects, the loathsome snakes whose bite or coils could bring a lingering death or a quick one. she knew the chill nights of the rainy season, the unbearable heat and humidity at other times. as a result death and suffering were able to touch her deeply only when they affected some one close to her. it was a kind of life that had its compensations. she was far more self-reliant and much better equipped for survival under her present circumstances than the average ammadian would have been. her eyes and ears were more sharply attuned to impending danger, she could climb far better, she knew how to find water where her recent companions would perish of thirst, she could distinguish between poisonous and non-poisonous fruits and roots. yet for all of that she was still a girl, young and, by jungle standards, weak. she caught herself wishing tharn were with her--and even as the thought came she knew a fleeting doubt. did she love him? it was a question she was not yet able to answer. the memory of his handsome face and splendid body rose to torment her with doubt. she recalled him as he appeared in sephar's arena facing insurmountable odds with a laugh and a careless toss of his black-thatched head, remembered his blazing eyes and rippling muscles as he plummeted to earth between her and charging sadu, appearing just in time to stave in the lion's skull with one terrible blow. in all the jungle, in all the world, there was no man a tenth his equal in cunning, strength and courage! even among his own kind he was unique; for no man in cro-magnon history could use his nose the way the beasts used theirs, no man who could travel among the trees with the rocketing agility of little nobar, the monkey. if only he had met and wooed and won her instead of seizing her by force and carrying her away like some bit of jungle loot! pride and the awareness of her position as daughter of a tribal chief could not permit her to surrender to a man who would do such a thing. it was the way the hairy men[ ] won their mates, and dylara, daughter of majok, must give her heart, not have it taken! [ ] the hairy men was the cro-magnards' name for neanderthal man. the neanderthalers appeared in earth's prehistory roughly , years before the birth of christ and centered in southern france and spain of today. at the time of the cro-magnards' arrival, perhaps , years later, neanderthal man was nearly extinct, possibly because of climatic changes due to the recession of the last ice age. cro-magnon man, the first of _homo sapiens_ (true men), regarded these ape-like subhumans as little more than beasts and eventually exterminated them.--ed. * * * * * even as she told herself this for the hundredth time, she realized such thoughts were probably empty. the chances were overwhelming that tharn had not survived the rigors of the sepharian games: battles between men and between men and beasts for the entertainment of sephar's populace and held in honor of the god-whose-name-may-not-be-spoken-aloud. jotan and the others had told her many times that no man in all sephar's history had ever come through those games alive. and even if he should! would he undertake to follow her across the almost limitless stretch of plains, mountains and jungles to the country of ammad? even if he should accomplish such a feat--how could he hope to wrest her from the depths of a stronghold as impenetrable as she understood ammad to be? no, it was unthinkable. she had best wait until the lions were driven from the encampment below, then slip from her tree and go back to jotan. since the day he had won her from sephar's high priest he had treated her with unfailing courtesy and kindness, declaring over and over his love for her but not once attempting to force his attentions upon her. after a little while she might allow herself to be won over into accepting him as her mate. it would be an honored, sheltered life and in time she might know complete happiness. dylara was shaking her head even as these last thoughts were crowding in. no. her place was with her own kind, with majok and the others. it was a long, long way back to them and in the attempt she might leave her bones to bleach on some mountain top or disappear down the maw of one of the great cats. but there was no other acceptable choice--and no time like the present to get started. carefully she began to work her way into the jungle, moving cautiously far out on a strong limb until she was able to clamber into the branches of the next tree. the curtain of greenery was too thick for the light of moon or stars to penetrate, leaving her to grope her way in utter darkness. each vine she scraped against was pictured in her mind as the sinuous coils of sleeza, the snake; each fluttering of a disturbed bird was an aroused panther or leopard. she was not going on this way much farther; her nerves, steady as they were, could not take much of such suspense. only deep enough into the jungle to keep the inexperienced ammadians from following her trail; with the coming of dyta, the sun, she would locate a game trail pointing in the direction she wished to go, then descend to the ground and follow it. an hour later her trembling limbs refused to continue this inch-by-inch progress. and so dylara made her way toward the high flung branches of a forest patriarch to where jalok, the panther, and tarlok, the leopard, dare not go. here the foliage was less compact and uda's pale beams displayed to her rapt eyes an endless sea of tree tops everywhere about her. finding a comfortable fork fully a hundred feet above the jungle floor, dylara composed herself to wait the coming of dawn. finally she drifted off to sleep, while far below a lion roared that he had made his kill and filled his belly for the night. and not long after, a jungle dweller, swinging swiftly through the trees, came to a sudden halt on a swaying branch as a vagrant breeze brought the scent of her to its quivering nostrils. for a full minute it remained motionless as if carved from stone, then it turned sharply aside and went on, fairly flying along the dizzy pathway of swaying boughs, following that scent spoor to its source. * * * * * while tharn was puzzling over the strange disappearance of trakor, his keen ears caught a sudden yell of surprise from the direction of gerdak's caves, followed by a chorus of exultant exclamations that told him the cro-magnards had flushed some sort of game and had succeeded in bringing it down. quickly he lowered his captive to a broad branch, stuffed a handful of leaves into its mouth, bound them there with a short length of vine, then lashed the wrists to the tree bole. this done he was on the point of swinging off to investigate what lay behind those sounds when he caught a glimpse of a familiar object swinging from a neighboring branch. his blackwood bow and quiver of arrows left earlier with trakor! with them in their accustomed places along his back and shoulder, tharn swung the short distance between tree and clearing. from a wide branch he gazed down at the scene below. a knot of enemy warriors was moving slowly toward the caves of gerdak, among them the still struggling figure of trakor. wavering flames of resin-wood torches lighted up his features and tharn saw there was only rage in his expression and nothing of fear. already shouts from the group had aroused others of the tribe and a score of them were running forward to meet it. with quick, certain movements of his powerful hands tharn unshipped his bow and withdrew several arrows from his quiver. steadying himself on the swaying branch, he notched an arrow, drew back the stubborn wood, steel muscles moving under his naked back, took careful aim.... "twang!" like a plucked violin the bow sang his single note, polished wood flickered in the light of torches and one of trakor's captors threw wide his arms and sank into a briefly twitching heap. before his fellows could grasp the significance of what was taking place three more of their number were down, each with a thin-bodied arrow protruding from his chest or back. there was a general scrambling as those holding trakor released him and threw themselves headlong to escape the rain of death. the advancing wave of warriors halted with breathtaking abruptness, those behind the front rank crashing into it. momentarily freed, trakor looked wildly about him, as confused as the others. "run!" shouted tharn. "into the jungle, trakor!" the youth heard--and obeyed. as he broke into a run, one of gerdak's fighting men, either more courageous than his companions or angered beyond reason at losing their prize, scrambled to his feet and lifted his spear for a cast at the flying figure. again tharn's bow twanged and a tufted arrow appeared magically embedded in the spearman's chest. voicing a piercing shriek he toppled back, spear rolling from his fingers. tharn was already among the lower branches of a tree when trakor came crashing into the jungle. as the boy plowed past, the cave lord reached down with one arm and caught him under the arms, lifting him to the branch beside him before the youngster was fully aware of what was happening. "tharn!" it was a gasp of such utter relief that the giant cro-magnard smiled. "i thought i left you safe in a tree," he said. "i meant to stay there, tharn," trakor admitted sheepishly, "but i heard one of them shout to the others that you had been captured and was being held in gerdak's cave. i thought that because of the darkness i might pass among them without being recognized, reach the chief's cave and in some way set you free." "you could never have done it." tharn's voice was stern, revealing nothing of his inner feelings. he was more deeply touched by this evidence of loyalty than he cared to admit. for this untrained boy to pit his relatively puny muscles against an entire community in an effort to rescue his benefactor was proof enough that here was material for the shaping of a great warrior; and with this thought tharn's last remaining reluctance to be saddled with trakor during the search for dylara disappeared. * * * * * the warriors of gerdak appeared to have recovered their courage; already several of them were entering the jungle in search of trakor and the mysterious bowman. two of them passed cautiously beneath the very tree in which their quarry was seated. tharn touched his own lips in warning, pointed up at the branches overhead, then lifted the youth to his back and climbed in perfect silence to where he had left the captive roban. in the dim light tharn could see the whites of rolling, fear-filled eyes and beads of perspiration dotting the receding forehead. a muffled chattering pushed through the wad of leaves and the prisoner shrank away as far as the vines binding his wrists to the tree would permit. the cave lord was undecided as to his next step. he dared not remove the gag from roban's lips and question him here. a single shout would bring gerdak's men to the scene; and while this would mean little if any danger to tharn and his new-found companion, it could mean he might lose the services of roban as involuntary guide. the alternative was to carry roban deeper into the jungle where he might be questioned without interruption, but tharn knew that trakor could not hope to follow through the tree tops. there was but one answer: he must carry both of them. quickly he loosened roban's bonds and swung him lightly across one shoulder, then turned to trakor. "lock your arms about my neck," he said. there was wonder and doubt in trakor's expression as understanding came to him. but such was his faith and confidence that he did not hesitate to comply with the order. and once more trakor, heart in his mouth, rode the skyway. where before the awful depths had sent cold fear to his core, he was now confident and unafraid; yet actually the danger of plunging earthward was far greater this time. bough after bough bent perilously beneath their triple burden as tharn threaded his way, like a tightrope artist, along them, held erect only by his uncanny sense of balance. constantly he was forced to search out branches of sufficient strength, stepping out and onto them without the additional safety of a steadying hand hold. fifteen minutes of this was enough to satisfy him he was beyond any territory gerdak's warriors would reach before dawn. the search would go on, of course, until roban, dead or alive, was found; for he was son of a chief and not lightly to be abandoned. near the pinnacle of a towering tree tharn lowered his two passengers to adjoining branches. while trakor watched, he removed roban's gag, after warning him to utter no outcry on pain of instant death. the youth nodded violently in agreement, and for a moment he was unable to speak so cramped were his jaws. tharn glanced to where trakor sat, an interested spectator to roban's discomfiture. "this is the chief's son?" trakor nodded. "he is roban." tharn turned his sharp eyes to the captive, who was glowering at him in mingled fear and hatred, and said: "a few suns ago you saw a party of ammadians scaling the cliffs near your caves. exactly where was this?" roban scowled unpleasantly. "i don't know what you are talking about." "you know well enough. answer me or die!" "you would not dare kill me," roban blustered. "i am gerdak's son. unless you let me go at once he will come with many warriors and hunt you down. he will kill you, but not quickly. first he will take his knife and...." he broke off suddenly, gasping as tharn's fingers bit into his skinny shoulder. "i, too, can use a knife! answer my questions quickly or i will prove it to you!" roban licked dry lips. "what do you want to know?" he mumbled. "the exact spot where the ammadians climbed those cliffs." "what are ammadians?" * * * * * tharn described them in a few words and roban nodded grudgingly. "yes, i saw them. there is a place in the cliffs, a sun's march to the west of my father's caves, where a river tumbles over the edge. it was there they climbed the cliffs." "he is lying!" trakor exclaimed. "at the cooking fires he said it was east of our caves." roban's small eyes, evil and ratlike, swung toward him. "your mother was a hyena! wait till my father gets his hands----" tharn shook him until his teeth rattled. "where?" he growled. "the truth this time or i throw you to a lion!" the words tumbled out. "half a march to the west. there is a low point in the cliff there, making it easy to climb. they are not good climbers; it took them a long time to----" "were there shes with them?" "shes?" the youth's beady eyes flickered. "i--i cannot say. i did not see----" tharn shook him again. "enough of your lies!" he thundered. "how many shes were with them?" "t-t-two." roban was thoroughly frightened now. "i saw no others, although there may have----" "describe them." "one had black hair; the other's hair was the color of dyta, the sun, as he seeks his lair for the night. both were very beautiful, although the black-haired she was less beautiful." tharn's chest swelled with elation. at last he had found the trail of dylara and those who held her. he was eager to be on his way, flying through the trees to wrest her from the ammadians. they were only five suns ahead--a distance he could cover in a quarter that time.... his gray eyes went to where trakor sat watching him. as those eyes met his, the youth smiled. "the golden-haired one must be dylara," he said. "your search is nearly ended, tharn. hurry on to her." the cave lord caught the faint note of sadness in the young man's voice and his admiration for the lad went still higher. even as he was urging tharn to go on without him it was with the knowledge that were the cave lord to do so it would mean trakor's doom. trakor could not now return to the caves of gerdak without being slain on sight; yet to remain alone in the jungle would mean certain death. tharn rose to his feet on a swaying branch, light from the moon picking out his slow smile. "come, trakor," he said. "we must reach that point at the cliff before dawn." trakor offered a protest. "but i will only slow--" in reply tharn picked him bodily from the branch and placed him across his shoulder, hearing the young man's sigh of relief as he did so. "but what about me?" cried roban. "you can not leave me here!" tharn looked at him in simulated surprise. "have you forgotten? your father is coming with many warriors to hunt me down. you, yourself, have said so. wait for them here." "but tarlok may find and eat me!" "even tarlok does not stoop to carrion," tharn pointed out. before gerdak's son could reply, tharn and trakor were gone into the inky depths below. chapter vi jaltor's decision knuckles pounding heavily against his door awakened garlud, nobleman of ammad. there was an urgency in the sound that brought him bolt upright from his pillow in alarm. "who's there?" he called out. "open!" thundered a heavy voice. "open in the name of jaltor of ammad!" hardly able to believe his ears garlud left his bed and groped for the brazier of coals kept in one corner of the room. igniting a tallow-soaked bit of cloth from it, he lighted two of the room's candles, crossed to the door and unbarred it. four stalwart warriors wearing the tunics of jaltor's personal guard pushed into the room, leaving garlud's major-domo, who had brought them there, hovering anxiously outside. at sight of the latter's worried face garlud smiled a reassurance he was far from feeling and said, "return to your bed, bokut. i will see my visitors to the door when they are ready to leave." he closed the door on bokut's unrelieved expression and turned to jaltor's men. one of them he recognized immediately as curzad, captain of the king's guard, whose strong intelligent face was set in grim lines. "well, curzad," garlud said lightly, "your expression is forboding enough to put fear in the bravest of men. what errand brings you here?" "my master's respects, noble garlud," the captain replied woodenly, "and he bids me escort you to the palace at once." "does it require four of you to help me find my way to jaltor's palace?" garlud demanded, his voice suddenly sharp. the captain's face seemed even bleaker. "i obey my orders, noble garlud. i must ask you to don clothing at once and come with us." for a moment it seemed that garlud was about to refuse ... then a slight smile crooked the corners of his mouth and he turned to take up his tunic. he slipped into the garment without haste, drew the strings of his sandals tight about his ankles, then straightened. "i am ready," he said. * * * * * it was a cold, forbidding room, its walls, ceiling and floor of bare roughened gray stone, and located deep beneath the palace of jaltor, supreme ruler of all ammad. against the far wall was a narrow bed occupied by the naked body of an elderly man. it was a body thin to the point of emaciation, the ribs standing out sharp and distinct beneath yellowing skin. two middle-aged men, their expressions grave, were gingerly applying liquid-soaked cloths against scorched blotches covering the naked man's chest. the man himself appeared to be in a comatose state, although from time to time he groaned and stirred feverishly under the attempts to soothe his suffering. there was another man in the room--a man of such appearance that he dominated it through his physical dimensions alone. in height he was a full seven inches beyond six feet, yet built proportionately so that he did not seem that tall. his wide shoulders seemed to fill the room, his body sloping to narrow hips and long powerful legs. his face was almost startlingly handsome, with a fierce regal cast to its large, sharp-lined features. chill black eyes of exceptional brilliance burned from beneath heavy black brows that matched the thick, slightly curling growth above a high rounded forehead. it was the face of a man of strength and intelligence, a man ruthless and proud and yet who could be given to quixotic acts of kindness, a man dictatorial but usually just, a man incapable of brooking interference. he was pacing the room now with quick restless strides, badly restrained anger riding his expression. once a quick turn caused him to brush against one of four stools grouped about a wooden table set on four crossed timbers, and he kicked the stool viciously aside causing it to shatter against the wall. at the sound of splintering wood the man on the bed cried out in such utter fear that his two attendants fell back. he did not appear fully conscious however and they resumed their attempts to ease his pain. that cry of fear had altered the pacing of the tall man momentarily and he turned his burning eyes on the men at the bedside. "is he awake?" he asked sharply, his deep voice beating against the walls like surf against a rocky shore. one of the attendants shook his head nervously. "not yet, most-high. but soon now, i think. he is old and weak and the burns are grievous." "time is short and he must not die--yet." "yes, noble jaltor." again there was silence within the room, broken only by the mutterings of the half-conscious man and the heavy tread of feet as jaltor resumed his pacing.... a brief knock at the room's only door brought jaltor around sharply. "enter!" he thundered. the door opened and four guards came in. with them was a trim figured man a few years short of middle-age, his strong regular features impassive. as his escort halted he continued on into the room, pausing only when he stood facing ammad's monarch. "greetings, noble jaltor," he said quietly. "you sent for me?" anger and bewildered sorrow seemed to be fighting for dominance in the ruler's expression. "i thought you my friend, garlud!" he burst out suddenly. "how could a senseless ambition so drive you that you would turn against your king?" the blood seemed to drain from garlud's cheeks and his eyes went wide in shocked wonder. "turn against you?" he repeated, aghast. "what madness is this?" jaltor's eyes narrowed and a sneer curled his upper lip. "before you add lies upon lies, garlud, give greetings to a friend of yours." with these words the king stepped aside, for the first time permitting garlud to see the man on the bed. the nobleman's jaw dropped. "why, it's old heglar!" he exclaimed. "what in the god's name has happened to him?" "what usually happens to enemies of jaltor?" * * * * * garlud took a deep breath and let it out slowly. "you have spoken in riddles from the moment i came in here. for almost forty summers--since we were boys together--we have been more like brothers than friends. for that reason, if no other, i believe i am entitled to an explanation instead of badgering and half-veiled threats." jaltor's face darkened. "i'm the one who demands an explanation! why did you set heglar to attempt my life this afternoon?" "i--set...." "do you deny," thundered the king, "that this very morning you held a long and carefully guarded conversation with heglar in an ante-room outside my audience hall?" "it is true that i spoke with him this morning," garlud said slowly. "we did not talk for long, nor were we 'guarded' about it." "i see!" jaltor's tone was triumphant. "and what did the two of you talk about?" "he sought me out as i entered the room on my way to the audience chamber. he drew me into a corner and asked if i had had word from jotan, my son, recently. i told him i had not, but that i expected him to return within half a moon, perhaps even sooner." understanding dawned suddenly in garlud's face and he added: "i wondered then why he drew me aside to ask the question, but at the time i thought little about it." "and now?" jaltor urged mockingly. "i am beginning to see he had a reason of his own." "you deny any part in the plot to kill me?" "i do." "but you knew there was such an attempt made this afternoon?" "i heard some such rumor." "but," persisted jaltor, "you did not think it necessary that you learn if your friend--your _brother_, as you said a moment ago--had been injured in that attempt?" "i was assured you were not even scratched," garlud replied quietly. "humph!" jaltor paced up and down a time or two, his face working, the great hands opening and closing spasmodically. abruptly he stopped in front of the other and bent until his face almost touched garlud's. "before you walked into this room, if anyone had asked for your opinion of heglar what would you have said?" "that i knew him well and liked and respected him." "would you have said he was an honorable man?" "certainly." "have you ever known him to tell a lie?" "not to my knowledge." "does he have any reason to hate you?" "none that i know of." "have you any idea why he tried to kill me?" "none. i am completely surprised that he tried to do so." "then why," jaltor thundered suddenly, "did he say his attempt to kill me was engineered by _you_?" garlud met his angry glare without visible emotion. "i can hardly be expected to answer that question, most-high, since this is the first i have heard of such a charge." "then heglar lied in so naming you?" "he--is mistaken." jaltor snorted. "don't bandy words with me! when one man says he talked with another about killing a third, he cannot be _mistaken_. he is either telling the truth or lying. which is it, in this case?" "if heglar's mind was clear at the time he so accused me, then he lied!" "but my good garlud," cried jaltor, his reasoning tone a mockery, "you told me only a moment ago that to your knowledge heglar is an honorable man and does not tell lies." "then it must be," garlud said, openly serene, "that he has started to tell them now. either that or his mind has become affected by his disease. it is common knowledge that there is a sickness in his throat and he has only a few moons of life remaining." * * * * * jaltor turned on his heel and began his pacing anew. the four guards remained stiffly at attention near the door, their eyes fixed unseeingly on the opposite wall, their ears obviously hearing none of this. against the far wall the two attendants continued their unceasing efforts to bring consciousness and comfort to the old man on the bed. without pausing in his pacing, jaltor said, his voice more subdued now: "it is useless to throw doubt on heglar's sanity, noble garlud. after his bungling attempt on my life i questioned him. he told me it was his own idea to take my life, that no one else had anything to do with it. over and over he said that, even when my questions called for no such answer, until i began to suspect he was trying to shield an accomplice. when i charged him with this he became so upset i was sure he lied. so i had my guards torture him into telling the truth. that is when he named you." "a man will say anything to escape torture, most-high," garlud pointed out calmly. "do you think i'm not aware of that?" growled the monarch. "it was not until he endured torture i doubt i could have stood up under that he gave your name." "naturally, in view of our long friendship, i thought he was lying. i ordered further torture to bring out the truth. again and again he lost consciousness under the white-hot iron, and each time we revived him he gave your name. finally i was convinced despite my reluctance. i then sent for you to hear the charge from heglar's own lips." garlud shook his head. "i cannot believe that you would so easily turn against me, my friend. one man's unsupported word--and you believe the worst of me." jaltor's expression did not soften. "a word wrung from a man after long torture, noble garlud, carries beyond ordinary denial." "would you wish to put me to the same test?" garlud asked grimly. "no. you are comparatively young and a brave man. should you will yourself to deny heglar's charge, no amount of physical suffering would wring a confession from you." "your pardon, most-high." it was one of the men at the bedside who spoke. "the man is conscious now, but i fear he is dying." "good." jaltor motioned to his erstwhile friend. "come, garlud, hear these things from the man's own lips." they approached the bed, the two attendants falling back respectfully. from the narrow surface heglar looked up at them, his faded blue eyes glazed with pain, his rib-ridged chest rising and falling with shallow, uneven breathing. the smell of burned flesh came from his body in sickening emanations and his lips were torn where he had bitten them in agony. jaltor said stonily, "i have brought the noble garlud here to listen to your charges, heglar. now accuse him or clear his name!" the faded blue eyes flickered to the erect figure of the other man. it was not until the third effort that he was able to speak. "i failed, garlud." the words were barely audible. "forgive me, my friend. they ... made me tell. i am ... old. once they would not ... have been able...." compassion came into garlud's expression. "heglar, heglar," he said softly. "you know i had nothing to do with your attempt to kill jaltor. what have i done to you that makes you say this awful thing about me?" was there a flicker of remorse in those faded blue eyes? if so, it was gone before garlud could be sure. "it ... is useless, garlud," the feeble voice whispered. "i had to ... tell him." "you are dying, heglar." sweat stood out on garlud's forehead. "would you face the god-whose-name-may-not-be-spoken-aloud with a lie upon your lips?" "i ... i----" the noble's hand closed on the old man's shoulder. "the truth, heglar! who is the real one behind this?" the aged eyes closed and heglar's face began to work. "no! no! i have ... no----" "you must tell us, heglar! speak, man!" once more the lips opened. "i--i ... rhoa!" abruptly heglar's head rolled to one side, his body went limp and with his mate's name on his lips he died. * * * * * for a long moment there was silence within the room. garlud stood as though turned to stone, his eyes fastened unbelievably on the lifeless face of the old man. it was a tortured face; death had brought peace to it. what terrible compulsion, garlud wondered dully, had forced an honorable man to die with a lie upon his lips? "you have heard, noble garlud?" it was jaltor's deep voice--stern, unflinching, empty of feeling. garlud looked up into those piercing black eyes and despite himself he felt a tiny chill move along his spine. "i heard, most-high." jaltor passed a hand over his own face--a slow pressing gesture that momentarily left the skin white beneath its tan. "for the sake of our long friendship," he said thickly, "i am prepared to temper justice with mercy. admit your part in the plot and i will spare your life. although," he added, "i will leave you nothing else. your wealth is confiscate, your palace will go to the noble next in line, as is our custom, and you shall be turned from ammad. your king has spoken!" "and if i persist in my claim of innocence?" garlud said evenly. "the evidence is plain. you will be put to death." "very well." garlud did not hesitate. "order your guards to kill me then, my friend! i shall die as honorably as i lived during the years when we were friends." jaltor's jaw hardened. "and what of jotan?" he said coldly. something akin to fear darkened garlud's eyes. "my son? what of him? surely your sense of justice has not so rotted that you would harm him!" sudden rage twisted jaltor's countenance. "no man speaks so to jaltor of ammad and lives!" garlud's smile was undismayed. "have you forgotten, most-high. i have already been sentenced to death!" "and by your attitude," jaltor shouted, "you have sentenced your son to the same fate." "on what grounds?" "i need no grounds! i know your son, noble garlud. when he hears that you are dead and that it was my order, he will attempt to avenge you. i know the love he holds for you, and it will be that mistaken loyalty which will lead him into an attempt to assassinate me. your power is great in ammad, garlud; i helped you gain that power because you were my friend. because you have won the affection and respect of many warriors they would rise to his leadership against me. all ammad might be torn by civil war. for that reason jotan must die!" garlud's face was livid with rage and his hands were trembling. "then kill us both, you son of gubo. you have become a fearful, evil old man who hides from shadows and who fears all men--even his friends! kill us both that we may not pollute our lungs with the air you breathe!" * * * * * with an almost casual sweep of his mighty arm jaltor hurled the raging nobleman into the grasp of the guards. "confine him to the lowest pit beneath the palace!" he thundered. "let the rats chew him a few suns before i have him torn to bits!" without a backward glance the king strode from the room. he made his way up flight after flight of steps, through room after room of the sleeping palace, until he reached his own wing. through several long, winding corridors he moved, oblivious to the salutes of startled guards on night duty, until he entered his private apartment. he went directly to his sleeping quarters, curtly ordered his two personal slaves into the next room, then undressed quickly and got into bed. but not to sleep. for over an hour he tossed on the huge bed wooing sleep that would not come. finally he rose, drew a richly woven robe about his shoulders and stepped out onto a small balcony overlooking one entire half of the vast city six floors below. the rays of a full moon bathed the impressive scene. because of the lateness of the hour no lights gleamed from windows of the box-like buildings and the broad streets were deserted. slowly reason was beginning to take hold of him as anger faded. was garlud correct in saying that he was becoming an old man fleeing from shadows, suspicious of all men? he went back over the golden days when he and garlud were young warriors taking their first taste of battle against the then scattered states that today made up the country of ammad. he recalled the day garlud had saved his life by leaping in front of him and taking the tearing impact of a thrown spear. garlud had very nearly died of that wound and he--jaltor--had remained day and night at his bedside until the crisis passed. and that was the man he had sentenced to death! the man whose friendship had meant more to him than all his kingdom. surely personal ambition alone could not have driven him into plotting the assassination of his best friend! there was something behind all this that did not meet the eye. had the would-be assassin been anyone other than old heglar he would have dismissed his involvement of garlud as a trumped up lie and executed the man on the spot. had heglar lied? was there some motivation so strong that the old man had been forced into bearing false witness against one of the most loved noblemen in all ammad? was all this some intricate plot, with garlud instead of jaltor as the real victim? jaltor, stern, ruthless and high-handed though he was, was a man with ideals and a strong sense of honor. also, he was extremely intelligent and a veteran of the machinations of intrigue. the more he thought about this whole business the more certain he was that all the facts were not yet revealed. for a long time he stood there on the small balcony, staring out over ammad with unseeing eyes. after a while a slow smile came to his strong lips and he nodded his head a time or two in satisfaction. there was a way.... leaving the balcony he strode quickly to the room's single door and threw it wide. "quick!" he snapped to one of the startled slaves, "tell curzad i want him here at once!" when the captain of the guards, as alert and bright-eyed as though he had not been dragged from a sound sleep by jaltor's summons, appeared in the doorway the king bade him enter and close the door. "curzad," he said, "you have known the noble garlud almost as long as i have. does it seem likely to you that he would be mixed up in a plot to kill me?" the iron-faced warrior shook his head impassively. "no, most-high. his love and respect for you are beyond doubt." "you think i acted unwisely in finding him guilty?" "that is not for me to say, most-high." "i _know_ that! but you are not made of stone; you must have formed some opinion." "it is not wise to hold an opinion which differs from that of ammad's king." * * * * * jaltor gestured with sharp impatience. "this is man to man, curzad. give me your honest impressions of this affair." "if you command it, most-high. i do not believe the noble garlud had anything to do with old heglar's attempt to knife you. i think the old one hated garlud for some reason and named him because of that hatred." "but you knew heglar's reputation as a completely truthful man?" "i do not say he would lie for another's purpose. but for his own ... that is a different matter." "but he did not give garlud's name willingly, curzad. only after prolonged torture could we wrest the name from his lips." the captain shrugged. "would you for even a moment have believed him otherwise. old heglar was no fool, most-high. were his motive strong enough for bringing ruin to garlud he would have planned it exactly that way. an accusation lightly given is usually lightly taken." jaltor smote a fist into his palm. "by the god, curzad, i believe you've hit it! only my thought is that the plan was not his. when a man hates another both are usually aware of that hatred--and garlud was at a complete loss to understand why he was accused." "that is true, most-high." "very well, here's what must be done." jaltor began to pace the floor, speaking the while. "i want you to speak with the guards who were with you when i questioned garlud tonight. swear them to complete secrecy on the entire matter on pain of death. the same goes for the two attendants who were working over heglar at the time." "it shall be done, most-high." "good! now who in garlud's household knows you brought him here?" "we encountered only bokut, his chief steward, and two guards--one at an outer gate and one stationed at his palace entrance." "very well, take those three into custody. question them as to whom they told of the incident and place _those_ under arrest as well. leave no one who can spread word that garlud was brought to the palace at my orders." "you see what i'm getting at, curzad? let us say there is someone whose identity we do not know at the bottom of this plot against garlud. heglar makes his clumsy attempt at killing me and fails according to plan. i order him tortured to learn the names of others involved. he gives me garlud's name." "now, if i believe the charge, garlud is arrested and executed, and the mysterious someone is satisfied. but if i do not believe the charge garlud remains free, and this unknown person must try again or give up and the matter is never solved." "but say garlud simply disappears without anyone knowing what's become of him. has he learned of what was in store for him and gone into hiding, trying the while to learn who is responsible for his plight? or have i executed him secretly? is heglar still alive and in a position to eventually expose the true culprit?" "the man we want is going to have to get answers to those questions, curzad. he'll use great care at first; but when each effort meets a blank wall he'll become increasingly desperate. desperate men make false moves, curzad--then is when we'll have him!" the captain nodded expressionlessly but there was a gleam of admiration in his deep-set eyes. "and what of garlud himself, most-high? shall i have him removed from the pits and placed in more comfortable quarters?" jaltor pulled thoughtfully at his lower lip. "n-no, i think not. let him stew there awhile. i am not giving up my suspicions of him entirely, curzad; old heglar's dying statement can not be utterly disregarded until we have proof he was lying." "and should jotan, his son, return from sephar while his father languishes in the pits?" the king nodded. "i have thought of that. it may be necessary to take him and his men into custody before they reach the city itself. it would defeat my purpose were he allowed to enter ammad and start hunting for his father. on the other hand i cannot arrest him openly; it would tell our mysterious enemy more than i want him to know." "let us wait a few suns to decide that, curzad. we have the time; jotan and his men are not due for half a moon yet. if our real quarry has not revealed himself in, say, seven suns, i shall send you and a detachment of guards out to intercept jotan." chapter vii the spider men dylara awakened with a convulsive start as the lofty branch upon which she had been sleeping swayed and bent beneath suddenly added weight. as she started up, a scream rising to her lips, hands reached out of the night's impenetrable curtain and tore her roughly from where she sat. instinctively she attempted to struggle free, only to receive a buffet alongside the head that left her limp and only half conscious. her first impression was that one of the great apes, occasionally glimpsed among the more impenetrable reaches of jungle, had seized her; for she could feel coarse long hair matting its chest and arms. even as the thought sent her heart sinking with fear and loathing, she knew she was mistaken, since the creature's body was much too slender, its arms too thin and frail to belong to one of the bulky anthropoids. that she was in deadly peril dylara did not doubt, but not to know the form such peril took was inconceivably worse. it was this, fear of the unknown that crystallized her determination to break from this stifling embrace or die in the attempt; and she was gathering her strength for the effort when her captor suddenly whirled about on the narrow branch and, with her across his back, dived headlong into space! the shock was too much for human nerves. dylara voiced a single scream and her senses fled under the lash of pure panic. she came back to reality to find she was being borne through the trees with incredible speed. now and then a vine flicked against her shivering body or leaves brushed against her face, and several times the thing carrying her leaped outward through space that seemed boundless, only to land lightly upon a swaying branch in another tree. even tharn, she realized, could not have matched the creature's amazing agility, for it was using both hand and feet with equal dexterity after the manner of little nobar, the monkey. gradually, as the likelihood of being dashed to earth seemed more and more remote, dylara began to think once more of escape. the time was not now, of course; she could only cling desperately to her captor's thin shoulders and wait for this breathless journey to end. eventually those wiry muscles must tire and the creature stop--then she would make her bid for freedom. abruptly and without slackening its pace the hairy thing uttered a piercing shriek like nothing dylara had ever heard before. twice more the awful sound rang out; and then, far ahead, came an answering cry faint and wavering. instantly the creature put on an added burst of speed, rocketing through the branches in dizzying bounds that threatened to tear away dylara's none too certain hold. so swift was the pace now that within a few minutes a wide clearing loomed ahead and her captor began to slip groundward. suddenly the hairy creature halted on a wide limb bordering the clearing as a host of shadowy forms rose around him. there was not enough light for dylara to make use of her eyes but she sensed these were the figures of creatures similar to the one which held her. they chattered shrilly among themselves in a completely unfamiliar tongue for several moments, then all of them moved ahead a short distance until the clearing itself was reached. dylara was expecting the entire party to descend to the ground. but instead they began to climb higher and higher. at last the one carrying her came to a halt well within the embrace of a jungle patriarch; and at that moment uda, the moon, appeared from behind a cloud and poured her silver rays into the clearing. * * * * * for the first time since her capture she was able to see well enough to distinguish objects. she was surrounded by a group of some ten or twelve man-like beings--but beings like nothing she had ever dreamed of! all were well over six feet in height, but so thin in body they seemed much taller. all were naked except for girdles of grass about their hips, the rest of their bodies being covered with monkey-like hair. their arms and legs were incredibly long and thin, their toes long and prehensile. each face was hairless and almost perfectly round, containing small beady eyes, a brief blob of nose, a tiny lipless mouth and almost no chin at all. it was more the face of some particularly repellent insect--a comparison that leaped to dylara's mind at sight of the long hairy limbs, the thin torsos pinched in deeply at the waist and the quick, jerky way in which they moved restlessly about her. the one holding her let her slide from its back and the others moved closer, reaching out to pluck at her tunic with abnormally long nailless fingers, their voices like the rising skirl of an insect swarm. angrily she pushed away the exploring fingers. "who are you?" she cried, "and what do you want of me?" one of the things, evidently angered at being repulsed, snaked out a long arm and caught her roughly about the waist, dragging her to him. instantly the one that had brought her here leaped upon the intruder, nearly sweeping dylara from her precarious footing on the branch. for an instant the pair clawed frantically at each other, but their companions pushed between them and broke up the battle. the incident seemed to touch off a long and heated discussion, during which dylara was apparently forgotten. they stood in a tight knot among the branches, their ridiculous faces pushed together in almost a solid lump, while their keening voices went on and on with a monotonous kind of intensity. a slow-moving cloud stole across uda's shining face, plunging the scene into heavy darkness. dylara felt sudden hope leap in her breast. surely they were too intent with their arguing to notice her if she slipped away! besides, how could even the keenest eye pierce the blackness of a jungle night? she took a slow step away from them, balancing herself lightly on the broad bough. another--and still another. the high-pitched debate went on in full volume. cautiously she lowered herself to a branch immediately below, then waited with pounding heart to learn if her move had been detected. nothing had changed! she bent again ... and from nowhere a sinuous arm slithered out of the blackness, caught her about the middle and jerked her back and into the group. the discussion appeared to be ended. one of the creatures swept the cave girl into his embrace and continued to climb toward the stars, leaving his companions where they were. a solid mass of foliage loomed suddenly in front of dylara--and in that moment uda came into the open sky once more. in the few seconds left for dylara to drink in the scene she saw a sight she was never to forget. * * * * * suspended among branches of the trees about her were conical huts of twigs and grasses. their floors evidently did not rest on the boughs themselves but each separate structure bobbed lightly up and down from the end of a thick grass rope tied to a branch overhead. in the base of each was an opening only large enough to permit entry on only hands and knees. dylara's breath went out of her in a sudden gasp. now she knew why her first impression of these creatures had likened them to insects. there was a species of spider that built nests above the ground--nests conical in shape and swung from twigs! the hair-covered arms, legs and bodies, the pinched-in abdomens, the round heads set flush with the shoulders. these were spider men! a wave of unbearable nausea overwhelmed her, robbing her of all strength. dazed, she felt herself being thrust through an opening in one of the swaying huts, felt the spider-man follow her in--then once more she was lifted by a pair of long thin arms. weakly she lifted her hands to strike out at the loathsome thing holding her--then blackness poured into her brain and she knew no more. * * * * * for the better part of two weeks tharn and trakor made little progress along the trail taken by those ammadians who held dylara. with the patient stoicism of all creatures of the wild he accepted the unavoidable delay in his plans brought on by his acquisition of the untrained trakor; and as the best way of lightening his burden, set out to school the boy in the lore of the jungle. most of that first week was spent in acquiring the knack of using the tree tops as a highway. trakor, like most cro-magnards, was accustomed to climbing in search of fruit and birds' nests. but when it came to hurtling from bough to bough and tree to tree in a dizzying pathway high above ground, he was both hesitant and doubtful. patiently tharn strove to build up the youth's confidence. at first he spent hours in developing within him that sense of balance which is the basis for forest-top travel. once trakor could thread his way along a swaying branch a hundred feet in the air without reaching wildly for a hand-hold, tharn undertook to teach him the grasp, swing and release used in plunging through space from one jungle giant to the next. at first the boy fell many times and his body was a mass of painful bruises. but he endured the pain without complaint, returning to the branches for more with unabated enthusiasm. hour after hour, day after day he strove for something approaching tharn's expertness at the craft, and while he knew he would never succeed in reaching the high standards of his teacher, he was gaining confidence that eventually he would near that mark. within a week he was bounding about the trees with a sure-footedness and celerity that brought praise from his companion. he took the utmost pleasure in challenging the jungle lord to arboreal races, and while he never won them he came close on several occasions. soon his confidence passed into a cocksure attitude and he began to take long chances--leaping twenty feet across a treeless gap to catch some narrow limb waving in a strong breeze, or hurtling through space at the end of a trailing vine in imminent danger of being dashed to death on the ground below. nor did tharn protest these activities or urge him to greater caution. the youth must learn from experience what could and could not be done. he gloried in trakor's small triumphs and comforted him in his failures, and always he was careful not to say or do anything that would weaken the boy's mounting confidence. * * * * * when tharn was satisfied the boy was reasonably at home among the trees, by night or by day, the second phase of his education was undertaken. he taught him to follow an animal's spoor along the dust of a game trail, he showed him how not only to classify each into its proper category but schooled him in such fine distinctions as judging an animal's height, weight and age from imprints left by its feet. luckily trakor was endowed with eyes and ears beyond the normal in keenness, and it was not long until he was able to give an excellent account of himself in woodcraft. and daily his strength was increasing under the unaccustomed tasks imposed on his muscles. swinging by the hands through mile after mile of branches molded biceps and back muscles into bands of steel and endowed his fingers with a vise-like grip. his body, already deeply tanned, became burned to a dusky hue and he began to fill out into a specimen of perfect manhood. if tharn chafed at the delay in his reunion with dylara he did not display it and he continued the boy's education as though he had a lifetime to put into doing so. but trakor knew what all this was costing the other, and while he never mentioned it, the determination grew to make it up to the cave lord. there was a bond between them now, based on mutual respect and admiration, plus a hero-worshiping desire on trakor's part to become exactly like tharn himself. exactly half a moon from the day tharn had snatched trakor from under the noses of gerdak's warriors, the boy made his first kill--a fat buck that had come down to a water hole to drink. he had dropped upon its back from the lower branches of a tree, as tharn had taught him, and a knife thrust into its heart had brought it down. they sat side by side among the branches of a tree, gorging themselves on strips of raw flesh hacked from the side of trakor's kill, while below them a pack of jackals quarreled over the buck's remains. sunset was only minutes away and already dusk was seeping into the forest aisles. trakor was full of plans for the morrow. "when dyta comes again," he was saying, "let us hunt out the lair of one of the great cats. i need a new loin cloth and i will cut one from the hide of jalok or tarlok--after i have slain him." tharn hid his smile by sinking his gleaming teeth into the meat in his hands. "and how will you go about killing tarlok?" he said casually. trakor was surprised at the question. "the same way you slew sadu the day we met. i will spring upon him from a tree and drive my knife into his heart." "you will spring into his teeth!" tharn said grimly. "let this be your most important lesson: seek no fight with the great cats. a life time in the jungle is not training enough to pick a quarrel with any of them. there will be times when one of them will stalk you down and trap you; then, if you are lucky, you instead of tarlok or jalok or sadu will come out alive." "but you have slain them!" trakor argued. "true. but never have i sought them out for that purpose. each time we fought it was because i had no choice, and always the margin between victor and vanquished was so narrow it easily might have gone the other way." "i am not afraid!" "fear has nothing to do with it. a true warrior does not doubt his bravery; only a coward feels he must prove to himself that he is brave. survival in the jungle depends on knowing and respecting its denizens; he who struts along the trails looking for trouble finds himself filling trouble's belly!" and so trakor changed the subject and they talked of other matters. but deep within the boy burned the determination to hunt down one of the great cats at the first opportunity. tharn, knowing this--his own development had gone through the same stage--said no more on the subject. * * * * * while they talked tharn watched his companion, marveling at the change these past two weeks had made in him. trakor was every inch a true jungle dweller. he sat with his back comfortably against the tree bole, his shock of black hair falling almost to his shoulders in back and rudely hacked off above his eyes. his swelling chest and broad shoulders were burned almost black by the sun, the skin as clear and unblemished as a woman's. the thin waist, narrow supple hips and long straight legs were the hallmarks of a true warrior, and his sharp alert eyes and handsome clean-cut features were evidence of nobility and intelligence. fate had placed worthy clay into tharn's hands for molding and he looked upon his work and found it good. with this realization came a decision. "tomorrow," he said, "i must take up the trail of those who hold dylara. already she may be within the city of ammad and i dare not wait longer." trakor flushed. "it is my fault. had you not met me she might be with you at this moment." "and had i not met you," tharn said lightly, "i might still be looking for the trail i lost a moon earlier. or sadu might have caught and eaten me had i gone on instead of lingering here." "a score of sadus could not catch you!" tharn did not reply and his smile was hidden by the handful of leaves with which he wiped the blood of his meal from his lips. "let us sleep now," he said quietly. "we have many suns of traveling ahead of us." * * * * * otar was utterly miserable. fresh blisters had broken on his feet for the fourth day in a row and each step was agony. life as a guard in vokal's palace had not been strenuous enough to prepare him for a long journey into the jungle, and as he limped along in the company of his fifty companions he heaped silent curses upon the head of ekbar, captain of vokal's guards, who had selected him to take part in this mysterious excursion into the jungles surrounding ammad. otar knew full well why he had been one of those so selected. the lovely marua had chosen him as her mate instead of ekbar, and the captain was allowing to pass no opportunity to keep them apart. true, ekbar was leading the expedition and therefore was unable to take advantage of otar's absence from the side of his lovely mate. but in view of his aching feet and terror of the grim jungle hemming him in night and day, this was small consolation. this was the eighth day since ammad's walls had faded into the south and still no word from ekbar as to how much farther they must go. night was not far distant; at any moment now the several advance scouts ekbar sent on ahead each day would be straggling back to make their reports to the captain. that would be the signal to make camp for the night--something others of the party besides otar were looking forward to. in a column two abreast the fifty shuffled along, war spears ready in their hands, bows and arrow-filled quivers at their backs, a stone knife in the belt of each tunic. over them hung the brooding humid jungle on either side of the elephant path, while in their ears rose and fell the now familiar pattern of sound formed by buzzing insects, chattering monkeys and raucous-voiced birds. except for the clouds of insects that had a way of working down inside a tunic this was not so bad. it was when night came and the challenging cries of sadu and tarlok and jalok made hideous the darkness beyond the camp's circle of fires, that otar knew the depths of fear. then was when heavy paws padded against the earth nearby and yellow eyes gleamed out of the night. "here comes one of the scouts!" said the man next to otar, pointing. "look how excited he is!" a stocky built man in a once white tunic was running swiftly along the path toward the column's head, waving his arms. instantly ekbar lifted his spear in a horizontal position and the column ground to a halt. otar could see the two of them, ekbar and the scout, carrying on a heated discussion, but he was too far back to make out the words. while they talked, the remaining three scouts arrived and joined in the conversation. it lasted for several minutes; then ekbar, tall and square-shouldered, gave the signal to resume the march. several of the troops groaned openly; but the groans changed to elated murmurs of satisfaction almost immediately when the winding trail debouched into a small circular clearing divided by a small jungle stream. the order was given to make camp and prepare food. those whose nightly duty it was to gather branches for a fiery circle to keep the cats at bay were called back when they started into the jungle--a matter that caused considerable discussion among the others. * * * * * they were not long left in doubt. ekbar gathered the warriors in a tight circle and, standing in its center, gave them their first explanation since leaving ammad. "an enemy force lies encamped an hour's march ahead of us," he said in his high-pitched, almost querulous voice. "for that reason we must forgo our nightly fires lest the glow be seen and the enemy warned. instead, once you have eaten, you are to spend the night in the trees. a few of us will go on ahead under cover of darkness and learn the number of enemies we must face. early on the morrow we attack!" his chill eyes went around the circle, then he lifted one arm and began to point out individuals, calling their names and ordering each to step forward. otar, anger stiffening his jaw, was among the first to be summoned. when the new group reached six, ekbar dismissed the others and bade them follow him. half an hour after leaving the main body darkness came down upon the seven ammadian warriors, blacking out their immediate surroundings. unconsciously they moved closer together and their voices stilled. the jungle was unfamiliar territory to most of them and a place where death might lay behind each bush along the way. presently they detected a wavering glow filtering through the trees ahead, and ekbar warned them in a low voice to proceed with added caution. a little later he motioned them to a halt and went on ahead, his body crouched, his spear and knife ready for action. he reappeared almost immediately. "they have made a dry camp in a small clearing just around a bend of the trail," he whispered. "follow me and let not so much as a blade of grass bend under your feet!" like disembodied wraiths the seven members of vokal's palace guard crept among the towering trees to one side of the trail. with slow stealth they worked their way forward until they lay, side by side among the thick undergrowth at the clearing's edge. trained ears would have marked their passage long before they reached that position, but the ears of the five sentries on duty were no keener than those of the average ammadian. most of the camp lay sleeping behind barricades of burning branches, their huddled shapes beneath sleeping furs visible by light of flickering flames. the sentries were pacing to and fro, stopping occasionally to pass a remark or two among themselves. the only sounds came from the crackling wood of the fires and, very distant, the hunting squall of a leopard. ekbar's eyes, a bit keener than those of his companions, noticed something. "look!" he whispered. "several in a row of sleepers nearest us have bandages on their heads. yes, and one of the sentries is carrying his arm in a sling. they've come through a fight of some kind recently." otar, who had been peering intently at the five sentries, voiced a muffled explanation. "your scouts were wrong, ekbar!" he said, his voice rising to its normal volume. "these men are----" a savage hand about his neck choked off his words. "quiet, you fool!" whispered ekbar, his fingers tightening their hold. one of the watch had lifted his head and was staring intently in their direction. after a long moment he shrugged slightly and busied himself with adding branches to the fire. only then did ekbar release his hold. * * * * * otar, anger and bewilderment plain in his expression, massaged his aching neck. "i tell you," he whispered, "those are not enemies. they are warriors of the palace of the noble garud of ammad. one of those sentries is dretox, an acquaintance of mine who went with jotan, garud's son, to sephar several moons ago. it is plain that they are returning to ammad and we should go out and welcome them instead of skulking here in the bushes." "and i say these men are enemies!" hissed ekbar heatedly. "listen and judge for yourself." "the morning of the day we left ammad an attempt was made on the life of jaltor, our king. the news swept the city; i know that some of you, at least, must have heard it. vokal, our master, as one of ammad's noblemen, learned garlud was behind the attempted assassination. on the direct and secret orders of jaltor himself, vokal has sent us to intercept and kill jotan, who once he learns garlud is dead after plotting to have the king slain, may attempt to even the score by leading a revolt that could plunge all ammad into civil war." "that is why we are here and that is why these men are enemies. and on the morrow we shall attack them and put them all to instant death!" it was reason enough and they were satisfied. such intrigues were common in ammad; several of the six had served more than one nobleman during their lifetimes. "one thing bothers me," ekbar was whispering. "it was believed jotan took fifty men with him to sephar, also two friends who are sons of noblemen. these last two must be overcome and spirited away without learning our identity. when jotan and the rest are dead, we will release the pair of them and let them find their way to ammad. i want a suggestion on how that can be done." no one spoke for a while. the sentries continued to move among the fires a few feet away, and the sounds of a nocturnal jungle rose and fell about them. it was ekbar himself who hit on a plan, as befitted one of a captain's rank. "we shall need one of those sleeping men," he said. "i will take two of you and circle the camp to the opposite side. after we have time enough to reach that point, the rest of you will make a noise of some kind to attract the guards' attention. be careful not to make them too suspicious lest they rouse the camp. while they are looking in your direction, we will creep up and grab the first man we come to." the men signified that they understood, and ekbar, otar and a warrior named kopan set out to take up their arranged positions. hardly were they ready when a low moaning sound rose from among the bushes across the clearing and the foliage there began to shake violently. instantly the five guards grouped behind that section of the burning circle nearest the disturbance. they raised their spears ready for casting and one of the five hurled a burning branch across the narrow ribbon of open ground. "now!" ekbar grated. * * * * * stooping, the three men raced for the encampment. they cleared the burning barrier at a bound, snatched up the nearest of the sleeping figures, muffling his face with his own sleeping furs before he could awaken, then turned and vanished into the jungle. so quickly had they acted, so swift and sure their motions, that none of the other sleepers so much as stirred and the guards never noticed. the instant the abductors had disappeared the moans stopped and the shaking foliage stilled. for a long time the guards continued to stand there waiting, but when no other disturbance materialized they sighed with relief and went back to the restless patrolling. meanwhile ekbar and his men were returning to their own camp, their captive with them. they drew him into a sheltered place under the trees, lighted a small fire that his expression might tell them if he answered their questions with lies and went to work on him. he was a young man, clear-eyed, intelligent and not at all frightened. he stared at his captors without recognition, obviously puzzled to find they were men of his own nationality. "what is your name?" rasped ekbar, scowling menacingly. "tykol--if that helps you any! what is the meaning of this? who are you?" "i will ask the questions here!" ekbar snapped. "and you will answer them if you wish to see dyta, the sun, again! do you understand?" "i understand well enough, but that does not mean i will tell you anything!" without the slightest change of expression ekbar whipped out the knife at his belt and sank three inches of the cold flint into one of the man's thighs. tykol cried out involuntarily and struggled to free his arms from the vines binding them to his sides. ekbar waited until his struggles ceased. a small stream of blood welled from the knife wound and began to drip against the leaves beneath. "what," said ekbar, "are the names of the two young noblemen accompanying jotan?" tykol, his active mind racing, did not at once reply. it was clear these men meant no good to any of jotan's followers. his cue was to simulate a certain amount of fear to satisfy them his answers were the truth until he could discover exactly what was afoot. ekbar leaned forward and lifted his knife again. "shall i give you a second taste of this?" he growled. tykol appeared to flinch. "no," he mumbled. "i will tell you. their names are javan and tamar." "how many men are with them?" "thirty-seven." "you lie!" ekbar snarled. "fifty were in the party when it left ammad." the young captive digested this information quickly. it proved these men were ammadians like himself; how else could they have known that? "i am not lying," he said sullenly. "three nights ago lions attacked our camp and killed and ate the others, wounding many of the rest of us." * * * * * ekbar, remembering the bandages he had glimpsed while spying on the camp, nodded to himself. it would make his task of wiping out the balance of them that much easier. "what positions do these two men hold in the line of march during the day?" he demanded. "javan now marches at the head of the column." the captain's head jerked up sharply. "don't lie to me, you son of gubo! jotan marches there; he is in charge of his men. there is no need for you to attempt to shield him--he will be dead in a few hours!" it was all tykol needed. he knew now that he himself would not live to see tomorrow's sun; and while the thought was sobering enough it did not dim his determination to save the life of his beloved master. and so tykol threw back his head and laughed--laughed until a heavy blow from the fist of ekbar sent him sprawling. the captain gestured angrily to the others to drag the youth upright again, then said: "you laugh, fool. does the thought of jotan's death mean so little to you?" "that is not why i laugh," tykol told him, grinning. "i laugh because no act of yours can take his life--for he no longer has a life to take!" strong fingers twisted into the front of his tunic and jerked him forward. "what do you mean? the truth, jackal, or i cut you in bits!" tykol appeared properly cowed. "the lions got him--as they got the noble tamar. it was terrible, i tell you! for hours they crouched just outside the circle of fires while their roars filled the night. we tried to drive----" "enough!" growled the captain. "we shall soon find out if you are lying. if our scouts learn jotan is still with his men i promise you a slow and horrible death." "and when you find i am telling the truth," tykol said, feigning eagerness, "will you then let me go?" ekbar sat there fingering his knife, thinking. if this man spoke true words there would be no need for massacring jotan's warriors. it would be far better to permit them to reach ammad and tell of his death under sadu's rending fangs. thus the last threat to vokal's plans would have been accomplished without an air of mystery behind it that some one, becoming curious, might dig into. but he would need more than this man's word. on the morrow he would send scouts who could recognize jotan, back to spy on the column. if jotan was not there, then tykol's story would be proved true; ekbar would withdraw his men and return to ammad, leaving the remnants of jotan's troops to straggle back unmolested by him. either way he no longer had use of tykol. his attention came back to the bound man in front of him. "yes," he said, replying to the young man's last question, "you shall have your freedom. in fact i shall give it to you now." with those words he lunged forward and drove his knife into tykol's heart! thus died a true warrior--loyal unto death to the man he served, knowing his heroism would lie with his bones unknown, yet making his supreme sacrifice without hesitation and without self-pity. ekbar wiped clean his stone blade on the dead man's tunic and rose to his feet. "haul this carrion deeper within the jungle," he told his sober-faced men, "and rouse the camp. we start back to ammad at once." chapter viii a prize for vokal "i tell you it is useless, jotan," tamar said. "for three suns now we have beat the jungle searching for some sign of her. how long do you expect to keep up this useless hunt?" there were five of them in the group: jotan, tamar and three of the former's best fighting men. they were seated on a fallen log at the edge of a narrow stream, having finished washing away the stains of jungle travel only minutes before. directly overhead hung the midday sun, flooding them with humid heat, and hemming them in on all sides stood towering giants of the forest. jotan shook his head and said nothing. the strain and hopelessness of the last three days had aged him visibly: there were new lines in his face and his eyes were haggard. he recognized his injustice in subjecting his friends to the dangers of jungle travel, especially when their number was so small; but dylara meant everything to him and he could not give her up without a struggle. "i beg of you," tamar persisted; "give up the search that we may turn about and rejoin the others. we are not equipped to follow this trail all the way back to sephar. already we have lost two of our men--one of them the only man among us who was qualified to track her down. for all we know she may be dead--the victim of one of the numerous cats infesting this section of the country." "you may return if you like," snapped jotan, stung by that last remark. "i am going on--alone if necessary! oh, i know why you want to call it off," he went on, scowling. "you never had any use for her because she is a girl of the caves instead of a nobleman's daughter. but whether you like it or not, dylara is the only woman i shall ever love and i am going to find her--or give my life in the attempt." tamar, hearing, knew his friend meant exactly what he said. it was useless to plead with him on the basis of not being able to pick up her trail. but there was another way--and he bored into it, playing it up for all it was worth. "your life is your own, jotan," he said stiffly. "but do you have the right to sacrifice the lives of the rest of us in a quest that is completely hopeless? if we had found anything to indicate we were on the right trail i would not for an instant try to dissuade you. it is true i do not think the girl worthy of your love--but that is not important. you do love her and i would fight against the world in defense of your choice." "but to go on this way without a single lead to show us we have even the faintest chance for success, to throw away the lives of these three men--and our own--is rank folly! perhaps you regard it as some sort of admirable determination; in truth it is sheer stubbornness." for a long time jotan sat there staring with unseeing eyes at the sluggishly moving waters of the tiny river. there was no denying the truth in tamar's words. he knew his best friend meant every word of his statement that he would back jotan's choice of a mate against a world; he had proved that back in sephar by saving dylara's life by a bit of quick thinking, when he might as easily have let a plot against her go on to its inevitable end. equally as undeniable was his statement that it was sheer injustice to sacrifice needlessly the lives of loyal men on what could only be classified as a fool's errand. impulsively he turned to one of the three warriors sitting in a stolid row beside him. "tell me, itak," he said, "what is your greatest desire at this moment?" "to serve you, noble jotan," the man replied promptly and with complete honesty. "and after that?" itak's dark face split in a wide smile. "when we left for ammad, my mate was heavy with child. i would like to learn if i have a son or a daughter." slowly jotan rose from the log and stretched his long, powerful arms. "we have rested long enough," he said, his face empty of all emotion. "let us be on our way--back to join our companions!" open relief showed in the three warriors' faces. only tamar fully understood what those words had cost his friend and he stood up and laid a comforting hand on his shoulder. for only a second he left it there and neither spoke. then packs were swung to stalwart backs and the five men disappeared among the trees along the narrow game trail leading into the south--and ammad. * * * * * consciousness returned to dylara at the moment the spider man was placing her roughly on a heap of foul-smelling grasses. in the almost impenetrable darkness she was aware that his hands were moving lingeringly along the contours of her body and in sudden terror she struck out at his face, guided by the sound of hoarse rapid breathing. her nails struck home and she raked them fiercely across an unseen cheek, bringing forth a startled cry of pain and anger. an open hand caught her heavily above the ear and once more her senses swam, leaving her weak and defenseless. dimly she was aware that the awful creature was dropping to its knees beside her and once more long slender hair-covered fingers tugged at her tunic. and then there was a startled grunt, a flurry of motion--and she was alone. even as she started up wonderingly the floor of the swinging hut vibrated sharply under a heavy impact, followed by the sounds of furious struggle. what it all meant, dylara did not know. perhaps one of the other spider-men, jealous of her captor's prize, had come to take her for himself. or perhaps the spider-man's mate had arrived to protect the sanctity of her home. whatever the reason, it was dylara's chance--and she took it without hesitation. hugging the walls to keep free of the two battling figures rolling about the floor, she edged her way swiftly toward the small aperture that served as a door, then dropped to her knees and crawled through. at any moment she expected one of those slender hands to close about one of her ankles; but that did not happen and she gained one of the branches outside. never in all her life before had the daughter of majok descended from a tree with such reckless abandon--but never before had she so strong a motive for haste. in fact she slipped and fell the last ten feet, her heart bounding into her throat as she toppled into stygian blackness. she was on her feet like a cat, not stopping to learn if the fall had injured her, and ran blindly into the tangled fastness of brush, vine, creeper and tree. thorns tore at her skin and tunic, brambles tugged painfully at her hair, the stems of bushes tripped her up, trees loomed up too late for her to avoid slamming into them. but dylara was impervious to pain and heedless of obstacles. on and on she went, stumbling, running, crawling--fighting to put distance between her and the ugly monstrosities in those conical, tree-top huts. how long this mad flight endured or how far it took her dylara was never to know. but at last overtaxed muscles rebelled, her laboring lungs refused their task, and the cave girl collapsed in a pitiful heap among a tangled maze of head-high bushes. twice she sought to rise and go on. but each time her legs turned to water beneath her and she sank back to earth. tears of utter helplessness flooded her eyes; she put her head down against one arm--and in that instant she fell sound asleep. when she awakened night had fled and sunlight, pale and without warmth after filtering through layer upon layer of foliage, made visible her immediate surroundings. * * * * * she got shakily to her feet and stood there swaying a little as outraged muscles reminded her painfully of last night's mad flight. little lines of dried blood on her arms and legs marked where thorns had raked her and she realized her body was one aching mass of bruises. added to this was an inflexible stiffness brought on by sleeping on damp earth. but all this was relatively unimportant. she was free once more--free to begin her long journey back to the cave of her father. she must hasten back to the trail which jotan and his men had followed from ammad and retrace her way southward toward home. and at that moment the full impact of her predicament came home with stunning force. she was utterly and completely lost! whether the trail to sephar was to the east or west of where she now stood was as unknown to her as the opposite side of uda, the moon. true her goal lay to the north; but unless she could locate the original path jotan had followed, she might spend the rest of her life picking a way through the towering mountains and endless plains between. surging panic cut her legs from under her and she dropped into a sitting position on a fallen log and buried her face in her hands. for a long time she sat thus, fighting back her tears, trying to think logically. but what use was logic in this tangled wilderness of growing things? still, she told herself, she could not sit there forever, an unresisting morsel for the first meat-eater to come along. she stood up, brushed away an accumulation of leaves, thorns and dirt from her tunic, and struck resolutely out toward the east, pushing her way slowly through the walls of plant life everywhere about her. monkeys raced and chattered among the branches overhead and disturbed rodents and the crawling things that infest the rotting jungle floor fled from her path. after a dozen yards she was bathed in perspiration and her skin seemed to crawl with the dampness. if only she could find some sort of pathway that would allow her to make progress without battling this ocean of pulpy, slimy vegetation--a footing solid enough to prevent sinking to her ankles with every step. three different times she narrowly avoided treading on snakes--small, brightly colored reptiles whose bite would have meant a lingering death; and once she nearly collapsed with fright when a looping vine caught her about the neck unexpectedly and she thought it the folds of a python. and then, after an hour of this, she stumbled unexpectedly into an elephant path, its powdery surface marked by the passage of numerous other animals. unfortunately for her purpose it ran almost east and west instead of north and after following it into the east for the better part of two hours, it began gradually to veer southward, taking her further and further from the caves of her father. her only hope was that sooner or later she would come upon an intersecting trail that would lead northward. the thought of leaving the narrow strip of open ground and plunging back into that green maze was more than she could endure. and so she went on, staggering now and then under the lashes of heat and weariness, finding an occasional waterhole to quench her thirst and stripping fruit from trees and bushes to satisfy hunger. near nightfall she came upon a large clearing through which flowed a wide shallow stream. it had been several hours since last water had passed her lips and sight of the river lifted her spirits. she pushed her way through a heavy growth of reeds on the near bank, knelt and drank thirstily, then slipped out of her tunic and submerged her entire body in the brackish liquid. emerging at last, she dried her body with handfuls of grasses, her lithe, sweetly rounded figure gleaming like an image molded of pure gold in the fading sunlight. her spirits were soaring again, for when first leaving the water she had glimpsed the beginnings of a second trail into the forest--a trail pointing straight as a spear shaft toward the north. already her plans were made. she would spend the night among the high-flung branches of that tree at the trail's entrance, when dawn came again she would start out once more--this time toward home. donning her tunic she ran lightly toward the tree, its base buried among a heavy growth of bushes. while from the depths of tangled undergrowth near the bole of that tree, a pair of glowing yellow eyes were fixed in an unblinking stare upon the swiftly approaching girl! * * * * * a storm was blowing up. tharn, belly flat against a broad branch while he gnawed the sweet pulpy interior of a hard-shelled fruit, caught the signs of it in the scent of the air, in the uneasy pattern of a shifting breeze, in the faintly yellowish cast of the sky overhead. he mentioned the possibility to trakor, who, wedged into a fork nearby, was dozing in the heat of day. "a nice dry cave would come in handy if the rain comes," the youth observed. "i know how gerdak's warriors hated being caught in a storm. they say the jungle is never more dangerous, with winds blowing branches through the air with the speed of flying spears, great trees being uprooted to crash down and crush the unlucky, while rora, the lightning, flickers angrily about their heads." "it is a part of jungle living," tharn said philosophically. "this one will not come for half a sun yet--if it comes at all. or it may be only a little storm." "and if it is a bad one?" trakor asked. "then we find a very big tree that is not too old and stand under it until it passes." "but sometimes storms last for many suns!" "not at this season. the rain may fall for suns on end but then the wind is not too strong and there is no danger in moving about." this was the sixth day since he and trakor had set out in sustained pursuit of those ammadians who were holding dylara. they traveled mostly during the morning and afternoon hours, laying up during the heat of day. to trakor every hour brought new confidence, increasing dexterity in tree-top travel and his store of jungle lore, under the expert tutelage of tharn, increased by leaps and bounds. he could stalk neela, the zebra, or bana, the deer, across wide stretches of grasslands and, more often than not, get close enough to this wariest of all prey to bring one down with a single spear cast. tharn had spent all of one sun making him a bow, and with it and a handful of arrows from tharn's own quiver the boy had learned to handle the weapon with some degree of success. no member of the cat family had faced him and his new-found abilities thus far, but the time must eventually come and he looked forward to it with ill-concealed impatience. but it was in the trees where trakor excelled. already he could keep pace with tharn for short periods, although he was far from being able to match his friend's over-all agility and stamina. only when it came to racing swiftly through the trees in the blackness of night was he hopelessly outclassed; for here success depended on an uncanny kind of sixth sense that tharn had managed to develop only by constant practice and use since almost the day he was able to walk. nor was trakor capable of such quick thinking as that displayed by his hero. a sudden development would freeze trakor momentarily, while tharn, because of both environment and heredity possessed reflexes that would have put rora, the lightning, to shame, would already have the situation in hand. and as the days passed the bond between the two of them increased in strength and permanence. to trakor, tharn was even more a god than on that day he had dropped from the skies to save the youth from the fangs of sadu. he sought to emulate everything about him--his expression, his walk, his way of speaking--even his way of thinking. almost every word the mighty cro-magnard uttered was stored deep within the mind of his worshiping companion, to be secretly mulled over and absorbed. as for tharn, he admired the boy's boundless enthusiasm, his unflagging desire to master the lore of the jungle, his uncomplaining acceptance of hardship and his quiet courage. to tharn the jungles and plains of his world made up all he wanted from life. to range far and wide in search of adventure, to match his wits and prowess against its savage denizens, animal and human, had made that life complete. with the advent of dylara, and love, fresh horizons had opened before his eyes, but not once had he pictured life with her as his mate as closing the door on his previous existence. he would have her, he reasoned, and the jungle too. * * * * * but with the admission of trakor still another phase presented itself. self-sufficient as he had always been, even unto childhood, loneliness was no more than a puzzling word. but now he caught himself thinking of ranging those jungles and plains with a companion--one nearly his own age--and the thought pleased him more than he permitted to show. as the days passed the resolve grew to bring trakor with him and dylara back to his own people. always there would be the three of them--dylara, trakor, tharn, inseparable. the eddying gusts of wind suddenly brought a strangely familiar scent to tharn's sensitive nostrils, dispelling his mood of reverie and bringing him instantly upright on the swaying branch. trakor, startled by the abrupt move, looked up at him sharply. tharn was standing with head thrown slightly back, his nostrils quivering, his entire body as motionless as though cut from stone. "what is it, tharn?" tharn's eyes went to the boy and in them was something that brought trakor beside him instantly. "come," the cave lord said. side by side they set off through the trees, following the winding path far below. tharn was moving swiftly, and when he elected to do so few in all the jungle could match his pace. trakor, to his consternation, began to fall steadily behind and he put on a fresh burst of speed, taking chances he ordinarily would never have dreamed of. despite this, tharn continued to widen the gap and within minutes the youth lost sight of him altogether. the passage of both was practically soundless, for that is important for survival in the wild. as a result trakor was unable to make use of his ears in trailing the other, but as tharn had continued on above the pathway, it would seem logical that he would continue to do so. he hesitated to call out, for to do so, he thought, would be to confess his lesser ability; besides a cry might serve to warn whatever had excited tharn's interest. while far ahead of him now, tharn raced onward, his face an expressionless mask, his heart thudding with desperate hope. * * * * * five dust-covered, disheveled men moved steadily along a winding game trail, the rays of a noon-day sun pouring down on their tunic-clad backs through rifts in the arching branches overhead. they moved in single file without speaking, almost without thinking, their every energy intent only on cutting down the distance between them and the major portion of their party. jotan was at the rear of the column, tamar and he alternating at holding down this exposed position. the back of the warrior ahead of him was ten or twelve feet distant--a space jotan almost automatically maintained. the trail underfoot swerved abruptly to by-pass an especially heavy growth of trees and momentarily jotan was out of sight of his companions. a dozen more strides and he too would make the turn and rejoin them. a sudden rustling among the branches directly overhead caused him to look up in alarm, just as a crushing weight struck full upon his shoulders and drove him to his knees. steel fingers sought and instantly found a hold on his neck, choking back an instinctive cry for help. jotan was a powerful, fully trained warrior, with muscles superior to most of his kind. yet in the first few seconds of struggle he realized with sinking heart that his strength was as a child's when compared to that of the unseen and silent creature on his back. a film began to form before his protruding eyes, his senses reeled, his laboring lungs fought for air--then blackness poured into his brain. ... slowly the fog of unconsciousness left jotan of ammad and at last he opened his eyes. at sight of the half-naked man crouched over him instant recognition dawned in his expression. "you!" he gasped. "i," said tharn impassively, "where is she?" "i do not know." "you lie!" the cave lord's hand shot out and sank incredibly powerful fingers into the ammadian's bare arm. "tell me where she is or i will kill you!" jotan raised a shaking hand and massaged the aching muscles of his throat where those mighty fingers had left their mark. he saw now that he was high in the branches of a tree, that sitting on a branch behind his captor was another cave man--a youth, rather--who was watching him from inscrutable eyes. "she never really believed you were dead," the ammadian said slowly, almost as though thinking aloud. "i tried to tell her no man comes through the games of the god alive. even now i can hardly believe that you are actually here." tharn was not to be side-tracked. "where is she?" he growled. "for the last time--or do i choke the information from you?" "that will not be necessary, my friend," jotan said sadly. "for all i know dylara may be dead." nothing changed in tharn's expression but his fingers bit sharply into jotan's arm bringing an involuntary cry to the ammadian's lips. "what do you mean?" whereupon the young nobleman of ammad recounted the events of that terrible night when the lions had fallen upon his followers and sent dylara racing for the safety of the trees. tharn heard him out, his face as empty of emotion as though carved from granite. "for three suns," jotan said in closing, "we searched the jungle for a sign of her. but to no avail. either the lions got her or she is somewhere to the north, making her way back to the caves of her people. two suns ago my men and i gave up and we were on our way back to rejoin the rest of our party when you found me." "where is this place from which dylara fled sadu?" "a sun's march to the south." tharn nodded. "you may return to your friends," he said. "if she is still alive i will find her. if she is dead, or if i find her alive and learn that you have harmed her, i will come back and kill you!" jotan shrugged. not for an instant did he doubt that the young giant meant exactly what he said. somehow his own life seemed unimportant with dylara gone. he knew that, alive or dead, dylara was lost to him and that he would never see her again. he shook off his thoughts. "then i am free to go?" "yes." "where will i find my friends?" "the trail where i found you is directly below. they have discovered your absence and have backtracked in search of you." without another word jotan rose to his feet and began the long descent groundward. once the intervening foliage hid the ammadian from view, tharn said to trakor, "a sun's march to the south," he said. "we should make it in half that time--perhaps less. come." side by side the two cro-magnards set off through the leafy reaches of the trees. * * * * * dylara, only a few yards from the trail's mouth, came to a sudden halt. years of elbow rubbing with the jungle and its inhabitants reminded her that trail mouths a short distance from water were where sadu and tarlok were most likely to be lying in wait for game. and this was the time of day the meat-eaters began their search for food. standing there near the clearing's edge, she peered intently at the waist-high grasses shrouding the boles of trees on both sides of the trail. a light breeze stirred them softly, and at one spot directly beneath a jungle patriarch's broad boughs, a trailing vine swayed in unison with the wind. but wait! that vine was quivering unsteadily, then moving _against_ the breeze! instantly dylara's eyes were fixed on that spot. little by little her searching gaze made out the outlines of some amorphous shape crouching motionless behind a curtain of grasses. imagination? perhaps, she told herself. but the jungle dweller without it soon left his bones to bleach along the trails. cautiously she took a backward step ... another, and yet a third. the long grasses at that point were very still now as the breeze died. was she being overly careful--running from shadows? a tree stump, a fallen log--any of several explanations would cover that motionless bulk lying there. suddenly the brooding silence was torn apart by a thunderous roar and sadu, the lion, aware that his prey was on the point of escape, sprang from the depths of foliage and bore down upon her with express-train speed, snarling and growling as he came. even as dylara turned to flee, she knew her life was finished, that nothing could save her now. any hope that she would reach safety among the trees was futile; the nearest was long yards away and sadu would have buried his talons and fangs in her defenseless flesh while she was still far short of escape. yet so strong was the urge of self-preservation that she was racing like the wind for sanctuary despite the uselessness of flight; while behind her sadu was cutting down the gap between them as though the cro-magnard princess were standing still. the knowledge that his prey was inescapably doomed did not cause sadu to loiter along the way or grow over-confident. he judged the intervening space with a practiced eye; and, at precisely the right moment, he launched his great, heavy-maned body in the final gargantuan leap that would end full in the center of that smoothly tanned back. it was then that dylara caught a foot in a tangle of grasses and plunged headlong! sadu, soaring in a majestic parabola, overshot his mark and landed a full two yards beyond. instantly he wheeled to pounce on his dazed prey--and in that instant twelve heavy warspears tore into his exposed flank! the combined impact of those dozen flint heads knocked him to the ground. fountains of blood darkened his shimmering hide; his legs scrambled madly to bring him upright--then he slumped back and moved no more. dylara, wide-eyed and shivering, was rising to her feet when a horde of white-tunicked ammadians hemmed her in. one of them, a tall, square-shouldered warrior of middle-age, caught one of her arms and helped her up. still dazed by her narrow escape from death, dylara looked about the circle of curious faces. none of these men was familiar, although their dress and appearance told her into whose hands she had fallen. "who are you, woman?" demanded the square-shouldered one roughly, "and what are you doing thus far from ammad?" she met his stern gaze unflinchingly. "i am dylara, daughter of majok, and i do not belong in ammad. let me go at once!" * * * * * the man's eyes narrowed speculatively. "what have we here?" he said, an appraising gleam in his eyes. "your bearing and appearance is that of a nobleman's daughter; your words have the sound of the cave-dwellers. which are you, anyway?" briefly, dylara weighed her chances of deluding this sharp-eyed man into believing her the daughter of some ammadian. even as the thought came to her she realized such a story would never stand up. either way he would take her to ammad; and from the expressions of some of those warriors crowding about her and feasting their eyes on her face and figure, she would be better off telling the truth. the mere mention of jotan's name, while expunging her last hope of being released, would at least save her from possible molestation.... "i am the noble jotan's," she said, thankful that the earnest young man was not around to hear that declaration. "i was accompanying him from sephar to ammad when an attack by lions separated us." the ammadian leader's expression was one she could not analyze. he said, almost humbly, "perhaps you are the daughter of some sepharian noble?" it might have been wise for her to make such a claim. but strong within this lovely girl was pride of race and a faint contempt for these comparatively frail and dull-witted people. "no," she said, head held high, "i am not a sepharian. i am the daughter of majok, chief of a tribe. i was captured by the sepharians and i was given to jotan." the man's bow was a travesty on humbleness. "it is an honor to meet a slave of the noble jotan. i am ekbar, captain of the guard of the noble vokal. you will find my master one who can properly appreciate such beauty and charm as yours. come, let us hasten on that you may the quicker become known to him!" dylara felt the blood drain from her face. "you fool! do you think the noble jotan would allow such to happen? were your master to lay so much as a hand on me, jotan would kill him!" "you think jotan's slaves mean so much to him?" ekbar said mockingly. "i am no slave," dylara blazed. "i am to be jotan's mate." the other's smile broadened. "i'm afraid jotan is past needing a mate. you see, jotan is dead!" chapter ix trakor's mistake it was close to nightfall when tharn and trakor reached the clearing where jotan's party had been attacked by lions several nights before. ashes from the long-dead fires still showed their outlines, tracked now by the hoofs and paws of jungle beasts. an air of desolation seemed to hang above the scene like the miasmic vapors from some foul swamp. the two cro-magnards knelt at the stream and quenched their thirst. for nearly an hour the two young warriors sat side by side on the bank without speaking, while gradually shadows from the encircling wall of trees stretched farther and farther across the glade. and then with the suddenness peculiar to tropical climes night filled the forest and the voices of hunters and hunted rose and fell about the clearing. trakor stirred uneasily as the roar of sadu, monarch of the jungle night, rolled across the forest aisles from nearby. his ears, far sharper now from constant use, caught a faint stirring among the river reeds a dozen yards from where tharn and he were seated; and an instant later those rustling stalks parted and tarlok, the leopard, slunk into the open. the young man from gerdak's caves sat very still, hardly daring to breathe, as the lithe, powerfully muscled feline stood clearly revealed in the light of stars. for a long moment the cat stood as motionless as some beautifully carved statue, then gracefully bent its neck to dip the soft furry muzzle into the water. trakor felt a cool breeze against his face and knew why tarlok failed to sense the presence of tharn and him. what, he wondered, would happen if siha, the wind, should suddenly reverse its course and bring their scent to tarlok's sensitive nostril's? would that terrible engine of destruction spring instantly upon them, rending and tearing before they could give effective battle? it was an interesting problem to weigh, although trakor felt he could do it far more justice from a seat on some lofty branch. tarlok finished slaking his thirst and without an instant's hesitation turned and vanished among the reeds. trakor listened to the almost inaudible sounds of the cat's passage and felt a little glow of pride. a moon ago he would have mistaken those rustlings as the passage of siha--if he had heard them at all. tharn stirred. "i am hungry!" "and i!" agreed trakor, abruptly aware that he had not eaten since mid-morning. "let us find a comfortable branch for the night, then i will hunt food while you wait there." "why can't i go with you?" trakor demanded. "i am a good hunter. did i not, a sun ago, track down and slay neela, the zebra, with my own knife?" "that was while dyta was high in the sky," tharn reminded him. "hunting neela or bana at night requires long practice and many disappointments. tonight i am too hungry to wait." a towering forest giant offered a secure and comfortable haven for the night; and while trakor sat there fuming at being left out of things, tharn swung off into the darkness in search of their dinner. less than an hour later he was back, a haunch of venison across one shoulder. together they squatted on a broad branch and cut strips of the still dripping flesh from bana's flank. they ate quickly and in silence, trakor already having adopted the almost taciturn air common among jungle dwellers; and when they were finished, a handful of leaves served each as a napkin. not long thereafter both were sleeping soundly on their swaying couch, as indifferent to the cacophony of roars, shrieks and screams making hideous the jungle night as though such sounds did not exist. * * * * * they dined on the remainder of bana's haunch shortly after sunrise the following morning. after descending to drink from the stream in the clearing, tharn set out to explore the former site of jotan's camp in an effort to pick up dylara's trail. trakor squatted on his haunches and watched the cave lord with wide, wondering eyes. for several minutes tharn moved slowly about the cleared ground, his powerful body bent low, his unbelievably keen eyes searching every inch of earth. gradually his companion began to understand there was nothing aimless in his movements: he was circling in a gradually narrowing spiral toward the exact center of the camp site. after a while trakor tired of watching and went back to the river to drink. he was on his way back when a sharp exclamation from his friend caught his attention. he was amazed to find tharn on his hands and knees sniffing at the ground. those nostrils appeared to quiver, to expand and contract, like an animal's when it picks up a fresh spoor. a prickling sensation tugged at trakor's scalp. was it possible that this god-like human could actually scent, and _recognize_ that scent, where a man or woman had stood days before? no human nose had any business being that efficient! tharn looked up to find him standing there. "she slept here for several hours," he said. on hands and knees he began to move in a straight line across the ground, swerved to one side near the former location of the fires, then on again across the wide ribbon of open ground between the heaps of ashes and the forest's edge. at the base of a large tree, he stood up and beckoned to trakor. "sadu chased her to this tree," he explained, his voice as confident as though he had witnessed the entire proceedings instead of reconstructing them through the mediums of sight and smell. "he did not get her. come." lightly tharn swung himself into the branches, trakor close behind him. to the cave lord this was an engaging sport--a sport made more interesting because happiness for him depended on his ability to follow a cold trail. here a bit of lint from dylara's tunic had caught beneath a segment of bark; there a newly budded shoot had been crushed by a naked foot. a speck of green moisture on an adjoining branch marked where that same foot had come to rest a little later; and further on a scuffed section of bark, almost too small to be detected, showed where a foot had slipped slightly. to tharn, guided by uncanny powers of perception and a woodlore second not even to the beasts themselves, all these marks were as evident and recognizable as words on a printed page to a scholar. dylara's progress had been snail-like that night as she worked her way through impenetrable darkness; tharn moved along her pathway speedily and without faltering, trakor following. in ten minutes the cave lord covered the distance dylara had required an hour to travel. abruptly he altered his course upward toward the forest top, until, high among the smaller branches, he stopped and looked to his nose for information. almost at once trakor noticed a troubled expression carve itself on tharn's handsome face. "what is it, tharn?" his companion's lips set in a narrow line. "i do not know. some strange manlike creature with long hairy arms and legs surprised her here and carried her away." moving slowly now, with many pauses, tharn set out on the arboreal pathway accompanied by the bewildered trakor. * * * * * for nearly three full hours tharn continued on through the middle terraces. it took him a good part of that time to get some sort of accurate picture of how that strange, hairy creature had regulated its progress. the distance between marks left by its hands and grasping feet seemed far too great for anything other than the most agile of monkeys. so intent was tharn on following the spoor, and so intent on tharn was his companion, that the first indication either had of danger was when fully a score of spider-like forms engulfed them from the depths of as many hiding places among the foliage. the first wave swept the still inexperienced trakor completely from his branch, and he would have fallen headlong through space toward the ground below had not one of the ambushers caught him by an ankle and jerked him roughly back to a different type of danger. in a mad fury that was half rage and half fear the youth struck out blindly with his knife, killing three of his attackers and wounding several more before he went down beneath the sheer weight of numbers. it was tharn who took the subduing! with the first rustle of foliage his knife was in his hand and he met the onslaught of twisting, shrieking spider-men like a rocky crag meets a storm-swept sea. enemy after enemy toppled into the void, their bodies torn by his keen blade of flint; others went to join them with skulls crushed by superhuman blows or with spines snapped like twigs. early in the battle tharn learned it was useless merely to push them from the limb: they would fall a few feet until some long sinuous limb would catch a lower branch and back they would come to the fight. but the odds were far too unequal, and very slowly they pulled him down, as a pack of dogs will pull down a wide-antlered elk. thick vines lashed his arms to his sides until he was trussed and helpless. then both captives were lifted by the loudly exultant spider-men and borne to a conical shaped hut of grasses hanging by means of a thick rope of that same material from a pair of stout branches above its roof. here they were thrown roughly to the swaying, bobbing floor on opposite sides of the structure, then left to themselves as the long-limbed spider-men departed. trakor waited until he was certain the last of them was gone, then despite his bonds he managed to roll over until he was facing his friend three or four yards away. the cave lord was lying motionless on his side, swathed with strand upon strand of stout vines, his eyes open, his expression as calm and untroubled as though he were comfortably ensconced in his own cave. "what will they do with us, tharn?" whispered the youth. those broad shoulders moved in a faint shrug. "who knows?" it was far from being a satisfactory answer. trakor was silent for a little while, thinking unhappy thoughts. through the hut's thin walls came the shrill, unfamiliar chattering of many voices. evidently the spider-men were holding some kind of a meeting--a meeting, trakor was sure, concerning the eventual fate of their captives. "tharn...." "yes?" "can't we _do_ something? must we lie here like two helpless old men until they get around to k-killing us?" tharn caught the slight break in the youth's words and his slow smile disclosed flashing teeth. "they will not kill us for a while--otherwise we would have been dead before this. perhaps they intend to torture us first--either to enjoy our suffering or to honor their tribal god." "but now we can do nothing. four of them are watching our every move through chinks in these walls; our first move toward escape would bring them upon us." trakor's eyes roved about the hut's sides. he could see no signs of gleaming eyes peering in on them, but long ago he had learned never to doubt tharn's ability to know things beyond the evident. his voice went down. "can they hear us?" "of course," tharn said. "but that does not mean they can understand us. we do not speak their tongue, so we need not worry of being overheard." "but what can we _do_?" trakor demanded for the second time. "at present, nothing. there is a way for us to escape but it depends on them leaving us here until dyta finds his lair for the night." "and if they don't leave us here until dark?" tharn's smile appeared again. "would you cheat them of their pleasure by worrying yourself to death?" * * * * * trakor digested that in silence, seeing the wisdom in his friend's quiet words. he found his fear lessening fast; there was something in tharn's calm acceptance of their present difficulty that inspired confidence in their eventual escape. with the waning of his own fear he found room for concern about someone else. "tharn!" he gasped. "are these the ones who captured dylara?" a somber expression crept into the cave lord's eyes. "i am sure of it." "do you think that they have ... that they...." he could not finish. "after we get away," tharn said grimly, "i will learn the answer to that. she may be held in another hut at this moment; but if they have slain her...." the rest of the morning and the long afternoon which followed wore on. none of their captors entered the hut to learn how they were faring, although not once were they unobserved from without. during the heat of midday the sound of shrill voices stilled; but along toward evening it started up again. tharn's position was such that he could see through the small aperture which served at the hut's doorway. as a result he was able to see a horde of the spider-men begin the construction of a good sized platform of small branches in a neighboring tree. at first their purpose was not clear to him; but when, shortly before darkness set in, he saw two tall straight branches denuded of vegetation thrust upright, side by side, into the platform, he understood something of what they had in mind. this understanding became certainty a little later when he noticed a score of the female members of the tribe busy at the task of putting sharp points on many long straight sticks, using flint knives for that purpose. he and trakor would be bound to those stakes and slowly prodded to death! the all-important question was, would that take place this night or would the spider-men wait until dawn? it hardly seemed logical they would be so tortured without sufficient light for the spider-men to observe their sufferings; and to use fire among the inflammable tree tops would be sheer folly--if indeed these creatures were fire users at all. darkness came and still none of the spider-men entered the hut. both men were suffering the pangs of thirst, but hunger had not yet become a problem. evidently their hosts had no intentions of pampering them. sometime later three of the spider-men crawled into the hut and immediately set about examining the prisoners' thongs. so intense was the darkness now that they had to depend solely on the sense of touch. satisfied the bonds were intact, the three found places on the floor and presently the sounds of even breathing told all were asleep. tharn lay there unmoving while the minutes slipped by and became hours. with the inexhaustible patience of all wild creatures he bided his time, waiting until the sleep of those guards was sound. several times he heard trakor stir impatiently and he smiled a little under cover of darkness. trakor was waiting for a miracle. the position of the three spider-men was such that leaving by the door was impossible, even were the prisoners able to gain use of legs and arms. even if they were able to loose their bonds, a simultaneous attack could account only for two--leaving the third free to raise an alarm. slowly, with many pauses lest the jiggling of the flooring arouse those guards, tharn began to roll himself to trakor's side. so carefully did he move that almost a full hour had passed before he reached his objective. he felt the animal heat of the youth's body, and a barely audible word reached his ears. "tharn?" "shhh!" and then tharn began to gnaw at trakor's bonds. his strong sharp teeth bit into those tough green vines, filling his mouth with an unpleasant taste. it was slow, jaw-tiring work and the vines were many, stringy and reluctant to part. but the cave lord's indomitable patience and perseverance were not to be denied. * * * * * at long last trakor was able to free his hands. he winced as blood began to move again in his veins and minutes passed before he was able to control his hands. his questing fingers found the knots holding tharn helpless and very soon both men were free to act. still lying side by side, tharn began to whisper instructions. twice one of the sleeping spider-men stirred and the two cro-magnards held their breaths until he had quieted. when trakor nodded to indicate tharn's plan was clear to him, the cave lord rose to his feet and, like a shadowy wraith, moved to the nearest wall. this was a tense moment in the execution of his plan; its entire success depended on how substantial that wall would prove to be. a brief examination by the means of touch alone told him the hut was constructed by first forming a cage-like skeleton of fairly thick but pliable boughs, then interlacing the openings with grass. the horizontal "beams" were roughly three feet apart; the roof, as tharn had earlier been careful to gauge, was something like fifteen feet above the floor at its highest point. tharn's original plan had been to force an opening in one of these walls large enough for trakor and him to wriggle through into the open air. but his ears and nose told him that this hut was practically ringed with patrolling sentries, several of which were perched among branches directly above the hut itself. the minute he and trakor appeared outside they would be buried under an avalanche of spider-men. but there was another way--a way daring and imaginative and infinitely dangerous. but in its daring lay the very chances for its success--while danger was so common a phenomenon in jungle life as to rouse little more than indifference among its dwellers. using the relatively sturdy skeletal branches foot--and hand--holds tharn began to climb up that rounded wall. after some eight feet of this the inner side of the conical roof began and the cave lord was hard pressed to cling to the inward sloping surface. but his steel thews served their purpose, and a moment or two later he had gained the single heavy section of branch at the very point of the roof. here the thick grass rope which held the entire hut in the air entered from above, its ends tied securely about the cross piece on which tharn was now perched. from a hidden pouch in the folds of his loin cloth tharn took a bit of keen-edged flint: the primitive razor with which he painstakingly scraped each second day his sprouting beard. with this he began to saw through the taut rope holding the hut aloft! gradually the straining rope began to part. once it gave, the entire structure, weighted by its five occupants, would plummet toward the ground nearly a hundred feet below. there were enough intervening branches to break the fall sufficiently to keep them from being dashed to instant death; but for those three sleeping spider-men it would be a mad, whirling journey that, once it ended, would daze them long enough for tharn and trakor to break for freedom. three strands remained, then two. the entire hut lurched sickeningly, the final strand parted with an audible snap as tharn caught frantically at the cross piece, and down went the hut! it was a mad mixture of crashing sounds, of breaking branches, of shrill screams, of falling and bouncing bodies, of clawing hands and feet. slithering, scrambling shapes sought to stabilize themselves by attaching themselves to walls, ceiling or roof, but to no avail. only trakor, digging his fingers and bare toes desperately into the yielding flooring, and tharn, wrapped tightly about that crosspiece, were able to hold their positions; while back and forth between them shuffled the three spider-men. * * * * * halfway down, one entire wall broke loose, spilling the guards into the void. as the mazes of foliage grew denser nearer the ground, the remains of the hut began to slow its fall, grinding to a complete stop some twenty feet above ground. instantly tharn and trakor were out of the ruins and racing away through the branches. behind them they could hear a wild chorus of angry screams, but apparently the spider-men were still too dazed and bewildered to set up a planned pursuit. an hour later tharn called a halt. they stood silently on a high branch for a little while, listening for some sign that their late captors had taken up the chase. "we have thrown them off," tharn said finally. "i'll give them a few hours to get over their shock and return to sleep--then i'm going back." "going back!" echoed trakor, aghast, "why?" "i must learn what they have done with dylara. too, my knife, rope and bow and arrows are somewhere within the wreckage of that hut." "but even you, tharn, would be helpless against so many," protested trakor. tharn shrugged. "it is the only way," he said, and there was that in his tone which ended further discussion. they stretched their bodies out on adjoining branches and after a while trakor fell into a troubled sleep. he awakened with a start, to find the first flush of dawn across the eastern sky and an empty branch where tharn had been during the night. he had little time to worry about his companion's absence; for barely had he opened his eyes than a rustling among the foliage of a neighboring tree brought him hastily to his feet in time to see tharn emerge into view. across the caveman's back was his quiver of arrows, his bow and his rope; thrust within the folds of his loin cloth was his flint knife, and across one shoulder was the meaty foreleg of neela, the zebra. this last he thrust into trakor's dazed hands. "fill your belly," he said, grinning at the youth's slack-jawed expression. "we have work to do." "but--but----" "it was easy," tharn said, "but only because i was very fortunate. when i got there they were not sleeping; for the commotion i doubt that they will sleep for a long time. while waiting for an opportunity to climb among their huts to hunt for dylara, i set out to get back my weapons. the knife and rope were still in the broken hut and i found them at once. but i was forced to hunt about under the trees for my arrows and bow--and a good thing it was!" "why do you say that?" "i came across dylara's trail. it seem----" "in the _dark_? how could you _see_?" tharn tapped his nose and smiled as understanding dawned in his young friend's eyes. "it seems," he continued, "that she managed to get away from them just a little while ago, for her scent spoor was still fresh. i followed it far enough to learn that she found a game trail leading into the east which she followed. it is not far from here; feed, and we will set out to overtake her." * * * * * early that afternoon tharn and trakor were swinging lightly through the trees above a winding elephant path cutting almost due south through the jungle. even from his elevated position tharn was able to make out an occasional print of a sandal in the powdery dust below. dylara had left those marks--left them so recently that the passing feet of animals had not yet obliterated them. the thought of her nearness brought an almost painful sensation of swelling deep within his chest and a strange ache at his wrists. the realization that he might soon be holding her within the circle of his arms, that his lips would be pressed against hers before another sun or two, made him eager to race madly ahead, outdistancing his slower companion. but would she be as moved at sight of him? he recalled words spoken by her on those two brief occasions they had been together--first when he had wrested her from the caves of her father and taken her deep within the jungle. how her eyes had blazed with loathing! how her voice had rung out with hatred and disdain. "i hate you!" she had said; nor did she retract those words days later when, at the last possible instant, he had slain sadu to save her life.[ ] [ ] "warrior of the dawn," december, -january, , _amazing stories_.--ed. true, when sadu sank lifeless to the ground between them, she had thrown herself into his arms, and the warm promise of her lips had crystallized forever within him his love for her. but that impulsive act might have been born of gratitude alone; he had been given no opportunity to find out one way or the other; for jotan and seven of his men had arrived at that moment to take her from him. love, tharn had long before decided, was a wonderful and annoying thing, bringing, as it did, both pleasure and torture, peace and unrest. all his wondering, all his doubts were for nothing until he could come face to face again with dylara. and even then he might not know her answer; she would welcome him, of course, for in him alone was her sole hope of returning to her people. but he did not want her to return to her own caves! she must go with him to his tribe--and go she must, with or without her own consent! the winding trail below ended suddenly at the edge of an extensive clearing, through which ran a wide shallow sluggish river. from deep among a thick growth of reeds on the latter's opposite shore came a spine-tingling chorus of snarls and growls and the sounds of jaws grinding against bones. tharn seemed literally to fall the fifty or sixty feet between his elevated position and the ground below. the density of that growth of reeds kept him from seeing what animals were feeding there and the wind at his back left his nose useless in obtaining that information. yet he charged in that direction with all the silent ferocity of sadu himself, a swelling fear within him that it was dylara's soft flesh which was furnishing those unseen beasts with their dinner. * * * * * knife in hand, lips curled back in a savage snarl, the cave lord tore his way through the tangled growth. with the first sounds of his passage, that chorus of growls ceased, and tharn knew those unseen jungle dwellers were prepared to defend their kill. without slackening his pace he burst full upon a pack of hyenas surrounding the half-devoured carcass of sadu, the lion. snarling and spitting their rage they held ground, evil teeth bared, the hair standing stiff along their spines, ready to give battle; for, in numbers, cowardly gubo was a force to be reckoned with. an instant later three of them lay dead and the rest fleeing wildly into the surrounding jungle, while tharn restored his bloody knife to its place in the folds of his loin-cloth and knelt beside sadu's remains. trakor arrived on the scene while tharn was completing his examination. wide-eyed he stared at the lion and then at the stern face of his companion. he said, "what happened to sadu, tharn? surely gubo did not kill him?" the cave lord shook his head. "sadu died under many ammadian spears." "ammadian?" repeated trakor, astonished. "not those who were hunting for dylara?" "i am not sure--yet." tharn rose and began to circle slowly that section of the clearing adjacent to sadu's remains. trakor watched him, fascinated, as he scrutinized the trampled grasses in an effort to piece together details of what had taken place. twice he knelt and placed his nostrils close to the ground, the last time remaining in that position for several minutes. finally he straightened and beckoned to trakor. "they have her," he said tonelessly. "she was fleeing from sadu. their spears cut him down in time, then they took her with them. there are many of them--at least fifty--and they are none i have come across before. evidently we are very near to ammad." "how far are they ahead of us?" "a sun's march--if that." "what do we do now, tharn?" "overtake them, of course--and take dylara from them." he said this last with a crisp decisiveness that left no room for doubt. but trakor was shaking his head. "there are fifty of them, tharn. how can two of us fight so many?" "there are other ways than by fighting. first we must catch up with them; then we will work out a way to get her." * * * * * the swift journey through the jungle that afternoon was something trakor was never to forget. as though driven by some overpowering urge, tharn raced southward through the middle terraces with astonishing speed. trakor sought manfully to match his pace, but time and again the cave lord left him behind, only to hold up on some high flung branch until his younger companion could close the gap. twice tharn stopped for rest periods--not because his own iron physique needed them, but to prevent trakor from collapsing entirely. the realization was galling to the youngster, and it brought home forcibly to him that, for all his rapid progress in jungle lore and jungle living since tharn had adopted him, he was still as a new-born child compared to tharn. and while tharn fretted at thus being forced to slow his pace, he kept his impatience from showing by expression or word. paradoxically he had spent almost a moon in teaching his companion the ways of the forest and its inhabitants without progressing along the trail to ammad, but dylara was a comparatively long way ahead at that time. now that she was within a few hours of him, even an instant's delay galled him. night came with the abruptness peculiar to this part of the world, and still the winding elephant trail below showed no signs of the ammadians. lack of light slowed trakor to a comparative crawl, and while from time to time he urged tharn to go on without waiting for him, the cave lord only shook his head. and then, two hours after dyta had sought his lair for the night, a faint glow against the southern sky marked the location of fire. this could have meant the most dread of all jungle perils--a forest fire; but the glow seemed too small and much too localized for that. "the ammadian night fires," tharn said in reply to his friend's question. "doubtless they have camped in some clearing along the way and have made a circle of fire to keep sadu and jalok at bay." not long thereafter the two cro-magnon men came to a halt high in the branches of a great tree. below and before them was a wide clearing, in the center of which a host of white-tunicked men squatted about small cooking fires. the savory odors of freshly grilled meat rose on the air and trakor felt his mouth water. food had not passed his lips since that morning and traveling, he realized, made for large appetites. the entire encampment was girded by windrows of blazing branches and thorn bushes under constant attendance by several of the ammadian warriors. spears, knives, bows and arrows were much in evidence, and there was that atmosphere of relaxed competence about the entire scene that indicated beyond doubt these were seasoned veterans who knew the jungle and its ways. but of it all nothing existed for tharn beyond a slenderly rounded white-tunicked figure seated in the company of several warriors about a cooking fire almost exactly in the center of the camp. at sight of that wealth of reddish gold hair and the sweet curve of a tanned cheek, he knew his search was over, that the girl he loved was almost within his reach. a burning impulse bade him throw caution to the winds and charge among those hated ammadians and wrest her from them. [illustration: under the threat of the guard's sword he knelt in a humble way] [illustration] * * * * * those who let emotion rule filled early graves, however. a dead tharn was useless to himself and useless to dylara--and any such wild charge would be completely suicidal. dylara seemed in no immediate danger, although it was clear from her actions, as well as the actions of those about her, that she was not sharing that cooking fire as an honored guest. he fingered the string of his bow at its place about his shoulder. how he would have liked to send her some message that help was near, that soon she would be taken from these men and restored to the arms of one of her own kind. an arrow from out of the darkness into the heart of one of those men near her! no. to do that would rouse the camp, keep them all awake for the rest of the night. for tharn's purpose those ammadians must remain lulled by a sense of security provided by their circle of fires. the quieter the night, the smaller the number of sentries to be posted when the time came for seeking sleeping furs for the night. trakor, too, was making good use of his eyes. this was the first party of ammadians he had ever seen and he was open-mouthed with interest. the strange white skins they wore, the pieces of beautifully shaped leather on their feet, fascinated him and he longed to own such wondrous things. he stared for a long time at dylara, marveling at her beauty. even lanoa, whose beauty paled into nothingness that of every woman of gerdak's tribe was just another she when compared to this vision of loveliness. the thought made him smile a little sadly. it was the first time he had thought of lanoa in nearly a moon. tharn said, "remain here, trakor, while i hunt for food." the younger man nodded and tharn slipped silently away. after he was gone trakor lay down on a branch so situated as to give him an unimpeded view of the scene below and continued to watch.... a slight movement of his support aroused him. tharn, laden with meat from a fresh kill, came to squat beside him and they filled their bellies with the hot, succulent raw flesh. the young man wiped his hands and lips free of blood and turned inquiring eyes on his companion. "have you thought of a way to take her from them, tharn?" the cave lord shook his head. "it will depend on where she sleeps and on how many guards are posted. nothing can be done until the camp is settled for the night. now we shall sleep." with tharn wedged into a tree fork in a neighboring tree, trakor was left to select his own couch. he made no move toward doing so, however, but continued to lay along that same branch watching the ammadians. he wondered how tharn was able to go so calmly to sleep when so much that was new and exciting was taking place. his own weariness was completely forgotten. an hour passed. most of the camp was sleeping now. four guards were moving slowly about the circle of fires; these and a group of five or six warriors talking about the ashes of a cooking fire were the only exceptions. dylara was sound asleep, wrapped in a bundle of borrowed furs and lying well away from the nearest ammadian. * * * * * a plan was taking shape slowly in trakor's active mind. why couldn't _he_ rescue dylara? this was his big chance to show tharn how well he had profited by the cave lord's teachings. how proud his friend would be when he awakened to find dylara beside him safe and sound, rescued by the stealth and daring of his protege! the longer trakor thought about it, the better it looked. impatiently he glowered at the dawdling warriors about the last fire. were they to sit there gossiping throughout the night? at any moment tharn might awake and spoil the whole thing! good! that last group was breaking up. one of them went over to the side of the sleeping girl, bent and stared at her, then straightened and called something to his companions. there was a brief sound of coarse laughter, the warrior rejoined his fellows and all sought their sleeping furs. another hour inched by. it was an unusually quiet night. only twice did trakor hear the voices of the big cats and each time it was from a distance. the darkness was absolute except for the dying flames from the protecting circle of fire below. heavy clouds, forerunners perhaps of the storm tharn had forecast, obscured moon and stars. those four guards continued their casual pacing. trakor, watching intently, observed something finally that served to crystallize his plans. at fairly regular intervals those four came together at a point well away from where dylara lay. each time they stood in a group for several moments while they exchanged pleasantries, breaking the monotony of standing guard. with slow caution, lest he arouse tharn, the young cave man slipped groundward. there he began a slow circling of the clearing, masked from the sentries by heavy foliage. when he reached a spot on a direct line from where dylara lay, he gently lowered himself bellyflat in the ribbon of grasses between the forest and the protecting wall of fire and began to inch himself forward like a giant snake. luckily the grass was high enough to hide him. his greatest danger was that one of those experienced warriors might glimpse the manner in which the grass tops were swaying. he was near enough now to feel the heat of flames. his heart was pounding mightily and his fingers seemed to be trembling as he dragged himself still closer. did they tremble with fear, he asked himself? no; it was only excitement that caused him to react so--of this he was certain. according to his calculations those four guards should be close to another of those brief meetings on the opposite side of the camp. slowly he lifted his head until he could make out their, and his own, position. he was a few seconds behind schedule: the four of them were already together and not quite as far away as he would have liked. but in his favor was the fact that he was much closer to where dylara lay sleeping than he had expected to be. there was no time for hesitation, no time to bolster his courage. rising to his feet, his body bent into a deep crouch, trakor sped with swift silence through a break in the fire wall. beyond this, five hurried strides brought him beside the sleeping cave princess. he wasted no time in glancing around to learn if his daring move had been witnessed. he could feel the skin crawl at his back as he bent, shoved a fold of the girl's sleeping furs across her face to drown out any involuntary cry, and swung her up into his arms. he wheeled to flee ... then froze in his tracks at sight of three spears leveled at his naked chest. chapter x beyond ammad's walls the stifling folds of fur suddenly thrust forcibly against her face awakened dylara from a sound sleep. so dazed was she by the sudden attack that her paralyzed muscles were unable to resist as she felt herself swung up into a crushing embrace. then her momentary inertia snapped and she was on the point of struggling to free herself when the strong arms about her abruptly relaxed their hold and she staggered free. with her eyes uncovered once more she saw a young warrior of the caves--a youth no older than she--beside her. straight and tall he stood, menaced by three spears in the hands of three ammadian fighting men, his strong, handsome, intelligent face reflecting fierce pride and deep chagrin. about his shoulders were looped a heavy blackwood bow, a quiver of stone-tipped arrows and a long grass rope. a flint knife was thrust within the folds of a loin-cloth of panther skin. he stood there, a barbaric figure, eyeing those three spearheads leveled at his broad chest--eyeing them with a kind of dignified contempt that so reminded dylara of tharn, greatest warrior of them all, that she felt quick tears spring to her eyes. how truly magnificent were the men of her own kind when compared with these underdeveloped, almost frail, ammadians! now came ekbar, captain of vokal's guards, pushing his way roughly through the press of aroused warriors hemming in both captives. he shoved his tall, square-shouldered body in front of trakor and took in the situation at a glance. "disarm him!" he barked. hands tore away bow, arrows, rope and knife. ekbar moved closer, his deep-set gray eyes moved appraisingly over the youth's splendid frame, and the already surly cast to his countenance deepened under a scowl. "so, barbarian," he thundered, "you sought to take your mate from us! only a stupid cave beast would expect to outwit ammad's warriors. by what name are you called?" "trakor," said the youth, his voice emotionless. "trakor, eh? where lie the caves of your tribe?" "i belong to no tribe." without warning, ekbar brought up a calloused hand and struck the young cro-magnard across the face, staggering him. "another of your lies," he snarled, "and i turn you over to my men as a spear target. where are your caves?" trakor made no attempt to reply. an angry red welt marked his cheek where ekbar's hand had landed. his eyes were gleaming like sun against ice, but nothing else in his face betrayed the fury and hatred boiling within him. truly, trakor had come a long way since that day when tharn had saved him from sadu. "how many came here with you?" ekbar demanded. "i came alone." "is this girl your mate?" "no. i have never seen her before." "do you expect us to believe you risked certain capture to steal from us a girl you never saw before?" trakor shrugged. "you asked me. i do not care whether you believe me." ekbar's scowl deepened as he turned to dylara. "you said you were brought here by jotan. was this barbarian one of his slaves?" dylara shook her head. "no. nor have i ever seen him before tonight." the captain chewed his lip uncertainly. "it is very strange," he complained. "i think both of you are lying. well, if there are others who hope to take you from us, they will get the same welcome!" he motioned to two of his men. "bind this cave beast's arms and legs. put him and the girl together in the center of the camp and triple the guard. vokal shall have two new slaves at least!" * * * * * an hour later most of the ammadian camp was asleep once more. a dozen guards now patrolled the site and the fires were high again with additional fuel. dylara lay on her side, covered with sleeping furs to keep out the chill of damp earth and night air. only a few feet away lay trakor, bound and helpless, his broad back turned to her exactly as they had left him. it was a good-looking back, she admitted--not yet fully developed since its owner was still quite young, but it was well-formed and muscular nonetheless. what, she wondered, was the real reason behind his attempt to take her from the ammadians? was he a member of some neighboring tribe? had he come to spy on the men of ammad, caught sight of her and tried to take her for himself? she flushed a little at the thought. not given to false modesty, dylara knew she was very beautiful. but beauty, it seemed, could be more curse than blessing. it was that beauty which had led tharn to take her by force from her own people; that beauty which had brought jotan to her feet and caused him to take her with him on his return to ammad. and now it appeared this handsome young cave warrior had been drawn into a lifetime of slavery by a single glimpse of her! yet she was woman enough to feel a little glow of pride at this tribute to her loveliness. he was young and very attractive--in many ways like tharn, although his physical development was far short of the latter's. the thought of tharn brought an image of his mighty steel-thewed body and god-like face before her mind's eye. where was he this night? were his bones dotting the sandy surface of sephar's arena while nada, his mother, mourned? or had he won through against hopeless odds and escaped to return to the caves of his people. she did not know, of course; perhaps she would never know.... trakor rolled over to face her. for a long moment the man and the woman stared deep into each other's eyes. then the youth's lips parted in a slow smile, his strong regular teeth gleaming in the distant light of the fires. "i am trakor," he whispered. "you are dylara!" open astonishment showed on her face. "how could you know that?" she had spoken in her natural voice and alarm flickered in trakor's eyes as they shifted to look about the silent camp. "shhh!" he hissed. "keep your voice down, else they hear and separate us." obeying, she said, "but how do you know my name?" "tharn told me." "_tharn!_" in spite of trakor's warning, the word burst from her throat in a single loud exhalation. "but that is im----" "shhh!" * * * * * a sleeper a yard or two away stirred and turned over, while dylara and trakor lay unmoving, hardly daring to breathe. dylara felt her heart thumping wildly while a hundred mixed emotions seemed to be battling within her. questions, many questions welled up and sought to force her lips apart. at last she could bear it no longer. "he is alive?" she whispered. "is he still in sephar? when did you see him last? did he send you to find me? how were you able to follow me here?" trakor was shaking his head, smiling. "tharn did not send me. i came here with him. he is in one of the trees bordering this clearing!" "ohhh!" dylara closed her eyes as a wave of weakness seemed to roll over her. tharn is here! tharn is here! elation, thanksgiving and relief swelled her heart almost to the bursting point. no matter now that fifty ammadians lay between her and the cave lord. fifty times fifty of them could not prevail against the might and cunning of tharn! suddenly a new thought cut sharply across the flood of elation. why was she so happy and thrilled to learn he had sought her out? had not she, only a few suns ago, decided in favor of jotan? but jotan was dead; the grinning ekbar had told her so. now, as then, she marveled at how little the news depressed her. yet she had brooded many times over the thought that tharn was dead.... she opened her eyes. "but why did he send you to take me? has he been hurt?" trakor reddened. "it was my idea; i wanted to help him." he told her the whole story then, how he had met tharn, the debt he owed the cave lord, their hunt, together, for dylara--everything. when he came to that part of his story detailing his ill-advised attempt to free dylara, he stammered a little but got it all out. dylara was smiling as he finished. "it was very brave of you to try what you did. and although they caught you and have us both now, we need not worry. tharn will take us from these people." "i know that," trakor said quietly. "it is only that he may think less of me for bungling things this way." the girl shook her head. "you must know him better than that." they fell silent as one of the guards sauntered in their direction during his routine inspection of the camp. dylara, weary from her hours of jungle travel during the day before, fell asleep before the guard was at a safe distance for further conversation with trakor. when the youth saw she was sleeping, he lay there for a long time, staring at her loveliness and thinking bitter thoughts of his clumsiness in being taken captive. tharn, he knew, would be unable to attempt a rescue with so many guards about; but tomorrow night the ammadians, their suspicions lulled, would doubtless post no more than the usual number of sentries. to tharn, four of the dull-witted ammadians would be hardly any problem at all! * * * * * shortly before dawn the men of ammad were filling their bellies and preparing to break camp. when the line of march was being formed, dylara and trakor were separated--the girl being placed between two warriors midway along the column; while the young caveman, his arms bound firmly behind his back, was stationed well up toward the front. ekbar strode back and forth along the line, making certain each man was in his appointed spot, inspecting trakor's bonds, and cautioning those responsible for both prisoners. shortly before dyta pulled his shining head above the eastern horizon of serrated tree tops, the ammadian captain barked an order and the double line of warriors got under way. by mid-morning both forest and jungle began to thin out as the path underfoot lost its level monotony and began to become a steep incline. the air seemed to grow steadily cooler and gradually all underbrush beneath the trees began to thin out, then disappear entirely, leaving an almost park-like appearance to the forest. even the trees were further apart and more and more often there were stretches of grassland without any trees whatsoever. shortly after noon, ekbar called a halt at the edge of a vast plain covered with a rich green species of grass which seemed to grow no higher than a man's ankles. here and there on the gently undulating vista of grassland stood trees, usually no more than one or two together. to the south, nearly at the horizon, was a long dark line that trakor at first took to be clouds but which, later, he was to learn was the beginning of another expanse of forest and jungle. food was distributed and eaten, an hour's rest period was announced, and the ammadians gathered their strength for the final stage of the journey. from remarks the two prisoners overheard they learned that ammad lay half a day's march beyond that distant line of trees, and that every man in the group was anxious to put the city's strong walls between him and the hated jungle. trakor was beginning to worry. crossing that vast plain during the heat of day was bound to be a trying experience, especially for the comparatively frail girl. but worse than that, tharn was going to be placed at a disadvantage in following them. these ammadians were not complete fools; they would keep a sharp lookout in all directions against possible attack from animals or men; for tharn to attempt to follow them during daylight hours would mean certain detection. still, even though the cave lord was forced to wait until darkness before venturing out into the open, he could easily overtake the ammadians while they were camped for the night. * * * * * all during the long afternoon which followed, trakor kept shooting brief glances over his shoulder toward the north, half-expecting to catch a glimpse of his friend. but other than a distant herd or two of grass-eaters, no sign of life appeared. night came while the column was still an hour's march from the last barrier of jungle between it and ammad. at any moment trakor expected to hear the captain call a halt. that call never came. instead the group pushed on until the trees were reached; a brief stop was made near the mouth of a wide trail at that point while gumwood branches were found and ignited, and once more the column took up the march. after two hours of plodding along the winding game path, flames from the smoking torches casting eerie shadows among the thick foliage and heavy tree boles, trakor could stand this uncertainty no longer. "when," he said to the ammadian warrior next to him, "are we to make camp for the night?" the man gave him a sidelong glance and a crooked grimace of derision. "i thought you men of the caves were accustomed to walking long distances?" "i can walk the best of you into the ground!" retorted trakor. "but when night comes you usually stop and huddle behind fires lest the great cats get you." the ammadian scowled. "we are afraid of nothing! but only animals and uncivilized barbarians wander about the jungle at night. we are but a little way from ammad; it would be senseless to spend a night in the open when the city is so close." trakor's heart sank. "only a little way from ammad!" the words beat against his mind like the voice of doom. dylara and he were lost; tharn could not save them now! yet hope did not leave him entirely. his boundless faith and admiration where the cave lord was concerned would not let it die. he caught himself glancing time and again at the low-swaying boughs overhead. every flickering shadow from the torches was transformed into the lurking figure of his giant friend. but as the hours passed and nothing happened those last faint glimmerings of hope began to fade and his spirits sank lower and lower. ahead of him, dylara was going through much the same travail. she staggered often now from weariness; for she had been on her feet, except for that brief period at noon, since early morning and she lacked the strength and stamina of the others. she wondered, too, if tharn would make an attempt at rescuing trakor and her before ammad was reached; but the memory of his fearless entrance into sephar in search of her brought the thought that he might do the same thing this time. * * * * * abruptly the forest and jungle ended at open ground. beyond a mile of open ground, flooded by uda's silver rays, stood the towering stone walls of ammad. to the dazed, unbelieving eyes of trakor it was like a scene from another and wonderful world. in either direction, as far as he could see, rose that sheer, massive man-made wall of gray stone, broken at wide, regular intervals by massive gates of wood. far beyond the wall he could see mammoth structures of stone at the crest of five small hills. the sides of those hills were lined with other, and smaller buildings of the same material. lights twinkled from breaks in their walls, an indication that, unlike the cave men, ammadians did not spend most of the night hours asleep. dylara, accustomed to city walls and buildings of stone from her long stay in sephar, was not so overcome by the scene. still ammad's size, even from the small part visible at this point, brought a gasp to her lips. she had thought sephar wonderful beyond compare, but next to ammad, it was hardly more than a frontier outpost. a challenging voice rang out from the shadowy recess shielding the nearest gate and ekbar's column ground to a halt. three ammadian soldiers, their white tunics gleaming under the moon's rays, moved toward them and vokal's captain advanced to meet them. after a brief discussion, the three warriors returned to their posts, the twin gates swung wide, ekbar's command sounded and the column of fifty ammadians, accompanied by the two prisoners, filed briskly through the opening. trakor, looking back over his shoulder, saw the twin gates move slowly, grindingly together, saw the reaches of distant jungle narrow, then disappear as those two sections of heavy planking ground firmly into place. and in the dull, sodden thud of their meeting, the last flicker of hope was extinguished in trakor's heart. * * * * * it was the hour of jaltor's daily audience. the vast throne room was crowded with men and women from all walks of ammadian life. slaves, freedmen, merchants, traders, warriors and noblemen crowded that two-thirds of the room set aside for their use. at the far end of the hall-like chamber, set off from the heavily crowded section by a line of stalwart guards armed with spears, stood a pyramid-shaped dais, its sides serrated into wide steps. at the flattened apex stood a richly carved, high-backed chair of dark wood. here sat jaltor, king of all ammad, his tremendous, beautifully proportioned body seeming to dwarf not only the chair and its supporting dais but the entire room as well. he was bending forward slightly at the waist, his head turned slightly the better to hear the words a nobleman was droning into his ear. the shuffling of many feet, the buzz of many muted voices from beyond the line of guards formed a backdrop of sound against the message he was receiving. because of the ever-present possibility of assassination at the hand of some disgruntled commoner or a hired killer, only the noblemen of ammad were allowed to pass that spear-bristling line of guards. as a result, the citizenry of the city was split into factions, each faction owing its allegiance to that nobleman situated in its district. the nobleman justified the loyalty of his faction by protecting its members against criminals and vandals both within and without his district and by pleading their side of any dispute that could be settled only by jaltor, head of the state. rivalry between noblemen was strong and usually bitter, although none of this ever appeared on the surface. a nobleman whose influence and power showed signs of weakening found his territory subjected to raids, his followers won away from him by threats and promises. with the loss of influence and power his wealth would dwindle, his guards and warriors would desert to other noblemen, until at last jaltor must step in and elevate some favorite of his own, or some friend of another noble, into the victim's place. against a side wall of the teeming throne room, on this particular afternoon, stood vokal, nobleman of ammad. on his smooth, finely featured face was his accustomed air of dreamy disinterest in his surrounds, his soft gray hair was carefully arranged to point up its natural wave, his slender shapely arms were carelessly folded across the chest of his plain white tunic. there was no purple edging on that tunic now; in the palace of jaltor only the king himself could display that color. beneath that serene exterior, however, was no serenity. vokal was badly worried. eleven suns had passed since the day word of heglar's attempt to kill jaltor had electrified all ammad. guards had hustled the old man roughly from the throne room--and from that moment on no one heard of him again. but he should have been heard of! four slaves of slaves--the lowest human element in ammad--should have dragged his traitorous old body through ammad's streets to be spat upon and reviled by loyal citizens. and garlud--what of garlud? no one had seen him either since that day. not that his absence caused much speculation--almost none in fact. it was not unusual for ammad's noblemen to absent themselves from the city for days, even moons, on end. a hunting trip, a visit to friends in other of ammad's cities--any of several explanations would have accounted for his disappearance. * * * * * the true reason should have been his involvement in heglar's plot to do away with jaltor. but only vokal of all ammad's thousands could know that--and he had no business knowing it. garlud's affairs were going on smoothly in his absence, in charge of the captain of his guards. by this time, if vokal's plans had not miscarried, the silvery haired nobleman should have been summoned by jaltor, told of garlud's perfidy, and his holdings and position handed to him in view of jotan's continued absence. and then there was rhoa--heglar's young and beautiful wife ... and vokal's mistress. he had not seen her since the day her husband had made the attempt on jaltor's life. this was agreed upon between them for safety's sake; the understanding was that once heglar's death was known, vokal could court and win her in the usual manner. but what had been foreseen as only two or three days of separation had lengthened into eleven and still no word of heglar's fate. long before this those thousand tals paid to heglar should have come back into vokal's hands, accompanied by rhoa herself. vokal was becoming increasingly uneasy about those missing tals; let enough time elapse before he could take rhoa as mate and she might reconsider, refuse vokal and keep the thousand tals for herself. there would be nothing he could do about it, either. to threaten her or use force could anger her into betraying him.... vokal shuddered. only this morning she had sent word to him that she was tired of this uncertainty, that something must be done to learn what had happened to her husband. another thing: ekbar and his men should have returned before this--returned with word that jotan, garlud's son, was dead and no longer in a position to step into his father's sandals as first ranking nobleman of ammad. what was delaying the man? well, vokal told himself doggedly, he could wait no longer. there were ways to get at the truth--ways that would not betray his interest in the matter. for instance, there was sitab, an officer in jaltor's own palace guard.... but first would come another plan at breaking that wall of silence. this same morning, vokal had remembered a case involving a merchant whose shop was on the boundary line between vokal's territory and the neighboring district belonging to garlud. a moon or so before, one of vokal's collectors had informed ekbar that this merchant was claiming allegiance to garlud, even though his shop was not in the latter's territory. it was a minor matter and as a rule a nobleman did not complain to jaltor about these single isolated cases. it was only when there was evidence of some systematic raid by a neighboring nobleman that a complaint was filed. clearly garlud had not ordered any such raid, but enough evidence was there at least to bring the matter to jaltor's attention, thus making it necessary for garlud to defend himself against the charge. "vokal--the noble vokal." the cry of jaltor's personal clerk rang out over the packed room. "approach the throne and present your plea." with gentle courtesy vokal pushed between the press of humanity, passed through the line of armed guards and mounted the steps of jaltor's dais. he bowed low before the giant ruler of ammad. "greetings, most-high. vokal, your loyal subject, begs permission to plead a grievance." jaltor gave him a warm and friendly smile. he had always liked vokal; the nobleman's quiet manner and gentle courtliness were always welcome. "it is unusual for the noble vokal to _have_ a grievance," he said. "that in itself is in your favor. what is troubling you?" "a matter of a boundary dispute involving a merchant in my territory. it seems he has been 'influenced' into transferring allegiance to another nobleman." jaltor nodded his understanding. "have you been bothered by many such cases involving the same nobleman?" "no, most-high," vokal said. "and i am quite sure garlud knows nothing of this one. perhaps one of his collectors is a bit--over zealous. by bringing the matter to garlud's attention at this time, further incidents can be averted." * * * * * nothing changed in jaltor's expression at mention of garlud's name; vokal was sure of that. he said, neither too quickly nor too slowly: "i agree, noble vokal: this must have happened without garlud's knowledge. unfortunately the matter can not be brought to his attention just now, but i shall see to it that he hears about it at the earliest possible moment." it was an opening vokal could not resist. "the noble garlud is not in ammad at present?" "i believe not." jaltor's voice and manner remained unchanged, but something flickered in his eyes--something vokal did not miss. "my deepest thanks to you, most-high," he said with that gracious and gentle air for which he was noted. "it is always a pleasure to talk with you, vokal." it was a dismissal and vokal, bowing low, withdrew. as he crossed the huge throne-room toward the exit, his thoughts were sharp and incisive. something had happened to garlud. jaltor's eyes and the brevity of his answer to vokal's question confirmed that. but what? and why was the nobleman's fate kept such a secret? did jaltor suspect garlud of having accomplices other than old heglar? these were questions demanding quick and positive answers. first he must learn what had happened to the missing nobleman. if his death could be verified--and, of course, heglar's as well--there was a way to make the information open to the public. that done, and vokal would be free to move up in rank to a place second only to jaltor himself--as well as being able to marry rhoa and recover his thousand tals. a great deal of careful thought must go into his next move. and so vokal left the palace and returned to his home, where, in the quiet of his private apartment, he would be able to concentrate on these pressing problems. * * * * * when the long hour of public audience was over, jaltor returned to his quarters. his step was quick and purposeful and his dark eyes were alight with an inner excitement. at the entrance to his apartment, the guard on duty there leaped to attention at his approach. to him jaltor snapped, "find curzad at once and inform him i wish to see him immediately." the guard saluted and went swiftly off along the corridor. a clay jug of wine, cooling in a low basin of water on one of the tables of polished wood, caught the monarch's eye. not bothering to use one of the several goblets standing nearby, jaltor swung the jug to his lips and took a long, satisfying draught on the contents, wiped his lips on the back of a muscular forearm and began to pace the floor. a light knock sounded at the door and curzad, as iron-faced and reserved as ever, came into the room. he was in the act of closing the door behind him when jaltor said, "wait. send the guard out there away. i don't want our conversation overheard, even by the most trustworthy of your men." curzad obeyed, then closed the door and came into the room, standing there stiff-backed, waiting further orders. jaltor jerked a thumb at a chair. "sit down, my friend, and help yourself to the wine." the captain of the palace guards let himself gingerly down into the luxurious depths of soft upholstery and reached for the wine jug and a goblet. most of ammad's noblemen would have lifted outraged eyebrows at such familiarity between the world's most powerful monarch and a mere warrior. but curzad and jaltor had fought side by side in many a battle and through many a campaign, and each honored and respected the other. the tall broad-shouldered king dropped into a chair across from curzad and took up jug and goblet. "tell me, curzad, how fares the noble garlud?" "as well as in the days he walked ammad's streets a free man," the captain said in his deep calm voice. "as an old fighting-man, hardship affects him but little." "perhaps his cell is too comfortable," jaltor said, his lips twitching slightly. "there are no comfortable cells beneath your palace, most-high. garlud's least of all. he sits alone and in utter darkness, the only sounds the scurrying feet and squeaking voices of rats. only the strong mind of a great warrior can endure such for very long without cracking." "are you suggesting i am too harsh with him?" jaltor was openly smiling now. "i am suggesting nothing to ammad's king." "it has been eleven suns since i sent my closest friend to languish in those pits," jaltor said, smiling no longer. "nor has it been easy for me, curzad. but i must learn who, if not garlud, was behind old heglar's attempt on my life." he tossed off the wine and put his goblet down on the table top. "something happened today," he said, "that may be the first crack in this eleven-sun wall of silence. one of ammad's noblemen brought up garlud's name to me during the afternoon audience." * * * * * some of the impassiveness in curzad's expression slipped a little and his fingers whitened on the goblet's stem. he made a sound deep within his massive chest but said nothing. "it may mean nothing, however," jaltor went on, "for the way in which it came up was both necessary and natural. to make it even more likely to amount to nothing, the nobleman was vokal--a man i have never hesitated to trust." "garlud once enjoyed a similar distinction," curzad commented dryly. jaltor's eyes flashed. "do you forget that garlud was named by a man whose word had never been doubted?" "i forget nothing, most-high," was the quiet reply. a moment's silence followed, then jaltor said, "well, a few more days, one way or the other, will not matter. if vokal is the man we are looking for, he will make another attempt at learning garlud's whereabouts. so far he is our only lead--other than old heglar's beautiful mate, rhoa. twice she has come to me, asking what has happened to him, and both times i have refused to say. oddly enough," he added thoughtfully, "she seemed more curious than worried." "perhaps it would be wise to have her watched." the monarch gave a brief snort of laughter. "i am not completely a fool, my friend. rhoa has been under constant surveillance since the day old heglar died. thus far her actions have been above suspicion." curzad's shoulders rose and fell in a shrug. "meanwhile," he said, "garlud's son, jotan, draws closer to ammad. any sun now he and his men may approach its gates." "which is one of the reasons i sent for you. shortly before dyta brings his light tomorrow, send fifty of your most trusted warriors to intercept and take captive jotan and his men. return them to ammad under cover of darkness and confine them all in the pits. it might be wise to place jotan in the cell next his father and a trusted warrior in a neighboring cell to listen in on their conversations." "you'll never trick garlud so easily." "no man is perfect, curzad," observed jaltor, smiling grimly. "i intend to overlook no possibility in getting to the bottom of this matter." chapter xi came tharn once tharn was satisfied that the column of fifty ammadians, with dylara and trakor in its midst, meant to cut directly across that wide expanse of sun-baked grasses, he set out on a circuitous course to pass them that he might be the first to reach the distant forest beyond. it meant covering a quarter again as much ground, but the advantage made this extra effort worth while. as he moved across the prairie at a tireless trot, bitter thoughts filled his mind. last night dylara had been almost within arm's reach and it seemed his long search for her was on the point of ending. caution, ever a strong attribute of jungle dwellers, had brought on his decision to wait until the camp was settled down for the night before he attempted to wrest her from the ammadians who held her captive. had the circumstances demanded it, tharn would have unhesitatingly charged all fifty of those armed men; but only the inexperienced uses force where stealth will do. and so tharn had restrained his impatience, deciding to nap an hour or two while he waited. he had awakened to loud voices and had witnessed, in helpless rage, ekbar's cross-examination of trakor and dylara. his first reaction was anger that trakor had attempted a deed beyond his still limited prowess, but understanding came at once. it was in this fashion that the boy had sought to show his gratitude to tharn, and in so doing had alerted the camp--and gotten himself captured in the bargain! thus by the impulsive act of a hero-worshiping boy had tharn's original task become a double one--and doubly difficult to accomplish successfully. at first he considered entering the camp after another hour or two, but with the trebling of the guard he gave up the idea--for the night at least. there would be other nights--nights when the number of guards would be normal and their behavior the same. guards, it was well known, were apt to become heavy-eyed and less alert along toward dawn. all during the following morning tharn trailed the ammadians. at first he did so from a position among the branches above them; but along toward mid-morning the trees began to thin out, as well as the undergrowth normally covering the ground between the giant boles, and he was forced to lag further and further behind. when the fifty men reached the prairie's edge and stopped to rest, he managed to work his way close enough to hear conversations among several of the men. their talk was filled with eagerness at being close to ammad once more, and tharn was aware of a feeling of sharp disappointment. was it possible this group would reach the city before nightfall? if that were true, his chances of freeing dylara and trakor were small indeed. an hour later tharn was standing in the shelter of a large tree, his eyes regretfully watching as the entire party forged across that broad stretch of open ground where he might not follow. two hours before sunset tharn reached the wall of jungle and trees. the column of ammadians were still far out in the grasslands and would need another three hours to reach the game trail where tharn was standing. the cave lord decided to spend that time in reconnoitering. there was the possibility that ammad itself lay not too deep within the forest to make it worthwhile for the approaching column to continue its march even after darkness fell. it was as he had feared. less than an hour's swift progress through the forest's upper terraces brought him to the edge of a vast clearing, much like the one surrounding sephar, beyond which rose sheer grey walls of stone. from his elevated position he could see beyond that barrier, and he saw that, except for its far greater size and magnificence, ammad was not much different from sephar. but in size alone did ammad make sephar seem a small jungle clearing by comparison. in diameter it was at least ten miles and there were five small hills grouped near its center, at the apex of each a magnificent structure. the general layout of streets was much the same as he had found in sephar, but there were more people on them. * * * * * for nearly an hour tharn sat high among the concealing foliage of his tree and watched the scene below and before him. hunting parties well laden with trophies of the hunt entered the clearing from the trail beneath him and the great gates of wood, guarded by ammadian warriors, swung open to let them through the massive wall. it was a wall much higher and stronger than sephar had boasted and getting past it was going to take some doing. tharn shrugged and turned back to pick up those who were holding dylara and trakor. perhaps, he thought as he moved swiftly along the aerial highway, it would not be necessary for him to pass those walls. even if those fifty ammadians did not make camp for tonight, he might still find a way to rob them of their captives. let them lower their guard for even a moment, let them become only a little careless--and their hands would be empty before their minds had caught up with their eyes! he arrived at the prairie's edge only a few moments before ekbar and his men reached the game trail's mouth. tharn, narrow-eyed and alert, watched them halt and gather gumwood torches, saw these latter ignited and the march resumed. it was as he had feared: they intended to press on until ammad's walls hemmed them safely in. even tharn's iron-willed reserve broke a little at this last blow. through the velvety darkness of a semi-tropical night he moved stealthily above them, his fangs bared slightly, his hand hovering often near his blackwood bow and the quiver of arrows. several times he saw trakor's upturned face as the youth sought to pierce the wavering shadows cast by the flaming shadows. he knew well what was passing through trakor's mind and, despite his own disappointment, he smiled a little. let the headstrong cave youth worry a little; it would be small payment indeed for the trouble he had caused! but most often tharn's eyes went to dylara. he saw her stagger now and then from sheer physical exhaustion and his heart went out to her. how he would have loved to wrest her from that spear-bristling line of warriors! there was no way to do that, however. a barrage of arrows could have cleared away those men directly around her, but a rope about her wrist had its other end bound about the arm of the man beside her; and even had tharn leaped down on the heels of his arrows to slash away that rope spears might fell either or both of them. no, for all his giant strength and agility he was as helpless to aid the girl of his choice as though miles lay between them. finally the time came when tharn realized ammad was only a short distance ahead. he must resign himself to the unescapable fact that dylara and trakor were going to be taken beyond those walls whether he liked the idea or not. this meant his energies and cunning must be diverted to a different channel; and with this in mind the cave lord halted on a broad leafy branch above the column, waiting while the twin lines moved ahead at a snail's pace. a pair of tall husky ammadian warriors were last in line. one of them carried a blazing torch, the other had a heavy pack about his shoulders. they plodded along, weariness evident in the lines of bent shoulders and dragging feet. the one with the pack seemed especially tired and every fifty or sixty feet he would pause momentarily to shift his burden to a new position. each time this happened the distance between him and his companion became a matter of ten or fifteen feet until, pack adjusted, the man hurried forward to join his unheeding partner. a wry smile touched tharn's firm lips. with uncanny ease he slipped to the ground and moved silently along behind the wall of undergrowth flanking the trail, his course parallel with the column's rear guard. * * * * * a bend in the path was coming up. already most of the column had made the turn and was out of sight. quickly tharn raced ahead until he was at a point no more than ten feet from the turn. crouching here, concealed by a maze of creepers and brush, he picked up a short length of dead branch and waited. as the last two ammadians reached a position directly opposite to the crouching cave lord, tharn thrust out the branch two or three inches above the path's surface and squarely between the legs of the pack bearer. the man's swinging foot struck against the unyielding wood and, weighted by the heavy pack and weary from the long hours without rest, he stumbled and fell headlong. his companion, aroused by the thump of a falling body and a string of curses rising on the night air, turned back and bent to help him up. "what happened, posak?" "what does it look like? do you think i decided to lie down and rest awhile?" still muttering under his breath posak got shakily to his feet and turned his back on his companion to pick up the heavy pack. when he turned back again, his amazed eyes beheld his friend face down and motionless in the trail and the mightily muscled figure of an almost naked cave man standing over him and holding the torch. posak opened his mouth to yell a warning to the others of the column. the cry was never voiced. an iron fist swept from nowhere to crash full against the point of his chin. there was a sharp brittle sound like a branch breaking and posak sank lifelessly to the ground, his neck snapped cleanly in two. quickly tharn propped the torch of gumwood against a tree bole and dragged the two corpses into the brush. with rapid care he stripped tunic and sandals from one body and donned them. the tunic he found to be tight across his chest but still adequate; the sandals fitted him perfectly. so quickly had the cave lord acted that by the time he caught up the torch and rounded the bend in the trail, the end of ekbar's column was no more than a dozen yards away. no one seemed to be looking back of his shoulder in search of the missing pair, a fact probably explained by the sight of open ground directly ahead. blazing torch held high, thus leaving his face shadowed, tharn moved easily along at the rear of the column of ammadians, across the ribbon of open ground about ammad's walls, and on through the city gates. * * * * * vokal awakened under the touch of gentle but insistent fingers against his shoulder. he opened his eyes to find one of his personal slaves, a lighted candle in one hand, bending over him. "what do you want, adgal?" he demanded, scowling. "ekbar has returned, most-high," the slave replied, cringing. "i told him you were sleeping but he demanded that i arouse you at once." the nobleman bounded from the bed and caught up his tunic. "where is he?" "in the outer chamber, most-high." "good. tell him i'll be out immediately." when vokal entered the wide living room he found the captain of his guards standing at rigid attention just inside the door. the nobleman, his tunic fresh and unwrinkled, his thick grey hair as smoothly brushed as though this were midday instead of the dead of night, strolled to a nearby table, poured out a single glass of wine and sank into a chair. his thin shapely fingers lifted the goblet slowly to his lips, he sipped the liquid as slowly, savoring its bouquet. finally he put down the goblet and swung his dreamy-eyed gaze to the uncomfortable and self-conscious captain of the guards. "well, ekbar?" he said softly. "he is dead, most-high." "indeed? you took care of the matter yourself?" "no, most-high. he was killed many suns before my men and i came upon his men. sadu, the lion, slew him." vokal stiffened slightly. "how do you know this?" ekbar retold, in detail, the story given him by tykol. for several minutes after he finished vokal sat there and thought it over while he sipped from his goblet of wine. "... you are sure he was not lying?" "yes, most-high. there were but thirty-seven of them, where once there was fifty, and many wore strips of cloth over wounds left by sadu's claws. scouts who knew jotan by sight reported he was not with the column." he hesitated. "one part of their report i did not understand, however, although it probably is not important." "tell it to me." ekbar shrugged. "there was a woman with them--a young and very beautiful girl. the scouts say she was very lovely--dark-haired, a pleasing figure and clearly the daughter of some nobleman." "why did you not ask this tykol who she was?" "i learned about her the following day. by that time tykol was dead." vokal nodded. "the balance of jotan's men were not aware of being watched?" "no, most-high. i took pains to keep that from them. since jotan's earlier death was something we had not foreseen, i acted as i thought you would order. since jotan is not with them it would be better that they reached ammad and told of his death under the fangs and claws of sadu." "you have acted wisely, ekbar, and i shall not forget it." the captain flushed with pleasure. he said, "we did not return empty-handed, noble vokal. two cave people fell into our hands--one of them a beautiful young woman who told us some wild story about being jotan's intended mate." at vokal's look of languid interest, ekbar repeated the story dylara had told him. "and you say," vokal said when the captain finished, "that this cave girl is very beautiful?" "there is none in all ammad who is more lovely," ekbar said, his deep-set eyes glittering. "how interesting!" vokal leaned back in his chair, his long, well-kept fingers toying with the stem of his wine goblet. "where is she now?" "both she and the cave man we captured a little later are under guard in the outer corridor, most-high. i thought you might wish to look them over before they were placed with the other slaves." "bring them in, my good ekbar," murmured vokal. * * * * * the captain saluted stiffly and withdrew. a moment later he was back again followed by the two captives and a second guard. for several moments the nobleman let his eyes move slowly over the two cave people. the man, he saw, was, despite his youth, a remarkable physical specimen, extraordinarily handsome and evidently intelligent and keen-witted as so many of the cave dwellers were. with the proper attitude toward his new master it would not be long before he rose to the status of a warrior and an end to his position as slave. judging from the flashing eyes and his air of insolent contempt, it would take a few days of iron-fisted discipline, however, to make him amenable. well, ekbar was a past master of that art. the girl, though, was another matter entirely. ekbar had not exaggerated in naming her more beautiful than any of ammad's women--including those of noble birth. despite her travel-worn tunic and the weariness evident in every line of face and figure, her beauty shone through like dyta's brilliant rays. a man could lose his heart in that red-gold wealth of softly curling hair falling to her shoulders; he could drown in the depths of those sparkling brown eyes. he smiled a little at these thoughts. what would rhoa, dark-haired, olive-skinned, beautiful and passionate, think if she knew he was having such thoughts about a wild girl of the caves? well, rhoa need not know. most noblemen had beautiful slave girls and most noblemen's wives ignored the fact.... dylara bore his steady gaze with calm indifference. the enforced association with the men of ammad during the past several moons had taught her a great deal about them; that, plus a native shrewdness, told her she could expect little sympathy and no help from this silver-haired, languid-eyed man whose property she now appeared to be. "your name, cave girl?" the soft, almost caressing voice repelled her. there was something ugly and evil behind it--a reflection of the man's true personality. she met his gaze unflinching. "i am dylara." "what is this wild story you told the captain of my guards--the story that you were the noble jotan's mate?" "i was never his mate. i am no man's mate." "but he wanted you. why, then, did he not take you?" "because, in spite of his being an ammadian, jotan was a true nobleman. he sought to win me with kindness and consideration instead of taking me by force." deliberately vokal let his eyes wander over the beautiful lines of her figure. "from your tone i judge that you do not believe all ammadians would be so considerate. from looking at you i would say he was more stupid than anything else...." "however, that is no longer important. jotan is dead--and you now belong to me--to do with as i see fit. you may be sure i will not confuse consideration with stupidity!" there was no mistaking his meaning. dylara felt her cheeks burn, but before she could voice the angry retort trembling on her lips, vokal turned his eyes to the silent and expressionless ekbar. "confine the girl in one of the private rooms in the slave quarters," he said. "as for her companion, put him in with those slaves who work on the palace grounds. keep me informed as to his general attitude. if he gives you any trouble, have him beaten until he becomes tractable." * * * * * once past ammad's walls. tharn permitted the rest of ekbar's column to draw gradually away from him until, to the eye of the casual passerby, he was not a part of that body but only a solitary warrior abroad on some affair of his own. he would have liked nothing better than to continue on with the column until it passed through the walls of whatever estate they were headed for. but already his luck had held up far beyond what he had originally expected; to remain longer with ekbar's warriors would have meant risking almost certain discovery that he was not one of its original members. he must keep the column in sight, however, until it reached its goal. once he knew which of these stone walled estates was to swallow up dylara and trakor he would be free to enter in his own way and undertake their rescue. at this late hour ammad's streets were nearly deserted. an occasional solitary figure strode along with purposeful steps, and twice small groups of men, staggering and loud-mouthed from too much wine, blundered and weaved along the paved thoroughfares. on these latter occasions tharn was careful to cross the street to avoid contact, for drunken men were notoriously unpredictable. at last ekbar's column ground to a halt outside a wide gate in a high wall of stone midway along one of the streets. twin lanterns burned from a niche above those gates, their rays glinting on the spear points of four armed guards stationed there. from the shadows of a wall across the street, tharn watched as ekbar held a brief conversation with those four sentries; then the gates swung wide and the column, dylara and trakor among its members, disappeared from view. tharn voiced a low grunt of approval and satisfaction. somewhere within the huge sprawling building of four floors looming massively against the night sky was the girl he loved and the young man he had befriended. within another hour the dwellers of that cliff-like dwelling would have finished welcoming the returning warriors and be back in their beds. then would tharn enter in search of their captives. * * * * * in the interim a general reconnaissance seemed in order. the palace sat squarely atop one of ammad's low hills amid wide grounds. here and there behind the encircling wall a tree lifted its crested top, the night's gentle wind stirring its leaves and branches. making certain his bow, quiver of arrows, grass rope and flint knife were in their accustomed places, tharn set out for a leisurely stroll. for several hundred yards the street he followed lay unbroken by any intersecting avenue and in all that length the only life in sight was the group of four guards lounging outside that wide gateway which had swallowed up dylara and trakor. when he reached a position directly opposite those four tharn was aware that all of them were watching him from across the strip of paving that made up the street itself. at any moment he might be challenged and ordered to a halt. but the challenge did not come and he passed casually on along the walk. they were behind him now and, unless he turned his head to look back, out of range of his eyes. his ears, however, were busy and soon they caught the sound of voices. an intersection appeared ahead and unhesitatingly the cave lord cut diagonally across it and moved out of sight of the four sentries. if he expected to find this section of the wall unguarded, however, he was doomed to disappointment. half way down the block a single lantern sent out feeble rays from a small niche directly above a single gate--a gate guarded by a patrolling sentry. because of the comparative narrowness of this street and the high walls on either side, heavy shadows left it in almost total darkness. tharn, across the street and still a good hundred and fifty yards away, had not yet been observed by that lone sentry. he might, tharn realized, be able to pass the man once without arousing undue interest or suspicion. but should he attempt to retrace his steps later on the guard would be almost certain to take some sort of action. it was not that tharn would be unable to handle the matter if that should happen, but there was always the possibility that others might be aroused by a warning cry. stooping, tharn removed his sandals and, hugging the wall where shadows lay deepest, began a slow, careful advance. thirty paces the guard took in each direction before executing a brisk about face and retracing his steps. the leather soles of his sandals made crisp clear rhythmical sounds against the stone underfoot. each time his measured pacing brought him toward tharn, the cave lord remained frozen, hugging the wall; when he wheeled and started back tharn raced lightly ahead, even while he counted off each step the sentry took. on the twenty-ninth pace tharn would freeze again, then repeat the maneuver. finally the man of the caves reached the point where he dared go no further. he was still fifty or sixty feet down the street and another fifteen feet to one side. hardly daring to breathe, he stood as motionless as the wall at his back until the man finished the routine of thirty paces toward him; then, as he wheeled and started back, tharn unslipped his bow with unthinkable swiftness, fitted an arrow to its string. mighty muscles rippled smoothly across that bronzed back as a steady hand bent the stubborn wood, a single musical "twang" sounded against the still air and flint-tipped death flickered for an immeasurable instant between the two men. true to its target flew tharn's arrow, the sharp point striking squarely at the juncture of neck and the skull's base. wide flew the sentry's arms and he fell soundlessly in a crumpled heap, the spear still tightly clutched in one dead hand. even while the body was still falling tharn was bounding toward the now unguarded gate. unbarring it, he drew the lifeless warrior out of sight beyond, then closed the gate with his back. * * * * * here at the wall's base was darkness, but a few steps beyond was a moonfilled clearing dotted with carefully spaced bushes and an occasional tree. a curving path of crushed rock led across cropped grass and ended at a wide door of the palace itself. although the hour tharn had alloted himself before entering the palace was not up, there were no signs of life anywhere about the grounds, nor did man-made light gleam through any of the windows on this side of the building. yet uppermost in tharn's mind was that sense of caution when caution was possible, and he decided to wait for a while before entering the palace itself. with a quick soundless rush he crossed the stretch of greensward between him and the nearest tree. a single agile leap took him among its branches and, finding a comfortable fork, he settled himself to wait. unexpectedly, it proved a wise move. hardly was he at rest when a group of six guards, their spear-points and white tunics sharp and clear in the light of uda, the moon, rounded a far corner of the building. at first tharn thought some one had sighted him entering the grounds and given an alarm. he abandoned the idea immediately, however, for the actions and general attitude of the six indicated this was no more than a routine patrol. evidently ammad's nobleman had many enemies.... in a way tharn's choice of a point to break into this palace was an unfortunate one. he would have preferred to enter on the side where uda's rays did not reach. but four guards instead of one were stationed at that gate and an attempt to pass them would have been foolhardy at best. now, indeed, he must wait--wait until he could learn how much time would elapse between appearances of those six guards. he settled himself firmly into the branch's fork, using this period of enforced idleness by attempting to locate some means of ingress in that section of palace wall visible to him. all windows of the first two floors appeared to be guarded by slender columns of stone. he had seen such forms of protection on some of sephar's structures and he knew that even his own great strength would be unable to force them. the windows of the top two floors were shielded only by drapes of soft material, with here and there a balcony dotting the white stone surface. could he but reach one of the former, entry would be simple. but nowhere on the smooth sheer surface could he make out hand- and foot-holds for that purpose. half an hour dragged by. nobody passed by, no light showed at any of the windows, no sound broke the tomb-like silence. he wondered at the failure of the six-man patrol to appear a second time. well, he could not remain in this leafy retreat forever. with a slight shrug of his giant shoulders, tharn descended to the lower branches, took a long and cautious look around, his ears and nose alert for some sign of life. nothing. dropping to the ground, the cave lord ran lightly toward that corner of the palace around which those six guards had disappeared more than half an hour before. he was within feet of his goal when a sudden chorus of shrill cries from behind him broke the silence. a single glance over his shoulder told him the story. the ground patrol had chosen this particular moment to reappear! * * * * * once dylara had been thrust not ungently within a room off a fourth floor corridor and its door barred from the outside, trakor was turned over to a single guard to be taken to one of the slave dormitories. from the cave youth's appearance of utter hopelessness, the dispirited droop of his shoulders, it was clear all fight had gone out of him since ammad's gates had closed at his back. he shuffled wearily along the hall ahead of his yawning guard, down a flight of stairs to the third level and along a lengthy corridor, lined with doors and completely deserted at this hour. at the corridor's far end loomed two massive doors, heavily barred. while trakor stood passively by, head hanging listlessly, the ammadian put down his spear and reached with both hands to lift free the broad bar. in so doing he momentarily turned his back to the cave youth--and that momentary lapse spelled his doom. steel fingers closed about his throat, a naked leg tripped him up and he was flat on his back before his lips opened to a cry that was never uttered. blindly the guard sought to reach the knife at his belt; but trakor, anticipating this, ground a knee into that wrist. the man's heels hammered spasmodically against the stone in mute agony and fear and his by no means weak body thrashed and bucked. but those fingers only tightened their hold. trakor, his face only inches from that of the enemy, saw those fear-filled eyes start from their sockets, saw lips and cheeks turn dark with constricted blood, felt the broad chest beneath his rise and fall wildly as the lungs fought for air. for several minutes after the ammadian warrior lay limp and still beneath him trakor kept his fingers buried in that lifeless throat. finally he rose shakily to his feet and looked down upon the body of his first kill. exultation filled him, and pride--and a strange sense of sadness.... he shook his head briefly as if to clear away such thoughts. guided by the dim light from candles in wall brackets set at wide intervals along the corridor, he bent and stripped the corpse of its tunic and drew it over his own shoulders. his late foe had been a tall man and the tunic came a bit higher on trakor's legs than ammadian fashion dictated, a grievous matter which he ignored. a keen-edged knife of stone went under the tunic's belt; the heavy spear he left where the warrior originally had placed it. * * * * * trakor went back along that corridor with long swinging strides, his naked feet soundless against the stone, his head erect, his ears and eyes alert for the slightest sound or movement. ascending the same flight of stairs he had descended a few minutes earlier, he paused at the top and looked carefully at the twin lines of closed doors. the seventh on his left; he had counted them off carefully while on his way to the floor below. for a full minute he stood motionless outside that barred portal, listening for some indication that others were up and about the palace. then he turned back, lifted the bar and pushed open the door with slow care. a flicker of motion from within the darkened room caused him to leap sharply back, just in time to keep a heavy wooden chair from caving in his head. unchecked, the chair struck the floor with a resounding crash, the impact tearing it loose from dylara's hands. by the time she had bent to pick it up for a second try, trakor was inside and the door closed. he threw out a hand to ward off dylara's impromptu club, whispering, "no, dylara! it is i--trakor!" a muffled sob of relief and thanksgiving was torn from her throat, then she was in his arms. at the feel of her body against his, the heady scent of her hair in his nostrils, trakor felt his heart leap within him and his arms tightened suddenly about the girl's smooth, softly rounded shoulders. then the moment was gone and they drew apart. "i can't believe it, trakor!" dylara whispered. "how did you manage to get away?" "there's no time for that now," he said. "we've got to get out of this place and back to the jungle where we belong. tharn is out there somewhere and we must find him before he enters ammad in search of us." "but how...." "i don't know--yet. if we can reach the streets without being seen...." he went to the door, pressed an ear against its planks for a moment, then very gently drew open the heavy section of wood and put his head cautiously out. the corridor, in either direction, was deserted. "come," he whispered, and hand in hand they stole silently toward the head of those stairs trakor had recently climbed. from somewhere below them a door slammed heavily and sandaled feet, several pairs of them judging from the sound, approached the base of that same flight of steps. without speaking trakor and dylara turned and, on tiptoe, raced in the opposite direction. as he ran, trakor drew his knife in preparation for any enemy who might suddenly loom in their path. a turn in the corridor brought them to a second flight of steps, down which they raced at full speed. past landings at the third and second floors they fled, stopping at last in front of a closed door marking the main level of the palace. "wait!" trakor breathed, placing a restraining hand on the girl's arm. * * * * * silence seemed to press down upon them, a silence so complete they could hear the breath rustling in their nostrils. with almost exaggerated care trakor drew back the door. moonlight streaming in at several stone-barred windows revealed a large hall, its walls hung with rich tapestries and a long wide table, lined with chairs, running almost its entire length. dylara, familiar with such scenes from her days in sephar, said, "the palace dining hall." she pointed to an open doorway in the opposite wall. "that should lead to the kitchens. no one will be there at this time of night." "good!" they crossed quickly to the designated opening, along a short narrow hall, through a second doorway and on into a low-ceilinged room whose furnishings bore mute testimony that dylara's guess had been right. "look!" whispered dylara, pointing. thin lines of moonlight formed a rectangle on the far wall, marking a doorway leading to open air. quickly trakor was across the kitchen and straining to lift the heavy bar from its catches. and in that moment a sudden chorus of deep-throated shouts of alarm from beyond that door reached their ears. chapter xii no deeper dungeon jaltor, king of all ammad, rose from his chair as his four visitors entered the apartment. straight and tall he stood, his magnificent body in its purple-edged tunic seeming to dwarf all else within the room. no one spoke. curzad, captain of the palace guards, closed the door softly and stood with his back against it, arms folded and his rugged features empty of all expression. it was jotan, son of garlud, who was the first to speak. the anger that showed in his burning eyes and the thrust of his chin thickened his words until they were more nearly a growl. "what means this, jaltor? why was my party intercepted outside ammad's walls and dragged here in secrecy? why are we thus treated like common criminals? i demand an explanation!" "you may request an explanation, jotan," jaltor said calmly. "as ammad's king i answer no man's demands." in the strained silence following his words, jaltor's gaze moved on to where alurna, daughter of urim and princess of sephar, stood staring at him in wonder and uncertainty. his expression softened and when he spoke his voice had lost completely its former edge. "curzad has told me of your father's death. we have both suffered a great loss, for urim was my brother--my only brother. later i should like to know the details of his passing; but first i wish to explain my reasons for what has happened tonight." there were mixed emotions evident in the expressions of his listeners. tamar was clearly worried and puzzled, javan appeared even more dazed and uncomprehending than usual, while jotan was close to bursting with outright anger and injured pride. jaltor indicated chairs with a wave of his hand. "be seated, please. this may take some time." they obeyed in silence, and even though sitting none of them was relaxed. jaltor remained on his feet, legs spread, his keen eyes somber. "a little less than half a moon ago," jaltor began, "an attempt was made to assassinate me. the reason it was not successful lay in the peculiar clumsiness of the assassin. he was captured immediately and put to torture in an effort to learn the names of others, if any, involved in the plot. he was an old man, strangely enough, and before he died he told me who had hired him." "i don't see," jotan burst out, "what this has to do with any of us. certainly we are not involved." "the name he gave," jaltor went on, as though there had been no interruption, "was garlud!" in the sudden, shocked silence that followed the measured tread of a guard in the corridor outside came clearly through the closed door. "i don't believe it!" jotan shouted. he leaped from his chair to face the monarch. "ever since i can remember you and my father were the closest of friends!" "and long before that jotan," jaltor said quietly. "yet because some common killer gave his name, you believe such an impossible story? my father could have no reason for wanting you dead. what have you done to him?" * * * * * jaltor ignored the last question. he said in the same quiet voice: "not a common killer, jotan. it was old heglar who so named your father." the young ammadian nobleman fell back a pace in complete amazement. "old heglar? why, he wouldn't...." his voice trailed off. "exactly. heglar would not lie." jotan lifted a shaking hand to rub his forehead in a kind of dazed helplessness that struck to the heart of every person in the room. "no," he said, his voice suddenly loud, "i do not believe it. where is my father? let me talk to him." "where," jaltor said coldly, "would apt to be any man who plotted the death of ammad's king?" slowly jotan's hand fell from before his eyes as the meaning of those chill words came home to him. "you--you _killed_ him? garlud? my father? your friend?" nothing altered in jaltor's sober expression--and in that jotan read his answer. with a strangely inarticulate snarl he launched himself at the king, seeking to lock his fingers in that deeply tanned neck. curzad leaped from his place at the door, brushing past the paralyzed onlookers, and reached out to engulf the crazed young nobleman in his strong arms. jotan, helpless in that iron grip was borne back, tears of rage and frustration streaming from his eyes. jaltor raised a steady hand to his bruised throat, his expression unchanged. "confine him in the pits, curzad. later i shall decide what is to be done with him." tamar started up from his chair in angry protest. "what kind of justice is this?" he cried. "will you send a man to his death because grief causes him to----" he stopped there, stricken into abrupt silence by what he saw in the ruler's eyes. it took the combined efforts of curzad and two of the corridor guards to subdue jotan sufficiently to get him out of the room and on his way to the pits. when the room was quiet again, jaltor dropped into an empty chair across from alurna and the two young noblemen. "now," he said, "i can tell you the whole story." and tell them he did, from start to finish. "so you see," he summed up, "why jotan must be kept captive. had i told him the truth nothing would have satisfied him until his father was freed and another method used to force the real accomplice into the open. when this unknown conspirator learns that jotan's party has returned from sephar, apparently without jotan himself, he is going to be more puzzled than ever. a puzzled man makes mistakes--which is what we want him to do." alurna shuddered. "but the pits! if they are like the ones beneath sephar, you are punishing terribly two men who are innocent of wrongdoing." "you must understand," jaltor reminded her, "that the possibility exists that garlud is guilty. i have lived long enough to know that ambition can drive the noblest of men to ignoble acts. old heglar's dying words cannot be lightly dismissed." "you," he continued, nodding to tamar and javan, "are free to return to your homes. should anyone ask what has happened to the leader of your party, tell him that--well, that the lions got him. that will fit in with what happened during the night that you were attacked by sadu." the two young noblemen rose to leave, greatly relieved by jaltor's explanation, but still concerned. after they were gone, the monarch said to alurna: "i know you must be worn out from your long journey from sephar. but sit there a little longer, if you will, and tell me the circumstances of my brother's death." * * * * * it required the better part of an hour for the dark-haired princess to relate what had taken place in sephar nearly three moons before. she spoke often of jotan during the account, and the tenderness in her eyes at mention of his name told ammad's king more than she realized. and when she told of dylara's disappearance and the possibility that sadu had devoured her, jaltor caught the unconscious satisfaction in her tone. for a little while after she had finished, jaltor sat staring thoughtfully into his wine goblet. then: "urim's mistake was to coddle that rascally high priest. in ammad the priesthood is no problem at all; we keep them few in numbers and with no power to create unrest. long ago i put a stop to the games honoring the god-whose-name-may-not-be-spoken-aloud.... perhaps some day i shall find a means of avenging the cowardly assassination of urim, your father and my brother." he smiled gravely into her eyes. "do not worry about jotan, my princess. soon, i hope, he will be free again and you shall have your chance to win him." alurna's gray-green eyes flashed momentarily ... and then she too smiled. "ammad's king is a wise and understanding man," she murmured. jaltor straightened and put down his goblet. "and now i shall show you to the suite of rooms which i ordered made ready for your use. come." * * * * * for a long time after the slave woman detailed to serve her had gone, alurna lay wide-eyed on the soft bed. moonlight through the room's wide window formed a solid square on the floor, and in its ghostly radiance the furnishings seemed shadowy and unreal. it was the first bed she had been in for a long, long time and sleep should have come to her the moment she touched the pillow. but too many thoughts raced through her mind to permit sleep--thoughts jumbled and confused. ever since jotan had rejoined the main body of his men after his unsuccessful search for dylara, he had been moody and distraught. those warriors who had accompanied him and tamar on the hunt seemed confident--out of jotan's hearing!--that the jungle had gotten her, just as it had claimed the lives of countless others. and now that the way was clear to win him, alurna slipped easily into a new role--a role of silent understanding and ready sympathy. slowly and unconsciously jotan had begun to respond to treatment. it might take several moons, she realized, before he would begin to look upon her as a desirable woman in addition to a warmhearted and friendly companion. but she could wait--for many moons if necessary. now the intrigue of some unknown enemy of jotan's father had given the young nobleman new worries. if only there was some way to help him--some method by which she might earn his gratitude. gratitude, she knew, was an excellent base on which to build romance. somewhere in the bowels of this very building jotan and his father lay in dark, damp cells, put there on the orders of her own uncle. as king of ammad and brother of her father he was entitled to her loyalty and respect. but when it came to the point of choosing between jaltor and jotan ... there was no doubt in her mind as to her ultimate decision! as she lay there on her back, her eyes fixed unseeingly on the ceiling beams, a plan began to shape itself in her mind--a plan which, as details took concrete form, brought a faint smile to her lips. and still smiling, alurna fell asleep.... * * * * * as the ammadian patrol bore down upon him with leveled spears, tharn's blackwood bow seemed to leap into his hands and two arrows flashed across the intervening space. two of the warriors toppled and died under those flint arrow heads, but before the cave lord could release a third he was forced to leap hastily aside to prevent impalement by three thrown spears. so narrow the distance now that his bow was useless, and so he tore his knife from its place at its belt and, with the silent ferocity of a charging lion, hurled himself upon the remaining four guards. two more of the ammadians collapsed in death, their heads almost severed as polished flint tore into their throats. the remaining pair, upon seeing that and hearing the bestial snarls issuing from that broad chest, drew back sharply, wavering on the verge of outright flight. tharn, sensing their indecision, tensed to renew his charge and put them to rout. a cacophony of loud shouts from behind him told of the arrival of reinforcements. there were eight of them this time, still a good thirty yards away but fast approaching. instantly tharn, his knife sweeping high for a thrust, lunged at the remaining two warriors who turned and fled a short distance before circling back to join the second group. tharn stopped, caught up his bow and brought down three more of the enemy as he began a slow withdrawal. lights were beginning to show from some of the palace windows; at any moment an arrow from above might strike him down. suddenly a door in the palace wall burst open and a white-tunicked figure came bounding across the lawn toward him. tharn's bow was on its way into position to send an arrow leaping to meet this new attack when a familiar voice called out his name. "trakor!" tharn shouted, astonished. the boy bent while still running and caught up a spear from beside the body of one of tharn's victims. hardly had he reached the cave lord's side when a third group of palace guards appeared on the scene from behind them. cut off in two directions by enemies, blocked in another by the palace itself, tharn chose the only possible avenue of escape. "to the wall!" he shouted, then wheeled and raced across the greensward with long flashing strides, trakor close at his heels. angling in sharply from two directions, the ammadians sought to overtake them. several spears were hurled but the distance was too great. trakor, seeing the high walls, knew it would be impossible to scale them in the few moments before the ammadians arrived. but his faith in the cave lord remained unshaken; if a way to freedom could be found, tharn would find it! * * * * * while still a few feet short of the wall, tharn swerved sharply to the left, crashed through a thick growth of bushes and paused in front of a small gate. even as trakor was about to point out the futility of trying to force a way through those stubborn planks, tharn drew open the barrier and leaped through. trakor, stricken dumb with astonishment at this new development, followed him into the street as tharn slammed shut the gate and dropped its bar into place a split second before a heavy shoulder thudded against its opposite side. what promised to be at least a breathing space died in its infancy as a full dozen of the white-tunicked fighting men of vokal's guard appeared at the juncture of streets to their left, and catching sight of them, came tearing along the pavement in their direction. "this way," tharn said, and the two cave men raced into the night. for nearly a quarter-hour the two cro-magnards fled through the black labyrinth of ammad's streets, twisting and turning to throw off pursuit. twice they encountered patrols from other estates along their erratic pathway, but an arrow or two from tharn's deadly bow drove them off. finally the two men slowed to a walk, their feet soundless against the stone surface of a narrow street between two walls in which no gates were visible. for the moment at least, it appeared their hunters had lost them, thus giving them a chance to gauge their present position. judging from the way this particular street slanted upward ahead of them they were on one of ammad's hills. further along a huge building loomed against the night sky from squarely across their path--a building larger and higher than any they had seen thus far. "dylara is back there," trakor said abruptly. tharn nodded without looking around. "i know," he said simply. "we must find some place to hole up until another night comes. then i am going back for her." "we were close to getting away--dylara and i," trakor said ruefully. "we were on the verge of stepping out into the open when i heard the guards attacking you." "you were that close to freedom?" tharn asked, surprised. briefly trakor recounted what had taken place in vokal's palace. when he had finished, tharn shook his head in savage disgust. "that makes the second time she was almost within arm's reach of me! i suppose by this time they have her again and she is locked away." "perhaps," trakor admitted. "when i saw who it was vokal's guards were after, i gave her my knife and she crawled under one of the tables to wait for us until we had killed the guards and could come back to get her." he laughed shortly, bitterly. "we _would_ have killed them, tharn, if so many hadn't come to their aid." "it is always thus," the cave lord said philosophically. "tomorrow night we shall try again." * * * * * while talking, they continued on up the steep rise. now their way was blocked by the wall they had glimpsed a few moments before. a narrow roadway skirted its base in two directions, and to the right, several hundred yards distant, they could make out the faint yellow rays of a lantern above a recessed gate. "what now?" trakor asked shortly. tharn shrugged. "a tree with foliage so thick none can see us. judging from the size of the building beyond this wall, its grounds should contain many trees. let us enter and see if we can find one large enough for our purpose." trakor glanced doubtfully up at the wall's edge fully fifteen feet from the ground. "do we go over it or through one of the gates?" "over it. we dare not risk arousing the guards." "how can we reach its top?" in answer tharn took up a position with his back only an inch or two from the wall. cupping his hands together in front of him, he bent his knees slightly, keeping his back straight. "extend your arms above your head," he directed, "and place your right foot in my hands, crouching a little while i support your weight. that way i can toss you high enough to enable your hands to catch the wall's edge." trakor nodded, a shade doubtfully, and followed directions. like a striking snake tharn uncoiled his bent legs with a sharp upward thrust, at the same instant jerking his locked hands up to chest level. the youth shot upward like an arrow from a bow. tharn heard a dull thud, followed by a low exclamation of pain. he looked up to see trakor sitting astride the wall rubbing one of his shins. at tharn's instructions, trakor lay chest down against the wall's top and extended his right hand downward. the cave lord backed away, then ran forward and leaped high, catching trakor's fingers and swinging lightly up beside him. there were trees--many of them--singly and in groups, their branches heavy with leaves. the grounds in which they stood were immense, with winding paths of crushed stone, winding between bushes heavy with jungle blooms. here and there concealed jets flung graceful and shimmering curtains of water skyward, the falling drops pattering musically into stone-lined pools. in the distance loomed the gleaming white walls of a palace that, tharn realized, was easily three times the size of any he had seen in sephar. lightly the two men dropped to the closely clipped grass. tharn would have liked to remain aloft for a minute or two, to drink in the beauty of the scene and to get some idea of just where within ammad they were. but should some sleepless ammadian be standing at a window in that palace, he could hardly keep from seeing those two figures atop the wall. side by side the two cave men strode lightly toward a cluster of eight trees arranged in a small circle. while from the depths of a thicket of bushes bordering one of the garden pools a pair of eyes watched them in startled wonder. * * * * * dylara crouched beneath a table in vokal's kitchen and listened to that nobleman's strident voice as it lashed at a group of palace guards outside the half open door. "do you expect me to believe," he said hotly, "that a single warrior could slay seven of you? were their muscles turned to water at sight of him? and the rest of you--are you soldiers or children to be so easily outwitted?" no one attempted a reply. ekbar, captain of the guards, stood stiffly by, beads of nervous perspiration dotting his forehead. his turn would come once vokal was through with the guards themselves. he would be fortunate indeed to escape with no more than a tongue-lashing; he might well end up being demoted in rank. "who was this man?" vokal demanded. "did any of you recognize him? speak up, before i order your tongues cut out with your own knives! you!" he pointed a finger at one of the men. "i understand you were one of those who first saw him. who was he?" the designated man, his trembling voice matching the shaking of his knees, said hurriedly, "he was like no warrior i have seen in all ammad, most-high. he was very tall, with great rippling muscles that----" "enough!" vokal shouted. "i might have known you would claim no ordinary man could best the lot of you. and, i suppose, at least fifty more of these huge strangers fell upon you?" "no, most-high," the warrior admitted. "but there was one more, not quite so large as the first. he came from within the palace to join his friend and the two of them ran----" "wait!" the nobleman said sharply. "are you sure this second man came from _inside_ the palace?" "yes, most-high." he pointed an unsteady hand at the door leading to the palace kitchen. "he came from there. with my own eye i----" "enough!" vokal wheeled toward the captain of his guard. "ekbar, send a detail to comb every room of the palace. there may be more of these strange intruders in there." "at once, most-high." dylara, listening from her place of concealment within the kitchen, knew she dared stay there no longer. a moment from now the room would be swarming with armed men and she was sure to be found. it was unfortunate she could not have accompanied trakor when he raced out to tharn's assistance, but she had known then, as now, that she would only have slowed their dash for freedom. with tharn and trakor both at liberty within ammad's walls, they would eventually find a way to rescue her. there was no point, however, in waiting around to be rescued. if she could make her way beyond ammad's walls without help, so much the better. rising from her hiding place, the stone knife trakor had given her ready in one sun-tanned fist, she crossed the kitchen with stealthy swiftness and hurried along the short hall leading to the palace dining hall. it proved to be empty of life, although she could hear the sounds of sandaled feet entering the room she had only just quitted. quickly she crossed the huge chamber, carefully drew open the same door she and trakor had passed through a short time earlier, and raced lightly back up the stairs there to the building's second floor. * * * * * at the landing, she stopped and pressed an ear against the planks of the corridor door. she could hear no sound from beyond them to indicate someone was there. carefully, inch by inch, she drew it inward until there was space enough for her to peer through. not ten feet away from her were the broad backs of two guards! despite the pounding of her heart and the almost uncontrollable efforts of her feet to break into instant flight, dylara very slowly allowed the heavy door to return to its closed position. then she was away, racing upward on the balls of her feet, silent as the shadow of a shadow. she did not even pause at the third landing, for her quick ears caught the tread of feet beyond its closed door. at the fourth level the stairs ended at the corridor itself, with no door to mask them. fortunately the long hallway was deserted. dylara turned to her right and hurried along, ears and eyes alert for the first sign that she was not alone. past a score of doors and around several corners the corridor led and in all that time she encountered no one. it seemed very still here on the fourth level of vokal's palace. the almost eerie silence seemed to press down upon her spirits like some weighty and invisible hand. she could hear her heart pounding and the whisper of her breathing. the floor underfoot was now covered with a thick carpeting of some woven material and her sandals pressed soundlessly into it. she had reached a point only a few yards from another bend in the hall ahead of her when she caught the faint sound of voices in that direction--voices which seemed to be growing louder. instantly she whirled to retrace her steps, then halted again. it was a long way back to where the corridor had last jogged; the owners of those voices might come into view before she could reach it. there was a door in one wall almost even with where she stood now. it might open onto a room filled with guards, or it might not open at all. there was no time to weigh her chances. she released the latch and pushed lightly against the wood. she came into a large, low-ceilinged room, lighted by candles in beautifully carved wooden brackets affixed to the walls. polished tables and luxuriously covered chairs stood about the carpeted floor. a door stood slightly open in one of the side walls, disclosing the foot of a wide bed, the covers rumpled as though some one had been sleeping there moments before. several windows open and unbarred, permitted a panoramic view of a large section of ammad, and one of them came all the way down to the floor to permit entry to a small balcony. as dylara stood there, drinking in the beauty of the room, voices sounded suddenly loud and clear from just outside the door. a moment later the latch moved under an unseen hand and the door itself swung wide. but even as the latch moved, dylara was across the room, through the balcony entrance and crouching there, out of sight. "... one, then call me immediately." "as the noble vokal commands." the silver-haired nobleman closed the door, muttered something under his breath, and crossed to where an earthen jug of wine stood on one of the tables. he filled a goblet to the brim, drained it with a flourish, blew out all but one of the candles and went into the bedroom. dylara swallowed her heart back to its usual place and straightened slowly to ease cramped muscles. give the ammadian an hour to fall into a deep sleep and to allow the palace inhabitants to return to their beds, and she could make a second attempt to get away. the minutes passed with almost painful deliberateness. so complete was the silence here that she could hear the sounds of even breathing from the bedroom. it was the breathing of a man who was sleeping soundly; a few minutes more and she would make her bid for freedom. knuckles pounded sharply on the apartment door. * * * * * as tharn and trakor were on the point of swinging into one of the half circle of trees, a crepitant rustle among the nearby bushes brought their heads sharply around in instant alarm. six stern-faced guards in spotless tunics stood less than a dozen feet away, spears leveled at the broad chests of the two cro-magnards. at sight of those weapons tharn's hand dropped from the hilt of his knife and utter chagrin filled his heart. he felt trakor stiffen beside him and he put out a restraining hand. "it is useless," he muttered. "the slightest move and they will cut us down." one of the six stepped forward a few paces and peered at the two intruders. "who are you," he demanded, "and what are you doing on the grounds of jaltor, king of ammad?" "we are men of sephar," tharn said, following the first line of thought that popped into his head. "we came to ammad with jotan's party and were looking over the palace grounds. there is nothing so fine in all sephar, let me tell you!" it was a wild, almost incredible shot into complete supposition. it was possible that jotan and his men _had_ reached ammad by this time; and, while less possible, it was conceivable that the young nobleman had come straight to the palace to pay his respects to jaltor, instead of postponing the visit until the following day. what tharn did not know, of course, was that jotan's entire party had been met outside ammad's gates by a force of jaltor's own guard and brought directly to the palace and were being held there until the king got around to ordering their release. the officer in charge of this patrol knew all that--as did most of the palace guard. he looked searchingly at the two men for a moment, then said: "you are lying! every member of jotan's party is already under guard. come with us; we shall allow curzad to hear your story." he made a small motion with his hand and instantly tharn and trakor were surrounded by a ring of spear points. side by side the two cave men strode toward the palace, helpless to resist. within the huge building they were led to a guard room on the first floor, and after a few minutes the tall, broad-shouldered figure of jaltor's captain, sharp-eyed and alert, entered the room. he listened to the officer repeat what tharn had said outside, then ran his gaze slowly over the two men. "you are not warriors of sephar," he growled. "you are not even ammadians. i have seen your kind before. what are two cave men doing inside ammad?" tharn shrugged but said nothing. trakor, observing his reaction, followed his lead. "perhaps a few days in the pits will loosen your tongues!" curzad said harshly. still no reply. "as you wish." curzad turned away indifferently. "to the deepest pits with them, atkor," he said to the officer. "after a few suns i will see them again to learn if they feel more talkative." * * * * * just how many downward sloping ramps they trod on the way to the pits tharn had no way of knowing. further and further below the earth's surface they went, their hands bound behind them, while brightly lighted subterranean corridors gave way to others only faintly illuminated. finally even the faint light disappeared and they moved, heavily guarded, through blackness relieved only by flames from a torch carried by one of the guards. there was the clearly audible trickling of water along the stone walls and several times tharn felt his feet sink to the ankles in cold pools that had formed in hollows of the stone flooring. at last the wearying procession of sloping ramps ceased and they moved along a level corridor. on either side tharn made out heavy wooden doors with apertures in their surfaces closed off by columns of stone in the form of bars. now and then light from the torch picked out white, heavily bearded faces containing white-ringed eyes and expressions of dull hopelessness. not once, however, did he hear sounds from the throats of those prisoners--only the mute despair of lost souls peering into nothingness. finally the officer ordered a halt. at his command two of the doors, almost directly across from each other, were opened. tharn felt the cold touch of flint as a knife cut away his bonds, a strong hand thrust him roughly into the cell on the right and the door banged shut behind him. he turned back and looked out through the bars, to see trakor, head held proudly erect, shoved into the opposite room. bars at the top and bottom of each door were drawn into place, a sharp order rang out and the ammadian guards started back for the surface. "curzad said 'to the deepest pits!'" one of them chuckled. "there are no deeper dungeons than those!" chapter xiii sitab's mistake as the sound of knocking rang through vokal's private apartment, dylara, crouching on the small balcony off the central room, felt her spirits plummet to a new low. given another few minutes of grace and she would have been out of this cul-de-sac and on her way to freedom. again came the knock, louder this time. she heard a muttered exclamation from the bedroom, then vokal, tying the belt of his tunic, crossed quickly to the corridor door. "what do you want? who is it?" he called, impatience strong in his usually calm voice. "your pardon, most-high," said a humble-sounding voice, "but a visitor, bearing your personal talisman, insists on seeing you at once." "it must be that fool sitab," dylara heard the nobleman mutter. he threw open the door, then stepped back suddenly as the cloaked form of a woman pushed her way into the room. "rhoa!" he gasped. "what are you doing here?" "i want to talk to you. send the guard away and close the door." her voice, deep for a woman, sounded muffled through the folds of cloak shielding her face. vokal obeyed, and when the door was shut she slipped from the wrap and dropped it across the back of a nearby chair. she was a woman past thirty, taller than average and beautifully formed. her hair was a dull black and she wore it long, framing the delicate features of her olive-skinned face. her eyes were large and very black and at this moment there was anger in them. "what are you doing here?" vokal said again. "it is fairly simple," she said imperiously. "i am tired of waiting, vokal. for half a moon now old heglar has been missing. i do not doubt for a moment but that he is dead. why should we delay this thing any longer. you promised me that once the old fool was dead i could take my rightful place as your mate. i say the time for that is now!" "but you don't understand, rhoa. to acknowledge our love now would play directly into jaltor's hands. once our names are linked together he will realize heglar attempted to assassinate him because i hired him to do so." "i have given this a great deal of thought," rhoa said coldly, "and i think you're being overly cautious. let the good people of ammad talk; the mere fact that we take no trouble to conceal our love will prove to them you had no hand in old heglar's disappearance." "you're not making sense!" vokal cried. "the minute jaltor hears we are together he will put enough of the threads in place to see the real picture. he will guess that it was i who hired heglar to attempt that mock assassination in an effort to usurp garlud's position in ammad." he threw his hands wide in a gesture of despair. "in the name of the god," he pleaded, "don't upset everything this short of success! go back to your home, rhoa. give me a few suns--seven; no more than seven--and i promise you i will have things worked out the way we both want them. do this for me because i love you and you love me and we can be together without fear of jaltor." "how can you know seven days will be time enough?" she asked doubtfully. "in a few minutes i am expecting a visit from sitab, a high-ranking guard of jaltor's court," he explained. "he is in my employ, secretly, and will do as i wish. i shall instruct him to learn if heglar and garlud are held in the pits beneath jaltor's palace. if they are, he will arrange the deaths of both; if they are not there we can assume both are already dead and act accordingly. but first i must _know_, rhoa." * * * * * she stood there, erect and beautiful in the shimmering radiance of candle light, indecision plain in her face. "when will this man sitab get the information for you?" "tonight! between the hour i discuss the problem with him and the hour of dawn. you will do this my way, rhoa?" a discreet knock at the door interrupted her reply. vokal, sudden alarm plain in his face, stiffened. "who is there?" "the guard, most-high," said a voice, muffled by the planks. "a second visitor, who refused to give his name, awaits your pleasure." "it is sitab," vokal told the woman, whispering. "will you give me those seven suns, rhoa? will you go now, and be patient for that long? what is your answer?" abruptly she nodded. "seven suns, vokal. but no more than seven." his breath of relief was clearly audible. "good!" he went to the door and drew the bar. "hide your face so that none may know who you are. goodbye." he drew open the heavy door and the woman, her face concealed by the folds of her heavy cloak, swept regally through, past the staring guard and a short, barrel-chested man in the tunic of a guard of jaltor's court. vokal, his handsome face completely without expression, crooked a finger at the latter. "enter, my friend," he said cordially. "you have arrived at exactly the right time." * * * * * shortly after arriving at the palace of his father, following the surprising interview with jaltor, ruler of ammad, tamar had gone to his room and his bed. but not to sleep. his thoughts were of his friend jotan and the trouble that had befallen the young ammadian noble. tamar never doubted garlud's innocence and he longed to take some action that would clear both father and son. in keeping with jaltor's instructions he had told his own father nothing of what had taken place, letting him think jotan had died beneath the claws and fangs of sadu, the lion. after more than two hours of fitful tossing, tamar rose from his bed and entered the living room of his suite. he was standing at one of the windows overlooking sleeping ammad, when a discreet knock at the door startled him out of his reverie. "who is there?" he called. "the corridor guard," said an apologetic voice. "a young woman wishes to speak with you, noble tamar. upon an urgent matter, she says." tamar crossed the room quickly and unbarred the door. beyond the stalwart figure of the guard was the softly curved form of a woman whose hair was very black and who, despite the folds of a cloak held to shadow her face, seemed young and beautiful.... "alurna!" tamar gasped incredulously. "what are you doing here?" she shook her head warningly, entered and waited until tamar had closed the door. the nobleman helped her remove the cloak and she sank down on a nearby stool. "i thought you would be sleeping," she said, smiling a little. trouble clouded his fine eyes. "i could not sleep," he said huskily. "i tried. but i keep thinking...." "of jotan," the girl finished. "and his father. we must help them, tamar. we must not leave them to rot in the pits of ammad." "but what can we do?" "do you know how to reach the pits without being seen?" he stared at her. "what difference would that make?" "why can't we free them, tamar? give them a chance to learn who is behind the plot against them." she leaned toward him, her face set with determined lines. "my uncle, it seems, is content to let them suffer until time works out the problem of who is guilty. i say jotan and his father should be allowed to do something themselves to hurry matters!" "but there's no way----" "are you sure? have you thought about it before this?" he hesitated. "no-o. but it could mean imprisonment for us if we fail, alurna. jaltor can be completely ruthless; if he learned we were attempting to interfere with his way of doing things ... well it could be too bad for us." color crept into her cheeks but she met his eyes resolutely. "jotan means enough to me to risk that," she said flatly. "do _you_ feel that way?" he rose and began to pace the floor. "you're right. let me think. there is an entrance to the corridors housing the pits of jaltor's palace, an entrance supposedly secret, which jotan himself once pointed out to me." he wheeled suddenly and entered his sleeping quarters, returning a moment later with a flint knife in a sheath at his belt and there was the light of battle in his eyes. "return to your room, alurna," he said grimly. "i will go to free jotan and his men." she shook her head. "this was my idea and i'm going with you." "but--but this is dangerous! if i am caught i shall be thrown in the pits myself--perhaps killed. this is no venture for a woman!" "it is a venture for _this_ woman," she replied doggedly. "jotan is to be my mate ... even though he may not realize that yet. he must find me beside you when we rescue him." for a long moment they stared into each other's eyes--then tamar's shoulder rose and fell in surrender. "as you wish," he said. * * * * * sitab, warrior of the palace of jaltor, moved stealthily down a steep ramp. about him was darkness more intense than that of a tomb, forcing him to feel his way with infinite slowness lest a misstep make a noise loud enough to rouse one or more of the guards in the arms-rooms here and there among the subterranean corridors. from one of his hands trailed a heavy spear; in the other was a keen-edged knife of flint ready for the first man who should find him where sitab had no right to be. for whoever he came across now must die. it would not do for word to reach jaltor on the morrow that sitab, a trusted guard, had been seen on his way to the pits. a miasmic odor of damp decay seemed to increase in strength the further below the earth's surface he progressed. now and then a water rat would rustle across his path, its passage marked only by the rasp of claws on rock. damp stretches of slippery surface proved difficult to negotiate and on several occasions he saved himself from falling only by a quick movement of his feet. now and then he would step into ankle-deep pools of chill water, bringing an involuntary gasp to his lips. at long last his feet found no ramp where one should have been and he realized he now stood at the beginning of the deepest corridor beneath the palace. for a long moment he stood there, his ears straining to catch some sound of life. as from a great distance he caught the muffled snores of sleeping men, the faint murmurings of troubled words from a mind dreaming of the horrors to which it awakened after each sleep. grasping his spear tighter, sitab inched his way cautiously along the corridor until his ears told him he was standing between twin rows of cells. from the belt of his robe he drew a small length of tinder-like wood and from a pouch in the same belt came a small ball-like bit of stone, its interior hollowed to hold a supply of moss in the center of which glowed a single coal of fire. drawing the perforated bit of wood serving as a cork, sitab let the bit of fire roll out onto the miniature torch. it rested there, glowing redly as he breathed against it. when a minute of this had gone by a tiny tongue of fire rose to life and within seconds the torch was fully lighted, dispelling the ink-like gloom about him. on silent feet sitab moved from door to door of the cells. at each barred opening he let the rays of light seep into the tiny interior of the room beyond while his eyes sought to identify the sleeping men. some he saw were hardly recognizable as human, so long had they lain prisoner in this awful hole. matted hair hung over faces so thin and emaciated as hardly to be human at all. others he saw were still in excellent physical condition: these had been here only a little while. but none was familiar to him until he was well down the first row. as he peered into this particular cell, he saw a man lying asleep on the bare stone platform which served this cell, as in others, as a crude bunk. the sleeper's face was turned toward the wall, shadowed by a raised arm, so that sitab was unable to make out the features. but something was familiar about the man's general build and the shape of his head, and for several minutes sitab stood there waiting for the man to stir in his sleep sufficiently for his face to be seen. when full five minutes had passed without this taking place, sitab broke a small piece of the rotting wood from his torch and flipped it unerringly through the barred grating of the door. it struck lightly against the bare arm of the sleeper, and he sighed heavily, stirred, then turned his face toward the light. sitab stiffened, waiting for the man to awake and cry out in alarm at the glare of the torch. but the eyes did not open and the prisoner lapsed back into complete slumber. only then did sitab see who lay sleeping there. it was jotan. * * * * * a slight gasp escaped the guard's lips. jotan _here_! but jotan was dead! vokal himself had said as much. sitab smiled. no matter that vokal had been misinformed; jotan would be dead within seconds. vokal would reward him well for killing both jotan _and_ garlud--if the latter were imprisoned here as well. how best to kill him? open the door, creep to the side of the sleeping man and plunge the spearhead into his heart? that would be the quietest way ... and also the most dangerous. what if jotan were in reality awake--lying there waiting for this unknown visitor to enter the cell, then jumping upon him in a bid for freedom. a glance at those muscles, even though apparently relaxed in sleep, was enough to give him his decision. lifting his spear, he thrust its point between the bars of the door, aimed it squarely at jotan's exposed chest--and tensed his muscles to launch the heavy weapon. chapter xiv ambush for a long time after sitab was gone, vokal remained seated on a low bench in the living room of his apartment. worry was crowding in on his mind, the ambition that had led him into discrediting garlud was proving itself a curse, and his love for rhoa, wife of old heglar, was now a burdensome thing that had cost him a thousand tals and might end up costing him his life. well, the die was cast now; there was no turning back. dawn was no more than two or three hours away; long before dyta's golden rays flooded ammad's streets sitab should have returned with word that heglar and garlud were dead. everything depended on that now--it was still not too late to recoup, winning back his thousand tals and a higher place in ammad's society. the silver-haired nobleman rose from his chair and reached for the candle to blow out its flame. a few hour's sleep would make him better able to face the morrow.... ... from her place on the narrow balcony of the nobleman's apartment, dylara watched the candle flame perish under the man's exhalation. this time, she thought, i will not wait so long for him to fall asleep. she watched him cross the room and disappear from sight into the sleeping quarters beyond, waited for the space of a hundred heartbeats to be sure he would not come into this room again, then very slowly, her heart in her mouth, she began to move with extreme stealth across the floor toward the corridor door. the journey seemed to take hours although two minutes were all that passed before she reached out to remove the heavy bar vokal had dropped into place when his last guest was gone. with trembling fingers she set the thick length of wood against the stone flooring and slowly swung the door open a crack. light gleamed dully from down the corridor. with great care she widened the distance between the door's edge and its frame. when the space was large enough, she put her head out cautiously and looked along the corridor. standing there, watching her with wide eyes, was one of the palace guards! shock held both dylara and the guard momentarily paralyzed--then dylara, the first to recover, was into the corridor and running swiftly in the opposite direction. behind her she heard the guard shout a command. but before he could do more, she was around a bend in the corridor and racing toward the stairs she knew were further along.... ... vokal, not yet completely asleep, leaped from his bed at the sound of a sudden hoarse cry from outside his apartment. when he arrived at the open door--a door he had only moments before barred from inside--he found a knot of palace guards already assembled there. "what has happened?" he demanded sharply. the man regularly stationed outside his door explained in a few words. vokal's cheeks paled at the full implication of what had occurred came to him. whoever this mystery woman was, she had overheard--_must_ have overheard--his conversations with both rhoa and sitab. were she a spy--someone who would go to jaltor with what she had heard--vokal was a dead man! "find her!" he screamed. "a hundred tals to the man who brings her alive, to me. death to all of you unless she is found! go!" they went. they went as though the hounds of hell were at their heels. within seconds every floor of the palace was alight with torches, every hall crowded with warriors, every room being searched. guards at the palace gates were alerted, patrols were set to scouring the grounds between palace and outer wall. there was no sign of the missing girl. * * * * * tharn, sleeping soundly as a man does whose conscience is clear and whose bed is no more uncomfortable than a hundred others he has occupied, awakened suddenly. for a brief moment he lay without moving, his ears searching for some indication of what had awakened him. there! the barest whisper of leather against stone from down the corridor that ran past his cell door. a sandaled foot had made that sound. other ears--even the ears of a man already awake--would have missed what his sleeping brain had caught. soundlessly he left his stone bench and moved to the door. but the darkness was such that even his unbelievably sharp eyes were helpless to penetrate it. but if his eyes were useless, his ears were not. fifty feet further down the corridor a man was standing; he could hear his breathing and the rustle of garments. a few seconds later tharn's eyes caught a tiny glow of light--a glow that soon swelled to a flickering light strong enough for him to see the opposite row of barred cell doors. again came the whisper of sandaled feet. presently an ammadian guard came into view, a heavy spear in one hand, a small torch of flaming wood in the other. the guard was peering into each of the cells across from tharn, pausing at length at some, passing others quickly. tharn wondered at the man's attempt at stealth; since it was impossible for any of the prisoners to get at him, such precautions could serve no evident ends. when the man reached a cell almost exactly across from tharn, the cave man saw him toss something through the opening framing the bars. he heard the unseen prisoner sigh ... and then the guard raised his spear and inserted its head through the same opening. tharn was on the point of crying out a warning, his reason dictated only by a desire to thwart as far as possible the hated symbol of authority represented by this white-tunicked assassin. but in that moment he saw a second figure steal into the outer periphery of light thrown by the torch--a figure of a man whom tharn recognized instantly as one of those who had accompanied jotan on his search for dylara a few days before. as the arm holding the spear tensed to send it plunging into the unseen prisoner, the newcomer leaped cat-like upon the would-be assassin. there was a startled cry that echoed along the subterranean hall and the two men became a squirming knot of arms and legs. and then abruptly the threshing figures were still as the second man pressed the blade of a flint knife against the other's thinly clad back. "not a move," growled tamar, "or you are a dead man!" * * * * * now a lovely dark-haired girl came into view, her face revealed by the flickering light of the still burning torch lying on the corridor's flooring. as she bent to pick up the bit of blazing wood tharn recognized her as urim's daughter, whose life he had saved on a long gone day. "what were you up to there?" growled tamar. "who are you and what----" "_tamar!_" the cry came from behind the barred door from which the young nobleman had just drawn the cringing sitab. there, framed in the barred opening, was jotan! alurna, a faint cry of happiness on her lips, rushed to the door and removed the heavy bar. jotan bounded into the narrow hallway, gave sephar's princess a thankful pat on the back, then turned to tamar. "what's going on here? who is this guard? how did you find me?" "first," tamar said, "i'm going to find out why this son of gubo was about to send a spear into you!" at jotan's blank expression, tamar explained what had been about to happen when he and alurna arrived. whereupon jotan took the trembling sitab by the front of his tunic and shook him until most of his breath was gone. "who sent you?" jotan snarled. "speak before i strangle you with my bare hands!" "i dare not tell you! he would kill me!" sitab cried through chattering teeth. again jotan shook him. "but i will cut you into tiny pieces if you do not tell. first i will cut your toes and fingers from your rotten body, then i will dig out your eyes and chop off your----" sitab had fainted. three ringing slaps brought the man back to consciousness. in a voice made shrill with terror he gave the name of the man who had sent him. tamar and jotan stared at each other in utter amazement as the name of vokal fell from those craven lips. angrily jotan hurled the shrinking figure from him, sitab fell headlong against the stone wall and lapsed into a motionless heap of quivering flesh. tamar said, "that's all we need! we can go to jaltor and tell him what this coward has said; then he will free you and your father and put vokal in your place." "my father lives?" cried jotan. "i thought jaltor had slain him." quickly tamar explained what had actually happened. when he had finished, jotan said, "before we do anything else i must find my father. help me search these cells, both of you." "he may not be on this level," tamar said. "we could spend hours hunting him. the thing to do would be to go to jaltor----" but jotan was already on his way along the corridor, peering in at the occupant of each. * * * * * minutes later there was a sizable group of men freed from the cells and grouped about jotan and tamar. among them was garlud, jotan's father, his gaunt face wreathed in smiles, his strength, sapped by long days of imprisonment, flowing back at the realization he was free and in possession of the name of the man who had brought about his downfall. the others were those members of jotan's party who had accompanied him from far-off sephar, released from their brief imprisonment and ready for action. tamar said, "and now we can go to jaltor and tell him what happened!" "we shall have to take this man"--jotan pointed to the fallen and unmoving body of sitab--"to jaltor as our only witness against vokal." garlud said, "it is hard to believe that vokal is the one behind all this trouble. we have been friends for many years, all of ammad loves him, even jaltor admires him more than almost any noble of the court." "he is behind the plot against us, father," jotan said sharply. "there can be no doubt about it." "we shall need overwhelming proof." "our proof lies there." jotan waved a hand at the motionless bulk near the wall. "get him on his feet, somebody; it's time he told his story to jaltor, king of ammad!" tamar bent above the fallen man and shook him. "come! you've rested long enough!" but sitab did not move and tamar shook him again, harder this time, and repeated the order. then suddenly the young noble was kneeling beside the still form of the guard and placing a hand against the tunic over his heart. in the silence tamar rose to his feet and met the stricken eyes of his friends. "he is dead," he said simply. "there dies our proof," garlud said glumly. "now it is our word against vokal's." "no!" jotan swung around to face his father and tamar. "there is another way. we can go to vokal's palace, pull him from his bed and force him to confess!" "and what of vokal's loyal guards and warriors?" garlud said soberly. "do you think they will idly stand aside and permit that?" jotan swept out his hand in a half circle. "here are fifty men--stalwart warriors all. and in your own palace, father, are hundreds more. i say let us go to our own palace, gather together our warriors and march upon vokal!" "you forget," garlud said softly, "that i am regarded as an enemy of the state. as such, my palace and possessions are confiscated and my warriors stripped of their weapons and confined to quarters." "jotan," said a quiet voice from behind them. * * * * * the group of men standing about the subterranean corridor beneath the palace of jaltor of ammad, turned as the quiet voice reached their ears. standing at the barred opening of one of the locked cells, the strong handsome face, visible in the light of the late sitab's torch, was tharn, a slight smile on his lips. "who calls my name?" demanded the young noble, stepping nearer the door of the cell. "it is i--tharn, son of tharn, the cave man. have you forgotten the times we have met in the past?" recognition dawned in jotan's expression. "of course! you are the man who claimed dylara belonged to you." "and she still belongs to me," tharn said quietly. "she lives?" even the absence of more than dim light could not hide the sudden hope flaring in the young nobleman's eyes. tharn nodded. "even now she is held prisoner by the man who has plotted against you." jotan stiffened. "you mean vokal? how do you know this?" tharn, with a few terse words, explained what had taken place at vokal's palace only a few short hours before. when he finished, jotan was ready to start out for that nobleman's palace, alone if necessary, to rescue her. but others of the group remonstrated, pointing out the rashness of such a move. as they stood there arguing the point, tharn's clear voice brought them into silence once more. "there are too few of you to march against vokal," he pointed out. "but all around you are men who are no better than dead as long as they remain behind bars. free them, arm them with the weapons of the guards attached to this wing of jaltor's palace, and they will march with you to overcome your enemy." the idea caught instant hold. moments later the group of fifty had swollen to three times that number as cell after cell of the lower three levels of jaltor's pits were emptied. there were some of the prisoners who held back, preferring to remain behind bars rather than become involved in a war between noblemen; while others had spent too long below ground to be little more than empty shells of men. it was on the fourth level that they found several rooms furnished as quarters for the guards stationed in this wing of the palace. an ante-room contained a large supply of spears, bows and arrows and knives, but guards were on duty at that point, while a dozen others slept in the adjoining room. after a brief council of war, it was decided that tharn and trakor would attempt to creep up on the two guards on duty just within the entrance to the arms-room and overpower them without permitting an alarm to be given. should they succeed in doing this, it would be a simple matter to bar the only exit to the sleeping quarters, thus effectively keeping jotan's men from being surprised from the rear by jaltor's warriors. while the embryo army waited on the level below, tharn and young trakor crept up the next ramp and moved stealthily toward their goal. almost at once trakor returned, a broad grin creasing his face, and beckoned the others to join him. * * * * * they found both guards bound and gagged, the door into the guard's quarters closed and barred, and weapons enough for an army at their disposal. with muffled cries of joy the men swept up bows, arrows, spears and knives; and what a few minutes before had been an unarmed mob was now a small compact army of disciplined men, ready to win amnesty and a nobleman's favor by helping to expose a traitor. so great was the excitement, so strong the exultation of them all, that none noticed one of the recently freed prisoners detach himself from the group and steal back into the corridor. an instant later this man was fleeing rapidly up the final ramp, on his way to freedom. for more than an hour now the palace and grounds of vokal, nobleman of ammad, had been the scene of great activity. every guard, every servant, scoured the four floors and palace grounds, inch by inch, in search for the girl who had fled vokal's room. while seemingly everywhere at once, the silver-haired nobleman spurred them on, his calmness gone, his eyes wild, fear riding him hard. he alone of them all knew what it would mean for him were this girl to escape and find her way to jaltor with the knowledge she had gained while lurking on the balcony outside his private suite. he was standing now in a room on the first floor, giving directions to ekbar, captain of his guards, when one of the warriors pushed through the crowded room, a stranger at his heels. "your pardon, most-high," said the guard, "but this man came to our gates a moment ago and demanded to see you. he says he has important information that is for your ears alone." vokal, turning to order the man aside, stopped and stared. the stranger was tall and little more than a skeleton. his hair hung in long strands to his shoulders and a heavy beard covered his face. among a race of men who permitted no hair to mask their countenances, the beard alone made him worthy of attention. "who are you," vokal snapped, "and what do you want of me?" "i am tarsal," croaked the stranger, "once guard in your service. many moons ago i fought with one of jaltor's guards and slew him. since that day i have been confined in the pits of ammad's king." ekbar, who had been staring at the man closely while he was speaking, nodded. "he tells the truth, most-high. i recognize him now." "what do you want of me?" vokal said again, his voice shrill with impatience. "i came to warn you," tarsal said. "garlud and jotan, his son, have escaped from their cells and have gathered together a small army taken from jaltor's pits. they say that it was because of you that garlud and jotan were imprisoned by jaltor, and they are coming to capture you and take you before the king." the nobleman's skin turned a dirty white. this was ruin for him! wildly he sought to think of some way by which he could escape jaltor's wrath, once the truth came out. "what are the plans of this mob?" he demanded. "do they expect to win jaltor's support in the fight against me?" "not that i know of, most-high. they spoke of stealing from the palace and marching here to take you captive and bring you before ammad's king that he may hear the truth from your own lips." vokal's brain was working with cold precision. there was a way out, then! were he and his warriors able to ambush this gang of prison rats, able to wipe them out to the last man, there would be none left alive to tell jaltor what they had hoped to accomplish. all thoughts of the mysterious young woman who had raced from his apartment earlier that night were forgotten as he whirled about to confront the open-mouthed ekbar. "there is still time," he cried, "to save ourselves. listen to me closely, ekbar, and do exactly as i say!" * * * * * as the heavily armed force of perhaps one hundred and fifty men entered one of ammad's broad avenues no more than two blocks from vokal's palace, jotan called it to a halt while the leaders conferred. five men comprised the leadership of the relatively small army. they were jotan and his father, tamar, tharn and young trakor. almost from the first it was tharn to whom the others turned for guidance, despite the fact that he was a complete stranger to ammad. "how many men," tharn asked, "are likely to be defending vokal's palace?" "no less than five hundred," jotan said grimly. "we shall be badly outnumbered my friend." "we have something on our side worth hundreds of warriors," tharn observed. "surprise is our biggest and best ally. if we can win our way into vokal's palace and reach the quarters of vokal himself before his guards are sufficiently alerted to interfere, the fight will be over before it begins." "and how do you propose this shall be done?" tharn rubbed his chin while his quick mind reviewed the situation. "i think," he said finally, "that it would be better if trakor and i went ahead and removed the guards outside the wall gates. then our entire force can enter the grounds themselves and hide in the shrubbery there until a door at the rear of the palace can be unbarred. it might serve us best if trakor and i go directly to vokal's room and take him captive before we give the signal for the rest of you to enter." garlud was shaking his head. "no. that is risking too much. if the two of you were captured, the entire palace would be alerted before the rest of us could put a foot inside it. then indeed would we be helpless; vokal's men could cut us down from the safety of the palace walls." the five stood there in the silent sleeping street, stone walls rising steep and bleak on either side, the entire army behind them hidden from chance view by the almost total lack of light. there was less than two hours remaining before dawn and they must act quickly or lose their chief aid: the darkness of the now moonless night. it was finally decided that tharn and trakor, as a tribute to their superior experience in tracking down the most wary of prey, were the ones to remove the guards outside at least two of the gates in vokal's wall of stone. and so it was that the two cro-magnards stole away into the darkness, armed with arrows and bow and two good flint knives. half an hour later both were back, reporting success to the other leaders. "it was almost too easy," tharn said thoughtfully. "where there were four guards at one of the gates earlier tonight, i found but one--and he was sitting with his back to the gate and fast asleep. after i slew him i went on to help trakor, only to learn he had had an almost similar experience." "it is not uncommon for guards to sleep at their posts," jotan said impatiently. "let us get started before other of vokal's guards discover the gates are unguarded and rouse the palace defenders." "i think we should make sure we are not going blindly into some trap," tharn demurred. "this entire thing is suspicious ... too easy." but jotan waved the cave lord into silence. "can't you understand," he said crisply, "that we don't have time for that? i say let's get on with our plan and not spend time worrying about things that will never happen." in this both garlud and tamar agreed, and so tharn shrugged and said no more. he was in league with these ammadians for only one reason: to make it that much easier for him to snatch dylara from this strange city and return with her to the caves of his own people. what had happened to her, once he and trakor had fled vokal's palace earlier that night, leaving her hidden within the building, was something he could not know. but there was no other place in all of ammad he knew where to look for her, and so he must act in the belief that she still was behind the palace walls, either hidden there or once more a captive of the rascally nobleman. * * * * * less than half an hour later all of jotan's band of warriors squatted behind the belt of foliage just within the walls of vokal's sprawling palace. in the dim light of stars they could look out between the interstices of growing things, seeing the many windowed bulk of stone rising four full floors above the neighboring terrain. no where in all that vast expanse was there a sign of life. no candle showed its brief flame at any window. silent and dark and somehow a place of brooding danger. after another whispered conference, tharn left the other leaders of the band and flitted across the open ground, moving like a black shadow toward the same doorway through which trakor had raced to join him only an hour or two earlier. those watching him from the shadowy foliage lost sight of him almost at once; and when, a few moments later, he seemed to rise from the ground almost under their noses, a startled gasp from a dozen throats made a rustling sound against the heavy silence. "the door is still unbarred," tharn reported, frowning. "i am even surer now, noble jotan, that we are heading straight for a trap set up by the wily vokal." "he could not know our plans," jotan said impatiently. "it means simply that they forgot to bar the door after the excitement you and your friend caused them earlier. things are working out well for us." tharn smiled his enigmatic smile and said no more. quickly the five leaders moved among their eager troops, issuing orders down the line. and then, at a single word from jotan the band of one hundred and fifty armed men stepped into the open and started for the palace walls. suddenly the shrill cry of a woman rose against the weighted silence. "back!" the voice screamed from high above them. "go back! it is a trap!" "dylara!" tharn shouted, and with great bounding strides he raced toward the palace. startled by the shrill shout, puzzled by tharn's dash into the jaws of what might be a trap, the hundred and fifty wavered uncertainly, then charged after the racing cave man. and as the first wave of jotan's warriors reached the halfway mark in the clearing, a hundred flaming branches were hurled from the open windows into the courtyard beneath, their flames lighting up the entire ribbon of open ground and disclosing the pitifully small army to the waiting warriors of vokal. a rain of arrows, spears and clubs now rained down from those windows upon the men beneath. men reeled and fell, some instantly dead, others badly wounded. some of those unhit stopped in their tracks, looked wildly around, then turned to flee for the safety of the street behind them. and it was then that vokal's masterful plan was fully unveiled. from those same openings through the stone wall encircling vokal's estate, came other of that nobleman's warriors, stationed in places of concealment outside, their purpose to close off the last avenue of escape for jotan's troops. * * * * * in all this confusion, with death threatening from all sides, trakor had eyes only for his friend and companion--tharn, lord of the caves. at first he did not comprehend what lay behind the cave man's mad dash toward the palace. but when he saw tharn leap lightly up to catch the sill of one window, then swarm rapidly up toward the second story, he understood fully what lay in the giant warrior's mind. one of vokal's warriors leaned from a window directly in tharn's path and raised his spear with the obvious intention of burying its head in the cave man's defenseless body as it hung a full fifteen feet above the ground. trakor, seeing this, fitted an arrow to his bow with unthinkable quickness and sent the flint tipped missile across space and full into the enemy warrior's exposed chest. the heavy spear rolled from an already dead hand and the man fell loosely across the wide sill as tharn worked his way upward past the limp body. three more attempts were made by those within to bring down the climbing cave man. on each occasion trakor, standing like a rock amid a shower of deadly weapons that struck every where about him, brought down the would-be killer. tharn was only a few feet from the roof's edge now, his naked feet and long-fingered hands finding foot--and hand-holds where trakor would have sworn none existed. trakor, watching, groaned with sudden fear. barely visible in the flickering light of torches below, a figure appeared at the roof's edge directly above tharn's rising form. in the figure's hands was a heavy spear and the arm holding it swept aloft preparatory to skewering tharn on its point. even as trakor witnessed this, an arrow from his bow was flashing up toward that menacing warrior. but the combination of bad light, distance and the necessity for haste was too great a handicap for success, and the arrow whizzed wide of its mark. again trakor groaned. there was no time for a second shot. tharn was doomed to die. and in that second a slender figure appeared at the roof's edge beside the would-be assassin and threw itself headlong against him. the man staggered back under the impact, his spear falling from his hand, then turned and closed with the newcomer. as the two of them teetered there on the thin strip of stone forming the roof's edge, tharn's strong hands closed about that same edge and he rose to his feet. he saw who it was that had saved his life: dylara, daughter of majok. even as he raced forward to save the girl he loved from being thrown into the void below, tharn knew he was too late. voicing a scream of fear, dylara reeled back and toppled into space! as her feet left the roof, tharn threw himself headlong in a direction parallel with the edge, one arm out-thrust, the other bent to check his fall. for one agonizing second the reaching hand encountered only air; then his fingers brushed against cloth, closed like a snapped trap, and as his muscular frame crashed against the roof's edge, a sudden jerk against his outstretched arm told him he had checked dylara's fall. a heavy sandal thudded home against his ribs, nearly rolling him into the void and to death on the packed earth below. before the swinging foot could strike home a second time, tharn was on his feet and dylara was swung back to safety of the roof. as tharn released the girl, the screaming, clawing figure of his enemy closed upon him. in the faint light, tharn saw the other's hair was a silvery white and beneath it was a face once gentle but now transformed into the mask of a madman. * * * * * a grim smile touched tharn's lips as one of his brawny arms snaked out and caught the raving beast that had once been vokal, third most powerful and influential figure in all ammad. with almost casual ease tharn swung the human form high above his head, then tossed him, a screaming missile of terror, to the ground below. a long eerie wailing cry ended suddenly and the thud of flesh against earth seemed to jar into silence the tumult filling the grounds of the late vokal's palace. in the light of the still burning torches vokal's lifeless body was clearly visible to the palace defenders. in that hushed moment, jotan took advantage of the miracle that had saved the remnants of his fighting force. "vokal is dead!" he shouted. "vokal the traitor is no more! lay down your arms, warriors of the dead vokal! lay down your arms that you may win forgiveness from jaltor, king of ammad!" a wavering moment of indecision followed as the warriors at the palace windows stood with raised weapons hesitating to decide one way or the other. and in that moment a brawny figure appeared at one of the open windows. "death to the invader!" shouted ekbar, captain of the late vokal's guards. "avenge the noble vokal! kill them all!" as the last words left his lips a second man appeared beside the captain. before the latter could realize what was taking place a stone knife flashed in a savage arc, burying its length in his heart. ekbar voiced a single scream of anguish and toppled across the sill and to the ground beneath, dead beside the master he had so faithfully served. while from that same window a young warrior of that same dead master smiled with grim satisfaction. otar had made sure his bride, the lovely marua, would never again be visited by her former suitor. with ekbar died the last of all resistance against jotan's invading warriors. scores of weapons fell uselessly to the ground and the palace defenders began to stream from the building, their hands lifted in surrender. and it was then that a quiet voice from behind jotan and his father said: "are the pits of jaltor so shallow that they may not hold my enemies?" the nobleman and his son wheeled about, then stiffened to rigid attention at sight of jaltor, king of ammad, standing at the forefront of a squad of his own guards. chapter xv conclusion dawn had come an hour before but the group of seven people sat about the breakfast table in the private dining room of jaltor, ruler of ammad. it was a wide, richly furnished room on the top floor of the city's palace. the east wall was composed entirely of windows, barred by fluted, slender columns of white stone, through which streamed the bright rays of morning sun. "had you delayed your escape from the pits another two hours," jaltor was saying, "all of you would have been freed without having to fight for proof of your innocence. for old heglar's mate, the beautiful rhoa, had been followed to vokal's palace, and when she left there, my men picked her up and brought her to me at the palace. strangely enough she was not at all hesitant about betraying vokal; i think she believed he was trying to get out of taking her as his mate." "then instead of helping," alurna said, smiling, "i nearly brought about jotan's death. that should be a lesson to me not to mix in another's affairs!" jotan smiled at her briefly, then went back to his apparently careful examination of the earthen plate in front of him. ever since he had seated himself across the table from dylara and the broad-shouldered young cave man next to her he had little to say. but in his mind there was a welter of conflicting thoughts and emotions. fate had thrown the girl he loved into the arms of the man who long ago had claimed her as his mate. the fortunes of war had made that same man jotan's ally during the night just past. could jotan, then, turn against his ally because he too loved the girl whom jotan desired above all others? he stole a glance at the radiant young woman who held his heart in the hollow of one slender hand. how lovely she was! and how closely she leaned toward the young giant of the caves who sat beside her. her smiles were for the man of her own kind; as the minutes passed they seemed more and more to belong to each other. well, it was up to dylara now. soon she would be called upon to make a decision: to accompany the cave man back across the vast expanse of plain and forest and mountain range to the caves of his people ... or to remain within ammad as the mate of jotan, nobleman of ammad. beside jotan, no less lovely in a completely different physical appearance, was alurna of sephar, daughter of one king and niece of another. often her eyes strayed to the handsome young nobleman next to her. she saw his eyes go to the girl of the caves and back to his plate again as a wave of color poured up into his cheeks. she knew what was going on in his mind--knew it as if he had spoken the words aloud! the next few hours would decide what her future life would be: jotan's mate or a woman who had lost her bid for happiness. in all that room, perhaps, only two men did not feel the cross currents of emotions that seemed to make electric the very air about them. one missed it entirely because he was very young and interested in only one person--that was trakor. the other was tharn; and while he understood what lay behind jotan's studied preoccupation, he was indifferent to it. dylara belonged to him--and though an entire nation might stand between them, he would claim her for his own. as for dylara, she smiled warmly at everyone and said little. for she too was waiting--waiting with the serenity of one whose mind is made up as to the course her life would take. "all of you are weary," jaltor said finally. "i suggest slaves show you to the quarters i have set aside for those of you who wish to remain as my guests." his eyes went to the three cave people questioningly. there was a moment of weighted silence ... and into it tharn said: "dylara, trakor and i are far from the caves of our people. i, for one, am anxious to start back. perhaps we will sleep until tomorrow's sun--then begin our journey." as he finished speaking, his eyes came to rest upon the cave girl. * * * * * a breathless hush seemed to settle over the room. the moment had come--and tharn had so phrased his words that the daughter of majok now held the key to the hopes of two men ... and the choice was hers, without pressure from either of those two. jotan's head came up and his eyes met the brown, sun-flecked gaze of the cave girl. a deep, chest-swelling breath filled his lungs.... "i am not tired," dylara said calmly. "i would like to start for your caves at once, tharn." and with those words, and the lifting of her hand as she placed it on the cave lord's bronzed forearm, dylara made her choice. pain--the awful pain of unrequited love--rose like flames in jotan's heart. rose until they shook him with agony ... swelled ... and broke to settle back under the man's iron control. he was conscious, then, that a soft hand had placed itself on one of his as it lay palm down against the table. he looked down at it, not understanding, then lifted his eyes slowly to meet the troubled eyes of alurna.... jotan said, "i had hoped that you three would remain in ammad for a few suns as the guests of my father and me. but i can understand your eagerness to return to your own people." dyta, the sun, stood two hours above the eastern horizon. on a small hillock a few yards from the edge of dense jungle and forest not far from ammad's walls, stood a group of jaltor's warriors flanking the king and his guests. silence, broken only by the voices of diurnal jungle, held those on the high bit of ground as they watched the three cro-magnons move lightly toward that towering wall of verdure. they moved lightly, eagerly, as though anxious to lose themselves among the riotous vegetation, a familiar world to them. jotan, watching, felt a strange peace come into his heart. only now did realization come that at no time during the past moons since dylara had come into his life did he have the slightest chance to win her love. he stole a quick glance at the girl beside him. here was the perfect mate for a nobleman--his own kind, fit to take up the duties of mate to one of his own high station. yes, he told himself, it was better this way. his eyes went back to the three now almost within the jungle's reach. the girl turned back and waved her hand in farewell, joined by the lifted arms of trakor and tharn. abruptly a mist seemed to form before jotan's eyes and he bowed his head, blinking rapidly to dispel this evidence of unmanly weakness. when he looked up again only the empty distance met his eyes. transcribers notes: minor errors in text amended as follows: part i, page : neels -> neela: 'neela, the zebra'. part i, page : along -> alone: 'required courage to venture alone into the forest'. part i, page : squarly -> squarely: 'struck the infuriated boy squarely in the face'. part i, page : bobing -> bobbing: 'weaving, bobbing sensation'. part i, page : largly -> largely: 'anger was largely responsible'. . -> ,: 'i have never slept in a tree," he laughed uncertainly'. part i, page : discernable -> discernible: 'faintly discernible'. part i, page : . -> ,: 'fifty men there, some of them tending'. part i, page : inserted ,: '"sadu is hungry too," one of the girls observed'. part i, page : inserted .: 'sound of sadu's roar.' part i, page : inserted - after be: 'god-whose-name-may-not-be-spoken-aloud'. part i, page : occured -> occurred: 'then there occurred'. mightly -> mighty: 'rose in a mighty leap'. sewing -> sowing: 'sowing death among the ranks'. jaton's -> jotan's: 'jotan's rescue'. part i, page : affect -> effect: 'beginning to take effect on the disorganised warriors'. casualities -> casualties: 'result in further casualties'. ' -> ": 'into those shadows"'. part i, page : inserted ": '"when morning comes'. part ii, page : brough -> brought: 'the hours brought a fresh flood of curses'. inserted .: 'to his lips.' inserted .: 'here.' part ii, page : inserted .: 'in his movements and expression.' inserted .: 'bring us wine.' part ii, page : inserted - after may: 'god-whose-name-may-not-be-spoken-aloud'. part ii, page : continous -> continuous: 'in one continuous motion.' part ii, page : removed duplicate .: 'in his direction.' part ii, page : hundreth -> hundredth: 'for the hundredth time'. part ii, page : 'trakor admitted sheepishly. "but i heard' -> 'trakor admitted sheepishly, "but i heard'. part ii, page , and : '- - -' in text changed to '----'. part ii, page : rokut's -> bokut's: 'he closed the door on bokut's unrelieved expression'. sandles -> sandals: 'strings of his sandals'. part ii, page : startingly -> startlingly: 'almost startlingly handsome'. part ii, page : inserted ,: 'glazed with pain, his'. part ii, page : . -> ?: 'faded blue eyes?'. inserted ": '"and if i persist'. part ii, page : inprints -> imprints: 'imprints left by its feet.' speciman -> specimen: 'specimen of perfect manhood'. worshipping -> worshiping: 'hero-worshiping'. part ii, page : marvelling -> marveling: 'marveling at the change'. part ii, page : inserted his: 'face with his own sleeping furs'. part ii, page : inserted .: 'digested this information quickly.' part ii, page : . -> ?: 'but do you have the right to sacrifice the lives of the rest of us in a quest that is completely hopeless?' part ii, page : inserted .: 'this time toward home.' trodding -> treading: 'treading on snakes'. part ii, page : worshipping -> worshiping: 'his worshiping companion'. part ii, page : wais -> waist: 'waist-high'. part ii, page : cacaphony -> cacophony: 'the cacophony of roars'. part ii, page : inserted it: 'what is it, tharn?' part ii, page : inserted .: 'chattering of many voices.' sinous -> sinuous: 'long sinuous limb'. part ii, page : thrist -> thirst: 'pangs of thirst'. part ii, page : contructed -> constructed: 'the hut was constructed'. nut -> hut: 'this hut was practically ringed with patrolling sentries'. inserted ,: 'once it gave, the structure'. part ii, page : sickenly -> sickeningly: 'hut lurched sickeningly,'. part iii, page : marvelling -> marveling: 'marveling at her beauty'. part iii, page : forcast -> forecast: 'the storm tharn had forecast,'. excitment -> excitement: 'it was the only excitement'. part iii, page : marvelled -> marveled: 'she marveled at how little'. then -> there: 'here and there'. part iii, page : an -> any: 'at any moment'. part iii, page : trakors -> trakor's: 'in trakor's heart.' wariors -> warriors: 'traders, warriors,'. part iii, page : ammad' to ammad's: 'ammad's noblemen'. boundry -> boundary: 'a boundary dispute'. part iii, page : boundry -> boundary: 'the boundary line'. part iii, page : similiar -> similar: 'a similar distinction,'. ' -> ": 'so easily."' drily -> dryly: 'curzad commented dryly'. part iii, page : inserted have: 'tharn would have unhesitatingly charged'. inpulsive -> impulsive: 'the impulsive act'. coud -> could: 'he could see'. magnificience -> magnificence: 'greater size and magnificence,'. worshipping -> worshiping: 'hero-worshiping'. part iii, page : this -> his: 'about his shoulders'. part iii, page : thing -> think: 'think i decided'. i"ll -> i'll: 'tell him i'll be out'. part iii, page : hestitated -> hesitated: 'he hesitated.' forseen -> foreseen: 'we had not foreseen,'. speciman -> specimen: 'remarkable physical specimen'. part iii, page : amendable -> amenable: 'make him amenable.' girls -> girl: 'about a wild girl of the caves?' part iii, page : reconnaisance -> reconnaissance: 'general reconnaissance'. retract -> retrace: 'retrace his steps'. part iii, page : hand-and -> hand- and: 'hand- and foot-holds'. threshed -> thrashed: 'thrashed and bucked.' part iii, page : impromtu -> impromptu: 'dylara's impromptu club,'. part iii, page : inserted .: 'face the monarch.' part iii, page : inserted - after whose: 'god-whose-name-may-not-be-spoken-aloud'. part iii, page : beastial -> bestial: 'the bestial snarls'. part iii, page : guage -> gauge: 'chance to gauge'. part iii, page : inserted .: 'heavy with jungle blooms.' part iii, page : . -> ,: '"at once, most-high."' quited -> quitted: 'only just quitted.' though -> through: 'to peer through.' part iii, page : it is -> is it: 'who is it?"'. part iii, page : sephar -> ammad: 'sleeping ammad'. part iii, page : inserted .: 'of the door.' minature -> miniature: 'the miniature torch'. part iii, page : inserted the: 'at the sound'. occured -> occurred: 'what had occurred'. part iii, page : than -> that: 'corridor that ran past'. coridor -> corridor: 'down the corridor a man'. pasing -> passing: 'passing others quickly.' part iii, page : sizeable -> sizable: 'a sizable group'. part iii, page : many -> few: there are too few men'. level -> levels: 'lower three levels'. part iii, page : rapidily -> rapidly: 'fleeing rapidly'. part iii, page : sing -> sign: 'sign of life'. excitment -> excitement: 'after the excitement'. part iii, page and : missle -> missile part iii, page : weighed -> weighted: 'moment of weighted silence'. preocupation -> preoccupation: 'jotan's studied preoccupation,'. sunflecked -> sun-flecked. and -> had: 'a soft hand had placed itself'. all dialogue has closing quotation marks regardless of whether it continues on the subsequent paragraph. warrior of the dawn by howard browne [transcriber note: this etext was produced from amazing stories december and january . extensive research did not uncover any evidence that the u.s. copyright on this publication was renewed.] [illustration: tharn stared in amazement at the city that lay before him] [sidenote: from the forest deeps came brutal killers, and tharn, the cro-magnon, vowed that vengeance would be his....] chapter i in quest of vengeance it was late afternoon. neela, the zebra, and his family of fifteen grazed quietly near the center of a level stretch of grassland. in the distance, and encircling the expanse of prairie, stood a solid wall of forest and close-knit jungle. for the past two hours of this long hot afternoon neela had shown signs of increasing nervousness. feeding a short distance from the balance of his charges, he lifted his head from time to time to stare intently across the wind-stirred grasses to the east. twice he had started slowly in that direction, only to stop short, stamp and snort uneasily, then wheel about and retrace his steps. the remainder of the herd cropped calmly at the long grasses, apparently heedless of their leader's unrest, tails slapping flanks clear of biting flies. meanwhile, some two hundred yards to the eastward, three half-naked white hunters, belly-flat in the concealing growth, continued their cautious advance. wise in the ways of wary grass-eaters were these three members of a cro-magnard tribe, living in a day some twenty thousand years before the founding of rome.[a] with the wind against their faces, with their passage as soundless as only veteran hunters may make it, they knew the zebra had no cause for alarm beyond a vague suspicion born of instinct alone. [footnote a: probably no race of man in all history has so stimulated the imagination of scientists as that of cro-magnon man. the origin of the race is lost in antiquity, although its arrival on the scene was supposed to have taken place between , and , b.c. it is established, however, that hordes of the white-skinned, strong-thewed cave-dwellers over-ran, long before the dawn of history, what today is southern europe and the mediterranean basin. this section of the earth's surface was sparsely populated, at the time, by neanderthal man--the last of the sub-human fore-runners of homo sapiens. immediate warfare raged between the two. the cro-magnards, while lacking the tremendous muscles and long, ape-like arms of the neanderthaloids, were far more intelligent (as witness the dimensions of their heads; a brain-case exceeding in size that of present day man), and gradually eliminated the native neanderthals. between the two, there was little difference in man-made weapons. the principal weapon of both was the club; but, in cro-magnon's case, this was augmented by the flint knife, clumsily shaped but effective. it is entirely possible that the latter people made use of the rope, both as one of the amenities and as a weapon of offense. cro-magnon man was the proud possessor of a virtue both new and startling in a world given only to the struggle for survival. this virtue was leisure--a period in which he was free to do things other than kill his enemies, hunt, and eat. he used his leisure to develop an artistic sense that found its expression in the painting of everyday scenes from his life. the walls of his cave served as a canvas; his materials, principally ochre, he took from the earth. he was the first artist; and his paintings, still admirable considering the lack of guiding precedence, have endured to this day. in appearance, cro-magnon man was ruggedly handsome, both in figure and face. he was long-headed, with a short face patterned on the diamond. the width was extreme, with high cheek-bones slanting up to a narrowing forehead, and down to a short, firm chin. above a long, finely moulded mouth, the strong, usually prominent nose jutted out imperiously. the female was considerably smaller than her mate, often reaching no more than to his shoulders. possibly she was lovely of face and figure; we of today have no evidence to the contrary. there are authorities who insist no finer specimen of humankind ever existed than the cro-magnard. whether or not this is true, does not alter the fact that he was able to carve a secure niche in a savage and implacable world, and, at the same time, place the feet of his descendants on the path to civilization and a more sheltered life.--ed.] and so the three men slipped forward, a long spear trailing in each right hand, their only guide the keen ears this primitive life had developed. one of the three, a stocky man with a square, strong face and heavily muscled body, deep-tanned, paused to adjust his grasp on the stone-tipped spear he carried. as he did so there was a quick stir in the tangled grasses near his hand and sleeza, the snake, struck savagely at his fingers. with a startled, involuntary shout, the man jerked away, barely avoiding the deadly fangs. and then he snatched the flint knife from his loin-cloth and plunged it fiercely again and again into sleeza's threshing body. when finally he stopped, the mottled coils were limp in death. he saw then that his companions were standing erect, staring to the west. from his sitting position he looked up at the others. "neela--?" he began. "--has fled," finished one of the hunters. "he heard you quarreling with sleeza. we cannot catch him, now." the third man grinned. "next time, barkoo, let sleeza bite you. while you may die, at least our food will not run away!" ignoring the grim attempt at humor, barkoo scrambled to his feet and watched, in helpless rage, the bobbing heads and flying legs of neela and his flock, now far away. barkoo swore mightily. "and it's too late to hunt further," he growled. "as it is, darkness will come before we reach the caves of tharn. to return empty-handed besides--" one of his companions suddenly caught barkoo by the arm. "look!" he cried, pointing toward the west. * * * * * a young man, clad only in an animal skin about his middle, had leaped from a clump of grasses less than twenty yards from the fleeing herd. in one hand was a long war-spear held aloft as he swooped toward them. instantly the herd turned aside and with a fresh burst of speed sought to out-run this new danger. "look at him run!" barkoo shouted. with the speed of a charging lion the youth was covering the ground in mighty bounds, slanting rapidly up to the racing animals. a moment later and he had drawn abreast of a sleek young mare, her slim ears backlaid in terror. still running at full speed, the young man drew back his arm and sent his spear flashing across the gap between him and the mare, catching her full in the exposed side. as though her legs had been jerked from under her, the creature turned a complete circle in mid-air before crashing to the ground, her scream of agony coming clearly to the three watching hunters. barkoo, when the young man knelt beside the kill, shook his head in tight-lipped tribute. "i might have known he would do something like this," he said, exasperated. "when i asked him to come with us he refused; the sun was too hot. now he will laugh at us--taunt us as bad hunters." "some day he will not come back from the hunt," predicted one of the men. "he takes too many chances. he goes out alone after jalok, the panther, and tarlok, the leopard, with only a knife and a rope. why, just a sun ago, i heard him say sadu, the lion, was to be next. smart hunters leave sadu alone!" tharn, the son of tharn, watched the three come slowly toward him. his unbelievably sharp eyes of gray caught barkoo's attempt at an unimpressed expression, and his own lean handsome face broke in a wide smile, the small even white teeth contrasting vividly with his sun-baked skin. he wondered what had caused the zebra herd to bolt before the hunters could attempt their kill. he had caught sight of them an hour before from the high-flung branches of a tree, and had hidden in the grass near the probable route of the animals once barkoo and his men had charged them. barkoo, seeming to ignore the son of his chief, came up to the dead zebra and nudged it with an appraising toe. "not much meat here," he said to korgul. "a wise hunter would have picked a fatter one." tharn's lips twitched with amusement. he knew barkoo--knew he found fault only to hide an extravagant satisfaction that the chief's son had succeeded where older heads had failed; for barkoo had schooled him in forest lore almost from the day tharn had first walked. that had been a little more than twenty summers ago; today tharn was more at home in the jungles and on the plains than any other member of his tribe. his confidence had grown with his knowledge until he knew nothing of fear and little of caution. he took impossible chances for the pure love of danger, flaunting his carelessness in the face of his former teacher, jeering at the other's gloomy prophecies of disaster. tharn pursed his lips solemnly. "it is true," he admitted soberly, "that a wiser hunter would have made a better choice. that is, if he were not so clumsy that the meat would run away first. then the wise hunter would not be able to kill even a little neela. wise old men cannot run fast." barkoo glared at him. "it was sleeza," he snapped, then reddened at being trapped into a defense. he wheeled on the grinning korgul. "get a strong branch," he said sharply.... * * * * * with the dead weight of the kill swinging from the branch between korgul and torbat, the four cro-magnon hunters set out for the distant caves of their tribe. soon they entered the mouth of a beaten elephant path leading into the depths of dense jungle to the west. it was nearly dark here beneath the over-spreading forest giants, the huge moss-covered boughs festooned with loops and whorls of heavy vines. the air was overladen with the heavy smell of rotting vegetation; the sounds of innumerable small life were constantly in the hunters' ears. here in the humid jungle, the bodies of the men glistened with perspiration. by the time they had crossed the belt of woods to come into the open at the beginning of another prairie, dyta, the sun, was close to the western horizon. hazy in the far distance were three low hills, their common base buried among a sizable clump of trees. in those hills were the caves of the tribe, and at sight of them the four men quickened their steps. they were perhaps a third of the way across the open ground, when tharn, in the lead, halted abruptly, his eyes on a section of the grasses some hundred yards ahead. barkoo came up beside him. "what is it?" he asked tensely. tharn shrugged. "i don't know--yet. the wind is wrong. but something is crawling toward us very slowly and with many pauses." barkoo grunted. tharn's uncanny instinct in locating and identifying unseen creatures annoyed him. it smacked too strongly of kinship with the wild beasts; it was not natural for a human to possess that sort of ability. "come," said tharn. with head erect, the long spear trailing in his right hand, he set out at a brisk pace, his companions close on his heels. they had gone half the way when a low moan came to the sharp ears of the younger man. in it was a note of human suffering and physical agony so pitiful that tharn abandoned all caution and plunged forward. and then he was parting the rank grasses from above the motionless body of a boy, lying there face down. from a purple-edged hole in his right side blood dripped in great red blobs to form a widening pool beneath him. tenderly tharn slipped an arm beneath the shoulders of the youngster and carefully turned him to his back. even as he recognized the familiar features, pale beneath a coat of bronze, he was aware of barkoo behind him. before he could turn, a strong hand thrust him roughly to one side and the older man was kneeling beside the wounded boy. "dartoog!" he cried, his tone a blending of fear and horror and monstrous rage. "dartoog, my son! what has happened? who has done this to you?" weakly the boy's eyes opened. in the brown depths at first were only weariness and pain. then they focused on the face of the man and lighted up wonderfully, while a faint smile struggled for a place on the graying lips. "father!" he gasped. "who did this?" demanded barkoo for the second time. * * * * * the eyes closed. haltingly at first, then more smoothly as though finding strength in reliving the story, dartoog spoke: "it happened only a little while ago. i was near the foot of one of the hills, making a spear. a few warriors and women were near me; the rest of our people were in the caves. "then, suddenly, many strange fighting-men sprang out from behind trees at the edge of the clearing. they were as many as leaves on a big tree. with loud war-cries they ran at us; and before we could get away they had thrown their spears. i tried to run; but a big warrior caught me and struck me with his knife." the son of barkoo fell silent. tharn, a flaming rage growing within him, bent nearer. behind him were korgul and torbat, both very still, their faces strained. "then," the boy continued, "came tharn, the chief, with our fighting-men. they came running from the caves and threw themselves upon the strangers. "it was a great fight! many times did the strange warriors try to beat back our men, and as many times did they fail. tharn, our chief, was the reason. so many men that i could not count them, died beneath his knife and spear. but at last he, too, fell with a spear in his back. "while they were fighting i crawled to the trees. then i got to my feet and ran this way as far as i could. i wanted to find you, father, that you might go and kill them all." dartoog's voice, growing weaker, now ceased altogether. twice he opened his lips to speak but no words came. then, his throat swelling with a supreme effort, he cried out: "go, father! go, before they--" his voice broke, his body stiffened, then relaxed and he fell back, sighing. gently the father cradled his son's head in the circle of his arms. once more the clear brown eyes opened. the man bent an ear to the lips framing further words. "it--is--so--dark," came the barely audible whisper. as the boy finished speaking, his body slumped, his head dropped back and life left him. barkoo sat as graven in stone, head bowed above the dead body of his only son. there was no sound but that of the rustling grasses stirring lazily in the early evening breeze from the east. young tharn was the first to move. shaking his head like a hurt lion, he leaped to his feet, caught up his spear and set out at a run toward the distant caves. by the time he had passed through the trees bounding the clearing before the hills, darkness was very near. he came into the center of utter confusion. everywhere about the wide clearing were bodies--some dead, others desperately wounded. instantly tharn set about organizing the dazed survivors; and it was only after the injured had been cared for and the dead placed in long rows in two of the recesses, that he found sufficient courage to ask about his father. "we took a spear from his back and carried him to his own cave," was the answer. "i do not know if he still lives; he was not dead when we took him there." tharn, closer to knowing fear than he could ever remember, raced upward along the narrow ledges before the cave mouths. near the crest he passed through the wide entrance of a large natural cavern, its interior lighted by means of dishes of animal fat in which were burning wicks of twisted grasses. * * * * * a group of warriors and women at the rear of the cave, drew aside as tharn approached, revealing the magnificent figure of their leader lying upon a great pile of furry pelts. although the eyes were closed and the strong regular features bore evidence of suffering, tharn's heart lost its burden when he saw the broad chest rising and falling evenly. seated on a small flat-topped boulder beside the bed was old myrdon, pressing juices from herbs in a stone bowl. old myrdon had brought back to health more wounded fighting men than he could remember; and his long familiarity with death and suffering had completely soured his naturally acid disposition. the young man placed a hand on the forehead of the sleeping chief, gratified to find the skin cool and moist. he noticed the compress of herbs bound in place high up on his father's back, and knew, then, the spear had not touched a vital spot, that with proper care rapid recovery would follow. he moved to myrdon's side. "take good care of him, old one," he said quietly. the healer jerked his shoulder from under tharn's hand. "i do not need advice from you," he growled, his wrinkled fingers grinding the rock pestle savagely against the bowl's contents. "if he lives it will be because i want him to live." tharn's grim expression did not change. "take good care of him," he repeated evenly. "if he dies--you die!" startled, myrdon raised his head. but tharn had turned away and was striding toward the exit. at the foot of the cliff he found barkoo and korgul and torbat talking with a group of warriors. the son of the chief shouldered his way to the center. darkness had come while he had been aloft and the only light came from two resinous flares. in silence they looked at tharn's set face. he was aware that they were regarding him strangely--almost expectantly. they seemed to sense that the carefree boy they had known was gone--replaced by a young warrior. "which way," demanded tharn, "did they go?" a tall, thin warrior with a bloody scratch across his forehead replied: "when they saw they could not gain the caves, they fell back. after they had disappeared among the trees, i followed for a time. their path led into the south along the trail where we slew pandor, the elephant, two suns ago." barkoo rubbed a hand thoughtfully across his smooth-scraped chin. "when dyta comes again," he said, "we will start after them." tharn's mouth hardened. "you can wait for dyta if you wish," he said slowly. "i am going after them now. they had no quarrel with us, but many of my friends--and yours--are dead. they killed dartoog. they tried to kill my father. i am not going to wait." "what can you hope to do alone, against many?" barkoo asked in matter-of-fact tones. "wait; go with us when it is light. there will be fighting enough for you then." without replying, tharn stooped and caught up a flint-tipped war-spear. then he re-coiled the folds of his grass rope about his shoulders and made sure the stone knife was secure in the folds of his loin-cloth. he turned to the watching men. "i am going now," he said quietly. an instant later the black void of jungle had swallowed him up. chapter ii dylara uda, the moon, had not yet risen above the trees when the cro-magnon youth plunged into the wilderness of growing things. as a result he found his way purely by his familiarity with the territory and a store of jungle lore not surpassed by the beasts themselves. because of the dense darkness, he was guided by three senses alone: smell, hearing and touch; but these were ample when backed by the keen mind and superhuman strength bequeathed by heritage and environment. the narrow game trail underfoot swerved abruptly to the west and rose rapidly. for several hundred feet the way was steep, became level for a short distance, then fell away in a long gentle slope to flatness once more. all this was familiar ground to tharn. the ridge containing the homes of his people was behind him now; from here on for a day's march was nothing but level country. now came uda, her shining half-disc swinging low above the towering reaches of the trees, her white rays seeking to pierce the matted growth below. what little light came through was enough for tharn's eyes to regain some degree of usefulness. he was moving ahead at a slow trot, an hour afterward, when the shrill scream of a leopard broke suddenly from the trail ahead. another time, and tharn might have gone on--too proud to change his course in the face of possible peril. but tonight he had more urgent business than a brawl with tarlok. turning at right angles into the wall of undergrowth lining the path, he vaulted into the lower branches of a sturdy tree. with the graceful agility of little nobar, the monkey, he swung swiftly westward again, threading his way with deceptive ease along the network of swaying boughs, now and then swinging perilously across a wide span from one tree to the next. directly below was the beaten path; and now he caught sight of the animal whose scream he had heard. tarlok was pacing leisurely in the same direction as that of the man overhead, pausing occasionally to give voice to his hunting squall, his spotted form barely visible among the shadows. tharn passed silently above him, the leopard unaware of his nearness. onward raced the cro-magnard, his thoughts filled with the quest he had undertaken alone. his savage, untamed mind had dwelt so steadily upon the outrageous attack, that it finally brought an emotion so powerful as to be almost tangible: hate, and for a companion, revenge. never would he rest until this unknown tribe had felt the weight of his own personal wrath. for what they had done they must pay a thousandfold in lives and misery. * * * * * without warning, the forest ended; and the cave lord dropped to the ground at the edge of a great plain, its bounds hidden in the ghostly moonlight. a line of broken grasses began where the game path ended. so fresh was the trail, now, that tharn knew he had best wait for sunrise before continuing the chase. he had no wish to dash headlong among the ranks of the very enemy he pursued. a few moments later tharn was sleeping soundly in a crotch of a high tree, his slumber undisturbed by the long familiar noises of a jungle night. the sun was an hour high when he awakened. his first act was to climb to the highest pinnacle of the tree, and from that point attempt to pick out, if possible, the goal of those he sought. he was immediately successful. due west, far in the distance, he saw hills rising steeply amidst another forest. his sharp eyes followed a wide line of broken grasses, noting that it pointed unerringly toward those same heights. tharn smiled grimly to himself. soon the first member of that war-party would make the initial payment on the blood-debt. making certain his weapons were in place, the broad-shouldered young man slid to the ground and took up a circuitous route, avoiding the open plain, which brought him finally to the forest's edge at a considerable distance away from the others' point of entry at the far side of the plain. if he had crossed the plain, sharp eyes might have noted his pursuit from just within the forest edge. once the trail was picked up again, he took to the comparative safety of the middle terraces. soon he was moving in absolute silence above a narrow pathway winding into the gloomy interior, the imprints of many naked feet clear in the thick dust. but he no longer needed such evidence; the humid breeze was bringing the assorted smells of a cro-magnon settlement close ahead. so close were the hills by this time that he was momentarily expecting the trees to thin out, when he caught the sound of a faint movement from below. warily he slipped downward until, parting the foliage with a stealthy hand, he made out the figure of a tall muscular warrior standing in the trail, his attitude that of a sentry. tharn felt his pulses quicken as a new emotion came to him. in all his twenty-two years he had never been called upon to take a human life, and he found the prospect somewhat disquieting. yet it was just such a purpose that he had in mind and there was no point in wasting time with self-analysis. noiselessly he slid to the ground and stepped onto the trail a few paces behind the stranger. with infinite stealth he lessened the space between the unsuspecting warrior and his own half crouched figure. forgotten was the knife at his belt; his purpose was to close fingers about the other's throat. now, he was sufficiently near. the muscles of his legs tensed for the spring--and the enemy whirled to face him! * * * * * when the guard saw the young giant's nearness and threatening position, his eyes flew wide in surprise and fear. his jaw dropped, but no sound came; his arms seemed frozen to his sides. before he could recover, tharn was upon him. as the young cave-man's fingers clamped on the stranger's throat, a knee came up with savage force into tharn's stomach, almost tearing loose his hold. but the maneuver cost the man his balance, and he fell backward with tharn's weight across his chest. frantically the warrior fought to loosen the terrible grip cutting off his breath. he clawed wildly at the iron fingers, struck heavy blows at his attacker's face and body. but tharn only tightened his hold, waiting grimly as the efforts to dislodge him became increasingly weaker. then a convulsive shudder passed through the body, followed by complete limpness. the man was dead. tharn got to his feet. for a long moment he stood there, staring in wonder at the dead, distorted face. his thoughts were a jumble of conflicting emotions: pride at vanquishing a grown man by bare hands alone; strong satisfaction in an enemy's death; and a feeling of guilt at taking a human life. what was it that barkoo had told him, long ago? "death cannot be understood, completely, by one who has never killed. a true warrior takes no life without knowing regret. slay only when your life is in danger, or when someone has wronged you. those who kill for the love of killing are beneath the beasts; for beasts kill only for cause." tharn stooped, swung the corpse across his shoulder and entered the jungle. there he concealed the body and once more took to the trees. the forest ended suddenly, some fifty yards from the base of an immense overhanging cliff. a single glance told tharn that he had reached the trail's end, and he leaped lightly into the branches of a tree at the lip of the clearing. swiftly he swarmed upward until a broad bough was reached that pointed outward toward the hillside. below and before him went on the everyday life of a cro-magnon village. four women carved steaks from the freshly killed body of a deer; naked children climbed in and out of the caves and ran about the open ground; two girls, several seasons short of woman-hood, scraped hair, by means of flint tools, from a deerskin staked flat to the ground. there was but one thing lacking in this peaceful, commonplace picture, and tharn noted its absence at once. there was not a single grown male in sight! did this mean a trap had been laid for the pursuit which the warriors of this tribe had every reason to expect? were they, then, lying in wait for barkoo and his men at the outer rim of the forest? tharn was about to start back toward the prairie, when he suddenly stiffened to attention. a woman--a girl, rather; she could not have been more than eighteen--had slid to the ground from one of the caves. the man in the trees half rose to watch her. she was a bit above average in height, slim, yet perfectly formed. that part of her body not covered by the soft folds of panther skin was evenly tanned but not darkly so. soft, lustrous brown hair fell to her bare shoulders in lovely half-curls that gave off reddish glints when touched by the sun's direct rays. this breath-taking young person was coming straight toward the very tree that sheltered him. as she drew nearer, he could make out her features more clearly, and he saw that the wide eyes were also brown, flecked with tiny bits of dyta, the sun (or so he thought); her cheeks were high but not too prominent, her nose rather small but beautifully shaped. she walked gracefully, shoulders back, her head lifted proudly, an almost saucy tilt to her chin. * * * * * she passed beneath him and went on into the forest. tharn came down quickly and set out to follow. why he did so was not considered; some strange force drew him on. less than twenty feet separated them, now; but so guarded were his movements that the girl was not aware of being trailed. and now a small treeless glade stopped the stalker. not daring to follow further, he watched her take an empty gourd from its hiding place in a clump of grasses and set about filling it with rich, red fruit from a cluster of low bushes. tharn watched her intently from behind the bole of a mighty tree. his eyes feasted on the matchless beauty of her face and form. forgotten completely was the driving motive that had brought him this far from home. the flaming thirst for revenge was dead, quenched entirely by a flooding emotion, new to him but old as life itself. a little later he saw that the girl's search for berries was bringing her close to a tree some fifty feet to his left. swinging easily into the foliage overhead, he moved silently along the boughs until the strange princess was directly below. and as he drew to a pause, tarlok, the leopard, rose from the screen of leaves just beneath him and, crouching briefly, sprang without warning at the golden form fifteen feet below. that second of hesitation on the part of the cat, saved the girl's life. tharn, trained to think and to act in the same instant, was in mid-air as tarlok's claws left the bark. and so, inches from that softly curved back, the beast was swept aside by the impact of a hundred and seventy pounds of muscular manhood. snarling its rage, the cat wheeled as it struck the earth, then pounced, almost in the same motion, at tharn's half-kneeling figure. but, swift as was the movement, the man was quicker. crouching under the arc of the hurtling body, the cro-magnard drove his long knife to the hilt in the white-furred belly. the force of the leap, plus the power behind that strong right arm, tore a long, deep gash, and the animal fell, screaming with pain and hate. quickly he regained his feet and again threw himself at the two-legged creature in his path. but tharn easily avoided the charge and vaulted into a nearby tree. blood streamed from the fatally wounded leopard as it turned to the man's leafy haven and attempted to scramble into the lower branches. the effort cost tarlok his remaining strength, however, and he toppled heavily to earth. once more he sought to regain his feet, only to collapse and move no more. as tharn came down to the floor of the glade, he wondered why the scream of the giant cat had not brought enemy warriors running to the scene. that none had appeared made certain his belief that they were elsewhere in the neighborhood, and he breathed easier. as soon as tharn reappeared, the girl whose life he had saved rose from a clump of bushes a few feet away. and thus they stood there, each eyeing the other with frank interest. * * * * * tharn's brain was awhirl. so much that was new and exciting had crowded into it within the last few hours that he was incapable of rational thinking. but this he knew: something had been born within him that had not been there an hour ago. he spoke first. "i am tharn," he said. the girl did not at once respond to his implied question. she seemed hesitant, uncertain as to the wisdom of remaining there. "i am dylara," she said at last, her voice low and soft, yet wonderfully clear. "my father is chief of the tribe that bears his name. the caves of majok are there," and she pointed toward the cliff, hidden from them by intervening trees. under the impetus of crystallizing realization, tharn said what he had wanted to say from the first. "i kept tarlok from getting you," he reminded her. "now you belong to me!" the brown-haired girl flushed with mingled astonishment and anger. "you are a fool!" she retorted. "i belong to no one. because you saved me from tarlok, i will not call my people if you go away at once." she turned and would have left him had not tharn reached out and caught her by the arm. instantly she wheeled and struck him savagely across the mouth with her free hand, struggling to break his hold as she did so. then tharn, his face smarting, hesitated no longer. with an effortless motion he drew her into the circle of his arms, tossed her lightly across one broad shoulder and broke into a run, heading back in the direction of home. his prisoner let out a single cry for help; then a calloused palm covered her lips. and hardly had the echoes of that shout faded than six brawny fighting-men rose from the edge of the jungle, directly in tharn's path! at sight of the newcomers, tharn whirled to his left, and raced away with enormous bounding strides despite the handicap of his burden. with loud yells and frightful threats beating against his ears, the cave man vanished into the tangled maze beyond the clearing. pursuit was immediate. for several hundred yards the chase continued at break-neck speed. compared to those behind him, tharn's passage was almost silent, his lithe figure slipping smoothly among the tree trunks. and then into view came the shallow, swift-flowing stream which he had scented while still in the clearing. dashing into the water he splashed rapidly up-stream for a hundred yards, a sharp bend hiding him from the point at which he had entered. now he saw ahead of him that which he had hoped to find--the immense branch of a jungle giant, hanging low above the water's shimmering surface. upon reaching the limb he drew himself and his captive into the leaves; then, stepping lightly from bough to bough, his balance controlled by a single hand, he moved rapidly inland, passing easily from tree to tree. now and then he paused to listen for some indication of pursuit, but nothing reached those keen ears except the familiar sounds of a semi-tropical forest. * * * * * tharn was beginning to wonder what far-reaching effects this half-mad abduction would have on his future life. he tried to picture his father's face when he saw his son returning with a strange mate, and the image was not an altogether pleasant one. taking a mate by force was not entirely uncommon among cro-magnon people, although he had heard the elder tharn declare that no true man would do so. the hairy ones took their women in that fashion; but then they were hardly more than the beasts. and barkoo! tharn shuddered at the thought of his teacher's reaction. he would say much--remarks that would sear the hide of pandor, the elephant! he shrugged mentally. let them, then! many would envy him his prize; for certainly none among the women of the tribe was half so fair. he hoped that between now and the time dylara and he arrived home, she would prove more tractable. were she to repulse him in front of the others.... he dropped the thought as though it were white-hot. an hour later he descended at the edge of a small natural clearing. a spring bubbled in one corner, and beside it the girl was lowered to her feet. the man and the girl knelt to drink, then sat up. tharn glanced at her, and grinned when she promptly turned her back. she was angrily rubbing her wrists to restore the circulation his strong grasp had partially cut off. "where are you taking me?" she demanded, her head still turned away. "to my caves and my tribe," tharn replied. "you shall be my mate. someday i shall be chief." the quiet words brought the beautiful head quickly around, and the girl glared at him hotly. "i would sooner mate with gubo, the hyena!" she snapped. tharn's grin required effort. "i think not," he said calmly. "i will be good to you. you shall have the finest skins to warm you, the best food to eat. your cave will be large and light, and no one will tell you what to do. except me, of course," he added slyly. she searched wildly for a telling retort. "i--i hate you!" tharn met the angry eyes with a serenity he secretly was far from feeling. "you will love me. i will make you love me," he assured her. * * * * * by this time dylara was so exasperated that she had almost forgotten her fright. what good did it do to argue with this headstrong youth? he turned back every command, every retort, with an unruffled aplomb that filled her with helpless fury. it was, she thought, like beating bare fists against a boulder. angry tears welled up in her eyes, and she turned away, ashamed to show the extent of her agitation. her father, she knew, would have warriors scouring the countryside in search of her. but how could they hope to follow a trail that led through the forest top? in all her life she had never heard of a man who used the pathway ordinarily reserved for little nobar, the monkey. true, many of the tribesmen were accomplished tree-climbers, often ambushing game from their branches. but such climbing faded to nothingness when compared with this amazing man's superhuman agility and strength. she stole a glance at his face. the broad, high forehead, the bronzed clean-scraped cheeks, the strong jaw and mobile, sensitive lips stirred something deep within her. she caught herself wishing she had met him under more favorable conditions. but, by taking her forcibly, he had turned her forever against him; she hated him with all the intensity of which she was capable. and then, woman-like, her next words had nothing to do with her thoughts. "i am hungry," she said abruptly. tharn blinked at the abrupt change in the course of their conversation, but obediently he stood up. "then we shall eat," he assured her. "and it will be meat, too; i will show you that i am a great hunter." it was a boast meant to impress. dylara's lips twitched with amusement, but she said nothing. tharn raised his head, sniffed at the pungent jungle air, then set out through the trees, dylara at his heels. moving toward the east they came, a half hour later, to the banks of a narrow river. this they followed downstream until a game trail was reached. motioning for the girl to seek the concealing foliage of a tree, tharn slipped behind the bole of another bordering the pathway. drawing his knife, he froze into complete immobility. ten minutes, twenty--a half an hour dragged by. from her elevated position dylara watched the young man, marveling at the indomitable patience that could keep him motionless, waiting. the strong lines of his body appealed vividly to her, although she was quick to insist it was entirely impersonal; she would have been as responsive, she told herself, had it been the figure of sadu, the lion, crouching there. then--although she had heard nothing--she saw tharn stiffen expectantly. two full minutes passed. and then, stepping daintily, every sense alert for hidden danger, came sleek bana--the deer. here was food fit for the mate of a chief! the man of the caves tightened his strong fingers about the knife hilt. on came bana. tharn drew his legs beneath him like a great cat. and then events followed one another in rapid sequence. as the unsuspecting animal drew abreast of him, tharn, with a long, lithe bound, sprang full on its back, at the same instant driving the stone blade behind bana's left foreleg and into the heart. the deer stumbled and fell. dylara dropped from the tree, reaching tharn's side as he rose from the body of the kill. as he stood erect, still clutching the reddened blade, an arrow sped through the sunlight and raked a deep groove along his naked side. at the shock of pain which followed, tharn whirled about in a movement so rapid that his body seemed to blur. before he could do more, however, a heavy wooden club flashed from a clump of undergrowth at his back, striking him a terrible blow aside the head. a searing white light seemed to explode before him; then blackness came and he knew no more. chapter iii the strange city dylara was first aware of a dull pain centering at the juncture of cheek and jaw. half conscious, she put her fingers to the aching spot--and opened her eyes. "how do you feel?" asked a man's deep voice. dylara, blinking in the strong sunlight, sat up. in front of her, squatted on his haunches before a small grass-fed fire, was a slender, wirily built man of uncertain age, his narrow hawk-like face creased in a thin-lipped smile as he squinted at her. "i don't.... what--" dylara began in a dazed voice. the man fished a bit of scorched meat from the flames and bit off a mouthful. "the next time," he said thickly, "be careful whose face you scratch. trokar doesn't make a habit of hitting girls, but you turned on him like a panther when he tried to keep you from running away. he'll carry the marks for a while!" memories flooded in on her. she saw the sun-dappled trail; saw tharn rise from the body of bana, only to go down under the cruel impact of a heavy club; saw the horde of oddly dressed men spring from concealment and rush toward her. she had turned to run, but a grinning warrior had intercepted her. and when she had raked her nails across his cheek, his good-humored expression had darkened--she remembered no more. "but--but tharn?" she cried. "where is he? did you--is he--" the man shrugged. "if you mean the man who was with you ... well, we intended only to stun him. there is need in sephar for strong slaves. but the club that brought him down was thrown too hard." "then he is--dead?" the hawk-faced one nodded. dylara was too shocked to attempt analysis of her feelings. she knew only that an unbearable weight had come into her heart; beyond that her thoughts refused to go. sudden tears stung her eyes. * * * * * the man rose and set about stamping out the fire. watching him, the girl began to note how greatly this man differed from one of her own tribe. to begin with, he was smaller, both in build and in stature. his skin, under its heavy tan, was somewhat darker; his hair very black. he wore a tunic of some coarsely woven grayish white material; rude sandals of deerskin covered his feet. a quiver of arrows and a bow--both completely unfamiliar objects to the girl--swung from his shoulders, and a long thin knife of flint was thrust under a belt of skin at his waist. his speech, too, had shown he was of another race. while it had been intelligible, his enunciation was puzzling at times; occasionally hardly understandable. the similarity to the cro-magnon tongue was far stronger than basic; still, there was considerable difference in subtle shadings of pronunciation and sentence structure. he turned to her, finally. "are you hungry?" "no," she said dully. "good. we have delayed too long, as it is. sephar is more than two suns away, and we are anxious to return." he raised his voice in a half-shouted, "ho!" in response a half-score of men rose from the tall grasses nearby. "trokar," called the hawk-faced one. "yes, vulcar." a slender young man came forward. "here is the girl who improved your looks! it will be your duty to look after her on the way back to sephar." trokar fingered three angry red welts along one cheek, and grinned without speaking. in single file they set out toward the south. for several hours they pushed steadily ahead across gently rolling prairie land. the girl's spirits sagged lower and lower as she trudged on, going she knew not where. she thought of her father and the grief he must be suffering; of her friends and her people. she thought of tharn once or twice; if he were alive, these men would not hold her for long. but he was dead, and the realization brought so strong a pang that she forced her thoughts away from him. they camped that night at the edge of a great forest. all during the dark hours a heavy fire was kept going, while the men alternated, in pairs, at sentry duty. several times during the night dylara was awakened by hunting cries of roving meat-eaters but apparently none came near the camp. all the following day the party of twelve skirted the edge of the forest, moving always due south. by evening the ground underfoot had become much more uneven, and hills began to appear frequently. the nearby jungle was thinning out, as well, and the air was noticeably cooler. just at sunset they finished scaling a particularly steep incline and paused at the crest to camp for the night. not far to the south, dylara saw a low range of mountains extending to the horizons. narrow valleys cut between the peaks, none of the latter high enough to be snow-capped. through one ravine tumbled the waters of a mountain stream. the fading sunlight, reflected from water and glistening rocks, gave the scene an aura of majestic magnificence, bringing an involuntary murmur of delight to the lips of the girl. "beyond those heights lies sephar." it was vulcar, he of the hawk face, who spoke from beside her. dylara glanced at him, seeing the great pride in his expression. "sephar?" she echoed questioningly. "home!" he said. "it is like nothing you have ever seen. we do not live in caves; we are beyond that. it is from tribes such as yours that we take our slaves. long ago the people of sephar and ammad were such as you. but because they were greater and wiser, and learned many things which you of the caves do not know, we have come to think of your kind as little more than animals." * * * * * early the following morning they were underway once more. shortly before noon they scaled the last few yards to a great tableland among the peaks. and it was then that dylara got her first glimpse of sephar. a little below where she stood was a wide, shallow valley, most of it filled with heavy forest and jungle. directly in the center of this valley, a jewel in a setting of green, lay a city. a city of stone buildings, gray and box-like, erected in the most simple of architectural design. with a few exceptions, all buildings were of one story; none more than two. broad, clean streets were much in evidence, the principal ones running spokewise to converge at the exact center of the wheel-like pattern. encircling all this was a great wall of dull gray stone. but the most arresting feature of the entire city was situated at the hub of it all. here, rising four full stories above the carefully tended plot of ground surrounding it, stood a tremendous structure of pure white stone, its shining walls adding materially to the dazzling effect given the awe-struck dylara. a hand touched her shoulder. vulcar was smiling at her expression. "that," he said proudly, "is sephar." the girl could find no words to answer him. here was something that all the tales repeated around a hundred cave-fires, during the rainy seasons, had never approached. here might dwell the gods; those who sent the rain and the flaming bolts from the skies.... "come," vulcar said at last, and the little party started down the grass-covered incline toward the valley floor--and sephar. * * * * * the princess alurna was angry. a few moments ago she had driven her slave woman from the room, hastening the girl's departure with a thrown vase. raging, the princess paced the chamber's length, kicking the soft fur rugs from her path. bed coverings were scattered about the floor, flung there during this--her latest--tantrum. it is doubtful whether alurna, herself, knew what brought on these savage fits of temper. actually, it was boredom; life to the girl--still in her early twenties--went on in sephar in the same uneventful fashion as it had since her great-great grandfather had led a host across the tremendous valley between the present site of sephar and the northern slopes of ammad. finally the princess threw herself face down on the disordered bed and burst into hysterical weeping. she had about cried herself out, when a hand touched her arm. "go away, anela!" she snapped, without looking up. "i told you to stay out until i sent for you." "it is i," said a deep voice, "urim, your father." the girl scrambled hastily from the bed, at the same time wiping away the traces of tears. "i'm sorry, father. i thought it was anela, come back to look after me." the man chuckled. "if i know anything, she won't be back until you fetch her. she is huddled in one corner of the hall outside, shaking as though sadu had chased her!" despite his fifty years, urim, ruler of sephar, was still an imposing figure. larger than the average sepharian, he had retained much of the splendid physique an active life had given him. of late years, however, he had been content to lead a more sedentary life; this, and a growing fondness for foods and wine, had added inches to his middle and fullness to his face, while mellowing still further a kindly disposition. alurna sat down on the edge of her bed and sought to tidy the cloud of loosely bound dark curls framing her lovely head. she was taller, by an inch or two, than the average sepharian girl, with a lithe, softly rounded figure, small firm breasts, rather delicate features and a clear olive skin. she was wearing a sleeveless tunic which fell from neck to knees, caught at the waist by a wide belt of the same material. her shapely legs were bare, the feet encased in heelless sandals of leather. urim drew up a chair and sat down. he watched alurna as she freshened her appearance, his face reflecting a father's pride. "come, child," he said at last. "it is time for the mid-day meal. and that brings out what i came to tell you." alurna glanced at him with quick interest. "i thought so! i can always tell when you've got some surprise for me. what is it this time?" "visitors," urim replied. "three noble-born young men have traveled from ammad to pay their respects. they have brought gifts from your uncle--many of them for you!" visitors from the mother country were rare, since few elected to attempt the perilous journey to sephar. alurna's uncle was king in ammad, and the two brothers were warm friends. urim, himself, had been born in ammad, having come to sephar as ruler when the former king, old pyron, had died childless. alurna had never seen the city of her father's birth, having been born in sephar. * * * * * when alurna had completed her toilet, she joined her father, and together they descended the broad central staircase of the palace to the lower hall. after passing through several well-furnished rooms, they entered a crowded dining hall and took seats at the head of a long table. the other diners had risen at their entry; they remained standing until urim motioned for them to sit again. another group entered the hall, now, and all, save urim and his daughter, rose to greet them. these newcomers were the visitors from ammad, and as they approached vacant benches near the table's head, urim stood to welcome them, his arms folded to signify friendship, a broad smile on his lips. he turned to alurna. "my daughter, welcome the friends of my brother. this is tamar; this, javan; and jotan--my daughter, alurna." the girl smiled dutifully to the three. two were of the usual type about her--slight, small-boned, graceful men with little to distinguish them. but the other--jotan--caught her attention from the first. he was truly big--standing a full six feet, with heavy broad shoulders and muscular arms and legs. his eyes were a cold flinty blue, deep-set in a strong masculine face. his jaw was square and firm, the recently scraped skin ruddy and clear. he carried himself with no hint of self-consciousness at being in the presence of royalty; his bearing as regal as that of urim, himself. one after the other the three visitors touched the princess' hand. jotan, the last, held her fingers a trifle longer than was necessary, while his eyes flashed a look of admiration that turned red the girl's cheeks. she withdrew her hand abruptly, hiding her confusion by hurried speech. "my father and i are happy that you have come to sephar," she said. "food shall be brought to refresh you after so long and tiring a journey." at a sign from urim, slaves began to fetch in steaming platters, placing them at frequent intervals along the board. baked-clay cups were put at the right hand of each diner and filled with the wine-like beverage common to sephar and ammad; an alcoholic drink fermented from a species of wild grape. of utensils there was none, the hands serving to convey food to the mouth. after spilling a few drops of wine to the floor as a tribute to the god-whose-name-may-not-be-spoken-aloud, each diner set about the business of eating. * * * * * at last the mounds of viands had disappeared; the cups, drained and refilled many times during the course of the feast, were replenished again, and the sepharians settled back to talk. "scarcely five marches from here, we were beset by a great band of cave-dwellers." javan was speaking. "we beat them back easily enough; our bows and arrows evidently were unknown to them and sent scores to their deaths. "but i tell you it was exciting for a time! they were huge brutes and unbelievably strong. their spears--crude, barbaric things--were thrown with such force that twice i saw them go entirely through two of our men. "but, as i say, we repulsed them, losing only four of our party, while over forty of the cave people died. we were not able to take prisoners; they fought too stubbornly to be subdued alive." alurna leaned forward eagerly. "we have many slaves who once were such as you have described," she broke in. "but they do not take kindly to slavery. they often are morose and hate us, and need beatings to be kept in place. yet their men are strong and fearless--and usually quite handsome." from his place at the table, jotan watched the face of the princess as she spoke. she seemed vivid and forceful--much more so that any other woman he had ever met; and her beauty of face and figure was breath-taking. he resolved to become better acquainted with her. the manner in which tamar straightened at her last words, showed they had stung him--just why, was not altogether clear to alurna. "they are only brutes--animals!" he said heatedly. "they know nothing of such splendor--" he waved an arm to include the room's rich furnishings "--no tables or chairs, no soft covers on their cave floors. there are no walls to protect them from raids by their enemies; no ability in warfare beyond blind courage. they are half-naked savages--nothing more!" a sudden commotion at the doorway caused the conversation to end here. a short, alert man with a hawk-like face and a distinct military bearing, strode into the room and bowed before urim. "well, vulcar," greeted the king, without rising, "what are you doing here?" "i come," replied the warrior, "to report the capture of a young cave-woman. a hunting party slew her mate and captured her a few marches from sephar." "bring her in to us," urim commanded. "i should like our visitors to see for themselves what cave people are like." vulcar bowed again, then returned to the doorway and beckoned to someone outside. * * * * * two sepharian warriors entered, dylara between them. she was disheveled and rumpled, the protecting skin of jalok, the panther, was awry; but her head was unbowed, her shoulders erect, and her glance as haughty as that of the princess, alurna, herself. no one said anything for a long moment. the sheer beauty of the girl captive seemingly had struck them dumb. jotan broke the silence. "by the god!" he gasped. "are you jesting? this is no half-wild savage!" alurna, her eyes flashing dangerously, turned toward the speaker. the first man ever to attract her, and already raving over some unwashed barbarian who soon was to be a common slave! "perhaps you would like to have her as your mate," she said sweetly, but with an ominous note in her tone. urim shot a startled glance at his daughter. he had heard that edge to her voice before this, and usually it meant trouble for someone. jotan kept his eyes on the prisoner. "she would grace the life of any man," he declared with enthusiasm, totally unaware of alurna's mounting jealousy. tamar, seated next to jotan, forced a loud laugh. "my friend loves to jest," he announced in a palpable attempt to break the sudden tension. "pay no attention to him." although dylara understood most of what was being said, she was too upset to follow the conversation itself. she was awed and a little frightened by the undreamed-of magnificence about her. as much as she had hated tharn, being with him was far better than belonging to those who had her now. but tharn was dead, stricken down by a slender stick and heavy club. "take her to the slave quarters," instructed urim finally. "later, i shall decide what is to be done with her." dylara was led up two broad flights of stairs and deep within the left wing of the palace, her escort halting at last before massive twin doors. here, two armed guards raised a heavy timber from its sockets, the doors swung wide, and she was led down a long hall past several small doors on either side of the corridor. the men stopped before one of these doors, unbarred it, and thrust dylara into the room beyond. then the door closed and she heard the bar drop into place. * * * * * at first, her eyes were hard put to distinguish objects in the faint light entering through a long narrow, stone-barred opening set high up close to the ceiling. soon, however, she was able to make out the simple furnishings: a low bed, formed by hairy pelts on a wooden framework; a low bench; a stand, upon which were a large clay bowl and a length of clean, rough cloth; and, on the floor, a soft rug of some woven material unfamiliar to the cave-girl. utterly weary, the girl threw herself on the bed. thoughts of tharn came unbidden to her mind. how she longed for his confidence-instilling presence! not that she cared for him in any way; of that she was very certain. it was only that he was one of her own kind; he spoke as she did, clothed himself as she was accustomed to seeing men clothed. it was unthinkable that he was dead; impossible to believe that that mighty heart had ceased to beat! yet she had heard the dull impact of wood against bone as the club had felled him, and he had not stirred when the strange men broke from the bushes to seize her. yes, he was dead; and dylara's eyes suddenly brimmed with burning tears. she told herself that her sorrow was not so much from his death as the fact that, without him alive, she could never hope to leave this place. the show of bravado, maintained before her captors, began to slip away. she was so lonely and afraid here in this grimly beautiful city. what would become of her? and that proud, lovely girl at the table with all those people--why had she looked at dylara with such frank hatred? she cried a little, there in the dim light, and still sobbing, fell asleep. chapter iv came tharn sadu, the lion, rounding a bend in the trail, came to an abrupt halt as his eyes fell on the carcass of bana lying across the path a few yards ahead. an idle breeze ruffled his heavy mane as he stood there, one great paw half-lifted as though caught in mid-stride. then, very slowly, impelled solely by curiosity, he moved toward the dead animal. suddenly something stirred beyond the bulk of the deer. sadu froze to immobility again as the dusty blood-stained figure of a half-naked man got to an upright position and faced him. for a full minute the man and the lion stared woodenly into each other's eyes, across a space of hardly more than a dozen paces. sadu's principal emotion was puzzled uncertainty. there was nothing of menace in the attitude of this two-legged creature; neither did it show any indication of being alarmed. experience had taught the lion to expect one or the other of those reactions upon such meetings as this, and the absence of either was responsible for his own indecision. as for tharn, he was experiencing difficulty in seeing clearly. the figure of the giant cat seemed to shimmer in the sunlight; to expand awesomely, then contract almost to nothing. a whirlpool of roaring pain sucked at his mind, drawing the strength from every muscle of his body. tharn realized the moment was fast approaching when either he or sadu must make some move. if the lion's decision was to attack, the empty-handed cave-man would prove easy prey. almost at tharn's feet lay his heavy war-spear. to stoop to retrieve it might precipitate an immediate charge. but that might come anyway, he reasoned, catching him without means of defence. what followed required only seconds. tharn crouched, caught up the flint-tipped weapon, and straightened--all in one supple motion. sadu slid back on his haunches, reared up with fore-legs extended, gave one mighty roar--then turned and in wild flight vanished into the jungle! it required the better part of an hour for the cave lord to hack a supply of meat from bana's flank and cache it in a high fork of the nearest tree. the blow from a sepharian war-club had resulted in a nasty concussion and the constant waves of dizziness and nausea made his movements slow and uncertain. for two full days he lay on a rude platform of branches in that tree, most of the time in semi-stupor. twice in that time he risked descent for water from the nearby river. * * * * * it was not until morning of the third day that he awoke comparatively clear-headed. for a little while he raced through the branches of neighboring trees, testing the extent of his recovery. and when he discovered that, beyond a dull ache in one side of his head, he was himself once more, he ate the remainder of his stock of deer meat and came down to the trail to pick up the two-day-spoor of dylara's captors. that those who had struck him down had also taken his intended mate, tharn never doubted. she--and he!--had been too well ambushed for escape. what her fate would be after capture depended upon the identity of her abductors. but when tharn had picked up those traces not obliterated by the movements of jungle denizens during the two days, he was as much in the dark as before. never in his own considerable experience had he come upon the prints of sandals before this; nor had he known of a tribe who wore coverings on their feet. he shrugged. after all, _who_ had taken dylara was beside the point. she had been taken; and he must follow, to rescue her if she were still alive--for vengeance if they had slain her. by noon of the next day tharn was drawing himself up to the edge of the tableland at almost the same spot from whence dylara had her first glimpse of sephar. and when he rose to his feet and saw the city of stone and its great circular wall, he was no less electrified than the girl had been. he, however, felt no dread at the prospect of entering; indeed, his adventurous blood urged him to waste no time in doing so. as he raced through the trees toward sephar, his thoughts were of dylara. reason insisted that she still lived--a captive behind that grim stone wall. he knew, now, that his love for her was no temporary madness, but an emotion that would rule his life until death claimed him. her proud, slender figure with its scanty covering of panther skin rose unbidden before him, and he felt a sudden uncomfortable tightness where ribs and belly met. love was teaching tharn of other aches than physical bruises.... it was mid-afternoon when he reached the forest's edge nearest to sephar. several hundred yards of level open ground lay between the trees and the mighty wall, which evidently encircled the entire city. from where he crouched on a strong branch high above the ground, he saw two wide gateways not more than fifty yards apart, both of them guarded by parties of armed men. his keen eyes picked out details of their figures and clothing, both of which excited his keenest interest. with its entrances so closely guarded it would be folly to approach closer during the day. while impatient to reach dylara's side, he was quite aware that any attempt at rescue now would doubtless cost him his own freedom, if not his life, thereby taking from the girl her only hope of escape. he must wait for night to come, hoping the guards would then be withdrawn. * * * * * reminded that he had not eaten since early morning, tharn swung back through the trees in search of meat. the plains of this valley appeared to abound with grass-eaters; and not long after, a wild horse fell before his careful stalking. squatting on the body of his kill, he gorged himself on raw flesh, unwilling to chance some unfriendly eye noticing smoke from a fire. his appetite cared for, the cave-man bathed in the waters of a small stream. he then knelt on the bank, and using the water as a mirror, cut the sprouting beard from his face by means of a small, very sharp bit of flint taken from a pouch of his loin-cloth. comfort, rather than vanity, was responsible; a bearded face increased the discomfort of a tropical day. the sun was low in the west by the time he had returned to his former vantage point, and shortly afterward the heavy wooden gates were pulled shut by their guards, who then withdrew into the city. now, the grounds about sephar were deserted, and soon the sun slipped behind the far horizon. swiftly twilight gave way to darkness, and stars began to glow softly against the bosom of a clear semi-tropical night. two hours--three--went by and still tharn did not leave his station. somewhere below him an unidentified animal crashed noisily through the thick undergrowth and moved deeper into the black shadows. far back in the forest a panther screamed shrilly once and was still; to be answered promptly by the thunderous challenge of sadu, the lion. finally the giant white man rose to his feet on the swaying branch and leisurely stretched. silently and swiftly he slipped to the ground. he paused there for a moment, ears and nose alert for an indication of danger, then set out across the level field toward the towering wall of sephar--enigmatic city of mystery and peril. * * * * * after vulcar had led the captive cave-girl from the dining room, a general discussion sprang up. any reference to the cave people, however, was carefully avoided; the subject, for some reason that nobody quite understood, seemed suddenly taboo. while the others were rapidly drinking themselves into a drunken stupor, jotan sat as one apart, head bowed in thought. he found it impossible to dismiss the impression given him by the half-naked girl of the caves. she was so different from the usual girl with whom he came in contact--more vital, more alive. there was nothing fragile or clinging about her. he could not help but compare that fine, healthy, well-rounded figure with the pallid, artificial women of his acquaintance. her clean sparkling eyes, clear tanned skin and graceful posture made those others seem dull and uninviting. "jotan!" the visitor came back to his surroundings with a start. urim, his round face flushed from much wine, had called his name. "come, man," he laughed, "of what do you dream? a girl in far-off ammad, perhaps?" jotan reddened, but replied calmly enough, "no, my king; no flower of _ammad_ holds my heart." the faint stress he placed on the name of his own country passed unnoticed by all except alurna. "'of ammad,' you say, jotan," she cut in. "perhaps so soon you have found love here in sephar." the remark struck too close to home for the man's comfort. "you read strange meanings in my words, my princess," he said evasively; then suddenly he thrust back his bench and arose. "o urim," he said, "my friends and i would like to look about sephar. also, if you will have someone show us the quarters we are to use during our visit...." "of course," urim agreed heartily. "the captain of my own guards shall act as your guide." vulcar was sent for. when he arrived, urim bade him heed every wish the three guests might express. as they passed from the palace into the street beyond, tamar said softly: "whatever possessed you, jotan, to say such things where others could hear you? a noble of ammad, raving about some half-clad barbarian girl! what must they think of you!" jotan was mid-way between laughter and anger. tamar's reaction had been so typical, however, that he checked an angry retort. tamar was so completely the snob, so entirely conscious of class distinction, that his present attitude was not surprising. "it might be interesting," he admitted. tamar was puzzled. "what might?" "to know what they think." tamar sniffed audibly, and moved away to join javan. * * * * * they spent the balance of the afternoon walking about sephar's streets, viewing the sights. shortly before dusk vulcar led them to their quarters in a large building near the juncture of two streets--a building with square windows barred by slender columns of stone. slaves brought food; and after the three men had eaten, the room was cleared that they might sleep. jotan yawned. "even my bones are weary," he said. "i'm going to bed." tamar stood up abruptly. he had been silently rehearsing a certain speech all afternoon, and he was determined to have his say. "wait, jotan," he said. "i'd like to talk to you, first." jotan looked at his friend with mock surprise. he knew perfectly well what was coming, and he rather welcomed this opportunity to declare himself and, later, to enlist the aid of his friends. javan was regarding them with mild amazement on his good-natured, rather stupid face. he was the least aggressive of the three, usually content to follow the lead of the others. "all right," jotan said. "i'm listening." "i suppose the whole thing doesn't really amount to much." tamar forced a laugh. "but i think it was wrong for you to carry on the way you did over that cave-girl today. only the god knows what the nobles of sephar, and urim and his daughter, thought of your remarks. why, anyone would have thought you had fallen in love with the girl!" jotan smiled--a slow, easy smile. "i have!" he said. tamar stiffened as though he had been struck. his face darkened. "no! jotan, do you know what you're saying? a naked wild creature in an animal skin! you talk like a fool! "javan!" he whirled on the silent one. "javan, are you going to sit there and let this happen? help me reason with this madman." javan sat with mouth agape. "but i--why--what--" jotan leaned back and sighed. "listen, tamar," he said placatingly. "we have been friends too long to quarrel over my taste in choosing a mate. tomorrow i shall ask urim for the girl." "your _mate_? i might have known it." in his agitation tamar began to pace the floor. "we should have stayed in ammad. i have a good mind to go to urim and plead with him not to give her to you." "you shall do nothing of the kind, tamar," jotan said quietly. he was no longer smiling. "i will not permit you to interfere in this. this girl is to be my mate. you, as my friend, will help me." tamar snorted. "when our friends see her, see her as the mate of noble jotan, you will wish that i _had_ interfered. a dirty half-wild savage! you will be laughed at, my friend, and the ridicule will soon end your infatuation." jotan looked at him with level eyes. "you've said enough, tamar. understand this: tomorrow i shall ask urim for the cave girl. now i am going to sleep." tamar shrugged and silently turned away. amidst a deep silence the three men spread their sleeping-furs, extinguished the candles and turned in. * * * * * as tharn neared sephar's outer wall, uda, the moon, pushed her shining edge above the trees, causing the cro-magnon to increase his pace lest he be seen by some observer from within the city. he reached the dense shadows of the wall directly in front of one mighty gateway, its barrier of heavy planks seemingly as solid as the stone wall on either side. tharn pressed an ear to a crack of the wood. he could hear nothing from beyond. bending slightly forward, he dug his bare feet into the ground, placed one broad shoulder against the rough surface, and pushed. at first the pressure was gentle; but when the gate did not give, he gradually increased the force until all his superhuman strength strove to loosen the barrier. but the stubborn wood refused to give way, and tharn realized he must find another means of entry. a single glance was enough to convince him that the rim of the wall was beyond leaping distance. it was beginning to dawn on the cave-man that getting into this strange lair was not to be so easy as he had at first expected. he concluded finally that there was nothing left to do but circle the entire wall in hopes that some way to enter would show itself. perhaps one of the several gates would have been left carelessly ajar, although he was not trusting enough to have much faith in that possibility. after covering possibly half a mile, and testing two other gateways without success, his sharp gray eyes spied a broken timber near the top of the wall directly above one of the gates. an end of the plank protruded a foot beyond the sheer surface of rock. tharn grinned. those within might as well have left the gate itself open. drawing the grass rope from his shoulders, he formed a slip knot at one end, and with his first effort managed to cast the loop about the jagged bit of wood. this done, it was a simple matter to draw himself up to the timber. there he paused to restore the rope about his shoulders, then he cautiously poked his head over the wall and peered into the strange world below. there was no one in sight. still smiling confidently, keenly aware that he might never leave this place alive, he lowered himself over the edge, swung momentarily by his hands, then dropped soundlessly to the street below. the first obstacle in the search for dylara had been overcome. * * * * * slowly and without sound the massive door to dylara's room swung open, permitting a heavily-laden figure to enter. placing its burden on the table, the figure closed the door, crossed to the side of the sleeping girl and bent above her, listening to the slow even breathing. satisfied, the visitor stepped back to the table and, with a coal from an earthen container, ignited the wicks of dishes of animal fat. the soft light revealed the newcomer as a woman. quietly she arranged the dishes she had brought, using the low stand as a table. that done, she came to dylara's side and shook her gently by a shoulder. the daughter of majok awakened with a start, blinking the sleep from her eyes. at sight of the other, she sat up in quick alarm. the woman smiled reassuringly. "you must not be afraid," she said softly. "i am your friend. they sent me here with food for you. see?" she pointed to the dishes. the words brought a measure of comfort to dylara's troubled mind. she noticed this woman's speech had in it nothing of the strange accent peculiar to sephar's inhabitants. "who are you?" dylara asked. "i am nada--a slave." the girl nodded. who was it this woman reminded her of? "i am dylara, nada. tell me, why is it you speak as do the cave people?" "i am of the cave people," replied the woman. "there are many of us here. the mountains about sephar contain the caves of many tribes. often sephar's warriors make war on our people and carry many away to become slaves." dylara watched her as she spoke. despite a youthful appearance, she must have been twice the cave-girl's age; about the same height but more fully developed. her figure, under the simple tunic, was beautifully proportioned; her face the loveliest dylara had ever seen. there was an indefinable air of breeding and poise in her manner, softened by warm brown eyes and an expression of sympathetic understanding. nada endured the close appraisal without self-consciousness. finally she said: "you must be hungry. come; sit here and eat." dylara obeyed without further urging. nada watched her in silence until the girl's appetite had been dulled, then said: "how did they happen to get you?" dylara told her, briefly. for some obscure reason she could not bring herself to mention tharn by name. just the thought of him, falling beneath a sepharian club, brought a sharp ache to her throat. * * * * * there was a far-away expression in nada's eyes as dylara finished her story. "i knew a warrior once--one very much like the young man who took you from your father's caves. he was a mighty chief--and my mate. many summers ago i was captured near our caves as i walked at the jungle's edge. a war party from a strange tribe had crept close to our caves during the night, planning to raid us at dawn. they seized me; but my cries aroused my people, and the war party fled, taking me with them. they lost their way in the darkness, and after many weary marches stumbled across a hunting party from sephar. in the fight that followed they killed almost all of us, sparing only three--and me. i have been here ever since." dylara caught the undercurrent of utter hopelessness in the woman's words, and she felt a sudden rush of sympathy well up within her. "tharn was a chief's son," she said. "had he lived, i am sure he--" she stopped there, stricken into silence by the horror on nada's face. the slave woman rose unsteadily from the bed and seized dylara's hands. "tharn--did you say _tharn_?" the girl, shocked by the pain and grief in the face of the woman, could only nod. "he--is--dead?" again dylara nodded. nada swayed and would have fallen had not dylara held tightly to her wrists. tears began to squeeze from her closed eyes, to trickle down the drawn white cheeks. and then dylara found her voice. "what is it, nada? what is wrong?" the woman swallowed with an effort, fighting for control. "i," she whispered, "am tharn's mate!" at first, dylara thought she meant he whom the sepharians had slain. and then the truth came to her. the tharn she had known was nada's son! impulsively she drew the woman down beside her, holding her tightly until the tearing sobs subsided. for a little while there was silence within the room. without changing her position, nada began to speak. "it was my son who was with you. twelve summers before my capture i bore him; his father gave him his own name. and now he is dead. he is dead." a draft of air from the window above caused the candle flame to waver, setting the shadows dancing. nada sat up and dried her eyes. "i will not cry any more," she said quietly. "let us talk of other things." dylara pressed her hand in quick understanding. "of course. tell me, nada, what will happen to me in sephar?" "you are a slave," nada replied, "and belong to urim, whose own warriors captured you. perhaps you will be given certain duties in the palace, or the mate or daughter of some noble may ask for you as a hand-maiden. as a rule they treat us kindly; but if we are troublesome they whip us, or sometimes give us to the priests. that is the worst of all." "they have gods, then?" dylara asked. "only one, who is both good and evil. if they fall in battle, he has caused it; if they come through untouched, he has helped them." the cro-magnon girl could not grasp this strange contradiction, for she knew certain gods sought to destroy man, while other gods tried to protect him.... "then i must spend the rest of my life as a slave?" she asked. "yes--unless some free man asks for you as a mate. and that may happen because you are very beautiful." the girl shook her head. "i do not want that," she declared. "i want only to return to my father and people." "it will be best," nada said, "to give up that foolish dream. sometimes cave-men escape from sephar; the women, never." she rose, saying: "i must leave you now. the guards will be wondering what has kept me. tomorrow i will come again." the two embraced. "farewell, nada," whispered the girl. "i shall try to sleep again. being here does not seem so bad, now that i know you." * * * * * tharn regained his feet quickly after the drop from the wall, and looked about. failing to detect any cause for immediate alarm, he set out along a broad street, hugging the buildings and keeping well within the shadows. the moon was quite high by now, the strong light flooding the deserted streets and bringing every object into bold relief. the man of the caves did not have the slightest idea as to how he might locate the girl he loved; he proposed, however, to pit his wit and cunning, together with the stone knife and grass rope against the entire city, if necessary, until he stumbled across a clue of some sort that would bring them together. how he expected to snatch dylara from her captors and win through to the forest and plains he did not stop to consider--time enough for that when she was found. abruptly the street along which he was moving ended, crossed here by another roadway. down this side street a few yards, and on the opposite side, a huge stone building loomed, its windows barred by slender columns of stone. to tharn's inexperienced eyes this appeared to be a prison of some sort; and as it was the first of its kind he had noticed, he decided to investigate--that is, if a means of entry could be found. the hope that dylara might be held behind one of those protected windows spurred him on. nonchalantly the mighty figure stepped from the sheltering shadows and leisurely crossed the street. he did not wish to excite suspicion, should any chance onlooker see him, by a sudden dash. reaching the doorway of the edifice, he glanced sharply about; from all appearances he might have been in a city of the dead. delicate fingers, backed by a shrewd, imaginative mind, found the rude wooden latch, and solved its method of operation. gently he pushed against the door and, not without surprise, felt it yield. slowly the heavy planks swung inward until a space sufficient to admit his massive frame appeared, then he slid in and closed the door with his back. the darkness was that of acheron's pit; his eyes, keen as those of any jungle cat, were helpless to penetrate the blackness through which he moved with infinite stealth, arms outthrust before him, the cool hilt of his flint knife clutched in one muscular hand. his nose warned him that there were men nearby; but the strangeness of his surroundings confused him as to their actual position. one step forward he took--another, and yet another; then he trod full on the fingers of an outstretched hand! chapter v pursuit the instant tharn felt his foot press the unseen hand he wheeled soundlessly and sprang to the door. closing his fingers about the latch, he stood there, waiting. to rush out now would be certain to awaken the disturbed sleeper; otherwise the man might blame the mishap on one of his companions and go back to sleep without investigating further. he heard a stirring in the darkness. "jotan." in the utter darkness of the room the single word sounded loud as a thunder-clap. "jotan," said the voice again. "uh?" came an answering grunt. "are you awake?" "i wasn't--until you woke me," said jotan testily. "i think somebody stepped on my fingers," the first voice said. "they feel like it, anyway." "you must have rolled over on them, javan. go back to sleep." tharn followed the conversation with interest, surprised that he could understand the words. he waited patiently and without panic for the speakers to act or to return to sleep. "i tell you, my hand was stepped on," javan insisted. "what are you two talking about?" broke in a third voice. "javan claims someone has been walking on him," explained jotan. "make a light; he'll not sleep until we search the place." tharn heard one of the men rise and fumble about in a corner of the room. suddenly a flame sputtered and took hold, lighting the room's interior with a feeble glow. waiting no longer, tharn twisted the latch and tried to draw open the door. but something had gone wrong; he could not stir the heavy planks. "there!" javan shouted. "at the door! didn't i tell--" with a bound jotan leaped from his bed and plunged forward, catching tharn at the knees. the cave-man braced himself, then bent and grasped his attacker about the waist. jotan was a strong, agile man. as a rough-and-tumble fighter he had few equals. but when the arms of the intruder encircled his body and tore away his hold as though he were a child, he knew he stood no chance. the sepharian gasped aloud as he felt himself swung aloft. he had a swift glimpse of the awe-stricken faces of his friends; then his flying body hurtled across the room to crash against them with sickening force, sending all three to the floor, half-stunned. tharn seized the door-latch once more and surged back with all his strength. there followed the sound of splintering wood as latch, bolt and strike were torn away. a second later he had gained the street. * * * * * by the time those within were ready to attempt pursuit, the cave-man was a block away, running with the long easy strides of a trained athlete. as he ran, tharn drew his knife for any misguided person who might wish to bar his path. he was slowly drawing away from his shouting pursuers, when he caught sight of a second group of warriors not far ahead and coming at a run toward him. turning sharply into a side street, tharn dashed on for a short distance, only to pull up short. the roadway ended here, nor were there streets on either side. behind him the sepharians had turned the corner and were bearing down upon him. tharn was no stranger to danger or sudden death. life in the jungles and on the vast plains had little else to offer. fear and panic were not likely to prolong life; tharn knew not the meaning of either. and so it was, that as the angry fighting-men rushed toward him, they were to find no terror-stricken creature at bay. indeed, so savage was the bearing of their quarry that the sepharians hesitated, then came to a full stop a few paces away. they were many, at least a score, but the sight of the cro-magnon's brawny frame and rippling muscles gave a dubious aspect to the whole affair; nor was the stone knife in one powerful hand a matter to be lightly dismissed. it was during this brief armistice that one lukor, awakened by the tumult outside his windows opened the door of his home with the ill-advised intention of making an investigation. "i am surprised--" he began; but an instant later he was infinitely more surprised when the impact of a naked shoulder into his stomach flung him against the far corner of the room. tharn's jungle-trained ears had caught the sound of a bar being lifted, and so swiftly had he acted that the door was slammed shut and the bar replaced before jotan, first to recover, could send his weight crashing against the planks. the moonlight filtering through the latticed windows revealed an open doorway in the opposite wall, and tharn passed into an inner room. there were no windows here, and he stumbled over various furnishings before he came upon a rude staircase. taking three at a time, he bounded up the steps to the chamber above. below he could hear the impact of bodies against the lattice-work of the windows. his enemies were getting no aid from the dazed lukor; he had not yet regained his breath or his courage. without hesitation, tharn crossed the room to its single large window and looked down. he was just in time to see the curtain of branches at the window beneath give way and man after man clamber through. they did not all go in, however; five armed guards took up positions in the street. the cro-magnon had hoped to drop to the street as soon as the coast was clear, but now that avenue of escape was closed. * * * * * something must be done, and quickly, tharn realized, were he to outwit those whose feet were even now pounding on the stairs. thrusting head and shoulders out the window, he looked up and saw, a few feet away, the roof's edge. quickly tharn balanced himself on the narrow sill, his back to the street. raising to his tip-toes he reached gingerly up. his finger tips were a full six inches short of the roof's edge! a lone chance remained: he must jump for it. to fail would plummet him to the street below--to certain capture and possible injury. the sinews of his legs tensed; then he rose upward in a cat-like leap. there was a second of breathless uncertainty; then his fingers closed on a flat stone surface. barely had the dangling feet cleared the upper edge of the aperture when the horde burst through the doorway. finding no occupant, they dashed to the window and called to the watchers below, only to learn the forest-man had not re-entered the street. a thorough search of the room convinced them the man they sought had left the building, and they blamed the men below for having permitted his escape; in turn to be jeered at as cowards for not searching lukor's premises more carefully. it was a puzzled crowd of disgruntled warriors that finally gave up the hunt. some of the more superstitious were inclined to believe it was no human they sought--an evil spirit, perhaps, that had faded back into nothingness. while a block away, tharn, having fled from one roof to another, dropped easily to earth and set out for the huge white palace he had glimpsed from the house-tops. * * * * * the princess alurna was finding it impossible to sleep. for hours she had lain wide-eyed, tossing fitfully, seeking the rest that would not come. before her mind's eye persisted the image of jotan as she had first seen him; in her ears were the sound of his voice and the echo of his laugh. why must her thoughts stay with this handsome visitor? had her imperious heart given way at last? she tried to thrust out the idea, to submerge it beneath a wave of derision; but to no avail. the image prevailed, calling attention to a splendid body and compelling features. finally she rose and went to the low wide window. kneeling there she rested her arms on the broad sill, looking out over the sleeping streets and buildings, silent and brooding beneath the moon's splendor. far out beyond the walls surrounding sephar she could see the dark primeval forest, and she shivered a little although the night was warm. faintly to her ears, across the stillness came the distant challenge of a lion. again she shuddered, and brought her gaze back to sephar's streets. the minutes passed slowly.... suddenly she half rose in surprise as the almost naked figure of a man bounded from the shadows of a building across from the palace, and, entering the grounds, passed from sight somewhere below. what did it mean? was a resident of sephar entering the palace for some mysterious reason of his own? hardly. none would be so rash. then, too, the figure had not been clad in the short tunic, usual dress of all sepharians. no; that shadowy figure meant danger. jumping to her feet she ran to the door and flung it open. at her appearance the two warriors in the corridor sprang hastily forward. "get vulcar at once," she cried. "someone is trying to get into the palace!" * * * * * the moon's liquid rays did not reach the palace wall where tharn was standing now. the white, smooth stone gleamed dully in the half light. moving as only the jungle-wise can move, he began to skirt the building, seeking an opening large enough to admit his giant frame. his bare feet were soundless on the grass; he was but a white shadow of a man. there was no scarcity of windows, but all were barred by slender columns of stone. to attempt to force them would be a noisy method at best. if he meant to find and rescue dylara he must resort to stealth and cunning alone. for all his herculean strength he would be helpless against an entire city. he was nearing one corner of the building when his eyes caught sight of a narrow slit-like break in the stone just above the level of his head. there was no indication of bars, and as it appeared large enough to admit him, he caught the lip and drew himself up and within. the awful stench that smote his nostrils nearly drove him back to the ground. he had no way of knowing, of course, that he had stumbled across a refuse chute; it was from this vent that waste was thrown into containers below. holding his breath, he clambered a short distance along the sloping stone, thrust away a wooden screen and stood upright. he was in complete darkness. moving slowly forward, his outthrust hands struck a wooden panel which proved to be a door. a second later he had solved the latch and stepped through. here, light came through several windows. he was in the palace kitchens, although his limited experience did not enable him to identify them as such. across the room was a closed door; he directed his steps toward it. silently the door swung open, and the cave-man paused on the threshold of a large room, occupied by a massive table and numerous backless stools. tharn took in all that with a single swift glance. something was moving beyond the hangings screening off the room ahead. the curtains parted and five guards-men filed into the room. after glancing hastily about, they passed silently through to the kitchens. as the last one disappeared from view, a disembodied shape merged from beneath the long table and vanished into the room beyond. aside from its furnishings it, too, was empty. * * * * * on went tharn, combing each successive chamber for a sign of human life. he was determined not to quit this place until completely satisfied dylara was held elsewhere. the task, not easy at best, would prove even more difficult with the palace guards on the lookout for an intruder. stronger by the minute was the realization that this strange race of people, who were capable of erecting their own caves of stone, who could make strange weapons to throw tiny spears with unbelievable accuracy, whose hands could shape such a variety of articles--were sadly lacking in the qualities without which tharn could never have arrived at young manhood. that five men could pass at arm's length from him and yet remain unaware of his nearness, was inconceivable to the man of the caves. were their noses ornaments, he wondered, that they could not sense a hidden foe? were their wits so dull they could pass up so obvious a hiding place as he had chosen? no wonder that they had erected a great wall between them and the jungle! his lip curled with contempt as he pictured an army of them scattering before the charge of sadu. by this time he had reached the great hall inside the palace main entrance. a giant skylight high up in the ceiling, its cover removed during the dry season, admitted cold moonlight in a brilliant cascade of light that left no shadows or darkened corners. from the center of the vast hall rose a gigantic staircase of stone to the second floor. tharn, reasoning that the palace sleeping quarters would be above, stole warily toward the stairway. and then a horde of armed men broke unexpectedly from a doorway across the hall, and spying tharn, bore down upon him, uttering a chorus of exultant yells as they came. one tremendous bound brought tharn to the steps, up which he fled with all the speed of jalok, the panther. three spears hurled with senseless enthusiasm, fell short of their intended mark. but the shouts of alarm and excitement were fast arousing other inhabitants of the building. from somewhere above, tharn heard a door slam, followed by the sound of running feet in the upper corridor to his left. hence the moment he reached the landing he turned right and raced along the still deserted hallway, his naked feet soundless on the bare stone. because of the fugitive's silent approach, four guards, who stood facing in the opposite direction, did not hear him as he rounded a turn of the corridor and came toward them. at sight of those backs, tharn slid to a stop and turned to retrace his steps. again he halted. to his quick ears came sounds of footsteps from the hall he had just left. with retreat cut off from both sides, he had but one chance for escape. choosing at random one of several doors on either side of the corridor, tharn pushed it open, and still keeping an eye on the men outside, slipped within a softly lighted room. after gently closing the door, he turned--to stare into the startled eyes of the princess alurna! * * * * * tharn's first thought was that the girl would cry out in terror at his sudden entrance. before she could recover her wits he had grasped her about the waist with one arm, at the same time clapping a hand across her lips. alurna lay within the circle of that mighty arm, making no effort to free herself. she was desperately afraid, more afraid than she could remember before. the cave-man found himself on the horns of a dilemma. he had no wish to slay a woman; indeed he knew he could not, no matter what the provocation. on the other hand, were he to free her, she could have the guards here within seconds. their eyes met. tharn was surprised that all trace of fear was masked within the cool gray-green depths, although the rapid pounding of her heart told him she was frightened. revealed to him with the quick intuition of a wild creature was something of this girl's true nature. he sensed she could be coldly calculating; that neither qualm nor principle would keep her from furthering her own ends. that, given the chance, she would betray him, he never doubted; but something told him she would never be driven to a rash act through ungovernable hysteria alone. he removed his hand from her mouth, but held it ready to silence her again. "what," whispered alurna, "do you want here?" tharn shook his head. any discussion, now, would be pointless. he must go on. at the far end of the room was a large unbarred opening--a possible avenue of escape. hesitating no longer he released the girl, pushed her aside and made for the window. alurna, confident now that this nocturnal prowler meant her no harm, remained standing where he had left her. while awaiting his next move, she fell to studying him from across the room. he was the embodiment of physical perfection; certainly the most beautifully formed male she had ever seen before. the smooth brown body bespoke of suppleness and the nimble agility of a cat, despite banded layers of iron muscles rippling beneath an unclouded skin. the face, with its frank, grave eyes, impressed her as being both handsome and highly intelligent. there was an air of majestic nobility in his posture and the poise of his well-shaped head that would have aroused envy in the heart of any sepharian. a muffled knocking at the door startled her; but before she could respond, the cro-magnon slipped past her to lower the bar into place. again came the soft, insistent knock. tharn stepped close beside the princess, pointed at the door and then to her lips, at the same time pressing the point of his knife gently against her side. the meaning was clear; she must send away, unwarned, whoever was outside. "who is there?" she called. "forgive me for disturbing you, princess," came a muffled reply, "but the man you warned us of is somewhere near here. have you seen or heard anything more of him?" alurna paused for a second, weighing her chances. but the cave-man's cold gaze conquered the temptation. "no," she said, "i have seen nothing more of him. go now, that i may sleep." * * * * * tharn heard the man outside move away. satisfied that he had gained a brief respite from discovery, he returned to the window. he pinched out the flaming wick in the dish of fat standing on a wooden bracket nearby, to prevent someone in the grounds below seeing him at the window. in the moonlight he could see several groups of warriors about the grounds--patrols, posted to prevent him from leaving the building. but tharn had no intention of leaving until dylara was free to go with him. from the floor above, and not far to his left, there jutted out a tiny balcony, its slender stone columns topped with a balustrade of the same material. as tharn's eyes lingered there, an idea popped suddenly into his mind. after placing the bowl of grease on the floor, he tore the bracket from the wall and wrenched one of its supporting wooden rods away. this done, he tied one end of his grass rope to the exact center of the thick cylinder and returned to the window. holding the free end of the rope in one hand, he poised the length of wood, spear-fashion, aimed carefully, then launched it toward the stone supports of the balustrade above and to his left. like an arrow it sped up and out, to pass cleanly between two of the columns. hauling in the slack, tharn felt the rod catch lengthwise above him; and though he tugged with all the strength of his arms, the rope remained secure. without a backward glance, the cave-man swung into space, at the same time clambering hand over hand up the swinging strands. as his feet left the ledge, he heard the door of the girl's room fly open and her voice ring out. the echo of that call had not faded as young tharn closed a hand on the balcony's rail, pulled himself over and leaped through the window beyond. the chamber he had entered was dimly lighted by the moon's rays. its dense shadows might conceal a score of armed foes; but tharn had no time to exercise caution. three giant strides served to close the gap between window and doorway. to find the latch required only an instant; and slowly, lest the door squeak a protest, he swung it back sufficiently to look out into the corridor. finding it empty of life, he stepped out, gently closing the door behind him. to his right, a short distance down the hall, were two great doors, both closed; to his left, a long stretch of gallery with doors on either side. the sight of these latter held tharn's attention, for all were barred _from the outside_. behind one of those barred entrances, he reasoned, might be dylara. stepping quietly to the first he pressed an ear to the crack. hearing nothing, he lifted the bar with infinite care and looked in. the room beyond was deserted. he shut the door, replaced the plank and went on to the next. it, too, was empty. working his way gradually forward, he had covered perhaps half the hallway and was in the act of lifting another bar from its catches, when the double doors at the far end of the gallery were thrown open and a swarm of soldiers came racing through. before tharn could attempt to find cover, he had been seen, and with shouts of satisfaction the men ran toward him. * * * * * realizing he was greatly outnumbered, the man of the caves turned to flee; but to his consternation another group of sepharians appeared at the corridor's opposite end and, warned by the shouts of their fellows, had caught sight of the giant intruder. tharn knew he was trapped! to enter one of the cubicles he had been searching would mean hopeless imprisonment. once he was within, the enemy had only to slip the bar into place. it appeared his lone chance for freedom was to cut a way through a living wall of armed men. once past them, tharn felt confident they could not overtake him. like two angry waves, the sepharians hurled themselves on the lone cro-magnon. but the steel muscles and incredible agility that had brought their owner through encounters with savage dwellers of jungle and plain were not to be so easily subdued as sephar's warriors had supposed. tharn sprang to meet them, charging full into their midst. catching the nearest foeman about the waist, the cave-man swung him bodily from the floor and hurled him, a screaming projectile of fear, into the faces of his companions. [illustration: tharn swung the nearest warrior bodily into the air] four went down beneath the terrific impact; but before tharn could follow up this momentary advantage, a swiftly descending club caught him a glancing blow behind one ear. with a roar of fury the cave-youth wheeled and plunged his knife into the breast of the club-wielder; then seizing that weapon from the fingers of the dying man, swung it in a savage arc, splitting the skulls of three foes and transforming the weighty bludgeon into a handful of splinters. upon witnessing this superhuman feat, the balance of the sepharians drew back in awe. tharn, ringed about by a full score of enemies, their faces drawn and tense, stopped suddenly, caught up a stray club and once more charged. for a moment it appeared the thin line of men would give way before that impetuous attack. the one directly in tharn's path sought to dodge aside; but mighty fingers caught him about the neck, squeezed with irresistible force, and the man dropped, his vertebrae splintered. suddenly tharn's legs were buckled by the combined thrust of three pairs of arms. as he fell backward, a club dealt his head a frightful blow; a great burst of fire seemed to sear his eyes--then blackness came as consciousness left him. * * * * * the sounds of struggling bodies, punctuated with screams of rage and anguish, awakened dylara with a start. for a second she was uncertain from whence the bedlam came; then she leaped from the bed and ran to the closed door. from the noise that reached her, she judged some wild beast had been trapped in the corridor outside; surely no human throat could have formed the fearsome snarls and growls coming to her ears. soon she caught the sound of a blow, heavier than the others, followed by deep silence, broken only by labored breathing of many men. what could it have meant? had a slave--perhaps one of her own race--attempted an escape? or had some great animal invaded this lair of man while searching for food? the thought never came to her that it might have been tharn surprised outside her door. so positive was she that the cave-man had died beneath arrow and club, that she did not dream she had been on the verge of rescue. it was from her door that tharn had been lifting the bar when attacked. chapter vi katon a painful sensation in one shoulder brought full consciousness to tharn, and opening his eyes he stared blankly up into the face of a sepharian warrior. noticing tharn was awake, the man lowered the spear point with which he had been prodding the captive. "so--you are alive, after all!" exclaimed the sepharian. "you have a hard head, my savage friend; i thought they had beaten it in for you, last night." the speaker's thin sharp face reminded the cave-man of toa, the hawk. tharn's lips curled with open contempt. "the arms of your men are weak," he said mockingly. "it took many of them to overcome me." an angry red came into the man's cheeks. "they meant to take you alive," he snapped. "try to escape and you will find a quick death." he turned on his heel and strode away. tharn sat up and glanced about. it was evident he was in some subterranean spot; the air was cool and slightly damp, and there was that musty odor found only beneath the earth's surface. high up in one wall he made out an immense grating of some sort outlined against an early morning sky. as the light grew stronger he saw the room to be tremendous. he noticed now that he was not alone; near the far wall lay a full score of sleeping men--many of them apparently cave-men like himself. the sound of feet to his left attracted tharn. he saw several men enter the cell through the room's single door, and place huge platters of meat on the several long tables near one wall. noticing the sleeping men were rousing and taking stools about those tables, tharn got to his feet and, ignoring their curious stares, joined them there. lowering his weight onto one of the three-legged stools, tharn dipped into one of the great platters a neighbor had pushed toward him. as he ate, he looked about at the faces of his fellow prisoners. they were an ill-assorted lot, most of them sepharians, the balance men of his own kind. the former, without exception, seemed to carry themselves with the swaggering truculence of the true adventurer; the latter seemed sullen and aloof, like caged animals. among them all, however, was one who stood out in vivid contrast. seated almost directly across from tharn was a tall muscular sepharian with a strong face and a pair of the bluest eyes tharn had ever seen. his well-proportioned body, tanned almost to blackness, had much of the regal bearing that graced the cave-man's own. catching tharn's eye, the stranger smiled suddenly, and unconsciously tharn smiled in return. thus encouraged, the sepharian leaned forward and said: "how did they happen to catch you?" * * * * * those were the first actually friendly words tharn had heard since the night he had left his own caves. for a moment he hesitated to answer, uncertain of the motive behind the other's interest. "i was hunting for someone," he said finally. the blue eyes widened a bit. "you mean they found you _in_ sephar?" "if, by sephar, you mean the strange caves inside the high cliff--yes." the sepharian shook his head in honest tribute. "but why did you come here? you must have known they would get you sooner or later." "they have my mate here," tharn explained briefly. "i came to get her." "and now they have you both!" tharn's eyes narrowed and his jaw tightened. "they will not keep us," he said simply. the other smiled a little. "i am katon," he said, after a slight pause. "who are you?" tharn told him, and the conversation lapsed for a while. meanwhile, a guard had entered the great room and approached vulcar, the one who had reminded tharn of toa, the hawk. the two men spoke together for a few moments, then the captain of the guards came up behind tharn and dropped a hand roughly on the cave-man's shoulder. tharn, in the midst of strangers, the memory of last night's battle still fresh in his mind, acted instinctively. bounding from his stool, he whirled on the startled vulcar. before the stupefied captain could lift a hand in defense, he found himself flat on his back, two knees pinning his shoulders to the floor, while iron fingers were shutting off his breath. the entire body of prisoners and attendants was thrown into confusion. one of the guards leaped to the side of the cave-man and would have driven a spear into his back had not katon vaulted the table and shoved him sprawling. as though by signal, the prisoners threw themselves upon the handful of guards, and the room became a seething inferno of flailing arms and threshing legs, the four walls echoing muffled shouts, screams, curses. unmindful of the tumult about him, katon knelt beside tharn and the now weakly struggling vulcar. grasping the cro-magnon's steel-thewed wrists, he tugged with all his more than ordinary strength to loosen the awful grip. "stop it, tharn!" he panted. "let go! if he dies they will kill you!" slowly the red mist of anger faded as katon's words reached the savage brain; and slowly, almost regretfully, tharn obeyed. as he rose from the floor and stepped back, a large group of guards broke into the room and joined the fight between attendants and prisoners. with lusty swings of spear shafts the newcomers beat the battling captives into a semblance of order against one wall. * * * * * as for vulcar--he lay where tharn had left him, tortured lungs sucking air in great gulps as the livid hue of his face gradually faded. vulcar had been very near to death. finally he got shakily to his feet, assisted by two of his men. for a full minute he could not speak as he swayed there, rubbing at the angry red welts where tharn's merciless fingers had closed. "seize that madman!" he croaked at last; "seize and tie him! a few touches of the whip will teach him how to act!" before the hesitant warriors could act, katon had stepped into the breach. "wait, vulcar," he pleaded. "do not have him whipped. the man is a barbarian; he believed you had attacked him, and acted so. had he stopped to think, he would not have dared raise a hand against the mightiest fighter in all sephar." vulcar was shrewd enough to see that katon had made it possible for him to save face before the others without chancing another battle. he realized the cave-man would resist an attempt to punish him, and such resistance might inflame the prisoners anew. "perhaps you are right, katon," he admitted reluctantly. "but i shall not be so lenient if it happens again." tharn, listening, shrugged indifferently. the incident was closed as far as he was concerned, and vulcar's thinly veiled threat did not impress him. "i was about to tell your wild friend," the captain continued, "that urim has sent word he is to be brought before him at once. perhaps you had better come along, katon; you seem to be the only one able to control him." the three men crossed the huge cell, passed through the guarded doorway and went up a long ramp to the first floor of the palace. there they turned left and moved along a narrow corridor until stopped by a heavy door. vulcar rapped on this with his knife hilt, it opened from the opposite side and they stepped through. what met the cave-man's eyes caused him to catch his breath, so unusual did it appear to one who had known nothing more elaborate than simple caves and tangled fastness of jungle and forest. here was a great, high-ceilinged room, well-filled with warriors, citizens, slaves--even a sprinkling of women--all grouped about a low wooden frustum, its four sides consisting of steps. on the flattened apex stood a large chair, complete with arm-rests and towering back. here sat the dignified figure of urim, ruler of sephar. * * * * * as tharn and his companions entered, all conversation ceased, every eye turned toward them, and there was a great craning of necks. some of those present had heard details of the cave-man's capture--details that had lost nothing in the telling. his god-like figure, the rippling sinews beneath a sun-bronzed skin, the primitive loin-cloth of panther hide--all drew forth murmurs of admiration. as for tharn--he strode toward the elevated throne with all of sadu's majestic fearlessness. his level gray eyes bored into those of the man above him, and despite himself, urim stiffened under their challenge. when they had halted, urim spoke, addressing his words to vulcar. "is this the prowler you captured in the slave quarters?" he asked, indicating tharn. "it is, o urim." the ruler's eyes shifted to the stiffly erect figure of katon. "why have you brought this man?" he demanded. "the prisoner has been troublesome," explained vulcar. "since katon seems able to manage him, i brought him along." urim's face lost some of its good nature. "well, katon," he said coldly, "i have not forgotten you. do you find the pits more to your taste than being in charge of the quarry slaves?" katon's face was without expression. "both places have their good points, o urim," he replied evenly. urim scowled. "let me remind you the games are not far away. i doubt that you will find many good points there--unless they be fang points!" he turned back to tharn. "what were you seeking in sephar, forest-man?" "i came here for my mate," tharn said briefly. "your mate?" "yes. she was taken by your men three suns ago not far from here." urim looked questioningly at vulcar. "he must mean the girl you brought in a few days ago. i understood the man with her had been slain." "this is the one," admitted vulcar. "there is an arrow wound--a fresh one--in his side. when we took the girl, the man with her was struck by an arrow. but we thought he had died from a blow from one of our clubs; it seems impossible that he has survived its force." for several minutes the ruler of sephar sat lost in thought, his eyes on the giant cro-magnon. this wild man's fate was in his hands, and his alone. as a slave the man would make an excellent guard or warrior--that is, were he tractable, amenable to discipline. yet something warned him this man would recognize no authority or law beyond his own. such a slave would only stir up unrest, perhaps open rebellion among his fellows. and so urim made his decision. "confine him to the pits, vulcar," he commanded in dismissal. "he is to take part in the games." vulcar led them out. a few moments later the two prisoners were standing within the mammoth dungeon, watching silently as the great door swung shut, hearing the heavy bars fall into place. * * * * * hardly had tharn left the throne-room when dylara and nada entered, accompanied by two guards. an amazing transformation had been made in the appearance of majok's daughter. the stained animal skin, that once had afforded an inadequate covering, was gone--replaced by a sleeveless tunic that fell from throat to knees. her luxuriant curls of deep brown were neatly drawn behind her ears; on her feet were strong sandals of leather. she hesitated slightly at sight of many strange faces, the serried ranks of motionless warriors about urim's elevated throne, and, finally, the lordly figure of urim, himself. regaining confidence, she walked slowly through the press of sepharians as they cleared a pathway to the foot of urim's chair. both women and their escorts halted a few paces short of the steps. three heads were humbly lowered; dylara alone gazed artlessly up at the monarch. urim hid his smile with a casual hand. were all cave-people so difficult to impress? this savage girl was a beauty, though; the other women of the room certainly suffered by comparison. by the god! if there were not a hundred suitors at her heels before long he would have missed his guess. even old uglor, that confirmed misogynist, was staring at her, his heart in his eyes! "is this girl in your care, nada?" he asked. "she is, o urim." "she understands nothing of our customs?" "that is true." "she will be of no use, then," observed urim, "until she has learned them. i think it would be best to keep her apart from the other slaves until then. "you, nada, shall teach her our ways; you are excused from other duties. see that she is taught to give service as a hand-maiden--she is far too beautiful for harder tasks. when she has learned all that you can teach her, let me know and i shall see to it that she has a kind mistress." nada could not hide her gratitude. it was clear that urim had taken an interest in the new slave-girl, and it gladdened the older woman's heart to know dylara's lot was to be an easy one. their interview ended, the two women were about to leave when the door opened to admit jotan, tamar and javan. jotan, slightly in the lead, halted directly in front of dylara. indifferent to all else, he gazed deeply into the startled eyes of the cave-girl. dylara felt her cheeks grow warm under the unmistakable message in the man's eyes. she was conscious, in a peculiar detached way, of a strange, disturbing fascination. somehow she knew this declaration was coming from deep within the heart of the square-faced young warrior; that the love he professed so silently was honest and complete. tamar nudged javan sharply with an indignant elbow. "look at him!" he growled under his breath. "there stands our friend--staring at a barbarian wench as though she were a nobleman's daughter! we've got to do something about this, javan." there was a dreamy expression in javan's eyes. "she _is_ beautiful, at that," he whispered. "maybe we--" * * * * * his voice trailed off as one of the escorting guards, impatient at the delay, took dylara by one arm and urged her on. the movement brought realization of their surroundings to both the man and the woman. jotan stepped aside to let them pass, his face expressionless. dylara and nada walked slowly along the corridor between the two guards. the girl seemed subdued, deep in thought. nada, watching her covertly, said: "he loves you, dylara." the cave-girl nodded. "i know.... who is he, nada? i'm certain he's never seen me before. do men fall in love so quickly?" her companion smiled. "they have been known to," she observed drily. "he is jotan, the son of a nobleman of ammad. he has been in sephar only a day or two." "i like him," dylara said. "you must tell me more about him." nada glanced sharply at the girl. "i know only what is told by palace slaves and guards. such tales are not always true." the guards stopped before the door of the room where dylara had spent the night before. nada said, "this is where we are to stay until urim is ready to give you to some woman of the court." as the door closed behind them, she added: "they will bring us food, shortly. while we eat, i shall tell you all i can about sephar and ammad ... and jotan." chapter vii woman against woman as the door closed behind tharn and katon, the former noticed that, but for themselves, the great cell was empty of life. "where are the others?" he asked, as they sat down on a pile of skins near one wall. "in the arena, i suppose," katon replied. "we must have exercise in the open air almost daily if we are to be in condition to put up a good fight during the games." "just what are these 'games,' katon? from what i could make out, both of us are to take part in them." "shortly before each rainy season," katon said, "sacrificial games are held in honor of the god-whose-name-may-not-be-spoken-aloud. these games consist of battles between men, and between men and beasts. at times animals alone fight, and hundreds die. "each succeeding day the victors of the day before are pitted against one another, until, on the last day, only one is left alive. that one, whether man or beast, is acclaimed as favorite of the god and is set free. always, however, that one is an animal; never in game history has a man survived. and that, my friend, is what we face." tharn shrugged, unimpressed. "perhaps not. we may escape before then." katon shook his head. "no, tharn. always we are either locked in here or remain under the watchful eyes of many warriors during exercise periods in the arena. "no, there is no escape--unless you can overcome every life-loving fighting man and half-starved beast of the games." he looked up in time to catch the slight smile on tharn's lips. no shadow of fear, no hint of concern clouded the cave-man's calm gray eyes. limitless self-confidence, backed by superhuman strength and nerves of granite, had rendered impotent the ominous note in katon's words. the sepharian felt a bit exasperated. what was the use of warning this headstrong wild-man of danger if danger meant nothing to him? "don't you understand?" he exclaimed. "the chance of either of us surviving the games is so small that we may as well forget it." tharn's smile widened. "we are not dead yet. much can happen before the games begin. the rainy season is almost a moon away." katon gave it up. one could not make the blind see, nor the deaf hear. this barbarian would lose his smile when they put him in the arena with a hungry lion! * * * * * tharn, seeking to change the subject, said, "i saw that this man, urim, hates you, katon. is it because of him that you are here?" there was a wry twist to katon's lips. "urim and i were once great friends. i came to sephar from huxla, a city of ammad, where my father is ruler. upon arriving here, i entered urim's service as a common warrior. during a hunting trip, i saved him from being mauled by a wounded lion. in gratitude he put me in charge of sephar's quarries--a position much sought after by sepharian nobles. "and then i met a girl--the daughter of a nobleman. she was very beautiful; and before long we were in love." katon seemed to have forgotten tharn's presence. his speech was slow, his words toneless and deliberate. the cave-man was quick to sense the other's mental suffering as he recounted a painful chapter of his life. "as it turned out," katon continued, "urim, himself, desired this girl and was planning to make her sephar's queen. when he learned that she loved me, his anger was very great, and one night i was taken from my bed and put here." his voice took on a deeper note. "the next morning they called to take the girl to urim. they found her on the floor of her room, dead, a knife driven into her heart. she had taken her own life." the two men talked on, while the time slipped by. finally their conversation turned to religion as accepted by the sepharians. tharn found his friend's explanation difficult to understand; a creed that allowed a single god both to threaten and defend his worshippers was far beyond his simple direct way of thinking. one part of katon's remarks on religion did interest him, however. this concerned the friction between urim and pryak, high priest in sephar of the god-whose-name-may-not-be-spoken-aloud. of this, katon offered the following: "pryak is as cruel and tyrannical as urim is kind and just. many rites and ceremonies introduced by the high priest have so angered the king that he has banned their practice--a move widening the rift between the two men. "twice, i am told, they have quarreled openly; but urim's warriors and followers so outnumber those of pryak, that the priest dares not persist. by doing so he might plunge the entire city into civil war; for much of sephar would flock to pryak's side, since he is the true representative of our god. "each passing day, however, brings the tension nearer a breaking point. pryak is crafty and wise and very proud. some day he will seek to overthrow urim and put a more friendly ruler in his place. even pryak, himself, may take the throne. it would not be the first time in our history a high priest became king!" * * * * * the entrance of the balance of the prisoners ended their conversation at this point. after the noon meal was eaten the men lay down on their beds to rest. tharn found sleep hard to find. flat on his back he lay, eyes fixed unseeingly on the grill-work far above him, while his mind reviewed the remarkable adventures that had befallen him since he had set out on a mission of vengeance. how long ago it seemed, now, since he had taken up the trail of those who had attacked his people! and now he was a prisoner of a race whose very existence had been undreamed of a few suns ago. a captive, too, was the girl who had been so abruptly thrust into his life, bringing with her the beauty and pangs of love. dylara! where was she now? did she believe him dead, a victim of arrow and club? had she given up all hope of ever seeing again her father and the caves of majok, to accept tamely the life of a slave? in spite of having known her only for a short time, he doubted this. there was too much of the haughty pride of a born princess in her to submit tamely to such a fate. given the chance she would brave the perils of jungle and plain in an effort to locate her own tribe. as he lay there, motionless, watching sunlight streaming through the opening overhead, the resolve grew strong within him to win dylara's freedom, and his, from this strange place and its stranger inhabitants. they had him now--but it would take more than a few doors and walls to keep him. * * * * * when the door had closed behind dylara and nada, jotan turned to his two companions. he found them staring at him reproachfully. "and now," tamer said bitingly, "now that half of sephar knows you are in love with a slave-girl, perhaps we can pay our respects to urim, whom we have kept waiting." jotan was suddenly conscious of the curious eyes of men and women. beyond the crowd of sepharians was urim on his elevated chair, peering over the heads between him and the three men near the door. jotan chuckled a little. "for her i would keep many kings waiting," he said in a low voice. "but you are right, of course. come." the three men moved through the crowd. jotan's arrogant bearing and handsome face drew forth almost as many whispered comments as had the appearance of tharn earlier that morning. at sight of the three visitors, urim's florid countenance lighted up with pleasure; and half-rising, he called to them. "you are welcome, noble guests from ammad!" he cried. "i had hoped you would come here, this morning. come closer; there are many here who have asked to meet you." when they had reached the frustum's base, urim descended and, in turn, presented various members of his retinue. introductions were acknowledged, and there was much small talk. jotan's interest in the somewhat lengthy ceremony was purely mechanical. his thoughts were with the cave-princess he had met at the door; in fact, he had thought of little else since he had first seen her on the day before. his determination to ask urim for her had been strengthened by the chance meeting, and he resolved to wait no longer; as soon as these introductions were finished, he would make known to urim his wishes. as he stood there, head and shoulders above the throng about him, a pair of flashing gray-green eyes watched him intently, eyes that had burned angrily as they observed the meeting between him and the cave-girl. they were the eyes of the princess alurna, who, with her hand-maiden, anela, had come into the room by another entrance at the very moment jotan had barred dylara's path. unobserved, she had witnessed the entire incident, and her hatred for the lovely captive was intensified a hundred-fold thereby. alurna had slept but little during the night before. after tharn had vanished through her window, she had gone back to bed--but not to sleep. she could not banish thoughts of jotan; she could not close out the memory of those flint-like blue eyes that could soften so wonderfully when their owner smiled. and so, near morning, she had finally admitted to herself that she loved this broad-shouldered visitor from a distant land. her admission brought with it no peace of mind; for, she told herself furiously, it would have been bad enough to love anyone; but to feel so toward a man who had eyes only for another--and a savage, at that!--was more than she could bear. utterly miserable, she bit her lips to force back her tears and glowered resentfully at the unsuspecting jotan. * * * * * introductions completed, urim returned to his chair and his duties. the others broke up into little groups; some attending closely the details of various petitions and demands of sephar's citizens; others conversing among themselves and paying no heed to what went on about them. tamar, javan and jotan formed one of these latter groups, having withdrawn to some distance from the throne itself, at jotan's whispered request. alurna saw the three men move apart from the rest. "quick, anela," she murmured, grasping the girl's arm, "get close enough to those three to hear what they say. don't let them suspect you are listening. go!" anela nodded, and slipped away through the crowd.... "what now?" asked tamar, eyeing jotan's set face narrowly. jotan was watching the gradually thinning knot of sepharians at the foot of the throne. he said: "when urim has finished there, i shall make my request of him. until then we may as well wait here." tamar scowled; then suddenly he smiled. "listen, jotan," he said rapidly, "let it go for a few days. after all, you want to be sure of a thing like this. then, if you still want her--why--take her. it won't be necessary to go about telling everyone she is to be your mate. javan and i can arrange to get her for you without it being known you are interested. then, after you've had her for a while, if you still feel the same way, let it be known she is your mate. i've an idea, though, that it will never get that far. you'll learn that--" tamar saw the gleam in jotan's eye, gulped, and was silent. for a long moment jotan stared at his friend, his expression one of mixed pity and scorn. then, with cool deliberateness, he turned and started toward the throne. "wait, jotan!" tamar stepped in front of him. "i was wrong. i shouldn't have said that. i see how it is, now, and i'll help you all i can. but at least do this: wait until you can speak to urim alone. tonight, after the evening meal, draw urim to one side and make your request--not while all sephar is watching you." tamar's distress was so genuine that jotan stopped. after all, it meant the difference of only a few hours; if such a concession would appease his friend it would be a small price to pay. "very well, tamar," he agreed. "i will wait until then." none of the three noticed a figure detach itself from the fringe of the crowd nearest them and hurry away. * * * * * when the eavesdropping slave girl reached alurna's side, the princess drew her into a deserted corridor outside the room. "what were they saying, anela?" she asked impatiently. "the handsome one spoke of asking your father for someone--a woman. one of the others sought to change his mind, but he would not listen." such a soul-searing flame of hate went through alurna that her heart seemed to wither in its heat. at sight of her mistress' expression anela shrank away in terror. "did he say when he intends asking for this woman?" anela swallowed. "tonight," she faltered, "--after the evening meal." for a moment alurna stood there in thought. then, dismissing the girl with a gesture, she turned and strode rapidly along the corridor, away from the audience hall. her head pounded with jumbled thoughts. over and over she told herself that jotan should never have the golden-skinned cave-girl. there were ways to prevent it; no slave could have the man alurna wanted! the princess went directly to her own apartment. closing and bolting her door, she sank wearily onto the wide bed. with an arm across her eyes, she lay down, thinking bitter thoughts and shaping many plans to prevent jotan from having the girl he desired. each plan, however, was discarded in turn as being either too difficult to accomplish or too liable to failure. how? how? how? ask her father to refuse jotan's request? no; that would bring to light facts she preferred kept hidden. have her killed? too dangerous. if urim ever discovered who was responsible she would pay a terrible price. and then out of nowhere came her answer. alurna rolled over and sat up as the idea took shape in her mind. "anela!" she called. immediately someone tried the door, and finding it locked, rapped timidly. alurna rose and admitted the still apprehensive girl. "listen to me closely, anela," commanded the princess, closing the door. "do you know meltor?" anela was surprised. "why--yes. he is one of the guards stationed at the palace entrance." "tell him," the princess said crisply, "to come here at once." the slave-girl started to say something, reconsidered, and went out. a few minutes later she was back, followed by a tall slender young man, whose dark expressionless face bore a long livid scar across one cheek. "leave us, anela," alurna said softly ... "sit down, meltor." * * * * * the man lowered himself stiffly on the edge of a stool and looked at urim's daughter with steady eyes. his face might as well have been masked, so completely was it lacking in expression. "meltor," said the princess, "i have kept a secret of yours for many moons--a secret that, were i to divulge it to a certain nobleman, would cost you your life. am i right?" a shadow of uneasiness crossed the warrior's face. "did the daughter of urim," he said dryly, "summon me here that i might be reminded of something best forgotten?" alurna smiled. it was not a nice smile. "the nobleman, too, would like to forget. but he cannot--until his daughter is avenged." meltor said nothing. "it is not a secret to remember," alurna said smoothly. "i want very much to forget it. and if you will help me, meltor, i promise never again to remind you of it." "what is it you want me to do?" the princess bent forward. "deep within the jungle beyond the gate of the setting sun, is an old abandoned house of stone. it was there rydob, the hermit, lived for uncounted years. do you know the place?" the young warrior nodded. "yes, i know where it is. nobody goes there since rydob's bones were found on his own door-step." "yes," alurna said contemptuously. "they fear rydob more after his death than when he lived. i hope you are different, meltor." the man flushed. "i am not afraid, daughter of urim." "good! i knew i could count on you. now listen to me carefully; there must be no mistakes." for half an hour the princess spoke steadily. the guard listened attentively, interrupting now and then to ask questions; twice he offered suggestions. when alurna had finished, meltor remained silent for a few minutes, mentally reviewing the plan's details. the girl watched him with narrowed eyes. "i shall need help," he said at last. "i have no right to enter the slave quarters." alurna nodded. "i shall leave that up to you. you are known to the guards there; find one you can trust and enlist his aid. promise him much, but tell him no more than is necessary." meltor got to his feet. his face had resumed its habitual lack of expression. "your orders shall be carried out, daughter of urim," he said flatly. "i will report to you, here, when i have finished." the door closed behind him. chapter viii abduction the humid heat of early afternoon hung in shimmering waves over sephar's walls and buildings of stone. except for an occasional perspiring warrior or slave, hurrying on some urgent mission, the broad avenues were quite deserted. in a palace wing containing the female slave quarters, dylara and nada were together. the daughter of majok lay stretched at full length on her bed, hands locked beneath her head, drowsily watching a patch of sunlight near the ceiling. nada nodded sleepily on a low stool near the bed. dylara yawned audibly to break the silence. she rolled over and touched the older woman on one arm. "i don't want to sleep, nada," she protested. "let's talk awhile. you promised to tell me about him--jotan, i mean. i keep thinking about him--how he acted, staring at me the way he did." nada smiled, and patted the hand on her arm. she had been thinking of her only son--of him whom she had last seen as a little boy. she had wanted to overcome a strange reluctance to question dylara about him; what he had been like, if he was big like his father ... little things that meant much to a mother. "i will do the best i can," she said. "what i say will be only what is repeated among the slaves and guards. "jotan's home is in ammad--about which i have already told you. his father is a nobleman there--one of the most powerful and influential men in that country. jotan is well liked by all who know him; they say his followers would die in his service and count themselves honored." "i think i can understand that," said dylara dreamily. "there is something about him that takes hold of you--awakens your imagination. many girls must care a great deal for him." nada glanced sharply at her, and was on the point of making some comment, when there came a sudden brief rap at the closed door. "i wonder who that can be," she said, frowning. rising, she crossed to the door and drew it open. a guard in a grayish-white tunic stood at the threshold. behind him, half-concealed by the shadows of the hall, was a second man. "urim," said the guard gruffly, "wishes the slave-girl dylara brought to him at once." for some reason this unexpected summons alarmed nada. "i do not understand. what does he want of her?" "i forgot to ask him!" retorted the guard sarcastically. he beckoned to dylara. "come; i have no time to waste." * * * * * the cave-girl approached uneasily, affected more by nada's concern than the prospect of being brought before urim. the guard stepped aside to let her pass, then turned to leave. "wait!" nada cried. "i am going with you." the man scowled. "i was not told to bring you," he snapped. "you stay here." he went out, slamming the door. dylara, a man at either side, was led down the long corridor and through the double doorway. there they paused while the two men held a brief conversation in whispers too low for the girl to make out their words. and then the second man approached and took hold of her arm. "you are to come with me," he said. "i am to take you to urim." dylara's skin crawled under the contact. she jerked away. "i do not need to be held." the dim light hid the man's angry face. "slaves do as they are told," he reminded her coldly. "do not forget that." grasping her arm roughly, he strode along the hall, the girl beside him. shortly afterward they descended the great staircase to the main floor of the palace. they met no one on the way, the intense heat having sent the palace inhabitants to their beds to rest until early evening. to dylara's mingled surprise and alarm, her escort moved straight to the great doorway leading to the palace grounds. four guards lounging outside the entrance watched them pass, nodding briefly to the man with her. they turned into one of the wide streets that led to the city's outer wall. dylara fought down a wave of panic. "where are you taking me?" the man was quick to sense her fear. he tightened his hold on her arm. "to urim," he replied briefly. "where is he?" the sepharian turned his head and frowned at her. for the first time dylara noticed the long white scar across his cheek. "you ask too many questions," he said roughly. "now keep them to yourself." a cold hand seemed to close about the girl's heart. she knew, now, that urim had not sent for her; that she was being led into some horrible danger. worst of all, there seemed no way to prevent this man from doing as he pleased. the street was deserted; and even should someone appear, an appeal for help would probably be useless. soon they reached one of the huge gateways in the wall about sephar. the warrior drew dylara to a halt as two guards sauntered in their direction. "well, meltor," said one, a tall, languid man of middle age, "what are you doing out in this heat? and with a girl, too; up to your old tricks, i suppose." meltor smiled without humor. "this is something else. if i may speak with you privately...." * * * * * dylara, under the watchful eye of the second guard, watched them step away a few paces and engage in a whispered colloquy. meltor did most of the talking, speaking earnestly and at length. the other nodded from time to time, appearing properly impressed. once or twice he glanced with interest at the girl. meltor had evidently gained his point. he approached dylara, now, a triumphant curl at the corners of his mouth. "we must hurry," was all he said. together the man and the girl passed through the twin gates. beyond the open ground dylara could see the grim forest rising dark and forbidding against the sky. and yet she wondered if it was more to be feared than the city of stone behind them. danger lurked in the jungle--ah, yes; but it was danger both direct and elemental--not hidden beneath hypocrisy and artifice. why had she been taken from sephar? she was certain this man was not acting in his own behalf; someone else was behind it all--someone who did not want others to know. it could not be urim. urim was chief; he need not hide his activities from anybody. yet who else could it be? suddenly a great light burst upon her. jotan! he was responsible--it could be no other! because she belonged to urim he had been forced to have her stolen from the palace and taken to some out-of-the-way spot that he might be with her. this was the answer--the only answer! belief became certainty; and with it came indecision. a strange mixture of dread and exultation came over her. her heart beat faster at thought of meeting the man who had aroused within her an emotion as yet unfathomable. but matters were being brought to a head much too quickly to suit her--she needed more time. unconsciously she slowed her steps, pulling back at the grip on her arm. they were already within the jungle, hidden from sephar by a bend of the trail underfoot. meltor, satisfied that the girl would accompany him peaceably, had relaxed his hold. suddenly dylara twisted free, and before the surprised warrior could interfere, she whirled about and dashed away in the opposite direction. meltor wheeled and took up the chase, crying out hoarsely for her to stop. but the rage in his voice only spurred on the girl to greater effort. along the trail they raced, a few yards apart, their sandaled feet kicking up little puffs of dust and powdered vegetation. the nimble-footed girl was gradually increasing her lead, seeking to gain the bend in the trail with enough time for concealment before meltor could catch sight of her again. and then, without warning, something caught at her ankle, plunging her headlong to the ground with terrific force. half-stunned, she made a weak effort to regain her feet, when a strong hand grasped her roughly by an arm and jerked her upright. * * * * * the rage-distorted face of meltor swam hazily before her. she blinked rapidly in an effort to dispel the fog. "you little fool!" the words seemed to come to her from across a great distance. "try that again, and i'll--" there sounded a sharp ringing "crack," and dylara staggered back, her left cheek flaming from the force of an open-handed blow. the slap transformed the girl from a dazed, bewildered child into an infuriated tigress; and for the next few moments meltor had all he could do to keep from being badly mauled. exhausted, she finally sank to her knees and burst into a storm of tears. meltor stood by, more or less winded himself, fingering a long scratch alongside his nose, waiting for the girl to regain composure. at last he pulled her to her feet, and urged her along the path into the west. dylara, her once spotless tunic grimy and torn, accompanied him docilely now, too weary to resist. she knew by this time that jotan had nothing to do with her abduction; no hireling of his would dare handle her so roughly. an hour later they entered a small clearing, deep in the heart of the jungle. in the center of the open ground stood a rambling, one-storied building of gray stone, weather-beaten and unkempt, its unprotected windows staring vacantly like the dull lifeless eyes of a corpse. despite the flame-tipped rays of the mid-afternoon sun which flooded the clearing, dylara shivered, conscious of the miasmatic atmosphere of the place. nor was meltor entirely unaffected by the eerie aspect of dead rydob's former residence. details of stories he had heard about the old hermit came to him now, and he caught himself glancing nervously about. a short series of stone steps led to the half open door. a profusion of vines and creepers had sprung up unchecked, partially covering the stairway. meltor cautiously kicked the vegetation away, aware it might be the hiding place of little sleeza, the snake--sleeza, whose bite meant a lingering, painful death. suddenly the man jumped back, voicing a yell of terror, and almost upsetting dylara. his prodding foot had torn away a curtain of foliage, disclosing the bleached skeleton of a man, stretched out on one of the steps. the skull had rolled a few paces away, and lay there grinning malevolently up at them. dylara shuddered, shrank back. she had seen the bones of man before; but under present conditions and surroundings the gleaming skeleton seemed a horrible prophecy of her own fate. "who could it have been?" she asked in an awed whisper. meltor forced a grin. he had managed to regain control of his shattered nerves. "old rydob, the hermit," he replied. "and no prettier in death than he was in life. some say he was the brother of pryak, the high priest." taking dylara by the elbow, he urged her past the pile of bones and over the threshold. * * * * * they came into a huge, high-ceilinged room, well-lighted by the sun. from its appearance the girl judged that rydob had spent most of his time here; the ruins of a bed stood in one corner, while a large table in the center of the room held a jumbled collection of stone dishes and bowls. several tunics, rotten with mildew, hung across one of the three chairs about the table. and over everything was a thick layer of dust and cobwebs and the droppings of countless rodents. meltor kicked over two of the stools to clear them of dust, replaced them, then cleared the table top in the same way. "sit there," he said, pointing to one of the stools. dylara obeyed without a word, watching the man seat himself across the table from her. there followed a period of silence. thus far, meltor had carried out his plan to the letter. but now, faced with the unpleasant part of his task, he was beginning to feel decidedly qualmish. how truly beautiful she was! not the empty loveliness of perfect features alone; there was personality and fire and a keen, alert mind mirrored in those grave brown eyes and the sweet curve of sensitive lips. and then he thought of alurna and the secret she held, and the memory put an abrupt end to growing misgivings. dylara, who was trying to fathom what lay behind the man's cold expressionless face, broke the silence. "why have you brought me here?" meltor hesitated. why not tell her? perhaps the knowledge would drive her into making a second attempt to escape. and then.... "i suppose there is no reason why you should not be told," he said slowly. "it will make no difference--now. "you have made an enemy in sephar. how it happened, i do not know--nor does it matter. it is enough that you are in the way--and must die." the calm emotionless statement brought no sense of shock to dylara. she had known what was coming--known it as surely as though he had said the words an hour ago. in a curiously detached way she was conscious of the brilliant sunlight streaming through the windows; of the strident voices of many birds in the nearby jungle; of the slow-moving wind among many leaves.... "i do not want to kill you," meltor continued. "you are too young to die. i would like to let you go--to leave you in the forest to go back to the caves you call home." as he spoke, his hand dropped below the table's edge, fumbled there, then reappeared, a long knife of stone in his fingers. "but i dare not do that," he went on, in the same flat monotone. "you might turn up again in sephar and ruin everything. i cannot risk it." was he, dylara wondered, trying to goad her into some act of resistance, that he might escape the stigma of cold-blooded murder? fascinated, unable to look away, she watched him lift the keen-edged blade. suddenly he rose and lunged across the table toward her. dylara knew the moment had come. chapter ix torture jotan pushed back his plate and sighed wearily. "i can't eat in this heat," he complained. "besides, i have no appetite." "it _is_ hot," javan agreed through a full mouth; "but then it's always hot at this time of day." tamar helped himself to another serving from the pot on the table. "it's not the heat alone that's taken his appetite, javan," he observed disagreeably. "our friend is so eager for evening to come that he can think of nothing else. it is then, you know, that he will become the laughing-stock of all sephar by asking urim for a cave-girl to take as his mate." an hour before, the three visitors from ammad had left the palace audience hall and returned to their quarters. after bathing and getting into fresh tunics, they had sat down to food brought from the palace kitchens. rising, jotan crossed the room, sank down on a pile of sleeping furs and pulled off his sandals. then he lay down, covered his eyes with one arm and was soon asleep. presently tamar and javan finished eating. the latter at once sought his own couch; but tamar remained at the table, deep in thought. two hours went by, and still tamar remained there, head bowed in his hands. the slaves had long since cleared the table and departed, leaving the three men to themselves. abruptly the seated man raised his head, his expression that of one to whom a momentous idea has come. for a long moment he remained thus, then got silently to his feet and tip-toed to the door, let himself out and, despite the withering heat, started briskly toward the palace. the four guards stationed at the entrance stiffened to attention as he approached. tamar halted a few yards away and beckoned to one of them. "do you know me?" tamar asked haughtily. "of course!" replied the young warrior humbly. "there is none in all sephar who does not know tamar of ammad." "good. take me at once to the quarters of the female slaves." the eagerness in the young man's face was replaced by doubt. "i am not permit--" he began hesitantly. tamar cut him short with a gesture. "do as i say," he snapped. "the responsibility will be mine." the warrior bowed. "follow me." they entered the great hall and ascended to the third floor. outside the twin doors leading to the slave quarters they were stopped by two guards on duty there. tamar's guide addressed one of them. "rokor," he said, "this is the noble tamar of ammad. at his command i have brought him here." rokor bowed deeply. "it is an honor to meet urim's guest. how may i serve you?" "by taking me to see one of the slave-girls here--the cave-girl, dylara." something akin to a leer crept into rokor's expression. "oh, yes; i know the one you mean. if you will come with me...." * * * * * tamar dismissed the first guard and followed rokor through the twin doors and down the corridor. halting before one of the numerous doors, rokor unbarred and opened it, then stepped aside that tamar might enter. a tall slender woman of early middle-age rose from a bed in one corner. but for her tunic of a slave, the visitor would have taken her for the mate of some sepharian noble. at his appearance, the eager expectant air she had at first assumed, faded, replaced by one of questioning doubt. tamar turned to rokor. "she is not the one," he said testily. "this is not dylara." the guard scratched his head, baffled. "she should be here. this is her room. urim told nada, here, to teach her our customs." nada came forward and placed a hand on tamar's arm. "do you seek dylara?" she asked tensely. tamar nodded. "do you know where she is?" the woman looked meaningly at the staring guard. "if i may speak with you alone...." tamar sent the man out, and closed the door. "well ..." he prompted. nada looked at him searchingly. since dylara had been taken from the room over three hours ago her concern for the girl's safety had steadily grown. she was convinced urim had not sent for dylara, but realized she was powerless to act in her aid. why tamar had come here puzzled her; but he might be of assistance in clearing up the mystery surrounding dylara's absence. "what do you want of dylara, noble tamar?" she asked. tamar showed his surprise. "you know me, then?" nada smiled. "there is not a slave in the palace who does not know of you and your two friends." tamar hesitated. something told him he would lose nothing in being frank with this woman. and there was something amiss here; dylara's absence and this woman's concern made that evident. "i can think of no reason why you should not know," he said. "you see, my friend jotan has the mad idea he is in love with this dylara. i have tried to make him see that one in his position cannot mate with a barbarian; but he will not listen. he means to ask urim for her tonight. i came here to talk to the girl--to make her understand she could never be happy as the mate of a man so far above her. if she promises to have nothing to do with my friend, i will promise to arrange for her freedom, to return her to her own people." it took an effort for nada to repress a smile. "does anyone else," she asked, "want to keep jotan from having her?" "not that i know of," tamar said, puzzled by the question. "why do you ask?" "because one of the guards took dylara from here shortly before you came. he said urim wanted her, but i think he lied." * * * * * tamar stiffened. was this some of jotan's work? had his friend suspected one of his companions might seek to interfere, and to thwart them, had the girl removed to another place? he would go back and confront jotan with this evidence. to think the man did not trust his own friends! but what if jotan had had nothing to do with taking the girl? would it be better to remain silent, so that when he did learn she was missing it would be too late to discover what had become of her? and then, cutting through the fog of selfishness and snobbery like rays of the sun through mist, came a new trend of thought, far more worthy of the real tamar. jotan was his friend! they had fought side by side against a common foe; they had hunted together, traveled vast distances together, sought adventure together, gone hungry and cold--together. ever since boyhood they had been companions--closer than brothers. and now he, tamar, was on the verge of disloyalty to his own best friend! his eyes blazing, he caught the astonished nada by an arm. "_who_ took her?" he demanded hoarsely. "where is he, now?" "it--it was fordak," nada stammered, staring wide-eyed at the man's taut face, "--fordak and another whose face i could not see." tamar let go of her arm, threw open the door and went out. he found rokor leaning against the opposite wall, waiting. the man from ammad masked his emotions by resuming an air of indifference. "come, rokor," he said easily, "i am ready to go. the girl i came to see has been taken to another part of the palace. i have decided not to see her, after all." as the two men walked along the corridor, tamar said, "by the way, rokor, do you know a guard called fordak?" "why, yes," rokor said. "he stands watch at the entrance to the slave quarters. i, myself, relieved him shortly before you came up." "do you know where he can be found at this time of day?" "probably in his room, sleeping." "will you take me there? i have something for him." in his eagerness to please the noble visitor from ammad, rokor quite forgot to be curious. "gladly," he said. "come this way." tamar was led to the second floor of the palace, and along a corridor to the wing housing the warriors of urim. rokor stopped before a narrow opening and pounded heavily on a closed door. "fordak!" he bellowed; "open up here! you have a visitor." they heard someone moving about inside, and a second later the door swung back. a thick-shouldered man, inclined to fatness about the middle, stood there, his coarse black hair tousled, eyes heavy with sleep. "who wants me?" he grunted. "this is tamar of ammad," rokor explained. "he has something for you." tamar interrupted. "you may leave me here, rokor. i can find my way out when i have finished with fordak." * * * * * when the guard had gone, tamar turned to the man nada had named. he found the fellow eyeing him respectfully. "fordak," said the man from ammad, "i have need of a fearless warrior to do something for me. one who can do as instructed and, at the same time, keep his mouth shut. you were recommended as such. will you help me?" fordak rubbed one side of his bull neck with a calloused palm. "what do you want me to do?" he asked warily. "i cannot tell you, here," tamar said. "come with me to my quarters and i will explain. you will be well rewarded for your work." the guard's wide face lighted up. "then i'm your man," he rumbled. "lead the way." a few minutes later, tamar, with fordak in tow, opened the door of the building set aside for him and his companions. jotan and javan were still sleeping. tamar closed the door and dropped the bar into place. "sit down," he told fordak, pointing to a stool. he crossed the room and prodded the sleeping pair into wakefulness. "jotan and javan," he said, when the two had risen, "this is fordak, one of sephar's finest warriors. fordak is going to help us in a little matter, aren't you, fordak?" the guard nodded, his broad cheeks creased with a wide smile at being treated so familiarly by a nobleman. jotan was staring at his friend in frank bewilderment. "what are you getting at, tamar?" he asked. "why have you brought this man here?" "yes," tamar went on, ignoring the questions. "fordak is going to do a great deal for us. to begin with--" he dropped a hand lightly on the man's shoulder "--he is going to tell us _what he did with the slave-girl, dylara_!" as tamar spoke the last few words his fingers bit fiercely into the bare flesh beneath his hand. the speed with which fordak lost his smile was almost laughable. he bellowed out something unintelligible and started to rise; but jotan, his face suddenly white beneath its tan, crossed the room with a single bound and slammed him back on the stool. tamar flipped a knife from its sheath and pressed the point lightly against fordak's spine. "sit still, you!" he said frostily. jotan's face was haggard. "has anything happened to dylara?" he asked thickly. "in the name of the god, tamar, tell me quickly." "just this," tamar said. "while you and javan were asleep i went to the palace to ... on a personal matter. while there, i learned that dylara had been taken from the slave quarters by this man on the pretext of taking her to urim. another man helped him; who, i don't know. knowing you would be interested in learning what had happened to her, i brought our friend, here, along to answer your questions." * * * * * jotan thanked him with a glance. then he turned to the seated fordak. "all right," he ground out savagely, "what have you done with her?" fordak looked at him sullenly. "i don't know what you're talking about," he mumbled. "you have no right to keep me here." jotan, his face convulsed with anger, grabbed the man by the front of his tunic with one hand and shook him savagely. fordak, struggling to twist loose, aimed a wild blow at his tormentor, and received in return a mighty smash full on the nose that knocked him to the floor, half conscious, blood pouring from his nostrils. "get up!" snarled jotan. he kicked the dazed warrior brutally in the side. "either that tongue of yours starts to wag or it comes out--by the roots!" he reached down, caught a handful of fordak's rumpled hair and pulled him to his feet. the guard stood there, swaying, and would have fallen had not jotan shoved him back on the stool. "where is she?" fordak wiped his nose with the back of one hand and stared woodenly at the crimson stains left there. he knew he must tell; he could not bear further punishment. and then he remembered what meltor had said. the princess alurna had wanted the girl disposed of; to tell what he knew would bring down the wrath of urim's daughter upon him. he shivered at the thought; for he did not want to die. "where is she?" fordak moved his head in silent negation. "i don't know." jotan clenched his fist to strike again. tamar caught his arm. "wait," he said. "let me talk to him." he pushed back fordak's head. "we know you're mixed up in this, fordak. you and another guard took the girl from her room. tell us where she is and you shall go free--as soon as we find you have told us the truth." "i don't know," said the man stolidly. jotan swore impatiently. "i'm through wasting time," he said. "dylara may be in danger. i'll get the truth from him." he motioned to javan. "get me a fire bowl." when his friend had handed him a bowl of fat, he lighted its wick with a glowing coal from an earthen jar and came back to fordak. the seated man watched him, apprehension in his eyes. the flame wavered in the faint breeze from the windows. it suddenly had become very quiet in the room. jotan drew the flint knife from his belt and began to run the blade back and forth through the candle's flame. "what are you going to do?" tamar asked. the lips of his friend were pressed into a straight line. "he's going to talk. be ready to listen." another minute passed. jotan continued to move the knife blade to and fro in the heart of the fire. fordak could not tear his eyes from the objects in the man's hands. great beads of perspiration stood out on his forehead. "tie his arms and legs," jotan said. * * * * * those words seemed to release fordak's paralyzed muscles. voicing a wild cry he bounded from the stool and was nearly to the door before tamar and javan brought him down. he continued to struggle frantically while they bound lengths of rawhide about his arms and legs. when he was securely tied they dragged him back to the stool. jotan said, "take off one of his sandals." fordak yelled in terror and jerked back, almost falling from the stool. "stuff something in his mouth before he has half the city here." gagged and bound, fordak was helpless to do more than gurgle and sweat as javan knelt and bared one of his feet. "now," jotan said grimly, "we'll see what effect this will have in getting information." with a quick movement he placed the white-hot length of flint firmly against the delicate skin of the instep and held it there. an eerie, muffled scream pushed past the gag in fordak's mouth. so intense was the note of animal pain that the three men felt their flesh crawl with the sound. abruptly the bound guard stiffened, his eyes swam in their sockets, and he fell back in a faint. jotan rose and tossed the knife aside. "get some water," he said. "one treatment like that should be enough." they removed the gag from the unconscious man's mouth and doused water in his face. after a moment he groaned weakly and opened his eyes. "where is dylara?" jotan asked, for the third time. words came spilling out. "i--i'll tell you. don't burn me again. i can't stand it. i'll talk. we took her--meltor and i. meltor made me help him take her. he said alurna told him to do it." "alurna?" jotan was astonished. "what had she to do with it?" "she wanted it done. meltor said she ordered him to take the girl to the house of rydob outside sephar. he was to take her there and kill her, then hide the body so no one would know what had happened to her." jotan paled. "where is this house of rydob?" fordak gave directions. when he had finished, jotan said: "tamar, get three or four of our men and meet javan and me at the gate of the setting sun. hurry!" tamar went out. "get our weapons together, javan," jotan ordered. "we'll meet the others at the gate." javan was slow to comprehend. "where are we going?" "into the jungle," said jotan evenly. "to the house of rydob!" * * * * * alurna had slept well during the mid-day heat. when she awakened, her first thought was of meltor and his errand. lying there, the room darkened against the blazing sun, she allowed herself to think of jotan, smiling when she realized he was free, now, to fall in love with her. no longer was there a barbarian slave-girl to blind him to the beauty and charm of urim's daughter. after a while she sat up, stretched her soft muscles with all the sleek satisfaction of a jungle cat, and summoned anela. the slave-girl was aiding her in effecting a leisurely toilet a little later, when a brief rap sounded at the door. "that must be meltor," alurna said contentedly. "let him in, anela." but when the door was opened, it was another man who stood there, his tunic torn and stained, his broad plump face lined with suffering. "it's fordak!" cried anela. the man staggered to a stool and dropped onto it, exhausted. "i came as soon as i could, princess," he babbled. "i came to tell you so you would not punish me. they forced me to tell; they burned me until i told them. i would have come sooner, but the ropes were tight." alurna shut him off with a gesture. "what are you trying to tell me?" she demanded. "_who_ made you tell _what_?" "the men from ammad." fordak was beginning to gain control over his shaken nerves. "jotan and tamar and javan. they tortured me until i told them where meltor had taken the slave-girl." rapidly he related all that had taken place in the visitors' apartment. being no fool, he exaggerated the amount of suffering he had endured; thus might the heart of alurna be touched with pity. when fordak was done, alurna went to the window and stood there, her back to the others, staring into the grounds below. what was she to do? jotan was already on his way to the house of rydob. if meltor had wasted no time, jotan could not possibly arrive soon enough to save dylara from death. but would meltor do his work promptly? there was a cruel streak in the man--the same characteristic that made a leopard toy with a victim for hours before putting an end to its misery. and that girl had been very beautiful.... she turned. "you may go, fordak." the man was worried. "i could not keep from telling, princess. they burned--" "get out!" fordak got unhappily to his feet and limped from the room. "quick, anela!" said the princess. "get to vulcar at once. i want five of his most trusted men to meet me at the gate of the setting sun. should he ask questions, tell him i will explain later. go!" "where are you going, princess?" the slave-girl asked as she started for the door. "into the jungle," was the calm reply. "to the house of rydob!" * * * * * seven men stood in a group at the mouth of a trail. behind them lay a tract of matted jungle, over them towered the branches of forest kings, and directly before them was a small clearing containing a rambling, one-storied building of gray stone, weather-stained and unkempt. "that must be the place, jotan," said one of the men. "it answers the description you gave us." jotan nodded. "they must still be in there. otherwise we should have met this meltor on his way back. if only we have arrived in time. "we must spread out, then come up to the house from all sides. two of you go with tamar and circle around to the east. keep within the jungle's fringe that you may not be seen from the house. the rest of us will close in from this side. you have five minutes to reach your places. go." the minutes dragged by. none of the four appeared to feel an urge to talk. a heavy silence had fallen on the jungle about them. even the hum of insects, the voices of the gaily-colored birds, the chattering monkeys, were stilled. the same strange tenseness that precedes a tropical storm, an atmosphere of impending conflict, seemed to hang over them. jotan straightened. "they've had time enough. come on." the four men stepped into the clearing, spread fan-wise, and headed for the building, moving at a half-trot. the door was closed. in absolute silence they stepped over the heap of bones that once had been rydob, mounted the steps and halted there. carefully jotan closed his fingers about the latch. the heavy planks swung inward enough to satisfy him that there was no bar in place. suddenly jotan drew back and drove his shoulder against the wood with all his weight behind it. the door flew open and the four men came piling into the room, knives of stone held in readiness. that mad rush came to an abrupt halt, and what the men saw brought a chorus of astonished exclamations from their lips. flat on his back in the center of the room, partially hidden behind an overturned table, lay meltor of sephar. from his left breast stood the hilt of a stone knife, its blade buried deep. he was quite dead. the girl was gone. chapter x the hairy men for several moons now, urb, the neanderthal, and his tribe had found it increasingly difficult to locate game in the neighborhood of the family caves. the reason could be any one of several: a nearby water-hole dried up until the rainy season came again; a family of lions holed up close by; an absence of adequate pasturage. urb sat crouched near the foot of a lofty escarpment that contained the tribal caves. his deep-sunk button eyes, beneath beetling brows, indifferently watched the young ones of the tribe playing about the clearing between jungle and cliff. below a flattened, shapeless wedge of nose, his thick pendulous lips worked in and out in worried and laborious thought. as leader of his tribe, urb was concerned about the lack of game. it had been comparatively cool here in the shadows of the scarp during most of the morning; but with noon growing near, the sun's direct rays began to penetrate the thick growth of black coarse hair with which urb's gross body was almost entirely covered. and so he rose at last and, like the great bull ape he so closely resembled, clambered awkwardly but quickly to one of the caves. just inside the entrance he squatted his two hundred and fifty pounds on a boulder and fell to watching gorb, his eldest son, put final touches to a flint spear head. after heating the bit of rock in a small fire for several minutes, gorb would withdraw it, hastily touch a spot near the edge with a drop of water which caused a tiny bit of the flint to scale away, then repeat the entire process. it was a long and tedious task; but gorb had that untiring patience given to those for whom time has no meaning. eventually, his perseverance would reward him with a fine weapon. urb was secretly proud of his son. even as a boy, gorb had shown no interest in hunting or in war. beneath his sharply receding forehead was the brain and soul of a true artist--a soul that found its expression by the creation of implements of the chase and of battle. no other member of urb's tribe could even approach the artistry gorb put into his work; no other could fashion a spear so true in balance; none could produce a flint knife so keen-edged and well-formed. the half-finished spear head reminded urb of his own immediate problem. "gorb," he said, "only two kills have our men made in the past five suns, although all have gone forth each day to hunt. it is not because narjok or bana or muta run away before we can kill them. we cannot find them at all; only twice in those five suns have we come upon the spoor of any one of them." gorb paused at his work and drew a hairy forearm across his sweaty face. "last night," he said, "long after dyta had found his lair, i heard sadu roaring and growling among the trees. it was the noise of a hungry sadu; he, too, was angry because there is no meat." urb grunted. since the day before, he had been turning an idea over in his slow-moving mind, and now he sought to put it into words. "tomorrow," he said, "when dyta first awakens, some of us will look for caves far from here. i will go; boz and kor and tolb and you, gorb, will go with me. there are many hills; there will be many caves in them, and much meat in grasslands nearby. when we find a good place we will come back for the others of our tribe." "good!" approved gorb, turning back to his labors. "it has been many suns since i have eaten all the meat i can hold. i will go with you, urb." * * * * * early the next morning a little band of neanderthal men descended the escarpment and set out toward the rising sun. they were six; besides those named by urb, mog, the sullen, had been taken. all were armed with huge flint-studded hardwood clubs, so heavy that only an arm of great strength might wield one; rude knives of flint and short-shafted spears completed their armament. they moved along with the curious shuffling gait peculiar to their kind alone. their passage seemed to diffuse an atmosphere of terror and dread, striking dumb the countless denizens of the teeming jungle. urb was in the lead, his small black eyes darting about for the first sign of danger, ears and nose alert lest sadu or jalok or tarlok find him and his fellows unprepared. but if any of the more formidable beasts were near, they remained concealed. only pandor, the elephant, neglected to give the hairy men a wide berth when several were together--pandor, who feared no creature that walked or flew or wriggled. the shaggy-coated males moved steadily ahead, their objective a group of low mountains far to the east, the upper portions of which were clearly discernible on the few occasions the band crossed a clearing of any consequence. at noon they halted on the reed-covered banks of a shallow river; and while urb and tolb hunted game, the others rested beneath the broad boughs of a jungle patriarch. soon the two hunters returned, bearing between them the still warm carcass of muta, the wild boar. each of the six hacked off a juicy portion and devoured it raw, blood matting the hair of face and chest. after drinking at the river's brink, the brute-men stretched out beneath the trees, covered their faces with huge fronds of a palm tree and slept until mid-afternoon. urb roused them, then, and once more the savage band took up their march. darkness was near when the six passed through a fringe of jungle and paused at the foot of a lofty cliff. urb, deciding too little daylight remained for them to attempt scaling the vertical slope, ordered the neanderthals back into the forest. here they supped on flesh of the boar killed earlier in the day, then sought couches among the tree branches. during daylight it was all very well to sleep in comfort on the jungle floor; but during the night it was safer aloft. the great cats usually laid up during the day, digesting the previous night's kill; but once uda, the moon, made an appearance, the forest abounded with hungry carnivora. * * * * * with the first rays of the morning sun the six men began the perilous climb. slow-moving and awkward, they made hard going of the ascent, but their tremendous strength aided them where lesser muscles would have failed altogether, and finally the crest was reached. here they stood at the edge of a great tableland, clothed with primeval forest from which, in the distance, loomed four low mountain peaks. game seemed plentiful; as they watched, a herd of antelope grazing to their left caught their scent and bounded away across a narrow ribbon of grassland which lay between the forest and the plateau's edge. a band of monkeys chattered and scolded at them from the safety of middle terraces, while a cloud of raucous-voiced birds rose with a whirring beat of wings and flew deeper inland. not far to their right was the entrance to a narrow deep-worn game trail leading into tangled mazes of brush, creeper, vine and trees. it was toward this trail that urb turned his footsteps, motioning for his companions to follow. "here is food enough," he exulted. "if we can find caves in those hills, we will go back to fetch the rest of our people." in silence the six frightful, man-like creatures faded into the black shadows of the overhanging forest, their goal the towering heights at the far end of this plateau. and directly between them and their objective lay sephar, mysterious city of an unknown race. * * * * * dylara lay face down on a broad branch, her head pillowed on a heap of moss, biting her lips to keep back tears of bitter anguish. the swollen ankle throbbed steadily, its pain almost unbearable. and she had been so close to freedom! from her place high in the tree she could see the stone walls of rydob's dwelling, evil and grim in the sun. behind those walls lay the dead body of meltor, slain by his own knife. she felt no regret for having killed him. it had been his life--or hers. when he had lunged across the table in an attempt to stab her, she, acting by instinct rather than thought, had thrust her weight against the table. meltor, off balance, went over backwards, his head striking hard against the floor. before he could regain his wits dylara had torn the knife from his hand. he cried out once in mortal fear as the blade swung high, flung up a futile hand to ward off the blow, and died as polished flint pierced his heart. no--she felt no regret for having killed him. what she did regret was the mad impulse that had sent her running blindly into the open air. so anxious had she been to flee that horrible place that she had no eyes for what lay in her path. as a result, one heel had trod full on the whitened skull of rydob the hermit. dylara's ankle had twisted beneath her, pitching her headlong into a tangle of vines at the base of the steps. she was up at once; but the injured ankle buckled under her weight and she had fallen again, crying out in agony. for a little while she had remained there, stroking the injured member, already swollen and turning blue. finally she got to her hands and knees and, with many pauses, crawled toward the trees ringing the clearing. how she managed to clamber into the branches of one giant tree and work her way a full fifty feet above the ground, dylara was never to know. so awful was the pain that her mind seemed numbed; only an unflagging determination drove her on. she stopped at last, on a thick bough and lay there, completely exhausted. it was comparatively cool there in the shelter of the foliage. soft jungle breezes stirred the branch gently and she was soon asleep. a bird twittered and cooed close by, and the wind blew lightly across the troubled face, smoothing its tired lines.... * * * * * and as the weary, pain-wracked girl lay sleeping, four heavily armed men stepped into the clearing and moved stealthily toward the house of rydob. they entered; and after a few minutes, reappeared at the doorway, to be joined by three other warriors who had come up to the building from the rear. "it seems hardly possible," jotan was saying, "for a mere girl to kill a grown warrior. for all we know, another man may have slain meltor and made off with dylara." "it's my guess," said tamar, "that the girl caught meltor off guard and stuck a knife in him. she's not like the women we know, jotan. hers has been a wild, primitive life, filled with danger. because of it, she would be far more resourceful than sepharian women have need of being. taking a life probably means nothing to her. "no," he concluded, "i've an idea she's well on her way back to her caves by now." javan, impatiently listening to the conversation, touched jotan's arm nervously. "there is no point in staying here," he complained. "it will be dark soon, and the jungle is no place to be after sundown." jotan smiled wanly and clapped him on the shoulder. "of course. i have no right to expose you and tamar to danger on my account. "we will return to sephar now. but tomorrow i shall return here with a warrior who is versed in tracking. with his help i should be able to learn what has happened to dylara." "we will go with you," tamar said quietly. and javan nodded agreement. the seven entered the game trail and started back toward distant sephar. jotan led the way, his wide shoulders drooping disconsolately. it was clear the loss of the lovely cave-girl had hurt him deeply. the return journey was about half completed when jotan stopped suddenly and raised a cautioning hand. "listen!" he exclaimed softly. the seven cocked their ears alertly. faintly, mingled with the everyday noises of the jungle, came sounds of murmuring voices and the tramp of feet from around a bend in the trail ahead. "probably warriors from sephar, hunting game," tamar said. "let's join them; they may have news for us." jotan frowned. "hunters don't go blundering about so carelessly," he reminded. "hide in the undergrowth until we can make sure." a moment later, six human figures appeared in the path. five were fighting-men of sephar--all well armed. the sixth was a girl in a close-fitting tunic that emphasized the lithe softly-curved body it covered. her face was set in determined lines as she moved on, looking neither to the right nor the left. tamar, lying next to jotan behind a screen of vines, nudged his friend. "alurna!" he breathed. "what can she be doing here?" "looks as though fordak was telling the truth," jotan whispered. "she _is_ mixed up in this. he must have got free and gone to her with the story. "well, let her go to rydob's house. she'll find little there to please her!" as soon as the princess and her escorts were out of sight, jotan called his men from their hiding places and they took up their interrupted progress toward sephar. chapter xi from jungle depths urb, the neanderthal, was beginning to tire. he and his five hairy companions had been on the march since dyta had risen, and even now the sun was hunting a new lair for the night. from the frequency with which those behind him were stumbling, he judged they, too, were tiring. but the mountains were close, now. he and his men were almost certain to reach them before darkness came. there they might find caves near grasslands rich in game. urb's mouth watered and he was aware of being very hungry. a faint breeze, blowing lightly against their backs, changed its course suddenly and came whipping in from the west. as it flicked across their faces the six hairy ones came to an abrupt halt, standing stiffly as though turned to stone. urb sniffed in short rapid inhalations, his unkempt visage twisted in a ferocious scowl. "men!" he grunted. "the hairless ones! it has been long since we have found such. hide!" with a degree of soundlessness surprising in such clumsy bodies, the six neanderthals faded into the mazes of undergrowth at either side of the path. * * * * * hardly were they hidden, when alurna and her five companions came into sight. they were moving slowly, the girl limping slightly from a bruised heel, her sandals scuffed and dusty. the girl stopped and turned to the others. "is it much farther, adbor? i don't think i can take another step." "courage, my princess," smiled adbor, a tall, slender man with a great shock of blond hair. "a short distance more and we shall be there." alurna sank down on a fallen log, removed her sandal and rubbed the bruised heel. "i'm afraid you'll have to carry me from here on," she sighed. "my feet ache terribly." * * * * * silently the foliage parted an arm's length from the girl's half-bent figure, and in the gap were framed the brutal faces of urb and mog, the sullen. urb gave the female only a passing glance; his attention was riveted on the five unsuspecting men. the woman was not armed--the men were; and it was the males who must die before they could bring their weapons into use. meanwhile, the stunted mind of mog, the sullen, was laboriously following an altogether different trend of thought from that of his leader. his unblinking pig-like eyes were intent on the sweetly curved back directly in front of him, and he was increasingly aware of what an altogether desirable bit of femininity this hairless she actually was. his tongue moistened suddenly dry lips and he shifted his weight uneasily from one foot to the other. urb waited no longer. slowly he brought up his left hand, caught a small branch between his fingers, then suddenly clenched his fist. the wood snapped with a sharp clear sound, freezing the five sepharian guards into instant immobility. but not for long. as the sound of breaking wood rose on the still air, six grotesque figures rose in a rough semi-circle about the group in the trail, and simultaneously five mighty stone-incrusted bludgeons were hurled with unbelievable force and accuracy. the startled sepharians never succeeded in bringing their own weapons into play. before they could fully comprehend their danger all five were stretched on the jungle path. three were dead as they fell, heads crushed like brittle twigs; another died almost as quickly, his back snapped as a dry branch is snapped beneath the broad feet of pandor, the elephant. only one still lived, a club having dealt him a glancing blow aside the head, laying his flesh open in a great gash and rendering him senseless. gorb was more adept at making clubs than he was in their use.... five clubs were thrown; there should have been six. only mog, the sullen, retained his hold on his murderous weapon. as his fellows loosed their cudgels, mog sprang forward, caught the paralyzed girl about the waist with one immense hairy arm, and before the others could fathom his intentions, had turned and fled back along the pathway as quickly as his short bowed legs could carry him. [illustration: mog snatched alurna into his arms and made off through the forest] the remaining five watched mog's hurried flight until he had passed from sight. his purpose in stealing the she was clear; their surprise came only from his way of taking her--and the fact that seldom did a hairy man mate with a member of another race. but then mog was a surly brute, unable to find among his own people a mate willing to endure his temper and moods. * * * * * the neanderthal men gathered about the bodies of the five guards. gorb, true to character, took up several of the scattered weapons and examined them closely, noting with envy that they had been fashioned with far greater skill than he possessed. he puzzled long over the bows and arrows, but his limited intelligence could make nothing of them and he finally cast them aside. at last the five took up their march toward the distant mountains. they moved more cautiously now than before, realizing they might meet more of the hairless men. urb, still in the lead, noticed, a while later, that the forest was beginning to thin out. soon he caught a glimpse of a plain marking the edge of the woods. he paused, nose searching the humid breeze. they edged forward at a brief guttural command from their leader, until they came to open ground. before them, beyond level grassland, rose the gray stone walls of sephar, looming huge and impressive in the light of early evening. white tuniced warriors lolled before broad gates leading to many stone buildings beyond. urb shook his head regretfully. "we must look elsewhere for caves," he said. "to make our homes near here would mean much fighting with the hairless ones. it is better to go where we may live in peace. come." with bowed shoulders and awkward shuffling gait the five frightful men turned back for the long journey to the distant caves of their people. soon they were filing silently past the five motionless bodies in the center of the trail. and through narrowed, blood-filled eyes, through a red film of hate and pain, adbor, sepharian warrior, watched them go, and planned a sanguinary revenge as payment for the death of his four friends and the theft of the princess alurna, daughter of his king. * * * * * two hours later, just as the night's first shadows fell across the path, a searching party found his unconscious body face down in the rotting vegetation of the trail. tenderly they lifted him up, cradling the blond, blood-soaked thatch in their arms, and bore him back to the city. there, men trained and schooled in the treatment of wounds, did all they could to revive the numbed brain of a courageous warrior. they were only partially successful. with closed eyes adbor gasped out, in a few broken sentences, his story of death and abduction. something of his former strength seemed to come back to him as he spoke. raising on one elbow, his eyes now wide and staring beyond those about him, he cried out, shrill and loud: "give me my spear--my bow! i will follow them! i will--" his voice broke and he fell back limply. adbor was dead. above that still form men looked at one another in silence and in horror. the hairy men! creatures so seldom seen as to be almost mythical, but whose savage and brutal natures were known from horror tales told at many a dinner table and about many a camp fire. vulcar was the first to speak. "i must take word to urim. for the last two hours he has been storming about the palace demanding he be told where alurna is. now, i don't know what he will say--or do...." he shrugged. "make preparations to send out a searching party the first thing in the morning. i will lead it." slowly the hawk-faced warrior set out for the palace with the message that must wither the stalwart heart of him for whom vulcar cared above all others. * * * * * alurna had been conscious of a bobbing, rocking sensation for some time before she opened her eyes to the world about her. for a moment she watched the procession of thick greenery at right angles to the direction in which she seemed to be moving; then sudden recollection flooded her mind and she awoke to the horror of her position. it was then that she became aware of the hairy back beneath her and a great calloused hand clamped about her wrists. instinctively she attempted to struggle free; but the nightmarish brute only tightened his grip and without pausing in his loping gait turned a snarling, bestial countenance toward her. at the sight, alurna felt her senses reel and she closed her eyes with a shudder of loathing. mog, satisfied his captive would remain passive, transferred his attention to the path underfoot. the hairy one was beginning to regret the decision that had cost him the companionship of his fellows. to cross, safely, the miles of jungle and forest between his present position and the caves of his tribe, would require all his strength and cunning. alone, armed only with club and spear, he could prove fairly easy prey to any one of many enemies. jalok, the panther, agile and fearless and wantonly cruel; conta, the cave bear, who fought on his hind legs; tarlok, the leopard, beneath whose spotted hide lay such strength that by comparison mog's stalwart thews were as nothing. and then there was sleeza, the giant snake, whose slimy coils held the strength of ten mogs. most fearsome of all, however, was sadu, the lion, tawny of coat and shaggy of mane, whose absolute fearlessness, speed of attack and irascible temper, backed by steel sinews and mighty fangs, caused the balance of jungle folk to give him a wide berth. above and about the lumbering monstrosity and its still, white burden, scampered, flew, slunk and crawled the superabundant life of this green world, their voices and movements adding to the vast ocean of sound rising and falling about the ill-assorted pair. while far behind them came urb and the others; but the distance between was growing rapidly greater so swiftly was mog covering the ground. and then, with almost frightening suddenness, dyta, the sun, disappeared from the heavens and darkness fell upon the jungle. the neanderthal mouthed a few disapproving grunts, peered about nervously, then swung sharply to his left and forced his way through foliage to the base of a great tree. alurna clung fearfully to the shaggy neck as the great brute pulled himself into the lower branches. with the coming of night her fear was intensified a thousandfold; but even more than she feared mog was her dread of the brooding jungle and its savage inhabitants. she reproached herself silently for venturing from the security of sephar's walls. woman-like, she blamed jotan for everything--had he not fallen in love with the cave-girl nothing like this would have happened. mog paused upon a broad bough well above the ground. placing alurna in a sitting position here, her back against the tree's bole, he tore free a length of stout vine and bound her wrists securely behind her back. satisfied his prize would be helpless to escape, mog let himself down on a branch directly under her and sought a comfortable position in which to sleep out the night. alurna, hemmed in by a wall of blackness which her untrained eyes were unable to penetrate, could hear the hairy one as he settled himself. she knew there would be no sleep for her this night; she was far too frightened to think of closing her eyes for an instant. seconds later she was sound asleep; and though the balance of the night was made hideous with the savage voices of jungle denizens, the exhausted princess did not stir. * * * * * a rough hand shook her awake. she shrank away with a whimper of fear at sight of mog's forbidding face a few inches from her own. the neanderthal freed her wrists by breaking their bonds with his powerful fingers, then swung her once more to his back and slid to the ground. noon found them at the outskirts of the forest. mog had pushed ahead far more quickly than he had thought possible. alone, without allies, he feared an attack at any moment from some forest dweller. there would be no safety for him until he was safe in the caves of his tribe. with the forest behind him, mog trotted across the narrow ribbon of grasses to the lip of the almost vertical cliff overlooking the tree-filled valley below. a portion of the boar killed two days before was cached in one of those trees; once he and his captive were safely down the cliff they could eat without wasting time in a search for food. but mog began to realize it would prove no small matter to transport the girl down the abrupt incline. indeed, it would require all his own strength and limited agility to get himself down without the added burden of a helpless she. then came the thought that she might be able to do so without his aid. not ungently he lowered her to her feet and signed that she should start down. when alurna, correctly interpreting his gesture, glanced at the hard earth so far below, she gasped aloud and drew back, trembling. mog, sullen and short-tempered at best, did not intend wasting time in coaxing her. raising a bulky fist, he shook it threateningly under her nose, then once more pointed to the edge of the precipice. alurna could not help but feel she preferred death by falling to being mauled by this uncouth beast-man. and so, gritting her teeth and tensing her muscles to control their trembling, she lowered herself over the brink and began the tortuous descent. those long agonizing moments which followed were to live forever in the memory of alurna, princess of sephar. slowly, inch by inch, she worked her way downward, feeling in an agony of suspense for footholds where she was confident no such holds existed. at times her entire weight was suspended by her fingers alone, while both feet searched for some projection to which her sandaled foot would cling. she knew, now, it would have been wise to have tossed her sandals down first; her bare feet would have held to the rock with more certainty--but it was too late for that. gradually she sank farther and farther from the lip of the escarpment. she dared not glance above or below; her gaze was glued continuously on the uneven surface over which she was passing. her fingers were raw and bleeding by this time; but she clenched her lip between white teeth and went on. at last the strain, both to limbs and to nerves, was nearing the breaking point. alurna knew she could not hold on much longer; if she failed to reach the valley floor soon, she must fall the balance of the way. then, as the desire to loose her grip, whatever the consequences, seemed too overpowering to resist, her feet came to rest on level ground. tired, high-pitched nerves gave way, and alurna sank to the ground and burst into tears. had she acted at once, she might have escaped, for mog was still fifty feet above her. but she was conscious only of relief from the peril just undergone; and mog found her huddled in a pitiful heap at the very spot where her feet had first touched solid earth. lifting her easily to his wide back, he took up his club from where he had dropped it from above, and moved at a half-trot toward the nearby forest. while from the depths of a tangled maze of cloaking underbrush, at the very point he was nearing, two baleful yellow eyes were fixed in unblinking attention upon him and the girl he carried! * * * * * the morning after alurna's capture, twenty warriors were assembled in front of sephar's palace. it was evident they awaited someone, for their eyes turned often to the great doors. and then came vulcar, arms laden with an assortment of weapons. rapidly he handed them out to the twenty until each was fully armed. this done he barked out an order and the men formed into ranks, four abreast and five deep. his hawk-like face set in stern lines, vulcar faced them. "warriors of sephar," he began, "you know what has happened to the daughter of our king. you know, too, that five of your comrades died trying to save her. most of you knew and admired adbor. i saw adbor die. he died while calling for his weapons, eager to take up the trail of those who had stolen the princess. "to you goes the honor of avenging your comrades and returning the princess to her father, alive ... or dead." as the calm voice ceased, a score of right arms shot up and a resounding shout rose from twenty throats. "then come," said vulcar quietly, and turned to lead the way. but before the men could move to follow him, a deep voice from the palace doorway bade them wait. clothed in the simple harness of an ordinary warrior, and fully armed, urim descended the steps and came up to vulcar. "i will go with you," he said simply. vulcar had been afraid of this. urim no longer was a young man; to take him along might cost sephar a ruler, as well as its favorite daughter. "o urim," he said, "may i say a few words to you before we go?... "my king, trust me and these warriors to find alurna. they are young and fully trained. for hours they can press onward so rapidly that anyone less hardened would drop behind within an hour. to slacken their speed for one less trained might cost much precious time." urim, ready to override any protests, could not help but see the logic of the words. for several moments he stood with bowed head while impulse battled with good judgment. "take your men and go without me, my friend," he said at last, his voice unsteady. "i am an old man, and useless. i should only delay you." he turned and strode back into the palace before the troubled sepharian could frame a reply. ten minutes later the twenty and one entered the trail that led past the scene of alurna's capture the day before. * * * * * half an hour later another band of men filed through the western gates of sephar and entered the mouth of the same path. there were eight in the group: jotan, javan and tamar with five of the warriors who had come with them on the long journey from ammad to sephar. their destination, now, was the house of rydob, and with them was a man adept at following a spoor, however faint. tarlok, the leopard, crouching among the dense foliage of a thick branch above the trail, watched them pass. soundlessly he bared glistening fangs, and his yellow eyes narrowed into twin slits of hate. tarlok detested these two-legged creatures; but even greater was his fear of them, for his mate had fallen, a moon ago, beneath the sharp sticks of such man-things. chapter xii enter--pryak hardly had word of alurna's disappearance flashed through sephar, that same morning, than a young under-priest was seeking admittance to the secret chambers of pryak, high-priest to the god-whose-name-may-not-be-spoken-aloud. it was no simple matter to gain the subterranean apartment far beneath the temple. only a chosen few had ever set foot within the holy-of-holies; this young man was not one of them. but his excited manner and the announcement of information "for pryak alone" had brought him to the very door of the high-priest's suite. but here he was stopped by orbar, second only to pryak, himself. tidor was no fool. to be first to acquaint his chief with important information could gain him recognition as a loyal and conscientious follower. men had risen high with such a beginning. and so when orbar sought to learn what word tidor had brought, he was met by the unchanging retort: "i will tell pryak--none other!" finally orbar began to lose patience. "you may not see the most-high," he snapped. "tell me what you know and i will pass it on--if it be worth-while repeating. come, tell me, or i will teach you what it means to cross orbar!" tidor trembled inwardly. he had heard gossip as to the fate of some who had angered orbar. he was about to blurt out the news, when there came a sudden interruption. the door to pryak's apartment banged open and a short, frail-appearing man appeared in the doorway. he was well past middle-age, with sparse graying hair that straggled untidily past the neck line of his tunic. his wrinkled face was twisted in anger, and his shifty, close-set eyes of watery blue glared at the two men before him. "what means this clamor, orbar?" he demanded shrilly. "by the god, am i to be disturbed by petty wrangling on my own door-step? who is this youth?" orbar's manner was humble, now. "tidor, an under-priest, has come with word which he claims is of great importance. i tried to learn from him if the information was worthy of your attention, most high, but he will tell me nothing." pryak turned on the young man. "what is this news?" tidor gulped. "o voice of the god," he said shakily, "i have learned that alurna, daughter of hated urim, was stolen yesterday while in the jungle. a roving band of hairy men killed her guards and took her. "an hour ago vulcar and twenty men left to hunt for her. urim stays at the palace, sick and miserable, waiting vulcar's return." pryak's scowl had deepened as the youth spoke. "and you call that important? what do i care if that soft-hearted fool loses a worthless daughter? a sound whipping will teach you to--" suddenly the high priest fell silent. the anger twisting his features began to fade--replaced by a cunning, scheming expression no less repellent.... "and yet," he said slowly, "we may be able to make use of this information. if i could be sure ... orbar! call to my rooms the council of priests." he was speaking rapidly, now, his face flushed with excitement. "this may be the day of our deliverance!" * * * * * tharn lay flat on his back on a heap of furs and watched a pattern of sunlight on the wall above his head. today was his second as a captive, and already his patience was wearing thin. he knew, now, why the other cave-men imprisoned here wore constant expressions of aloof sullenness. to be cooped behind rock walls day after day instead of being free to roam forest and plain as they had done since boyhood, was enough to sour any temper. he wondered where katon had been taken. shortly after the noonday meal, his friend had held a long whispered conversation with two of the guards--a conversation of considerable importance, to judge from katon's expression. he had said nothing to tharn about it in the hour between the conference and the arrival of two men who had taken him away. tharn gave up trying to find an answer to the puzzle and dozed off. he was awakened a half hour later by the sound of the cell door opening. he raised his head in time to see katon enter with two palace guards. without hesitation the three approached tharn's couch and he rose to meet them. "come, tharn," said katon hurriedly. "urim is waiting for you." the cave man did not move. "why?" he asked laconically. "it is my doing," katon explained impatiently. "i went to him with an idea, and he thinks enough of it to send for you." tharn was satisfied. he could trust katon. besides, it would be good to quit this dank place--if only for a little while. heedless of curious stares from the other prisoners, tharn and katon passed from the room, a guard leading the way. and shortly afterward they stopped before the door of urim's apartment. in response to their knock, a hollow voice bade them enter. tharn could hardly credit his eyes at the change in the man who slumped dejectedly on a couch near the far wall. in place of the proud ruler who had ordered him to the pits, was a hollow-cheeked, sunken-eyed old man. at the entrance of tharn and the others, urim slowly lifted his head and looked full into the calm gray eyes of the giant savage. under their quiet, sympathetic expression a gleam of hope flickered into his own tired eyes and he squared his shoulders. "have you told this man of your plan?" he asked katon. "no, urim," replied the sepharian. "i thought you might wish to do so." urim transferred his attention to the cave-man. "yesterday," he said, "my daughter was taken by a band of hairy men. what do you know about such men?" tharn smiled. "since i was a little boy i have heard many stories by men who have fought the hairy ones. they are slow and clumsy and do not think quickly. the warriors of my tribe do not fear them." "good!" urim exclaimed. "now i will tell you why i sent for you. "when katon, here, was told by one of the guards that alurna had been taken, he came to me with a suggestion. he thinks that by reason of your wide knowledge of the world outside our walls, you might be able to trail these hairy men to their caves and rescue my daughter--if she still lives. "do this, and you and your mate shall go free--and katon, too. but if you fail to return with alurna within the moon, the life of your mate is forfeit." tharn frowned thoughtfully. "if i do not find your daughter, yet return alone, what reward is mine?" "none! it would be as though you had not set foot beyond sephar's gates." "which means i must take part in the games; and dylara remains a slave." the cave-man was thinking aloud. then: "i agree, urim. i will start at once." * * * * * little nobar, the monkey, awakened dylara by dropping empty bean pods on her upturned face. she blinked in the sunlight filtering through the leaves, and sat up. her first thought was that she was actually free. yet to be accomplished was the task of learning the direction in which lay the caves of her people, then crossing that distance alone, exposed to many dangers. dylara, in her accustomed environment, was a resourceful young woman. the prospect of a long journey--just how long a journey she could only surmise--concerned her far less than had the prospects of a lifetime of slavery in sephar. all her life she had rubbed elbows with jungle beasts. since infancy the green wilderness of the forest had been her front yard. night after night she had gone to sleep with the roars of lions and the hunting squalls of leopards for a lullaby. she had learned to respect and avoid sadu and tarlok and jalok--but not to fear them. she knew they hunted man only when other food was denied them--and that was seldom. she knew that a tall tree was a sure haven from all three; for sadu could not climb at all, while jalok and tarlok would not venture among the smaller limbs able to bear her weight but not theirs. from the freshly risen sun's position dylara realized she had slept the entire night on this narrow branch. as she drowsily reviewed the previous day's events, she remembered her injured ankle and bent hurriedly to examine it. she was relieved to find hardly any swelling there, nor was the damage to strained ligaments so great as she at first had feared. rising, she tested her weight on the one foot and found that, beyond an occasional twinge, it would support her. slowly she worked her way down to earth and stepped into the trail. here she waited a few minutes, planning her next move. she finally decided to follow the path westward away from sephar until a cross-trail to the north turned up. such a route would eventually lead her to the heights from which she had first looked upon sephar. from that point on, finding the caves of majok should not be impossible. she skirted the clearing containing the house of rydob, walking within the jungle's fringe to avoid being seen by anyone who might be within the building, and soon was traveling due west. as she moved slowly ahead, limping slightly, she noticed the imprints of monstrous, man-like feet in the dust of the path. at first she examined the marks closely; but her limited woodcraft did not permit their identification, and she gave up trying. the makers of those strange prints, urb and his savage band, were plodding westward along the same path only a few hours ahead of the cave-girl. chapter xiii death stalks the princess as mog, the sullen, shuffled across the narrow strip of cleared ground toward the game trail into the jungle labyrinth, he was mentally congratulating himself at the ease with which he had obtained a desirable mate. within little more than a sun from now he would be exhibiting his prize to the envious eyes of the men and the jealous stares of the shes. mog was moving down-wind, and so engrossed was he with self-congratulations that he utterly failed to sense the presence of a tawny shape hidden in the thick growth at the trail's mouth. it was sadu, the lion, crouching there, massive head flattened to the ground, hindquarters beneath a taut frame, waiting for the approaching prey to move within the radius of his spring. on came the neanderthal. suddenly a terrible roar came from the ground almost at his feet, and a huge body flashed from the cloaking verdure and leaped at the hairy chest of the astonished man-thing. mog's reaction was instinctive. as sadu's roar broke the silence, the hairy one tossed alurna aside and swung up his massive club to beat off the attack. but in vain. mog had been too well ambushed to stage an effective defense. full on his shoulders fell the awful weight of the great cat, the club brushed aside as though it did not exist, and mog went down as though pole-axed. with wide distended jaws sadu lowered his head past the futilely flailing arms. there was a sickening crunch of bone as giant fangs closed on the face of the struggling figure, and mog, the sullen, was no more. alurna, prostrate where mog had tossed her a few feet away, watched the grisly drama with frightened eyes. during the brief interval in which sadu had made his kill, she might have risen and taken to her heels, but a paralysis of fear kept her motionless. now sadu rose to his feet, shook himself until the thick mane fairly flew, then placed a heavily taloned paw on his prey and turned his leonine head to look slowly about. at last his round yellow eyes came to rest on the prone figure of the girl. for an endless moment he regarded her with a fixed, unblinking stare; then the wrinkled lips curled back, exposing blood-reddened teeth, while from the cavernous chest came a low growl that coursed up and down the girl's spine like icy fingers. for what seemed ages to alurna that stare never wavered. the long graceful body with its tremendous sinews seemed to expand larger and larger until it loomed great as that of an elephant. she could feel a scream of horror and protest forming in her throat; but before it could find utterance; sadu swung his head back to the corpse and settled down to feed. alurna felt a wave of relief so intense she nearly fainted; it required several minutes to beat down her weakness sufficiently to think of escape. * * * * * some twenty paces to her left towered a mighty tree, its wide branches offering a secure haven could she but reach them. only half that distance, however, separated her and the lion; and if she made a break for the tree, sadu could be upon her before she had taken half a dozen steps. but the beast might not try to stop her. the princess alurna knew nothing of lions and their habits. only in the arena during the games had she seen a live one and then always from a distance. and so she resolved to lie quiet and wait for the animal to be done with its feeding. perhaps then it would rise and stalk back into the jungle, leaving her unmolested. the young woman lay perfectly still, trying to close her ears to sounds of grinding teeth and splintering bones. once she shut her eyes on the revolting picture of sadu at dinner, but opened them at once. to watch fragments of mog disappearing into that monstrous maw was bad enough; but to see nothing, while an overwrought imagination sent the beast slinking toward her, was more than human nerves could endure. suddenly sadu rose from the neanderthal's body and gave voice to a low ominous growl. alurna saw that the cat's attention was fixed on something beyond her, and she cautiously turned her head toward the cliff. a few feet below the upper edge were several man-like figures clinging to the vertical surface. carefully, each inched its way downward, testing each foot-and hand-hold before continuing on. for a brief, ecstatic moment the girl took them to be warriors from sephar; but then she saw they were creatures identical to her late captor, and suddenly heightened hopes plunged to a new depth of misery. sadu stood as a statue of bronze, the lazy jungle breeze ruffling his tawny mane, narrowed eyes intent on the slow-moving figures. for several minutes he stood thus, then lowering his head he seized the corpse of mog by one arm and dragged it from sight deep into the luxurious growth of vegetation beside the trail. not once during this change of position did he glance toward the watching girl. the moment sadu disappeared from view, alurna sprang to her feet and plunged blindly into the jungle at a point farthest removed from the beast. her only thought was to put all the distance possible between sadu and herself. she dared not take to the open for fear the hairy men would catch sight of her and hunt her down. for nearly two hours she struggled on, tearing her way through a tangled confusion of creepers, trees, ferns, broken branches and bushes. several times she tripped and fell headlong, only to rise and stumble onward. her tunic was stained and torn, thorns and branches having ripped the material in many places. at last, after unwittingly changing her course many times, she sank to the ground beside the hole of a great tree in the center of a small clearing deep within the heart of the primeval forest. completely exhausted she lay half-conscious on the soft carpet of grasses, her tortured lungs laboring to bring oxygen to an overtaxed heart. gradually her eyes closed, her heart slowed its mad tempo, she breathed more calmly as fear left her. as from a great distance came the low monotonous hum of insects, the subdued twitter of birds and rustlings from many leaves. alurna slept.... * * * * * when she sat up, several hours later, the glade was filled with the half-light that presages nightfall. she stood up and looked about, aware of the danger she had courted by sleeping on the ground in a territory where savage animals were so plentiful. abruptly the fading dusk deepened into darkness. the girl's tiny supply of courage fled with the light, leaving a frightened child to grope her way to the base of the lofty tree, where she managed to climb among the branches. here she found two thick boughs close together and extending horizontally outward in about the same plane. sitting with her back against the rough trunk, she stretched tired legs along the two branches and composed herself to wait for the dawn. scarcely was she settled than the scream of a great cat sounded beneath her, and she heard the animal on the ground at the foot of the tree. for a short time it circled the clearing, then came the sound of rustling undergrowth and jalok, the panther, was gone. that night was the longest alurna had ever known. the chill dampness of the nocturnal jungle penetrated to the innermost parts of her body until she was certain she would never again be warm. the single thin garment she was wearing was no protection; in fact, it added to her discomfort by absorbing moisture from the damp air. later, the heavy blackness about her was dispelled by rays of the full moon as it climbed until it seemed to hang close to the mighty tree that sheltered her. so bright was the glare that alurna could see objects so small as to escape notice during the day. several times she saw tiny rodents scurrying across the clearing, and once she saw little sleeza kill and swallow a field mouse. twice she heard large bodies moving in the tangled fastness about the clearing, but what made the sounds remained a mystery. at frequent intervals the savage roars and screams of fierce beasts reached her ears, but always from a distance. at last the seemingly endless night began to wane, and near daybreak the girl dozed fitfully. when next she opened her eyes the sun had risen, flooding the glade with life-giving, hope-reviving rays. alurna rose, unkinked muscles cramped from long hours in an unfamiliar position, and descended slowly to the ground. she was aware of being very hungry as well as possessed of a raging thirst. acting on these needs she entered the forest to search for water and food. * * * * * shortly thereafter, and solely by chance, she came to a small swift-moving mountain stream. here she knelt and drank deep of the cold water, then, greatly refreshed, rose, and set about gathering fruit from the plentiful supply everywhere about her. after eating, she bathed in the river, its waters soothing to the scratches and bruises of yesterday's mad dash through the jungle. by the time she had dressed again, the sun was quite high. while she had been in the water she had caught sight of a narrow game trail leading in the direction she was confident sephar lay. spirits soaring, she started out for home, her step springy with confidence. by noon the sun's heat had become so oppressive that she stopped in the shelter of a tree to rest. she was tempted to climb into the branches and sleep for a while; but the thought of being forced to spend another night in this wilderness drove away that temptation. it could not be much farther, she reasoned, before the base of the great plateau about sephar was reached. her sweat-streaked face set in stubborn lines, the daughter of urim stepped once more into the trail and plodded doggedly on. and every step was taking her farther and farther from her home. it was not long after, that tarlok, the leopard, his belly empty from a night of fruitless hunting, caught scent of her. slowly, with infinite stealth, he slunk upwind, keeping within the jungle's edge until he caught sight of the girl's bowed shoulders. tarlok's jowls dripped with anticipation. of all creatures known to him, none was more easily taken than man. a quick stalk, a sudden spring--and once again tarlok would feed. nearer and nearer he approached, moving warily lest the girl take alarm and climb high into some tree. when almost abreast of her, he boldly stepped into the trail, not ten feet behind his unsuspecting prey. it was then that alurna, warned perhaps by some subtle sense, turned around. * * * * * vulcar of sephar and his band of twenty warriors having safely descended the precipice at the same point where alurna had inched her way down earlier that day, assembled at the mouth of a pathway into the unchartered wood before them. "they probably came this way," vulcar said. "look about for some sign of their passage." a few minutes later a shout of triumph from one of the party brought the others to his side. he was pointing to a mark in the trail's dust--the large square imprint of a great flat foot, grotesquely human. vulcar smiled with grim satisfaction. "we are on the right track," he declared. "let us go on; we have work to do." as unwittingly as though it did not exist they passed the spot where their princess had entered the jungle. they did not see the broken and twisted greenery in the forest wall, and had they done so they could not have interpreted its meaning. the men of urb, versed in jungle lore, had found her trail at once, just as they had picked out mog's bones where sadu had left them. but urim's daughter held no interest for any one of them, and they had made no effort to track her down. for the balance of the day vulcar and his companions pushed ahead on their mission of rescue--or revenge. because they were smaller and more active they covered ground much more quickly than their bulky quarry. consequently they were rapidly overtaking the five neanderthals. near sunset the winding path debouched into a small clearing, through which ran a fair-sized stream. here the pursuers found the first positive indication they were on the right track. on the near bank of the river were ashes of a small fire, still warm to the touch. scattered about it were the gnawed bones of muta, the boar--already picked clean by hordes of ants. at first, vulcar's men had clamored to dash ahead in hot pursuit. but the hawk-faced leader decided against it, saying a short rest and full bellies would help them to fight better than if they were worn and hungry. "but if we wait," argued one, "the hairy men may reach their caves. we cannot fight against an entire tribe of them." vulcar shook his head. "had they been close to their caves," he pointed out, "they would not have stopped to eat and rest. no; we will stop for a little while and eat of the food we carry; then we can go on even more quickly than before. "five of us will go slightly ahead of the others. in case the hairy men find that many are following them they may run away. if they see only five, however, they are sure to attack. then the balance of us will fall upon them!" there was no gainsaying the soundness of vulcar's plan. even the most action-eager warrior saw its beauty. and so the men dropped to the ground beside the river, ate of the cured strips of meat carried in their shoulder pouches, and drank from the river. after a short rest period, vulcar called them together and gave the word that began the last stage of the journey. * * * * * while only a short distance ahead, urb and his four companions plodded slowly on toward their distant homes. darkness was not far in the offing, and urb was inwardly debating on ordering the men to the trees for the night, when tolb, at the rear of the column, voiced a low note that arrested the others in mid-stride. turning as one, the five stood motionless, their ears, keen as those of sadu, himself, cocked to catch and interpret what tolb had heard. urb, wise old campaigner, was first to identify the sounds. "men!" he grunted. "the hairless ones! hide." silently each neanderthal man stepped behind a trunk of one of the trees lining the path. mighty clubs swung ready in steel fingers; narrowed eyes beneath overhanging brows scanned the open ground of the trail. the minutes lengthened.... and then five white-tuniced figures appeared at the far end of the path and came on at a half-trot. slung across their shoulders were short bows; at their backs hung arrow-filled containers, and in their right hands dangled clubs, smaller than those used by the neanderthals but still formidable weapons. not until the group had drawn abreast the ambushers did urb give the signal. then his fingers closed on a dry branch, and five immense bludgeons hurtled toward the startled sepharians. it requires far more skill to hit a moving target than a stationary one. then, too, the half-light near the end of day does not add to the chances of a successful cast. three of the clubs missed their marks altogether, one struck a shoulder glancingly, while the fifth crashed into the base of a neck, snapping the spine and killing the stricken man instantly. behind the cudgels blundered the hairy ones, drawing flint knives as they came. if they had expected to catch the enemy unprepared and demoralized, however, they were badly disappointed. a barrage of sepharian clubs flashed to meet them. two found marks: one striking kor alongside the skull, knocking him flat; the other caught urb, himself, a glancing blow atop the head that made his knees buckle briefly. the neanderthal chieftain recovered quickly and with an angry bellow sprang at the nearest white-clad figure. disregarding the darting knife, urb caught him by the tunic with one hand and drove his fist with inhuman force full into the sepharian's face. there was a dull crunching sound of crumpling bones and the hairless one slumped forward, his face from hairline to chin driven through the back of his head. the two remaining guards were still in the fight, seeking to out-maneuver their less agile foemen and knife them from behind. the shifting feet stirred up dust from the trail until a cloud enveloped the fighters. and then a ringing shout echoed above the panting, twisting bodies, and into battle came the balance of the sepharians. at sight of these enemy reinforcements, urb and his three remaining henchmen turned and fled, leaving the fallen kor where he lay. the newcomers pursued them for a short distance, then, seeing they were empty-handed, turned back. * * * * * vulcar called his men together, determined the extent of any injuries, then turned his attention to the bodies in the trail. coolly he ran his knife through the throat of the still stunned kor. a brief examination proved the other two casualties to be quite dead. after detailing four men to scoop out shallow graves for their late comrades, vulcar sent the others into the foliage on either side of the trail to find alurna. he believed she had been bound and gagged to prevent any warning of the ambuscade, and he pictured her as lying helpless nearby, awaiting release. until long after darkness, vulcar and his men searched for their princess. again and again they shouted her name, straining to catch an answering cry that did not come. finally, after hours of systematic effort, in which every inch of ground for yards around was combed, the realization came that urim's daughter was as lost to them as though they had remained in sephar. to vulcar, the awful truth came as a sickening blow. so certain of success had he been at learning they were close on the heels of the hairy men, that the final disappointment almost drove him mad. all he could see was hopeless suffering dulling urim's eyes and lining his face.... vulcar beat his fists together in impotent fury at his own helplessness. reluctantly he gave the signal to abandon the search, and with bowed shoulders and bent head the captain led his command back toward sephar and a waiting father. * * * * * dylara sat beside a tiny brook and allowed its cool waters to chill her aching ankle. it had begun to swell again from the strain of a full day's slow progress, even though she had stopped many times to give it rest. an hour from now it would be sunset. soon the forest denizens would be coming here to drink. soon, too, would come the meat-eaters, to lurk beside the pathway, awaiting bana and neela, whose succulent flesh they loved. the cave-girl bent and washed the dust from her hands and face, drying the skin with grass. then she rose and retraced her steps to the base of a tall tree. favoring her ankle as best she could, dylara climbed well above the ground, sought and found a properly placed limb on which she could spend the night, and fell promptly into dreamless sleep. * * * * * she had no more than closed her eyes when a group of eight men passed below the branches of her tree and stopped at the water's edge. one of the eight walked slowly back and forth on the near bank, his head lowered, studying the ground. he halted suddenly, stooped lower, eyes intent on something there. then he beckoned to the others. "look!" he exclaimed. "there, in the mud. see those marks? she sat here, bathing her feet. and here!--here are the prints of bare feet." jotan, following the pointing finger, nodded, his handsome face shining. "they must be hers. are they recent, modilk?" "so recent," said the long-faced modilk solemnly, "that the slave-girl must be within a few minutes of us." javan spoke now, his voice worried. "where are we to spend the night, jotan? the big cats will be hunting soon; we must find a safe place." jotan slapped his friend's shoulder comfortingly. "we'll find dylara first," he said, "then make camp for the night. a circle of brush fires will keep the lions and leopards away." the eight men waded the stream, not bothering to remove their sandals, and pressed on into the north. while a stone's throw behind them, aloft in the branches of a leafy tree, slept the girl they were seeking. chapter xiv forest trails "it was here we found the dead guards. where, or in what direction, the hairy men took alurna is not known. vulcar and his men followed this trail away from sephar." the guard detailed to show tharn the scene of alurna's capture had told all he knew. to the cave man it more than sufficed; following a trail left less than a sun before would not tax his prowess. "you have told me enough," tharn assured him. "hasten back to your chief and tell him i will return soon--his daughter with me." the cro-magnard, a slight smile touching his lips, watched the retreating figure until it disappeared around a bend of the trail. even then he did not move, but stood quiet, arms folded across his swelling chest, drawing great draughts of humid air deep into his lungs. free! gone were stone walls, cold floors and barred doors. no longer must he go only where others permitted. there were soft grasses and growing things about him. overhead was the limitless blue of space; and there was dyta, the sun, sending golden spears to prick, with welcome heat, the smooth skin of the cave lord. siha, the wind, moving in little eddies and gusts, brought to his nostrils a heavy pungent cloying odor belonging only to the jungle; the combined essence of uncounted varieties of plants, together with the comingled scent of endless small life that makes of the jungle a teeming city in itself. overhead, little nobar, the monkey, sat on a low-hanging branch and scolded roundly the two-legged creature in the trail below. yes, it was good to be free again. good to know the pure pleasure of unlimited vistas of trees and plains. a vision of his father's caves and the members of his tribe rose before him, bringing the pangs of homesickness. but superimposed on the familiar scene came, unbidden, the lovely face and softly rounded figure of dylara. siha veered sharply and came sweeping at right angles across the path. tharn stiffened for strong in his nostrils was the scent of tarlok, the leopard. he was instantly alert--a wary jungle denizen who wheeled and faced upwind, eyes narrowed, the sharp blade of flint ready in his right hand. the strength of the great cat's scent faded as the creature moved farther away. whether or not it had caught tharn's scent did not interest the cave-man, now; a retreating danger ceased to be of interest. for a few minutes tharn carefully went over the floor of the trail at the point where the abduction had taken place, as well as the neighboring undergrowth. soon he found the several hiding places of the hairy ones; and a bit later he came upon the delicate footmarks of alurna within the trail itself. one of these prints was almost obliterated by the broad square mark of a great naked foot; it was here mog's initial leap had ended beside the girl. dropping to hands and knees, tharn placed sensitive nostrils close to the marks. to that unbelievably keen organ was borne the individual scent spoor of alurna, as well as that of mog, the sullen. immediately there were engraved on tharn's memory, scent impressions he would recognize among a hundred others for a long time to come. he found more of mog's footprints, all leading along the path and away from sephar. he followed these, increasing his pace when they showed no indication of swerving from the trail. satisfied that locating alurna's captor was only a matter of following the path underfoot, tharn went on. he felt no inclination to hurry. too long had he been denied freedom from supervision. the sooner he found the missing girl, the sooner he must return to sephar--even though he and dylara were to be freed the moment he returned. * * * * * as he strolled along, he was reminded of the bow and arrows hanging at his back--these and a stone knife and a grass rope were the weapons he had chosen when preparing to leave sephar. the bow, he found, was fashioned from a hard black wood. its inner surface was nearly flat; the outer quite round. both ends were gracefully tapered, each notched to hold a string of catgut. the arrows were made from the same wood as the bow. their heads were of flint, painstakingly shaped into the likeness of a small leaf, and exceedingly sharp. each head was fitted snugly into a deep groove, packed about with a clay-like substance and hardened by fire until nearly impossible to loosen. near the butt of each arrow a thin rounded bit of wood had been inserted to guide its flight. bordering the trail some fifty paces ahead, stood a small tree. during some recent storm a lightning bolt had torn a jagged streak in its bole, close to the ground, leaving a strip of white wood gleaming in the sun. partly through accident and partly by clear reasoning, tharn drew the bow with the finished technique of a veteran archer. his left arm, stiffly extended, pointed straight at the selected mark; his right hand, fingers hooked about the string, came smoothly back to a point just below the lobe of his right ear. there sounded a singing "twang" and a polished bolt flashed in the sunlight, passed the tree's bole by a good foot and disappeared into the foliage. tharn ruefully rubbed an angry welt on his left wrist where the bowstring had stung him. he understood, now, why many of sephar's warriors wore wristbands. with his knife he hacked off a strip of his loin cloth. this he bound about his left wrist, then took up the bow, his chin set in determined lines. on his third attempt he hit the mark, sending an arrowhead deep into the center of the white patch. the cave-man all but shouted aloud. lovingly he ran his palms over the black wood. no matter what he had suffered at sepharian hands, they had repaid many times over by disclosing to him the power in a gut-strung branch. now in truth was he lord of the jungle! he pictured sadu dead, a few well-placed arrows in his carcass. and shaggy-coated conta, the cave-bear; of what protection his tough hide against such keen-tipped shafts? clearly, tharn had forgotten the mission that had sent him into the jungle. everything ceased to exist for him except the bow in his hands and the quiver of arrows at his back. although he continued on toward the west, his progress was slow and uncertain; for the cave-man was determined to become an expert bowman without delay. * * * * * at first he was content to use nothing more difficult than tree trunks as targets; but as he increased in skill his ambition led him to seek more difficult marks. nobar, the monkey, industriously occupied in searching the hairs on his belly for dried bits of dead skin, almost fell from his perch in fright as something streaked past his nose with a vicious hiss. with the nimble alacrity of his kind he rocketed thirty feet upward, where, from a swaying vine, he hurled a torrent of verbal abuse at the grinning youth in the trail below. the hours sped by, but tharn never noticed. at first he lost almost every arrow he shot, but little by little his skill was increasing. he attempted drawing the bow with either hand; he sought to release a second arrow before the first had struck; he shot at birds on the wing. darkness came upon him without warning. then it was he remembered he had not eaten since morning. an inventory of his supply of arrows revealed only eight remained of the full two dozen he had brought from sephar. he would sleep now. in the morning he would find food and water. and he would make his kill with an arrow--of that he was determined. the bow had proved a wonderful toy; when dyta came tharn would prove its practical worth.... * * * * * with the first rays of the morning sun tharn slid from his arboreal couch and set out at a rapid trot along the trail into the west. an hour later he was crossing the narrow belt of grasses bordering the precipice overlooking a forest-filled valley. here he found where mog and alurna had started their tortuous descent. here, too, were signs of the passage of other neanderthals, and those of vulcar's searching party. before descending the cliff, tharn turned back to the plain in search of food. not long after, he had completed a successful stalk of narjok, the horned deer, and brought it down with a single arrow. after devouring a generous quantity of raw flank-meat, he drank deep of the waters of a small spring and came back to the brink of the precipice. tharn went down that vertical cliffside as though it were a broad staircase. at the base he found a tangle of overlapping footsteps leading straight toward a game trail leading into the nearby jungle. toward its mouth moved the young giant; and so confident was he that alurna had been carried along this path that only by chance did he keep from losing valuable time. as the cro-magnard neared the trees, the undergrowth parted with a slight rustle, and gubo, the hyena, slunk deeper into the forest. at the first sound of disturbed brush, tharn had pivoted about and with unthinkable quickness unslung his bow and fitted an arrow into place. at sight of cowardly gubo he smiled and relaxed; but before he turned back to the trail, he saw signs of a recent struggle in the matted grass close by. it might have nothing to do with the business at hand--and, again, it might. a brief investigation gave him the complete picture. here, mog had gone down beneath sadu; a few paces away were the broken grasses where alurna had been tossed. he knew, without troubling to look, that mog's bones were bleaching behind yonder wall of verdure. well, the hairy one was dead; it would save tharn the task of killing him. now all that remained was to take the trail of the frightened girl at the place where she had plunged blindly into the dark waste of jungle. she could not have gotten far; and, except for the unlikely chance that one of the big cats had pulled her down, his mission should be finished before nightfall. delaying no longer, tharn took up the trail of the princess, forging rapidly ahead and following with ease the evidence of her hurried flight. soon he came to the tiny clearing in which alurna had spent the previous night. circling about, he quickly picked up her trail out of the glade, went on across a short stretch of jungle and out onto the banks of a little stream. here he found traces of small sandals in the soft mud. that these had not been even partially obliterated by prowling beasts was evidence of the spoor's freshness. by this time the mid-day heat was at its strongest. tharn paused long enough to slake his thirst, then set out along the same pathway taken by alurna not long before. a half hour later he was moving steadily ahead at a half trot, expecting to come upon the girl at any moment. suddenly he came to a full stop, head thrown back, sensitive nostrils searching the light breeze. and then he moved--as lightning moves. only the trembling of leaves marked where he had entered the trees overhead. chapter xv treachery in the apartment of pryak, far beneath the temple of the sepharian god, a number of priests were grouped about a long table. at its head sat the high priest, pryak; at his right was orbar, second in command. the balance of the stools were occupied by six under-priests, all stern, silent men of middle-age, with that air of inflexible righteousness which appears to be the hallmark of their kind. pryak, his close-set eyes of watery blue blazing with an inner fire, rose from his chair. "for many moons," he began, choosing his words carefully, "the loyal servants of the god-whose-name-may-not-be-spoken have been forced to bow to the unjust commands of a hated oppressor. now the time is at hand to end this oppression. the way has been shown to me by our god; listen closely, for the future of the priesthood in sephar depends on how faithfully my orders are carried out. "this is my plan...." for nearly an hour the high priest spoke without interruption. his cold, crisp sentences seemed to explode in the listeners' faces. twice, old cardon, grizzled from passing years of service for his god, half rose from his stool, words of protest forming on his lips. but each time the mad glare of pryak's eyes gave him pause. when the high-priest had concluded, he watched the faces of his audience, waiting for his words to sink home. much depended upon their reaction. somehow the very audacity of pryak's plan seemed to carry weight with the under-priests. smiles of admiration appeared on several faces; one of the council chuckled openly. cardon, alone, seemed unconvinced; but he knew well his chief would brook no interference once he had determined to act. pryak was satisfied. "it is agreed, then," he said. "we meet in the room of the god at the hour named; the others will have their instructions before then and all will be in readiness." * * * * * in the palace throne-room, urim, ruler of sephar, sat slouched in his chair atop the dais. despite the grief and worry from loss of his daughter, urim was determined his duties should not be shirked because of personal sorrow. the late morning audience was nearly over. save for a few citizens and a handful of guards attending the king, the hall was empty. in another hour urim could return to his private quarters. a guard entered the room and moved directly to the foot of the dais. head bowed, he waited for permission to speak. "what is it, mosark?" urim asked dully. "pryak, voice of the god, is outside asking for an immediate audience. with him are more than a score of priests." urim pursed his lips in surprise. what could have gotten into that gabbling old fool to seek out one who despised him and his kind? once a year pryak came to the palace with a group of his attendants to discuss the rites held during the sacrificial games. it must be that reason pryak was here now, although he was much earlier than usual. best see him and get it over with. he was very tired; perhaps he could sleep a little during the afternoon. time passed quickly when spent in sleep; by evening vulcar should be back, either with alurna or with word she would never return. this uncertainty of her fate was what he found unbearable; if only he could _know_.... more likely he would get the truth from the barbarian whom katon had recommended so highly. everything about that young man emphasized his fitness to cope with the wilderness and its savage life. there was a keen alert mind behind those fine gray eyes--and a body well able to carry out the dictates of that mind. "what shall i tell him, urim of sephar?" urim shook off his thoughts. "bring him in," he said resignedly. "his men, too--let them all in. except for their wagging tongues they are harmless." at pryak's entrance, urim rose and nodded briefly in formal recognition of the other's office, then sat down again. the high-priest acknowledged the nod as curtly, and came close to the dais. the balance of the priests spread out in a rough half circle close behind their leader. urim noticed all were clad in the long, loose-sleeved robes ordinarily worn only during the rainy season. none was armed, it being forbidden for members of the priesthood to bear weapons. pryak was quick to notice that which he had foreseen and counted upon: the relaxed watchfulness and lack of discipline among the handful of armed men attending the king. this, he knew, was due to vulcar's absence from sephar; had not the hawk-faced captain gone after alurna, pryak would have feared to put his plan into execution. vulcar had always been suspicious of the priesthood; twice he had warned urim that pryak was overly ambitious. "o urim," began pryak, "the games honoring our god begin soon. before then i mean to show how mistaken you are in your ill-advised interference with the laws of worship. it is i, pryak, voice of the god, who shall say how he is to be honored. i must warn you, if you persist in meddling, your god may turn against you and your people, sending sickness to take its toll, and causing your hunters to return empty-handed from the forests. "only a sun ago your own daughter was taken by the hairy man. can you say her loss was not due to your--" * * * * * the arch-priest was permitted to go no further. urim's face had grown steadily darker as mixed anger and amazement rendered him speechless. but mention of alurna brought strength to his tongue. voicing a cry of rage, urim leaped to his feet. his words were loud against the room's sudden hush. "silence, mangy son of gubo! must my time be wasted by your senseless chatter? i have told you that cruelty has no place in our faith. too many times have i told you this; if you speak of it again, the god shall have a new 'voice'--one able to recognize my authority!" by this time tidor, the neophyte, had edged his way past the flank of urim's guards, slipping stealthily from sight behind the frustum. here he paused, drew a long stone knife from the folds of a sleeve, then stole cautiously up the serrated side of the dais. tidor's heart swelled with pride. it was not every young, untried priest who could be relied upon to carry out so important a mission. pryak had promised him much if he succeeded. even if half those promises was kept, tidor would rank high among his fellows. crouching low, tidor clutched his knife tighter within his fingers--then silently and swiftly he sprang! a swelling cry of horror from the guards halted urim's ringing words, and he whirled about as a white-clad figure closed upon him. before he could lift his hands in defense, a slender blade flashed evilly in a brief arc before striking deep into his breast. death came instantly to urim of sephar; and his body rolled limply down the steps of the dais, nearly upsetting pryak as it struck the floor. tidor's moment of victory was short-lived. one of the guards snatched a knife from his belt and flung it, point-foremost, with all his strength. tidor screamed once in pain and terror as the heavy blade sank hilt-deep into his neck. then his knees gave way and he fell face down across the great chair. urim was avenged. and now the momentary paralysis of the guards snapped like an overdrawn bowstring. seizing their weapons they threw themselves at the priests with the commendable intention of butchering the lot. but in place of an unarmed and fear-stricken group of priests, they were confronted by an orderly band of unflinching men, each with a long knife drawn from the folds of his left sleeve. the guards skidded to a halt in open-mouthed astonishment at this feat of legerdemain; and pryak, quick to take advantage of their baffled state, scrambled atop the dais and cried out to gain their attention. "hold!" he shouted. "in the name of your god! heed my words before his wrath falls upon you! urim is dead because he would be greater than his god. would you suffer the same fate?" * * * * * the guards shifted uncertainly. the words cut through the red curtain of their fury, weakening the resolution to wipe out, in blood, the result of their own negligence. but fear of their god--already strong enough in man to be basic--stiffened their limbs and flooded their hearts with indecision. had they a leader, someone to rally them to action, pryak and his followers would have been dead within seconds. but the wily arch-priest had foreseen that, with vulcar away, there would be none hardy enough to oppose him in taking the entire city. "drop your knives!" pryak put into his voice all the force and depth he could muster. "let those who are loyal to their god drop to their knees and ask that he accept them into his service. delay not, lest he strike you down as unworthy!" one by one dead urim's warriors sank to their knees and bowed their heads. soon there was none within the chamber who remained erect, save pryak and the council of priests. this latter group had huddled together close to the door during the excitement; only after all danger had passed did they resume their habitual expressions of arrogance.... from his elevated position pryak looked down with mingled elation and disbelief at the many bent backs and lowered heads. frantically his crafty brain sought for some means of making this triumph final and complete. an inspiration struck him, then, and he lifted his hands high and turned his face toward the ceiling. "let no one move or speak!" he commanded loudly. "the all-powerful is speaking words of wisdom and guidance for my ears, alone. let there be silence while i receive his message!" a shiver ran through the kneeling men. the god was actually looking down into this room, seeing all that went on, and doubtless ready to blast anyone foolhardy enough to interrupt his message. for some minutes pryak remained as motionless as a figure hewn from stone. arms and neck must have ached from their unnatural position, but not the tiniest muscle trembled under the strain. at last his arms dropped to his sides and his head resumed its normal position. "arise!" he called out; and when the now thoroughly subdued guards and the under-priests had obeyed, he said: "the god is pleased that unworthy urim is dead, and suggests his passing serve as warning to others as blind. he commands me to rule in urim's place, and orders his people to honor their god and make offerings to him as they did before urim was king. "and now let all leaders and subjects of palace and city be told i am king; and at the time of the morning audience, tomorrow, i shall speak to them from the palace courtyard. go!" when only the council of priests and pryak, himself, remained in the throne-room, the new ruler gave them their orders. "the city is ours," he said, "and we shall make its people recognize my power. each of you will mingle with sephar's citizens, spreading word of how they will benefit by this change. "also you will tell of the lavish games to start within the next few days--far earlier than usual. make them understand that even the greatest city of all ammad has never provided such entertainment as i will give them. when they hear this, they will forget any resentment they may hold toward us; for most of them care not who rules, so long as the games are exciting. "go now, and return here when darkness comes. orbar, arrange for these bodies to be removed and thrown to the beasts. report to me when you have done so; there are orders i want given to the palace attendants. for the time being you are to serve as captain of the guards." chapter xvi return to sephar for the first time since she had started out that morning, alurna was beginning to question her opinion of where sephar lay. she sought to push out the thought lest it became certainty and bring utter panic in its wake. she forced her mind into other channels. how silent the jungle had become! somehow its spells of stillness were harder to bear than the most sinister of sounds. unconsciously she strained her ears for some sound to relieve this feeling of complete loneliness. something was moving in the trail behind her! alurna was turning, even as her brain received the warning. standing in the path was tarlok, the leopard, less than ten paces away. stricken dumb with terror, alurna could only gaze wide-eyed at that sleek, spotted head. the narrowed yellow eyes, the white teeth with four long fangs predominated, the back-curling lips drawn into a grimace of blood-lust, even the somehow ludicrous long white hairs on the upper lip--all were stamped indelibly within her mind. tarlok was enjoying himself. the utter fear expressed in every line of his prey's face and body appealed to the cruelty in his nature. purely as a means of adding to that fear, he made a little half-spring toward the girl. voicing a half-mad sob of absolute despair, alurna sank to her knees and closed her eyes to wait for a horrible death. there followed an agonizing few moments of silence. why did death delay? alurna fought to keep her eyes tight shut; but terror plucked at the lids, forcing them open. hardly more than a yard away was the cat's sleek, savage head! [illustration: a rope hissed through the air and tarlok reared high] and then something hissed through the air between the girl and the beast. emitting a shrill scream of surprise and anger, tarlok reared high above the kneeling figure. that awful sound was more than alurna's taut nerves could withstand, and she toppled forward into merciful unconsciousness.... * * * * * her next conscious sensation was that of flying, and she shuddered, believing it the brief delirium preceding death. but as the floating feeling endured, she slowly opened her eyes and saw that she was being borne through the forest top in the arms of a half naked man. "the leopard?" she said weakly. "what happened? how--" a slight smile touched the man's strong, finely-shaped lips, lighting up his handsome, tanned face. "tarlok is dead," he said. "it was very close; my rope caught him just in time." he halted and placed her in a sitting position on a strong branch, then sat down beside her. "i was beginning to think you would never open your eyes again," he continued. "we have come a long way since i picked you up in the trail." alurna was staring intently at him as he talked. "i have seen you somewhere, before." again the man smiled. "yes," he said. "you have seen me before. it was only a few nights ago that i entered your room while the palace guards were hunting me." "of course!" alurna exclaimed. "i remember. but you were caught and sentenced to the games. have you escaped from sephar? and how did you happen to find me?" she broke off, laughing. "not that i'm sorry you _did_ find me. if you hadn't--" she shivered, leaving the sentence unfinished. "your father sent me to take you from the hairy ones," tharn explained. "it was katon's idea." whereupon he told of the agreement reached during his talk with urim. the princess was secretly elated by one particular provision of the pact--the promised return of the cro-magnard girl to this man for succeeding in his mission. with dylara gone, there was no reason why jotan could not be won by urim's daughter. "will you take me home, now?" she asked. tharn nodded. "we will go on until darkness, then sleep in the trees until morning." he stood upright on the swaying bow, then bent and caught alurna about the waist and swung her lightly to his back. the girl's arms slipped instinctively about the strong neck, and the young cave lord set off along the leafy avenue he had been following. * * * * * the first few minutes of the journey were never to be forgotten by the awed princess. tharn's path took him high above the ground to where encumbering masses of tangled creepers did not reach. from one slender branch to another the majestic figure raced along with an easy sureness remarkable to behold. alurna forgot her fear of the heights, presently, admiration taking its place. how confidently this god-like creature threaded his way across the network of bending boughs, where a slip might mean an awful death to them both! what splendid thews he possessed, to carry her as though she were a day-old babe! occasionally the rays of the sinking sun reached them through breaks in the foliage above, disclosing to the rapt eyes of the princess the horrid depths beneath. soon the dizzying bounds from one great tree pinnacle to the next ceased to be breath-taking, and alurna rested against tharn's warm shoulder, her nerves calm and relaxed. tharn's thoughts were far afield. soon--another sun, in fact--dylara and he would be on their way to the caves of tharn. and katon would go with them--katon, his good friend. the blue-eyed sepharian and he would hunt in the forests with barkoo and korgul and torbat. katon would teach them to use the bow. perhaps his friend would find a mate among the girls of the tribe. then in truth would they be as blood-brothers! how wonderful it would be to have such a companion! always before he had spent much of his time alone, ranging the jungles for the adventures he craved. in all his tribe there had not been one he was drawn to; none he liked and respected enough to adopt as an intimate. barkoo, of course, came closest to being such; but barkoo carried far more years than he, and was given to the conservatism of old men. the others were so far short of his own physical and mental stature. they could not race at break-neck speed through tree tops; they could not scent game from afar; they feared the great cats, unless in the company of many warriors. it would be different, now. he would teach katon the forest lore that had made tharn master of the wild places. they would be always together--inseparable. only a few minutes of daylight remained when tharn and his burden reached the forest's edge near the base of the sheer cliff between them and sephar. tharn realized they could not hope to complete the ascent before the light failed; so, selecting a tall tree, he fashioned a rude platform of branches high above the ground and covered it with leaves as a comfortable bed for the princess. as for himself, he curled in a crotch of the same tree, a few feet beneath her, and, after waiting until she had ceased turning uneasily on her primitive couch, dropped off to sleep. * * * * * the sun had barely cleared the eastern horizon when alurna opened her eyes. for a long moment she gazed blankly at the ceiling of vegetation; then memory returned and she rose to her feet on the lattice of boughs that had served as her bed. something of the beauty of the untamed forest came to her as she stood there, drinking in the sea of green through sleep-freshened eyes. an early morning breeze stirred the vast expanse of leaves like an invisible hand; multi-colored birds flashed among the myriad branches and festooned vines, uttering strident cries or now and then surprising her with a burst of melody from some feathered throat. already familiar were the ever-present troops of sure-footed monkeys, swinging and racing among the tree-top terraces--chattering, scolding, inquisitive. this, she reflected, was the jungle--gaudy and sparkling and inviting on the surface; grim, and the lurking place of savage horror beneath its glamorous exterior. there was a soft sound at her back, and she wheeled--to look into the quiet face of the cave-man. in his arms was a quantity of fruits; and alurna was suddenly aware of being very hungry. while they ate, seated on the bed of leaves, alurna chattered continuously, asking many questions, seeking to explore the depths of her rescuer's mind and character. she found herself admiring the utter lack of self-consciousness in his replies and actions, while his habitual reserve and dignity of bearing compelled her respect. finally they descended to the ground and crossed the ribbon of grassland to the base of the lofty escarpment. alurna, looking up at the upper rim so far above, shook her head in wonder. "i'll never be able to climb it, tharn," she protested. "how i ever managed to get down it without falling, is more than i know." "we can not wish ourselves to the top," tharn pointed out. "nor is there any point in remaining here. we can at least make the effort." it required more than an hour for them to gain the upper edge of the plateau. alurna was helpless to aid him by doing any climbing herself; tharn literally had to carry her up that vertical slope. when they stood at last on level ground, the cave-man did not stop to rest. after they had crossed the narrow stretch of plains bordering the forest, tharn turned to his companion. "i am going to carry you, again," he said. "hold me about the neck and do not be afraid." * * * * * with that, he lifted her easily, and supporting her thus with one arm, took to the trees. with the pathway through the branches lighted by dyta's powerful rays, and with the knowledge that only a few hours remained before he would reclaim dylara, tharn elected to travel swiftly; and when the forest-man hurried, there were few of the jungle folk that could match his speed. onward he went, racing along swaying limbs, leaping outward across space to hurtle into the embrace of another tree at the dizzy height of the forest top, his free hand finding, unerringly, some waving bough at the very instant those sure feet came to rest on some strong branch. now he threaded his way above the hard-packed earth with all the grace and agility of a tight-rope walker, prevented from falling only by an uncanny sense of balance. if handicapped by his burden, none might have guessed it; certainly he could not have moved with greater speed and surety had he been unencumbered. alurna lay quiescent within his grasp, looking up at the immobile face so near her own. it was restful to lie against the broad chest, her cheek pillowed on a firm shoulder, and be lulled to drowsiness by the rhythmic sway of this tireless body. a feeling of complete peace gradually suffused her entire being, her eyelids grew languorously heavy, closed of their own volition.... alurna fell fast asleep. * * * * * how long she slept alurna never knew, but her eyes opened as she felt the arms about her relax their grip and lower her to her feet. there was something almost of roughness in the action, and she looked up at tharn quickly. to her surprise he was standing with head thrown back, nostrils twitching as he sniffed the wind from the north. his face seemed tense, strangely drawn. she put a hand on his arm, her white fingers gleaming in sharp contrast to the tanned forearm. "what has happened, tharn?" she glanced uneasily about at the surrounding foliage. "are we nearly to sephar?" tharn was not listening. to his sensitive nostrils the wind was bringing the scent of a lion--and of a girl. the odors were commingled and of equal strength, sufficient evidence to tharn that the girl might be in danger. but the scents alone had not brought the tenseness to his face. there was a haunting familiarity to one of them--that of the girl. and then he was galvanized into action. whirling, he scooped up the girl and placed her on a thick branch, close to the bole. "remain here until i return," he commanded. "i will come back for you." "but why--" began the princess, then realized she was addressing thin air. tharn had gone, speeding through the trees into the north. his mate was in danger! the thought echoed and re-echoed in his mind, even as logic told him it was next to impossible for dylara to be elsewhere than in urim's palace. yet he would stake the evidence of his senses against reason itself--as, indeed, he was doing now. if his passage through the trees with alurna had been rapid, he was literally flying now--hurling himself from one branch to another with reckless fury--taking chances he ordinarily would never have considered. while ever stronger to his nostrils came the scent of sadu--and of dylara. at last he caught sight of her, seated on a fallen log at the edge of a trail, carefully massaging an ankle. and at the same instant, from his elevated position, he caught sight of sadu a few paces behind the unheeding daughter of majok. the beast was lying belly-flat behind a curtain of vines; and even as tharn discovered him the cat was preparing to spring. the man of the caves never hesitated. like a falling stone he plummeted earthward, dropping in front of sadu as the beast rose in its spring. * * * * * dylara, aroused by crashing foliage, leaped to her feet and whirled about. she cried out awe-struck wonder as she saw the young man who had died beneath a sepharian club standing between her and an on-rushing lion. powerless to move, she watched the cro-magnard crouch to meet certain death. in the single instant that elapsed before sadu reached him, she saw tharn's hands were empty. and then her jaw dropped and her eyes flew wide with amazement. tharn had leaped forward and sent his shoulder crashing into the side of the soaring brute. sadu, caught off balance, spun sideways and fell heavily. he was up instantly, growling horribly, and in mad frenzy turned upon tharn. what dylara witnessed then was something that was to go down in the folk lore of future generations of the cro-magnard people. she saw the clenched fingers of the man swing forward with every ounce of power in that mighty arm, backed by the insane fury of utter desperation. the iron fist struck sadu full between the eyes, crushing the skull like a hollow melon and driving splinters of bone into that savage brain. dylara, weak with relief, felt her knees buckle as the lion sank lifeless to the ground. tharn, his knuckles throbbing with pain, jumped forward and caught her about the waist. she turned her face to him, then, and he saw that her eyes were wet with tears. her warm red lips, slightly parted, were very near his own. drawn by an irresistible impulse, tharn bent his head to meet them. the girl saw the clean, firm mouth come close, yet she did not shrink away. something was stirring deep within her--something that had never known life before this moment--something she had no time to analyze. suddenly she wanted more than anything else to feel that mouth pressed against her own. she lifted her face for tharn's kiss.... "dylara!" said a quiet voice. * * * * * the man and the girl sprang apart. facing them, now, was a group of eight sepharian warriors, a tall, broad-shouldered young man at their head. dylara knew the leader at once. it was jotan. she saw that his expression was very stern, and she knew instinctively that he was thinking of her in tharn's embrace. jotan ignored the cave-man. "we have been searching for you, dylara," he said quietly. "come, we shall return to sephar at once." before she could frame a reply, tharn had stepped in front of her. there followed a tense, electric moment of silence as the two men eyed each other. "she is mine," tharn said, without heat. "she goes with me." jotan gestured with one hand. in response, seven spears were leveled at the cave-man's naked chest. "you are wrong, my friend," said the leader. "i am taking her with me. i have nothing against you; you may have your freedom if you go at once. otherwise, you go back to sephar as a prisoner. resist, and my men will kill you." tharn was thinking rapidly. to attack eight armed men would be a fool's act. alurna was waiting for him back there in the jungle. and in alurna he had that which would put to naught those seven spears. let this man take dylara back to sephar. tharn had only to return with the princess alurna and claim his reward from urim. that reward was--dylara! he knew urim would keep his word, no matter what objections were offered by this man. "well?" the word was clipped, cold, impatient. without a word tharn turned and leaped into the branches overhead. he had not dared to offer dylara an encouraging sign, fearing to arouse the sepharian's suspicions. the cave-girl watched him go, disbelief uppermost in her mind. it was not like tharn to give up so easily. but did she want him not to give up? she had thrilled to his strength, his agility and fearlessness during the encounter with sadu. no other man could have thus faced the jungle king with empty hands--and lived. but were such qualities enough? she stole a glance at the handsome young sepharian. in him was more than mere physical appeal. this man gave an impression of consideration and thoughtfulness. he would never take a girl against her will as tharn had done. he was of a race that had risen above cave life. his people had learned life could mean more than the hunt--more than sleeping and eating and talking. would not living be richer, more full, with this man than it could possibly be with tharn? * * * * * meanwhile, tharn was speeding back through the trees to join alurna. led by his unerring sense of direction he soon entered the tree where he had left her. she looked up with a relieved smile as he came into view. "i was beginning to think you had forgotten me," she said warmly. "whatever possessed you to run away like that?" tharn had never liked giving long explanations. "it was nothing," he said lightly. "let us go on." they descended and walked slowly, side by side, along the trail. alurna wondered why the cave-man no longer raced ahead as he had done before. but tharn's purpose was clear in his mind: it would be best, he decided, to let dylara and the sepharians enter the city ahead of him. nearly two hours later they rounded a bend of the trail and came to a halt. alurna gave a little cry of happiness. directly ahead, beyond a brief expanse of open ground stood sephar's walls. turning to the silent figure at her side, she caught his arm and, like an eager child, sought to hurry him on. nor did tharn need persuasion. he had stopped only because his ever-present sense of caution bade him go slowly. but the impelling hand at his arm removed the last lingering trace of reluctance. they were half-way across the clearing before one of several warriors about a gateway spied them and raised a shout that brought a dozen guards from inside the walls. at sight of the cave-man and his companion the entire group came running toward them. once more tharn stopped, hand dropping to the knife at his belt. but the impatient voice of the princess beat down his suspicion. "no, tharn, no! those are my father's men. they come to welcome us." his fingers relaxed their hold on the knife, but his hand remained close to its hilt. and then they were surrounded by the men of sephar. this detail was in charge of lodorth, a tall, rather fleshy warrior of middle-age, very straight of back and given to the blunt speech of a soldier. alurna remembered him as once having been stationed at the palace. "ah, princess," lodorth said soberly. "we believed you to be dead or hopelessly lost. i am glad to be first in welcoming you." alurna was all smiles. "my father is worried, i know. i must go to him at once, lodorth." an expression which the girl could not define passed across the officer's face but he made no reply. instead he turned to his men. "disarm this man and bind his hands!" he ordered, jerking a thumb toward tharn. upon hearing this, the cave-man reached quickly for his knife, but froze as he felt several cold flint spearheads against the skin of his back. "disarm him!" barked the leader curtly. one of the men stepped forward, and with a wary eye cocked toward the motionless figure, plucked the stone blade from tharn's loin-cloth. then alurna found her tongue. "you are a fool, lodorth!" she cried, turning on the captain. "this man saved my life. give him his knife and show him your respect, or you shall answer to urim--and to me!" lodorth eyed her stolidly. "pryak is king, now," he said, his face an impassive mask. "urim is dead!" chapter xvii reunion pryak, seated in one of the great rooms of the palace, was deep in conversation with orbar, his lieutenant. the room, itself, was swarming with white-tunicked priests, their babbling voices adding to the atmosphere of confusion and disorder. a knock sounded at the door and it was opened to admit three people. as they entered, a sudden hush fell over the milling throng of priests. pryak, aroused by the abrupt cessation of sound, looked up questioningly. at sight of the newcomers his eyes opened wide in surprise; then his lips curled in a smile more disturbing than the blackest frown. "by the god!" he exclaimed, mock pleasure in his tone, "i welcome the daughter of urim! i was told you were dead, princess--taken from us by the cruel jungle. and now you have come back! i shall enjoy hearing of your adventures." the thinly veiled contempt in words and tone brought a wave of red across alurna's pale, grief-stained face. then she spoke--and her words, barely audible from the choking emotion behind them, carried such hatred and loathing as to hold pryak petrified on his chair. "murderer!" she whispered. "little man of filth! it was you who caused the death of my father! who did it for you? how long do you think you can hold urim's place before some _real_ man takes your place--and twists your wrinkled neck?" pryak, his face livid with rage, leaped from his stool and lifted his hand to strike her into silence. the blow never found its mark. tharn, standing near alurna, and forgotten by the others, had moved almost before pryak was off the stool. and so it was that pryak, voice of the great god, found his bony wrist seized by fingers of steel and his swinging arm halted as abruptly as though it had encountered one of the room's stone walls. before the startled priest could cry out or his astounded followers interfere, he was snatched bodily from his feet and flung almost the entire length of the chamber. four priests were bowled over by the catapulting body; those human cushions were all that saved pryak from injury. tharn went down, then, beneath a horde of fanatical priests. and before they had him bound and helpless, more than one felt the weight of his fists and the strength of his arms. at last they dragged him to his feet and stepped aside as pryak, rumpled and bruised, came forward. "for what you have done," he growled hoarsely, "you shall pay in blood and suffering. when the lions hunt you down in the arena during the games, wild man, remember that you dared to lay hands on sephar's king." tharn laughed in his face. "better the fangs of sadu," he gibed, "than the stench of a priest!" * * * * * stung by the taunt, pryak went white. unexpectedly, he lashed out with a bony fist, catching the young cave-man flush on the mouth. tharn's expression did not change under the blow, but something crept into his eyes that made pryak shrink back in alarm. then, remembering the captive was bound and helpless, he drew back his arm to strike again. this time, however, a tall figure stood between him and tharn--lodorth, under-officer in sephar's forces. "you wish the prisoner taken to the pits, o voice of the god?" the contempt in lodorth's tone was poorly concealed. for a moment pryak considered ordering the man aside. he hesitated, then nodded assent and turned away. "and the princess?" lodorth called after him. "leave her here." "this way," said the soldier to young tharn, and together they moved toward the exit. it was clear to tharn that this warrior was no admirer of the treacherous high priest--a conclusion strengthened by the incident in which lodorth had saved him from a second blow. he wondered if others in sephar felt so toward their new ruler. presently they reached the entrance to the subterranean cell. releasing the monstrous bar, lodorth cut tharn's bonds and motioned for him to enter. once within, tharn's first thought was that he had been brought to another cell. instead of the score or so of prisoners he had expected, there were fully a hundred men gathered here. then he began to pick out familiar faces; and an instant later his doubts were dispelled as katon came forward to welcome him, his blue eyes sparkling with pleasure. "tharn!" he exclaimed joyfully. "i knew you would return. did you find alurna?" "i found her," tharn admitted ruefully. "but it would have been wiser to leave her at sephar's gates." katon's smile faded. "you are right, my friend. everything seems to work against us. you and i both have been hurt by this change. had not pryak gone completely mad, you and your mate would be starting for home by now, and urim would have set me free. "but all that may as well be forgotten, now. soon the games begin; our chief worry will be to save our skins." * * * * * tharn looked about at the many strange faces. "it appears we shall have plenty of company," he observed. "there are many others besides these," was the reply. "pryak fears many of urim's friends and intends using the games to eliminate them. a room across the hall is filled with at least as many as you see here; and many of those men loved urim and hate the one who caused his death. "pryak hopes to accomplish a double purpose this time. he will gain favor by offering the bloodiest games ever held; also, he expects to wipe out all who oppose him by sending the opposition itself into the arena. "i am told," katon continued, "that many savage beasts are held ready to be sent against us. more than ever, pryak is determined the final victor shall not be human. were a man to prove the god's favorite, sephar's populace might turn to him so strongly as to weaken pryak's position." tharn grinned. "at least we shall have our fill of fighting." "more than my fill!" retorted his friend, dryly. tharn, glancing about the crowded room, uttered a startled ejaculation and pointed toward a figure huddled near one of the walls. "who is that?" he asked. "even with his face hidden in his hands, he seems known to me." katon grunted. "and well he should! that, my friend, is vulcar--once captain of urim's own guards!" at tharn's expression of shocked incredulity, he continued: "he was brought here, yesterday, with nearly a score of warriors. in all the hours since, he has not spoken--only sits with bowed head. he, once so proud, is now humbled and beaten--crushed by the death of the man he worshipped." tharn studied the dejected figure. courage might dull under such a blow as vulcar had taken; yet it would still be courage. experience told him a brave man is brave until death takes him; a coward, while occasionally rising above his weakness, remains a coward. and certainly vulcar was known to be a man of courage. from the moment of tharn's recapture a plan had been taking form in his shrewd mind. he had never been one to accept resignedly what fate appeared to offer. if these other prisoners were ready to die in the arena, that was their affair; certainly he did not intend giving up so easily. men like themselves had put them in this hole; and what one man could do, another could undo. the worst enemy of his fellows was their patient acceptance of what pryak had decreed for them. if that viewpoint could only be reversed.... taking katon by the arm, he started across the room toward vulcar. "what are you--" katon began, then subsided as the cave-man frowned and shook his head in warning. * * * * * when within a few paces of the former captain, tharn stopped and turned his back, and katon's, to the unheeding vulcar. "i tell you, it seems hard to believe," tharn began, his voice raised somewhat above its usual pitch, "that none of urim's friends has courage enough to avenge his death. why, had i served under him, i--" "who says none hopes to avenge urim?" the quiet words came from behind them. turning, they found vulcar, head lifted and shoulders squared, regarding them fixedly. the cro-magnard simulated surprise to hide his sudden elation. "if i am wrong--" he stopped there, waiting. "what chance have we to avenge him?" vulcar demanded, his hawk-like face drawn into lines of helpless fury. "here we are--thrown into a hole, sentenced to die for the satisfaction of a false god--and to save pryak from sleepless nights!" tharn appeared sympathetic. "given a chance, however slight, would you take it?" "take it?" echoed vulcar. "of course! but there is no--" "are there others who feel as you?" "i know of eighteen--those who went with me to search for urim's daughter. when we returned to sephar, pryak's men overpowered us and brought us here. i am almost glad, now, that we did not find alurna." "alurna is in sephar," tharn informed him. "i brought her back." "you?" vulcar came to his feet in surprise. "how did you get her?" briefly, the cave-man told of what had taken place. when he was done, vulcar stepped forward and placed both hands on tharn's shoulders. "my life is yours for what you have done," he said simply. "no matter what happens to her as pryak's captive, it cannot be so horrible as death in the jungle." for a moment the three men were silent. then tharn said: "let us sit here where we shall not be overheard.... katon, what can you tell me of the games?" "what do you want to know about them?" "everything," tharn said promptly. "how far are the pits from the arena itself? how many of us are sent into the arena at one time? how, and when, are we given weapons?" katon was eyeing him strangely. "why do you want to know those things?" "i will explain that after you have answered my questions." * * * * * the conversation that followed was carried on in low voices. katon did most of the talking; from time to time vulcar added details. tharn did little more than listen attentively. at last the cave-man expressed satisfaction. "i think it can be done," he said slowly. "there is one weakness they have not covered." "_what_ can be done?" plainly, katon was puzzled. "what is behind all this, tharn?" tharn leaned forward. "we want two things--and so does every man in this room and the room across the hall. first: freedom. second: death to pryak! are you with me?" vulcar made a face. "either one is beyond our reach. what can a few unarmed men do against all sephar?" "what have we to lose?" demanded the cro-magnard. "all of us are supposed to die within the arena. if we must accept death, why not do so while trying to escape?" katon and vulcar exchanged glances. it was evident neither had thought of it just that way before. "what," vulcar said softly, "do you suggest?" "to begin with," tharn said, "it would be wise to have three or four more hear my plan. they in turn can pass the details on to the rest of the prisoners. those across the hall must be included, and i have an idea how that can be arranged. we shall need every man we can get." vulcar said, "let me pick the four." soon the former captain was back, his selections close at his heels. tharn and katon rose to meet them. "these are good men," vulcar said. "i know them all. they are ready to follow your lead. "this one--" he indicated a short, squat man with heavy features and much coarse hair on chest, legs and head, "--is brutan. he likes to fight." unexpectedly brutan grinned. "yes," he said in a deep, harsh voice, "i like to fight. i will fight anybody. i will fight you!" tharn grinned back at him. there was something likeable about this rock-like sepharian. "this," continued vulcar, "is rotark. he is not afraid to die." rotark was tall and very thin, with a long, sorrowful face. "why should i be afraid?" he asked in lugubrious tones. "there is no pleasure in living. soon we shall all be dead." next, vulcar jerked a thumb toward a young, very handsome warrior whose tunic was amazingly clean and spotless in contrast to those of the others. his thick blond hair was neatly pushed back from a high, rounded forehead. "he is gorlat," said vulcar. "he does not like to fight, but will do so to keep from being killed. few men are his equal with a knife." the blond young man smiled but said nothing. "brosan, here, you already know." tharn nodded. he remembered that pock-marked face, as well as the unconcerned grin exposing yellowed, broken teeth. the cave-man came directly to the point. "we are supposed to die in the arena for the amusement of pryak and the people of sephar. to me, that seems wrong. it would be better if pryak and his priests were the ones to die. "i think that can be arranged. listen, and when i am done, let me know what you think of my plan." * * * * * they listened closely and without interrupting. and while he awaited their reaction, they looked at one another in silence, while broad smiles began to steal across their faces. even rotark's lips twitched in approval. "good!" said brutan the laconic. "even though we fail," said rotark mournfully, "it is worth trying." gorlat said nothing, but his smile matched the brilliance of his hair. katon and vulcar regarded the cave-man with respect, deeply impressed with the plan he had offered. they realized the force of this barbarian's personality--that intangible requisite of all who would be leaders--had grasped the imagination of these men, winning their loyalty and unstinted support. "when shall we tell the others?" brosan asked. "go among them now," tharn advised. "explain our plan briefly, but cover every point. warn them not to chance arousing suspicion among the guards. everything depends upon absolute secrecy." it was on the following day that the great games began. * * * * * when the door closed behind tharn and lodorth, a feeling of loneliness swept over the princess alurna. she had come to regard the cave-man as her friend--perhaps the only friend left to her in all sephar. she glanced fearfully at the face of the high-priest and found nothing there to reassure her. pryak's expression was stern; but that sternness was a mask to hide an inner perturbation. for there had come to him the realization that in this frail girl lay a vital threat to his newly won power. he silently cursed his stupidity in receiving her so ungraciously, and silently he thanked his god that he had been prevented from actually striking the princess. alurna, he remembered, was more than urim's daughter; she was niece to the most powerful figure of the known world--jaltor, king of far-off ammad, and commander of the greatest force of fighting-men ever assembled. urim had been jaltor's brother.... eventually, jaltor would learn of his brother's death. as a statesman and ruler, he would understand that urim's passing was incidental to a change in power and one of the hazards of kinghood. it was not likely, however, that jaltor would regard in a similar light an overt slight or actual cruelty to a niece. as a possible threat to pryak's position as king, alurna was not to be considered; only a man could rule men. for that reason alone, the high priest had no valid excuse to do her harm. his course, then, was plain; every effort must be made to win this girl into regarding him as a friend, lest word reach jaltor that his niece was a mistreated prisoner in sephar. the chill faded from pryak's expression like snow under a hot sun. "i have been wrong, princess," he admitted, with passable humbleness. "as urim's daughter, you are entitled to every respect and honor. from now on you may depend on being accorded both." alurna could hardly believe her ears. what had come over this old man, to change him so quickly and completely? her response was instant and characteristic. "i want nothing from you, priest!" she snapped. pryak lost his smile, but none of his urbanity. he beckoned to a nearby attendant. "escort the princess to her rooms," he instructed. "see to it that her every wish is obeyed." when alurna had gone, a thoughtful pryak dropped onto his stool across from orbar and pursed his lips reflectively. "there must be some way to dispose of her," he said, "without incurring the wrath of jaltor." orbar grinned evilly. "a knife in the dark...." he let his voice trail off meaningly. "you are a fool!" growled the new king. "her uncle and his men would be at our gates within two moons. i dare not risk--" he broke off as an under-priest came hurriedly from across the room and bowed before him. "what is it, baltor?" "the three nobles of ammad are here, asking that you see them." pryak sighed. here were others he must treat with deference, lest his failure to do so cause international complications. he was beginning to understand that even an all-powerful monarch must recognize the importance of individuals other than himself. he felt vaguely distressed.... "bring them to me, here," he said. * * * * * a moment later jotan, tamar and javan approached the seated men and bent their heads in formal recognition. "how may i, king of sephar and voice of the god, serve our noble visitors?" asked the arch-priest loftily. jotan acted as spokesman. "by granting us permission to set out for ammad. already have we delayed longer than was intended. to avoid the rainy season we should like to leave at once." pryak thought for a moment. he must not let them go so easily. they might think that he was relieved to be rid of them--that his hospitality was less than urim's had been. he said, "would you start on so perilous a journey without first showing honor to your god? tomorrow the games begin. it would be wise to attend the first two days; otherwise misfortune may beset your path to ammad." jotan was shrewd enough to yield. he guessed that pryak was expecting to strengthen further his position as king by exhibiting the three ammadians to the crowd as his intimates. "agreed," he responded. "i know that jaltor, my king, will be greatly interested in an account of the lavishness of sephar's games." it was then that pryak found a solution to his problem! jotan, thinking the interview ended, had turned to go. "wait, jotan of ammad!" the men from ammad turned, surprised by the urgency in the high priest's voice. pryak had risen and was coming toward them. "there is something you can do for me, jotan--a small matter, but one that will relieve a rather delicate situation." "of course," jotan said quickly. "it concerns alurna--urim's daughter. she is not happy here. since her father's ... passing, she seems anxious to leave sephar. "it is my thought that she go with you to ammad. her uncle, jaltor, would welcome her, i am sure; and she would be content there. will you take her with you?" jotan saw his chance! ever since dylara had been taken from him by pryak's men a few hours before, jotan had been at his wits' end for a way to get her back. the guards, learning she was an escaped slave, had taken her from the ammadians as a matter of course; for, as a slave, she was the property of sephar's king. jotan had not demurred, partly because it would have been useless to argue the point with anyone lacking authority to make a decision, and partly because he was confident that urim, when asked, would give the girl to him. but upon learning of urim's death, and of pryak's seizure of power, jotan's hopes began to fade. pryak's reluctance toward granting favors, however trivial, was a matter of common gossip. this, coupled with the fact that the high priest might not be inclined to be overly cordial toward a close friend of the former ruler, decided jotan against asking for the slave-girl--a decision strengthened by tamar's logic during a discussion held shortly before the three friends had come to the palace. several times during the interview with pryak, jotan had been near to blurting out a request that dylara be given to him. but his pride would not permit the risk of being coldly refused, and each time he had bitten back the words. but now--now the picture was changed. pryak had opened the way for a counter-proposal; one the priest could hardly refuse because of his own request. * * * * * jotan hid his elation behind an expressionless face. "i will gladly do as you have asked, pryak of ammad. incidentally, there is a trifling favor you can grant me--if you will." tamar, listening, groaned inwardly. "what is this favor?" asked the priest cautiously. "i have become interested in one of the palace slave-girls," jotan told him. "i should like to have her." the modestness of the request confused pryak. somehow, such a petition seemed irrelevant, too petty. "of course," he agreed quickly. "i had expected that you would ask for something of more value. take whichever slave you want--several, if you like." "your kindness indicates how generous a king rules sephar," jotan said smoothly. "if one of your men will accompany me, i shall give him the necessary instructions." "baltor, here, will carry out your orders." pryak indicated the attendant who had ushered them in. when they had left the room, jotan said to the attendant: "go at once to the quarters of the female slaves. instruct the guards there to turn over to you the slave-girl known as dylara. you will bring her to my quarters." "i understand, noble jotan." "when you have done this, return to the palace and seek out the princess, alurna. convey to her my greetings, and say that i wish an audience with her at her convenience.... is all this clear to you?" "yes." "good! report to me when you have finished." chapter xviii death in a bowl dyta, the sun, climbed his blue ladder and looked down at the city of sephar in its mountain fastness. behind those gray stone walls hummed an activity found there only five days in every twelve moons. for today was the first of the game days. since early morning the streets leading to the great amphitheater were packed with an eager citizenry, pushing and jostling its way toward the arena's several entrances. those first to arrive had their choice of seats; consequently many had huddled beneath heavy cloaks outside the barred gates during the dark hours, awaiting the moment when they might enter. it was a colorful throng, every member light-hearted, gay and friendly. men and women pushed and tugged at their neighbors--friend and stranger alike--to keep the milling mass moving. most of them carried parcels of food, for the games lasted each day until the hour of sunset. whole family groups were numerous: father, mother, and the brood of children. many of the latter were mere infants, watching the swarm of shifting humanity with wide wondering eyes. patrolling the avenues and directing the crowds at the gates were many priests in white tunics. this was to be their day, as well; for shortly before the games got under way, elaborate rites, honoring the god, were to be held, in which every priest was to take part. truly, this was the day of days. * * * * * in the great cell beneath sephar's streets, tharn, katon, vulcar, rotark, brosan, brutan and gorlat squatted in a group about a huge earthen bowl of stewed meat. they, together with the balance of the prisoners, had been aroused from sleep an hour before sunrise, and had been given food that their strength and endurance might be equal to the tasks ahead. katon, seated across from tharn, caught the cro-magnard's eye and nodded significantly. "for a man who may be dead within a few hours," he said grimly, "you seem very cheerful." tharn grinned. "would you have me seek out pryak and beg for my life?" the others laughed. brutan put down a bone from which he had gnawed the meat, and belched with frank satisfaction. "i will show them how a real man fights!" he declared. "with my bare hands i once slew a leopard!" brosan made a derisive sound. "it must have been a very old leopard." brutan's complacent expression vanished. "you lie!" he bellowed, glaring belligerently at his heckler. "it was a great, full-grown--" "quiet, you fool!" snapped katon. "this is no time to start a brawl." brutan mumbled something under his breath and went back to his bone. rotark wiped his lips with the back of his hand. "how many of us will see the end of this day?" he asked in doleful tones. "take gorlat, here--so careful not to soil his tunic. it may soak in his own blood before darkness comes again!" the blond young man kept his mechanical smile. he said: "not if they give me a knife...." something in the soft words brought a momentary silence to the group. what had vulcar said yesterday about this handsome, graceful youth? "few men equal him in handling a knife...." katon said, "it will be an hour before the games actually get under way. first they must finish the rites honoring the god-whose-name-may-not-be-spoken--a lengthy ritual. then the guards will come, select a few of us, give them arms and send them into the arena." "somehow," tharn said thoughtfully, "i wonder if it is wise to wait until the third day before putting our plan into action. after three days many of our men will have died in the arena. we shall need every man we can get." katon rubbed his chin, frowning. "true," he admitted. "but to hurry this thing would be fatal. the guards must be satisfied that everything is going smoothly before they relax their watchfulness. "although we shall lose men," he continued, "i believe many of the soldiers and citizens of sephar will join us when the revolt gets under way. few, i imagine, regard pryak with favor; they should welcome a chance to end his power and make one of their own men king." then and there the germ of an idea was implanted in tharn's mind--an idea destined to bear fruit in the days ahead. * * * * * for the better part of an hour the seven ring-leaders moved about the chamber, talking with groups of prisoners, discussing various phases of the plan tharn had concocted. so confident did the seven seem, that many a despondent captive was caught up by their infectious spirit and began to grow impatient for the games to start that the two days might pass the sooner. at last the noise of sandaled feet sounded in the corridor, and a moment later the door was thrust open. five men came in: four well-armed priests wearing white tunics edged in black; and another, who was as different from the nondescript priests as sadu differs from botu, the jackal. head and shoulders above his companions towered this fifth man; his face was strong and proud, and from either side of a blade-like nose, eyes of blue fire swept over the crowded room. katon nudged the cro-magnard. "that tall one is wotar, director of the games. he is no priest; and before urim died, was one of sephar's most powerful nobles. he has been game director for a long time; and since he seems still in charge, must be high in pryak's favor." wotar may have heard the whispered words, for he glanced sharply in katon's direction. the glittering eyes stopped at the sight of tharn, taking in the graceful contours and swelling thews beneath the clear bronzed skin. "you," wotar said quietly, crooking a long forefinger at the cave-man. at first, tharn did not fully comprehend; but when two of the priests laid hold of his arms, his doubt was gone. "goodbye, my friend." katon's voice was sad. "we shall watch for your return." "i will be back," tharn promised from the doorway. then he was gone, the great door crashing shut behind him. * * * * * tharn, preceded and followed by guards, was led along the corridor to where it ended before a narrow door. in response to wotar's knock it opened, disclosing a small chamber almost filled with a miscellany of weapons of every type known to prehistoric man. an attendant stood in the center of the room, awaiting instructions from the director. "no weapons," wotar said briefly. he turned to the cave-man. "you are to go directly to the arena's center and wait for whatever i send against you. make a good fight of it and the crowd will be for you. that can mean much to you. if you manage to kill your opponent, return here at once. do you understand?" "yes." wotar nodded to the attendant and the arena door was opened, flooding the room with sunshine. tharn, blinking in the sudden light, stepped out on to the white sands of sephar's colosseum. that which met his eyes was something tharn was never to forget. the sandy floor was perhaps three hundred feet in length and half as many in width--a perfectly symmetrical ellipse surrounded by a sheer stone wall twelve feet in height. beyond that wall the spectator stands began, tier upon tier of stone benches sloping up and back for fifty yards to the last row. the thousands of seats were filled with a shifting mass of humans, most of whom had risen as tharn came into sight. never before had the cave-man seen so many people at one time; and the noise and confusion affected him exactly as it would any jungle denizen. his first instinctive impulse was to retreat, not because of fright, for he knew no fear, but because it was strange and unpleasant and, worst of all, there was that infernal din which only man of all animals can long endure. the cave lord halted and half turned as though to withdraw, but the crowd, believing him to be afraid, set up an ear-splitting clamor of catcalls, whistlings and raucous shouts that whirled the barbarian about in sudden anger. for a long moment he glared at the multi-eyed beast above him; then a slight sound at his back aroused him to his immediate surroundings. he wheeled just as a huge figure launched itself at his neck. before tharn could prevent it, strong fingers closed about his throat and the impact of a solid body sent him staggering, saved from falling only by superhuman effort. * * * * * during the seconds in which all this transpired, tharn had discovered what it was that had leaped cat-like upon him. he saw a great hulk of a man, naked except for a pelt about his loins; a man with muscles bulging so in arms, legs and shoulders as to constitute a deformity. he was not quite so tall as tharn, with an ugly, hairy face, contorted with rage. with the speed of a striking snake tharn's hands came up, caught the wrists at his throat and tore away those choking fingers as though they were so many strands of cobweb. then tharn seized the other before he could twist free--caught him by thrusting an arm between the crotch of those gnarled legs while the other hand held to a hairy forearm. lifting him thus, tharn swung the man aloft like a bundle of grass, then flung him heavily to the sands a dozen paces away. the onlookers came to their feet with a swelling roar of approval. this was what they had come to see; and they set up a deafening clamor that seemed to shake the stands. tharn never heard them. now the dazed enemy was scrambling to his feet. before he was fully erect, tharn was upon him with the silent ferocity of jalok, the panther. grabbing the cringing man by the throat, the cave-man lifted him bodily from the sands, and holding him at forearm's length, shook him as a terrier shakes a rodent; shook him until the screaming voice was stilled as the senses fled and the white figure hung limp and motionless within tharn's grasp. then, while the crowd watched in thrilled horror, tharn dropped to one knee, placed the dead weight of his unconscious foe against his leg and snapped the man's spine as he might have broken a slender branch. rising, tharn tossed aside the lifeless body and, not deigning to acknowledge by look or gestures the pandemonium of acclaim, disappeared through the arms-room door. * * * * * on the same morning that the sepharian games had opened, a band of fifty warriors, clothed only in animal skins about their middles, halted on the outskirts of an impenetrable forest which towered across their path. at their backs was a broad prairie that had required many days to cross. the leader of the group, a man of heroic proportions, called together three of the men and engaged them in earnest conversation. several times he gestured toward the mouth of a game trail leading into the jungle; but the others continued to shake their heads as though unconvinced. "he would not go that way," one of them was saying. "in that direction are high hills, and beyond those are great mountains he could not hope to pass." "we do not know that he came even this far," said another of the three. "we lost his trail over two suns ago; he may have changed his path many times since then." their leader silenced them with a wave of his hand. "you have told me nothing to change my mind. the trail lies ahead; when we can go no farther will be time enough to turn back and seek in a new direction." a few minutes later the last of the band had passed from view between the walls of vegetation lining the narrow path. * * * * * dylara, seated just behind the retaining wall of the arena, watched tharn's broad back pass through the little doorway. about her was the murmur of many voices exclaiming over the exhibition of brute strength they had just witnessed. dimly she heard alurna telling of being rescued by that same forest god, the three nobles from ammad serving as audience. the cave-girl was trying hard to analyze the tangled emotions resulting from tharn's appearance. something related to the sensation she had known when he had taken her in his arms after striking sadu dead, had come back to her. why did sight of him make her heart leap with that peculiar breathless swoop? no one else she had ever known could effect it so. how handsome, how magnificent he had appeared, standing there on the white sands, sweeping the crowd with a contemptuous glance before leaving the arena. she stole a glance at the handsome profile of jotan as he listened politely to alurna's story. how fortunate she was to have won the love of this man. in him were qualities all women sought in the men of their choice. good-looking, kindly, thoughtful, an honorable position in his world--what more could any man offer? yet only tharn, untamed man of the caves, could make her heart leap and thrill--something jotan might never be able to do. last night a priest had come to the great room where she had been taken upon her return to sephar. he had brought her to jotan's quarters, and she had spent the night there, sharing a room with the princess alurna, who had welcomed the opportunity of leaving the palace. the two girls had little to say to each other. alurna had regarded the slave-girl with unmasked loathing; while dylara, after the first cold rebuff of her attempt to be friendly, had withdrawn into a shell of silence. on the following morning, however, alurna had surprised dylara by displaying an attitude of warm friendliness toward her. behind this sudden change was the secret decision of the princess to undermine jotan's attempts to win the slave-girl.... just as the second event was about to get under way, jotan got up, excused himself and made his way to the section of the stands reserved for pryak and the council of priests. there he took a seat beside the high priest. pryak glanced at him with a questioning lift of his eyebrows. "o voice of the god," said jotan, "my men and i have kept our promise to attend the opening of the games. we are anxious to start on our journey, and ask your permission to depart without further loss of time." sephar's enthusiastic reception of the games thus far, had put the king in high humor. "as you wish, jotan," he said, rising and placing his hands on the other's shoulders. "i ask of the god a safe and uneventful journey for you and your men. and to jaltor of ammad, i send my greetings and avowals of lasting friendship. explain to him my reasons for placing urim's daughters in his care. he will approve, i am sure." "all you have asked shall be done," promised jotan. "and now, pryak, king of sephar and voice of the god, i bid you farewell." turning, jotan hurried along the stone aisle to his own lodge and waiting friends. once there, he raised himself to his full height and waved both arms above his head. * * * * * directly across the arena a group of some forty or fifty warriors rose in a body and started toward the nearest exit. "come," jotan said, motioning to the balance of those in his party. "we start at once for ammad." dylara stood up, casting one last look toward the closed doorway through which tharn had passed not long before. he had been her last tie with the old life. now she was about to leave all that behind, to go into a new world at the side of a man she greatly admired. why was her heart so heavy? was it because she would never again see the caves of her people--the face of her father? or was it because tharn was lost to her, forever? even should he come through the games alive, she would be gone--separated from him by the vast distance between sephar and the country jotan called home. jotan had told her something of the long stretches of untracked jungles and waterless plains between sephar and ammad. from others of the visitors she had heard stories of savage beasts and wild tribes of men that haunted the mountain trails and forest-cloaked ravines to the south. and beyond the mountains began a level monotony of grasslands that reached to still more mountains forming the boundary to ammad itself. the street before the building allocated to the visitors swarmed with hurrying figures bearing a wide assortment of articles to be bound into individual packs for easy handling. jotan took active charge. quickly the line of march began to take form. broad-shouldered men swung compact bundles to their backs; well-armed warriors took up their positions; and last of all, strongly made litters of animal skins stretched between long poles, arrived for use of the two female members of the party. dylara, following the example set by alurna, seated herself in the exact center of the sheet of skins as it lay in the street. two brawny attendants stepped forward, bent, one at either end of the wooden poles, and in perfect unison swung the rods to their shoulders. from his position at the column's forefront, jotan looked back and waved a greeting to the two girls. satisfied that all were in place, he shouted a command and the safari got under way. across the city they marched, through wide-flung gates in the great walls, and on across the cleared space beyond. before them rose the majestic trees and thick matted foliage of the forbidding jungle; and here, leading directly southward through a tangled maze, was the beginnings of a well-beaten trail, the first of many such roadways the little cortege must follow before far-off ammad could be reached. just before the marchers entered the forest, dylara turned to look back at sephar's walls, grim and impressive under the sun's flaming rays. still behind those sullen piles of rock was the man she could not forget. something deep within her whispered that she had found love only to lose it; that happiness for her lay in forgetting, forever, the stalwart young giant who had snatched her from a peaceful, uneventful life. once more she looked back, and abruptly the stone walls wavered and dimmed as hot tears flooded her eyes.... chapter xix a lesson in archery dyta, the sun, swung lazily toward the western horizon. and with the coming of dusk, pryak rose from his bench at the edge of the arena in sephar's amphitheater and gave the signal ending the first day of the games. at his gesture the spectators climbed to their feet and pressed toward the exits. they were less lively--more subdued than when they had poured into the enclosure hours before. perhaps the constant association with death during the long day had sobered them, hushing their tongues at last. but on the morrow they would be back, yesterday's scenes forgotten, appetites whetted once more for hours of carnage. while far beneath sephar a roomful of tired unsmiling men spread their sleeping furs for the night in ominous silence. for them a long day had ended, yet taut nerves relaxed but slightly; for all knew that on the next day the wearying ordeal must begin anew. morning found most of the prisoners awake and moving about the cell when the morning meal was served. after the attendants had withdrawn and the crowds were beginning to stream into the amphitheater, tharn called a number of prisoners together. "get ready," he said. "the guards are due here any minute. listen at the door, katon; when you hear them, let us know." turning, the cave-man pulled vulcar into position as the central figure of the group. in this formation they waited expectantly, all eyes on katon at the door with one ear glued to the crack between door and jamb. suddenly katon straightened. "they come!" he whispered, and sprang forward to join the others. at his words, the prisoners, yelling in well-simulated rage, pounced on the hawk-faced vulcar. the one-time officer was swept from his feet and sent crashing to the floor with a resounding thump. a second later he was at the bottom of a pile of raving madmen, all clearly lusting for his blood. it was this scene that met the eyes of four guards and wotar as they came into the room. taking in the situation at a glance, the director barked a curt order that sent the guards into the scuffle. using spear butts as flails they managed to beat the cursing prisoners from the limp body of a disheveled vulcar, who got painfully to his feet. "what means this?" wotar thundered. "is there so little fighting in the arena that you must brawl amongst yourselves?" vulcar, still trembling from his narrow escape, hurried to explain. "these men," he panted, indicating the scowling faces about him, "hate me because they think i am responsible for their being here. i have tried to tell them it was urim's fault, that i had only obeyed his orders; but they would not listen. some cried out that they would kill me; then all of them sprang upon me. i would be dead now, had you not come. as soon as you go they will try again. put me elsewhere, mighty wotar; i am afraid to stay here." vulcar's voice broke with fear, and he trembled so that he could hardly stand. wotar's lips curled with contempt. "put him with the prisoners across the hall," he instructed one of the soldier-priests. "perhaps they will be more gentle and considerate." wotar was an intelligent man; but he failed to notice that the departing prisoner no longer seemed the craven weakling of a moment before. too, he failed to perceive the poorly hidden satisfaction of the other captives.... * * * * * the game director, an experienced showman, had planned as the second day's opening event, something calculated to arouse the spectators to the highest pitch of excitement. once in that frame of mind they would follow each succeeding event with increasing enthusiasm--enthusiasm being the barometer by which his fitness as director was measured. three times his finger crooked; each time a man stepped forward. quickly the guards took up positions and the three prisoners were led away. in the arms-room each participant was handed a bow and three arrows. wotar gave them instructions, the outer door was opened, and katon, rotark and tharn stepped onto the sands. from the stands came a full-throated roar of approval. tharn's fabulous strength and agility they remembered from his initial appearance; the others they also recalled as being exceptional fighting-men. this morning tharn was feeling remarkably light-hearted. his supreme self-confidence gave him assurance his plan of escape would come off perfectly when the time was ripe. and certainly he was enjoying himself! these battles with men and with animals, with death the penalty for any mistake in tactics, were doing much to satisfy that deep love of adventure which was so great a part of him. the men crossed the arena's entire length, halting a few feet from the eastern wall. then they turned about and waited, watching silently the wooden door of the distant arms-room. they had not long to wait. scarcely had they turned when that door opened and three warriors, each with a bow and three arrows, came out. they were clothed in white tunics, with legs and feet bare. all were taller than the average sepharian, with wide shoulders, narrow hips and slender well-formed legs. "sephar's three finest bowmen," katon murmured. "the tallest is maltor, at one time chief of archers under jaltor, and probably the greatest man with a bow in our history. "i had forgotten the report that he would fight in the arena. since he enlisted in the games only to display his bowmanship, he may withdraw at any time. watch him constantly, for he is our greatest danger." he fell silent then, sudden lines of worry on his face. "tharn, i remember, now, that you know nothing of fighting with a bow. we must work out some way of covering you." * * * * * the cave-man permitted himself a grim smile. "you are wrong," he said quietly. "the bow and i are good friends. i will keep up my end of this fight." katon was satisfied. "good. now if only we can outwit them.... "let them shoot first. watch the fingers of their right hands; when they open on the arrow's haft, jump quickly aside, keeping an arrow ready in your own bow. the moment you regain balance aim quickly and send your first answer. "aim always for the belly. a man can shift his head and shoulders much quicker than he can his middle. besides, his belly is a broader mark. "ready now! they are getting close! tharn--maltor is for you. rotark--see what you can do with the man on his left. the other is mine. "ah! they have stopped. they still are too far away to risk a shot. being careful, i suppose; they had better be! "tharn! thrust two of your arrows point first in the sand within reach. fit the other to your bow. do the same, rotark. "careful now! they are starting this way again! maltor is no fool; he is trying to coax us into wasting arrows." katon fell silent. his two friends, their bows half drawn, arrow points held downward, stood relaxed, intently gauging the approach of the enemy, now a scant forty paces away. an absolute silence had enveloped the entire amphitheater as every observer of this tense drama strained his eyes to catch the impending action. now maltor, arrogant and impatient, stepped a pace or two in advance of his companions. notching an arrow, he nodded over his shoulder to the others, who came up beside him. three bows were raised in unison; the warriors aimed their shafts carefully, each at a different member of katon's troupe. the human targets stood at ease, seemingly indifferent to their danger. and then the scheme the wily maltor had evolved was flashed on the enemy with a suddenness and brilliancy of execution that would have done much to settle the final outcome--had it succeeded. * * * * * a split second before the arrows were released, two of the three archers turned their aim toward the same target as that selected by maltor. immediately three bowstrings twanged as one, sending three flint-tipped shafts with incredible swiftness at a single mark. to avoid one swiftly flying missile was difficult enough; to dodge three, so cunningly spaced that a move to either side would avail naught, was all but impossible. yet in the flicker of time required for the arrows to reach him, tharn had acted in the only manner possible to avoid impalement. flat on his face dropped the cave-man, the three bolts passing inches above his descending head to shatter against the stone wall beyond. as he fell, katon and rotark fired their first arrows. one found a mark. a man screamed suddenly, horribly, and sank to the sand, a wooden shaft protruding from his abdomen. rotark had followed instructions! had katon's target been less agile there would have been two casualties. but the man managed to avoid that flashing point by a sideward lunge, keeping his balance with difficulty in the shifting sands. meanwhile, tharn had not remained passively in a reclining position. as the opening barrage passed over him, he rose to his knees and dispatched his first arrow at the foe katon had given him. maltor was too seasoned a warrior to be caught napping. even though he had momentarily dismissed tharn as a source of danger, he had kept an eye on the cave-man. and that precaution enabled him to twist aside barely in time to keep from being struck. the veteran bowman gasped incredulously as the stone-shod missile whined past. he marvelled that a man's arm could be capable of driving an arrow with such superhuman power. it was maltor's last thought in this life. even as tharn released his first arrow, his right hand shot out, snatched a second from its vertical position in the sand, strung it and let go--all within the quiver of an eye-lid. maltor, still trying to regain balance, was in no position to dodge again. * * * * * those in the stands saw the famed bowman straighten as though jerked upright by an invisible hand. mouth agape, eyes staring in uncomprehending horror, he remained upright for a long moment, while a red line trickled between the fingers he had clapped to his side. then he turned in a slow half-circle, his knees buckled; and maltor sank to the sands, dead where he fell. so savage had been the force behind tharn's arrow that head and shaft had passed completely through the sepharian's body. rotark, watching, spellbound by the brief drama, was shocked from his inertia when his bow was torn from his grasp and hurled several yards away. one end struck him, in its flight, full across the face and sent him sprawling. an arrow intended for rotark's heart had, instead, crashed against the hardwood bow in his hand. the impact cost rotark two of his teeth; an inch or so either way would have cost him his life. while the doleful one was still falling, katon's bow spoke a second time and the last enemy dropped, mortally wounded. rotark, gloomier than ever, got unsteadily to his feet, spat out two teeth as an involuntary offering to the god-whose-name-may-not-be-spoken-aloud, picked up his splintered bow and started for the exit. katon and tharn grinned quietly to one another and followed him. and the thrilled thousands in the stands released at last the breath they unconsciously had been holding for long seconds. * * * * * and so the day wore on. many times during the passing hours guards entered the great cell to select men for combat in the arena. some of those selected returned, others never came back; but survivors outweighed, by far, the losses. the reasons were two: every man knew that survival, now, would heighten his chance for freedom when the break took place. as a result he fought with determination and daring not possible without hope to feed upon. wotar was responsible for the second reason. the director knew from years of handling these games that spectators thrilled more over duels between men than over those between men and beasts. as a consequence he husbanded his supply of warriors, sending enough of them at one time against the jungle creatures that the latter almost invariably succumbed before they could do much harm. only when a man proved an exceptionally able warrior were the odds more nearly even. about mid-way in that long afternoon, wotar and his men entered the dungeon and took tharn, alone, with them. the cave lord looked back as he passed through the doorway, in time to catch an expression in katon's eyes that was very close to being fear. it came to tharn, then, that should he perish in action, the planned revolt might never take place. on his leadership depended the hopes of every man in that room. once more tharn found himself in the arms-room. the attendant there looked questioningly at wotar. the master of the games ran a thoughtful eye over the cro-magnard's splendid body. "give him a hunting-knife--and nothing else," he said finally. "so far this man has had an easy time of it. now we shall learn just how much of a fighter he really is!" silently the guard presented a long-bladed knife of flint. once more the arena door opened; and tharn, blade in hand, strode into the amphitheater. the shrill cacophony which greeted him held a welcoming note that did not escape the young tharn. for the first time, he raised his eyes to the innumerable tiers, observing with wonder the mammoth sea of faces turned in his direction. near the arena wall on his right, and half way to the far end of the arena itself, was that section occupied by pryak and his numerous retinue. tharn had no difficulty in picking out the high priest's unimpressive figure seated close to the protecting wall. the cave-man's reverie was abruptly shattered as the massive gate at the enclosure's far end began to swing open. for a moment nothing appeared; then slowly and majestically there emerged from the darkened interior tharn's arch enemy--sadu, the lion! chapter xx revolt! as sadu, the lion, came into full view, a collective groan rose on the afternoon air. then came scattered boos and cries of disapproval from various points in the stands. "give him arrows and a bow!" "no man can kill a lion with a knife!" "death to pryak!" shouted some more hardy soul. scattered protests began to gather volume until they beat as a steady roar, filling the entire arena with ominous sound. armed priests, stationed at the upper edge of the retaining wall, began to move uneasily among the seats to restore order. suddenly the mounting crescendo stilled, as action on the arena sands seemed imminent. sunlight, flooding the huge oval, bathed in golden glory the calm figure of the man and the tan coat of the jungle king. with striking clarity it picked out the corded muscles and swelling muscles of this cave-god. his handsome, finely-shaped head with its crowning mop of straight black hair; his shoulders, wide and erect; his mighty chest, narrow waist and tapering hips--all made up a picture of physical perfection that no observer was likely to forget. and yet, invincible though this cro-magnard appeared, he seemed puny and pitiable when compared with the huge beast that wotar had sent against him. never before had so magnificent a lion appeared in sephar's games. even tharn, jungle traveler for most of his life, had blinked disbelievingly when sadu made his entrance. sadu padded gently forward, the lithe sinews of his giant body rolling smoothly beneath a shimmering hide. he seemed unruffled and serene; only the angry lash of his sinuous tail told of a seething ferocity within that lordly head. armed only with his painfully inadequate knife, tharn advanced slowly to meet certain destruction. he knew his chances for victory were so slim as to be almost non-existent; yet the self-confidence and resourcefulness born of a hundred battles against overwhelming odds were weapons more dependable than the flint blade he carried. sadu stopped his own advance when the hated man-thing started toward him. for several days now, he had been underfed, goaded about with sharp sticks and shouting voices, harassed and annoyed until he was angry enough to have charged a regiment. yet that unfathomable sense of caution, so strong a part of every wild creature, held him motionless before the deliberate approach of this two-legged enemy. tharn halted. only a few paces separated the two as they stood unmoving. the man's eyes were riveted on the lion's restless tail; by its movements could he know what was taking place in sadu's brain. slowly sadu settled into a crouching position, head flattened, hindquarters drawn beneath his taut frame, tail twitching in jerky undulations. a vagrant breeze ruffled the thick mane at his neck.... * * * * * suddenly the tail stiffened and shot erect; and voicing an ear-shattering roar, sadu sprang at the man in his path. sadu, the lion, had felt man's tender flesh beneath his yellow fangs and murderous talons before this. he expected no more resistance from this one than had come from those others. it was an astonished beast, therefore, that crashed to the sand where the man had been--and was no longer. with an uncanny agility tharn evaded that lightning charge; then, so quickly that human eyes were hard put to follow, he leaped in and drove his heavy knife deep behind sadu's left shoulder. the jungle king, snarling hideously from unexpected pain and shock, wheeled and struck in one simultaneous motion; but tharn, leaping high as the great cat turned, vaulted completely over the broad back, the dripping knife still clutched in his hand. before sadu could reverse himself, the blade flashed again, striking at the base of the tawny neck where lay the great spine. the flint bit deep but missed a vital spot by half an inch. sadu had moved in a rapid sideward maneuver as tharn's arm was descending, and while the wound that resulted was painful, it was by no means fatal. worst of all, the blow had cost the cro-magnard his only weapon. sadu's sudden shift had torn the knife from tharn's fingers before he could tug it free, leaving the blade sunk deep, haft still standing upright like a miniature cross. his blood crimsoning the white sands, sadu whirled about, sending a shower of the fine particles high into the air. once more he hurled himself at his elusive foe, and once more tharn dodged aside. but this time his foot slipped a little in the yielding sand. one flailing paw struck his chest a glancing blow, the claws raking long scratches there, and tharn was catapulted heels over head a full fifteen feet across the arena. a little murmur of protest came from the ranks of spectators. they had witnessed what had promised to be an ineffectual struggle develop into a battle between giants, with its ultimate outcome very much in doubt. now, through a quirk of fate, the grim battle was ended; the favorite they had acclaimed was doomed. sadu leaped forward to make his kill. tharn, helpless, knew life had run its course. nothing could save him now. and then fickle fate shifted once more. tharn's right hand, pressing against the ground in a last futile effort to throw himself to one side, closed purely by chance about a hard object which he instantly identified as the hilt of a stone knife, dropped there, doubtless, by some warrior earlier in the day. recognition and action came together. tharn raised the weapon, hilt between thumb and bent forefinger, and, while still in a sitting position, flung it with all the concentrated strength of his powerful arm point foremost at the on-rushing bulk. as in a dream he saw the sliver of flint streak through the sunlight to meet the great head. full into sadu's right eye sank its entire length; then a crushing weight came down on tharn's chest and he knew no more. * * * * * he could not have been unconscious for long; for his eyes opened in time to see sadu's lifeless body being dragged away. two guards were standing over his own supine figure, evidently seeking to learn the extent of his injuries. "he lives!" ejaculated one in surprise, as tharn's eyes fluttered open. in answer the cave man got unsteadily to his feet, and while the effort sent a spasm of pain through his bruised chest and aching ribs, his face betrayed nothing of his suffering. leisurely he brushed sand from his back and legs, then turned and walked toward the western gate. heedless to the thunder of acclaim beating against his ears, he disappeared through the arms-room door. once within the common cell, tharn told enough of his adventure to dull the prisoners' curiosity, then edged away to join katon. thus the day wore on. now and then guards would enter, pick out a man or two and depart. once, brutan came back from the arena with his left cheek laid open from an animal's claw. but the wound had dulled no part of his braggardism and he told a highly colored tale of an encounter against nearly impossible odds. later in that afternoon, katon had been summoned, to be absent for what seemed an age to tharn. but return he did, unscathed, a broad smile lighting up his face as the cave lord came forward to welcome him. a bond of friendship, based on mutual respect and admiration, had formed between these two men; a bond which passing days but served to augment. it was destined to be that rare understanding known only between men, wherein each finds within the other something of himself. just before the day's end, brosan went out, a quip on his lips and a careless wave of his hand to the others. that joking remark and carefree gesture remained with every man in the cell, for brosan never came back.... darkness came at last, and for a second time the roaring of beasts and shrieks and moans of dying men ceased in the oval above. food was brought and the weary gladiators ate and drank, doing their best to forget tiredness and strain. sleep came slowly that night to most of them. within every heart was strong desire for the morrow to come--the new day for which all had waited. there were some here who would never see a second sunrise; but, as is usual under such conditions, each man looked for death to single out any one other than himself. * * * * * less than a day's journey to the north of sephar's walls a party of fifty warriors supped on the freshly-killed meat of neela, the zebra, shortly before dyta slid below the western earth-line. all that day they had traveled slowly along a thread-like game trail leading directly south. at times, for hours on end, they had walked through sombre depths of brooding jungle, beneath grotesque shadows of forest kings. again, their way was across wide reaches of gently undulating prairie, where thick yellow grasses, deep to a tall man's thighs, stirred beneath the touch of baking winds. always, however, they had moved into the south, and ever in the lead was he whose decision, based solely on a vague premonition, had brought them so far from home. on this man's left forearm was the painted insignia of a chief.... with the sudden coming of night, the entire party took to the safety of high branches on either side of the trail. when dyta returned on the morrow, they once more would take up their march into the mountains to the south ... always to the south. * * * * * once more, dawn poked gray fingers through the overhead grill-work of the great cell beneath sephar's amphitheater. and from the same point came sounds of sephar's thousands, filing again into their seats for another day of grisly entertainment. tharn rolled over, sat up and ran tanned fingers through his heavy shock of black hair. for a moment his eyes ran over the sleeping scores, picking out many whom he had learned to respect. there was katon, head pillowed on the biceps of a strong right arm, a half smile discernible on his firm mouth; he was sleeping soundly. near him lay brutan, the red edges of his wound showing through black stubble covering his cheek. there was rotark, his long face even more solemn in sleep; and next to him, gorlat, blond hair unruffled, his tunic, still nearly immaculate, neatly folded and placed close beside him. tharn got to his feet and set about awakening the sleepers. before wotar arrived, he meant to speak once more to the prisoners; to go over for the last time, those few vital points which all must know perfectly if his plans were to be carried to a successful conclusion. when all were assembled, he spoke briefly, asking questions again and again that none might fail to understand what was expected of him. the men listened intently, hanging on his every word and drinking deep of the inexhaustible fund of courage and surety possessed by the gray-eyed young man. when he had finished he knew they were with him heart and soul, that every man present would charge, without hesitation, a hundred spear points if the need arose. if vulcar could manage as well with the group across the hall, then sephar could have a new ruler before nightfall. he had no more than finished speaking, when the door opened, admitting wotar and six guards. quickly, ten prisoners were singled out and taken from the cell, among them tharn and the golden haired gorlat. upon reaching the arms-room, wotar sent four prisoners, with as many guards, into the chamber, the others being forced to wait until the tiny room could be cleared. and of the four who entered, two were tharn and gorlat. the door was closed and barred. the prisoners stood quietly, waiting for the attendant to parcel out weapons to them. the crisis was at hand. now that it had come, tharn felt his muscles tense, his nerves grow taut, a deadly coolness steal through him. his eyes narrowed, as do the eyes of tarlok preparing to leap upon unwary prey. the air of the small chamber seemed suddenly charged with something electrical; a hushed breath of expectancy made the stillness strangely unbearable.... * * * * * a guard cleared his throat uneasily, sending a harsh rasping note against the silence. he said, "give each man a bow, ten arrows and a spear." removing a stone-tipped spear from a pile in one corner, the attendant offered it, butt foremost, to the cave-man, who reached forth a steady hand to take it. as his fingers closed on the haft, and before anyone could guess his intention, tharn drew back his arm and drove the triangle of flint into the man's throat, changing a scream of terror into a gasping whisper. as the dying guard slumped forward, the other captives snatched weapons from the supply about them and leaped upon the dazed soldiers, three of whom went down before they could lift a hand in defense. tharn, farthest from the group, was forced to cross the entire room before he could lay hands on the fourth guard. that one, instead of standing his ground, was seeking to reach and unbar the corridor door. as he fumbled with the heavy timber, iron fingers closed on one shoulder and tore him away. up and back he swung, high above tharn's head; then his thrown body struck head foremost against the far wall, crushing the skull like a blown egg. turning to his comrades, tharn found two of the three remaining guards were already accounted for. the third, however, had killed one rebel, and using the dead body as a shield, was successfully standing off all efforts of the two men seeking to reach him. in one hand he grasped a long spear, its darting head having already inflicted slight wounds on the menacing pair. a thunderous pounding warned tharn that the sounds of combat had aroused wotar and his two men. the entire rebellion was being threatened by one courageous man; and unless this delay was speedily ended, the break for freedom was destined to end here and now. stooping, tharn grasped the dead body of the attendant, straightened, and hurled it with all his giant strength full against the lone defender's human shield. so terrific was that impact, that the guard was swept completely from his feet. before he could recover, gorlat had slipped a knife into his heart. bounding forward, tharn unbarred and threw open the door, and sprang into the corridor, his two friends at his heels. he had a brief glimpse of wotar's hanging jaw and stupefied expression before the two factions closed in battle. * * * * * wotar was no coward. as tharn leaped toward him he whipped a knife from his belt and swung it savagely at the cro-magnard's broad chest. like the striking head of an angry snake, tharn's hand shot out and closed on wotar's wrist. mighty fingers contracted, and the knife dropped from his nerveless grasp to clatter against the stone floor. tharn's free hand closed on the hapless leader's jaw, tightened, then wrenched the head in a vicious half-circle that left a broken neck in its wake. when tharn released the clay that once had been wotar, master of sephar's games, he found no other foe alive within the corridor. dead on the floor were the two guards, torn and mangled from the savage fury of those who had snuffed out their lives. eight men, eyes alight, stood before him, awaiting instructions. the cave dweller singled out two of them. "go back and open both cells. first, free those in our own room; vulcar may not have convinced the others to join us. if so, our men can help in convincing them! "tell them the way is open to this room. caution all to silence, that none overhears us and warns those we hope to surprise." tharn then motioned the remaining six into the arms-room. there, each armed himself with a bow, arrows, knife and a spear. soon they heard sounds of naked feet within the corridor, and into view, three abreast, came the former prisoners. at their head was katon; beside him strode vulcar, once captain of urim's guards. tharn halted them just short of the arsenal. he ran his eyes along the ranks, and what he saw brought a smile of satisfaction to his lips. as far back as his eyes could make out in the dimly lighted passageway were men. there were at least a hundred and fifty--perhaps more; all eager for weapons and a chance to use them. the cro-magnard held up one hand to gain their attention. "remember," he said, "march into the arena quickly and in silence. do not so much as glance at the spectators until i give the signal. and when that signal comes, seek to kill only priests and warriors. to attack the people of sephar without cause would only make them hate and fear us. we cannot fight an entire city. "come forward now--three each time. once within the arena, take the places i give you." three entered the arms-room. to each went a bow, quiver of arrows, complete with shoulder band; a knife and a spear. tharn then opened the outer door and passed them through, then pulled it shut and aided in arming the next three. in that fashion twenty-seven were sent into the amphitheater before tharn called a halt. dimly, he could hear the rustling murmur from the packed stands, and he knew that all was well--thus far, at least. he summoned vulcar and katon, now, gave them weapons identical to those issued to the others, and went with them into the arena, rotark acting as door-keeper. * * * * * in a wide semi-circle at the far end of the sandy field stood the twenty-seven who had gone before them. they made a thin line, their backs close to the retaining wall, one end of which was almost directly below the loges occupied by pryak and the council of priests. it was toward this section that tharn and his two companions bent their steps. the cave lord took a position less than four paces from the stone barrier at his back. above him sat pryak, high priest and ruler of sephar, deep in conversation with orbar. now, the second contingent of warriors began to issue from the arms-room. in groups of three, seconds apart, they emerged and took up positions near the wall at the arena's opposite end. when an equal number were at either end of the enclosure, the influx of armed men became heavier. in groups of five, now, they appeared and formed a second row a few feet in front of the others and facing in the same direction. there were fully four score in the open by this time--and still they came. tharn knew the moment was fast approaching when suspicion would become aroused by this unprecedented concentration of warriors. already a few priests were peering down at them, puzzled expressions on their faces. the buzz of conversation began to fade; and here and there spectators were rising to their feet. pryak stood up, suddenly, and leaned over the railing. "what means this?" he asked of orbar. "does wotar mean to end the games with one battle? there are too many men on the sands; send someone to investigate." tharn, overhearing, knew he dared wait no longer. throwing back his head, he sent the hair-raising battle cry of his tribe reverberating throughout the entire structure. as the notes of that horrendous cry rose on the still air, he pivoted about and sent a slender arrow leaping from his bow full at the head of pryak, king of sephar! it is no mean tribute to pryak's nimbleness to tell that he dodged that arrow. and dodge it he did--falling back into the arms of his retinue as death passed a finger's breadth above his sparse locks to transfix an unfortunate under-priest. the cave-man's cry was the awaited signal, releasing all the pent-up hate and fury within the hearts of those who acknowledged him as leader. as one man, a hundred warriors turned and loosed a shower of arrows at the thin line of guards and priests above them. the instant those flint-tipped messengers were released, those rebels nearest the walls knelt, braced themselves and became living ladders over which their comrades swarmed to gain the seats above. * * * * * a living wave of blood-hungry men swarmed into the stands and fell upon the already wavering ranks of defenders. the entire bowl was now a maelstrom of swirling bodies, legs and arms. panic-stricken spectators, few of them armed, rose from their benches and rushed headlong for the exits, trammeling, pushing, fighting to gain the streets, to escape the raving horde of crazed demons. and, seemingly everywhere at the same time, tharn, katon and vulcar fought shoulder to shoulder, their knives rising and falling, their spears licking out to take lives and spread further the reign of terror they had fostered. twice, tharn caught sight of gorlat, blond hair finally disarranged, weaving among the tiers like a cat, his only weapon a long, thin knife. and as priest after priest sought futilely to keep that long blade from his throat, tharn knew, now, why vulcar had said few could equal that young man with such a weapon. how many died that day with throats slit by that knife, only gorlat knew--and he was never to tell. it had happened shortly after tharn had caught his second glimpse of the steadily smiling youth. gorlat had just made a kill, and as he stood erect, a thrown spear came from nowhere to catch him full in the chest. gorlat had staggered back to sink into a sitting position on an empty bench. dazedly he had raised a hand to wipe away the red stains of his own blood from that once spotless tunic--then slumped back and moved no more. there were other men of tharn's force who fell, never to rise again; but for each who died, five enemies went to join him. bodies of slain priests were everywhere--draped across seats, hanging over the arena wall, lying in the aisles. warriors loyal to pryak had died in droves and lay glaring at the sky with sightless eyes. at last there was none within the amphitheater other than the dead, the wounded, and the blood-splashed figures of the rebels who stood panting from their efforts, their eyes on tharn and his two lieutenants. of those three, vulcar alone had been wounded. an arrow had creased his shoulder close to his neck, and blood from the cut had stained one side of his chest a fast-darkening crimson. but his eyes were bright with satisfaction and his lips were curled in grim content. "urim would have enjoyed this!" he said, and his smile widened. "now, on to the palace and the temple to clean out the rest of pryak's men. that done, the city is ours!" katon bent and took up a stray spear. "come, then," he remarked; "if we wait, they will have gotten over their panic and will be that much harder to rout a second time." tharn nodded agreement. "first, the palace; then we can invade the temple and take pryak and his men." * * * * * a warrior spoke from the ranks. "dare we enter the temple?" he asked doubtfully. "if we offend the god, he may destroy us." "he is right!" declared another. "why should we chance angering our god. once the city is ours, pryak will have to do as we say. let us not attack the house of the god." "pryak dies!" vulcar roared, grinding the butt of his spear savagely against the stone flooring. "let the god be offended--pryak must die! if the rest of you brave warriors are afraid, i will go alone into the temple and drag out urim's murderer by the few hairs left on his ugly head! "did pryak's god save these priests who lie about us, here, their bodies cut by our spears and knives? did he, seeing pryak in danger, hide him with his sky-fire? no; they were men like us; and since they deserved to die, they _did_ die! pryak is next!" tharn, listening with silent admiration and approval, thought of something that snatched the half-smile from his lips. "where _is_ pryak?" he asked. "he was here when the fighting started. how did he and those with him get away?" the others could furnish nothing toward clearing up this minor mystery. nor was there a single body of the missing group in the vicinity. "let us go on," suggested tharn finally. "after the palace is taken, we can set about finding vulcar's good friend pryak!" still chuckling at the cave-man's sally, the insurgents formed into a column, three abreast, and marched toward a nearby exit that led from the shambles they had created. chapter xxi conclusion upon reaching the street, they started for the palace, its white walls gleaming under the mid-morning sun. no citizen of sephar was abroad; but the marching men were conscious of watching eyes at windows of the buildings on either side. the palace grounds, too, were deserted as they swept across the palace grounds and dashed against the great double doors. they might as well have sought to force the palace walls so strongly barred were the heavy planks. as they stood debating their next step, a shower of spears, arrows and clubs fell suddenly upon them from above, killing several before tharn could give the order to withdraw. at a safe distance from the windows, tharn, vulcar and katon held a brief council of war, finally agreeing upon a strategic maneuver that held promise of being effective. eight warriors left the group, returning with a heavy log, free of branches. this was carried, four men to a side, to within a short distance from the barred entranceway. now, eight replacements came forward, took up the massive tree trunk and started at a run toward the doors, the log's heavy base aimed at a point where the two rough-hewn sections joined. within a dozen paces of their objective, they swerved sharply to their left and sent the great timber crashing through the slender stone columns of a large window. following the log came those who had carried it, pouring through to the hallway beyond. it was deserted; evidently the defenders were grouped at the upstairs windows, intending to stage their defense from that point. a second later the palace doors were thrown wide and, notwithstanding a heavy barrage from overhead, the rebels soon over-ran the central hallway. halfway up the wide staircase they were met by a withering volley from the upper passageway and stairhead. but tharn raised his voice once more in the awesome war challenge of his people, and which seemed to lift his followers bodily to the top of the steps. here, fighting was fast and furious. although outnumbered at first by four to one, the insurgents made up that handicap by the intensity of their assault; and slowly but steadily pryak's loyal troops were being pushed back. * * * * * tharn was in his element! knife and spear had been cast aside or lost; his only weapons were his mighty hands. yet his was the most feared figure among the rebels, as was attested to by the mound of strangled and broken guards strewn about him. several times he saw katon battling away close by, a long knife in either hand. once, an enemy in a badly torn tunic was preparing to drive a knife into his unsuspecting back. tharn had torn a spear from the fingers of a neighboring comrade and without pausing to judge distance, had thrown it across the hall to pass half its length into the side of katon's would-be slayer. the man had fallen, while katon, unaware of his narrow escape, was finishing the warrior with whom he had been engaged. of vulcar, brutan and rotark, tharn had seen nothing since the battle began. during momentary lulls he had time to wonder how they were faring--if, somewhere in this madhouse of fighting, bellowing men, they were managing to keep their skins whole. gradually the palace defenders were weakening, losing heart as their list of casualties grew. already, the men of tharn's party had sensed victory was slowly but surely passing into their hands. and then came the unexpected, the one contingency which none of the rebel leaders had forseen. a ringing shout sounded from the open doorway, and through the gap came priests from the temple of sephar's god. instead of waiting for the freedom-hungry prisoners to take their first objective, then march against the house of god, the cunning arch priest had sent every man he could muster to reinforce the palace garrison. there must have been a hundred of them, fresh and--for priests--eager for battle. they fell upon the revolters from behind, spreading death and consternation in the thinning ranks of those from sephar's pits. encouraged by aid from this wholly unexpected quarter, the palace defenders regained their fading morale and renewed the attack with reckless fury. the end had come. bitter was the realization to tharn who, until now, had been certain nothing could prevent his men from taking sephar. he smarted under the knowledge that wily old pryak had outwitted them after all. he might, under cover of the raging turmoil, have turned his back on friends and supporters to seek out dylara's cell and escape with her from sephar. but the thought was gone as it was born; and the cro-magnard sought to rally his shaken followers to the task of cutting a pathway back to the street. once outside, some of them might manage to flee into the jungle--a far cry from their ambitious dream of taking sephar! it began to appear, however, that leaving the palace was to be infinitely more difficult than forcing an entrance had been. again and again his men were repulsed by the white-faced but unflinching priests at the foot of the staircase. steadily the number of rebels grew less; and while they took more lives than they gave, there were too many to outlast. suddenly there rose above the pandemonium within, a chorus of savage cries from outside the open doors. tharn straightened as though struck by an unseen spear. his eyes went wide with incredulous astonishment bordering on disbelief; then from his powerful lungs broke an answering shout that paled to insignificance the tumult about him. * * * * * swarming into the hall below, came a host of strange, warlike fighting-men, naked except for panther- and leopard-skins about their loins. splendid, beautifully proportioned barbarians they were, heavy war-spears gripped in powerful right hands, sun-bronzed skins rippling under the play of corded muscles. at their head was the stalwart figure of a man such as never before had been seen within sephar's borders. four inches above six feet he stood, slim of hip and broad of shoulder--a wealth of black hair held from his eyes by a strip of cured snakeskin. "father!" burst from tharn's lips. at sound of his cry, the leader of the newcomers looked sharply in his direction. "kill!" shouted young tharn, bringing one hand out in a sweeping gesture toward the frozen ranks of priests. in response, the cro-magnards threw themselves at the white-clad enemy. at the same time tharn, the younger, leaped into action, shouting words of instruction and encouragement to his friends. the end came quickly. torn at from two sides, the priests broke and fled in all directions, the cave-men in hot pursuit. at sight of this, the original defenders threw down their weapons and surrendered on the spot. now came tharn, the elder, striding forward to greet his son. behind him crowded others of the tribe, wide smiles on their lips. "we have searched long for you, my son," said the chief. "at times we were close to giving up; it was not until yesterday that one of us found where you and a girl had followed a game trail leading to this place." "you could not have arrived at a better time!" the chief smiled. katon, watching from the background, marveled at the striking resemblance of father to son when both smiled. "at first," said the cro-magnard leader, "we were almost afraid to leave the jungle's edge. but no one was about the openings in the walls, and as your trail led straight toward one of them, we decided to follow it. then, too, all of us were curious to see what manner of people lived in such strange caves. "no one tried to stop us. in fact, we saw no one at all. i was beginning to wonder if we were the only ones here until we heard sounds of fighting coming from here. the rest you know." his son nodded. "soon i shall tell you what i have gone through since i last saw you. but first i have something to do." he hesitated. how should he go about telling his father? he hoped dylara would not exhibit that temper of hers the first time she met the chief. "what must you do?" the chief asked, glancing sharply at the face of his son. "i have taken a mate!" there--it was out! * * * * * his father never batted an eye. "where is she?" "somewhere in this place. a prisoner, i suppose. katon, here, may be able to find her. she--she may not seem pleased that i have come for her." those last words came out with an effort. but sooner or later his father was bound to learn he had taken a mate by force. the elder man pursed his lips to keep from smiling. he was shrewd enough to come very close to the true state of affairs. but what of it? his own courtship had been none too easy. afterward, nada and he had been closer than words could express. he had never, nor would ever, lose the pain that had come when she had been taken captive by some strange tribe so many years ago. katon, at mention of his name, had stepped forward. "this," tharn said, "is katon--my friend." there was immediate approval in the eyes of both the blue-eyed sepharian and the cro-magnard chief. "dylara probably is in the slave quarters," katon said. "if you will come with me, i will lead you there." and shortly thereafter, father and son stood before a great door while katon removed its heavy bar. they entered a huge, sunlit room crowded with women, young and old, who shrank away from them in alarm. there was one, however, who did not draw away. her lovely face was registering astonishment and disbelief--and hope. one hand lifted slowly to her throat as she stared into the eyes of tharn's father. nor was she alone in displaying tangled emotions. tharn, the elder, was gazing at the woman as though unable to credit the evidence of his own eyes. and then the man found his voice. "nada!" it was more gasp than a word. "tharn--my mate!" an instant later she was caught up in his arms. young tharn looked on in bewilderment, not grasping, at first, the significance of that single word his father had uttered. then, as the chief turned toward him, an arm about the woman's shoulders, he understood. then his arm, too, was about her: and after twelve long years, father, son, and mother were reunited. * * * * * none of the three had much to say during the next few minutes. there was an enormous lump in nada's throat, making speech impossible. she could not take her eyes from the splendid young man who, until a few days ago, she had thought to be dead. he was everything dylara had said he was. she remembered him as she had last seen him--a straight-backed, sturdy-legged youngster, whose inquisitive nature and complete lack of fear had given her so many anxious moments. even at that early age he had shown promise of the extraordinary physical development he now possessed. but her greatest pride and satisfaction came from what she could see in those frank, compelling gray eyes--eyes mirroring a fine, sensitive soul and an equally fine mind. "tell me," nada said at last, "how did you know i was here?" "i did not know," admitted her mate. "did you, tharn?" their son shook his head. "i never dreamed you were in sephar. as a matter of fact, we came here to find a girl--dylara, my--my mate. we thought she would be with the slaves." then it was that he saw a shadow come into nada's eyes--a shadow which wiped away his smile and closed a cold hand about his heart. "nada!" he exclaimed. "what is wrong? has something happened to her?" "she is ... gone," his mother said dully. "gone?" "yes. pryak gave her to a man from a land far to the south of sephar. he has taken her there with him." tharn's face was white beneath its layer of tan. "how long since?" he demanded hoarsely. "this is the third day." without another word the young man wheeled and started for the door. before he could reach it, however, strong fingers closed on his arm. his father had stopped him. "wait, tharn. where are you going?" "after dylara," said his son grimly. "of course; but do not leave so--so abruptly. let us talk this over before you start. some of our men will go with you, once we have eaten and slept." "i am neither tired nor hungry," retorted his son. "i am going alone; others would only delay me." katon chose this moment to intervene. "wait a few hours, tharn. there is much left to be done here, and we need your help. a new king must be chosen and order restored to the palace and city. once that is done there will be a feast for all of us; then, after a good sleep, you can set out after dylara. you can overtake those who have her within two or three suns." nada ended the discussion. "stay until morning, my son," she pleaded. "i have but found you; i cannot bear to let you go so soon." the smile came back to tharn's face. "as you will," he conceded. "but when dyta comes again, i must leave you." so it was decided, and the four went down to the lower floor to join the others. * * * * * that night, in the great dininghall of sephar's palace, a happy throng sat about a long, wide table laden to its edges with an abundance of foods. at the head sat katon; at his right hand was tharn, the elder; and, on his left, was tharn, the younger, his mother beside him. earlier that afternoon the former prisoners and those nobles who had not fallen in defense of pryak's government, had assembled in the great central hallway to elect a new king. tharn, to his honest surprise, had been their instant and unanimous choice. but he had declined the honor, saying: "there is one among you who has every right to rule over you. he, himself, is the son of a king--one who understands all those things expected of a ruler. that man is katon of huxla!" the roar of approval which followed his words reached far beyond sephar's walls. katon would have protested but he had no chance of making himself heard, and he accepted--hiding his pleasure as best he could. he did not dream what a pang that speech had cost his cro-magnard friend, for with those words tharn had relinquished his hope of taking the sepharian back with him to the caves of his father. later in the day an armed force had entered the temple of sephar's god; and while the feet of those faint-hearted members in the group had dragged somewhat, none had turned back. however, no resistance had materialized; instead, a horde of priests, arms held high, hands empty, had welled up from the subterranean maze below the temple and begged the new ruler to accept them as his own loyal followers. among them was the council of priests, intact to a man--except for one. but that one was he whom katon--and vulcar!--had desired most to see: pryak, high priest and sephar's former king. it was then that the new king displayed his ability to make sensible decisions. before leaving the temple he had appointed cardon as high priest to the god-whose-name-may-not-be-spoken. nor could he have made a wiser choice; for cardon was possessor of a rugged honesty as well as a lack of ambition beyond his position. the long-standing feud between church and state was ended. once these matters had been disposed of, katon had sent his soldiery to assemble the residents of sephar at the palace grounds. when a huge throng had filled not only the grassy expanse but the street as well, katon, as ruler of sephar, had proclaimed the new government and asked that they acknowledge, as their king, a warrior in place of a priest. the thunderous, welcoming roar which greeted his words was all that was needed to make of sephar a unified community. katon had immediately proclaimed a two day holiday, to be given over to feasting and drinking; and, because he was a shrewd judge of human nature, he had announced that every citizen must sacrifice some valued article to the god, whose help had made the revolt a success. * * * * * and so it was that on this night all sephar, from palace to city walls, was in a merry-making mood. within the palace dininghall, there was only a single tiny cloud to mar the clear sky of happiness; a cloud fast losing the dark hue it at first had assumed. this bit of gloom was caused by the absence of dylara. but when young tharn had had an opportunity to reflect, there had come the certainty that dylara would be back with him before many suns. tharn knew he could cover in one day three times the distance that the slow-moving men from ammad could travel in that same period of time. and while they must camp while dyta slept, tharn could go on across nocturnal jungles and plains without being forced to slack his speed. vulcar, earthen goblet in hand, was bellowing out an anecdote of the days when he had been a young warrior, when the hangings behind tharn's bench swayed as though touched by a random current of air. because all eyes were fixed on the speaker, and because the faint candle light failed to reach much beyond the table, none saw the half crouched figure that stealthily pushed aside the curtain and tip-toed into the room. the intruder's lips were curled in a crazed grimace of hate; in one hand was clutched a long blade of polished stone. nada, pausing in her eating from time to time to gaze fondly at her broad-shouldered son, caught a glimpse of something moving among the shadows directly behind the young man. what was it that lurked there? suddenly nada screamed--a high-pitched, tearing sound that cut through the babble of voices about the table. with the first notes of the scream, a figure behind tharn bounded forward and drove a flint knife deep into the naked back of the surprised cro-magnard. nada's terrified cry was all that saved tharn from instant death. for he was rising from his stool and turning as the scream left her lips. as a result, the knife point entered his back at an angle, ripping through the muscles there to enter the lower tip of one lung. tharn, despite his agony, reached for the would-be assassin. but another was there before him--vulcar, the hawk-faced. the one-time captain of urim's guards had vaulted the table in a flying leap and with a powerful sweep of his arm, knocked away the knife. then he caught the man about the neck and forced him into a kneeling position. "so, pryak," cried the hawk-faced one, "you would add another killing to your list! long have i waited for this--now comes your reward for the death of urim!" pryak opened his lips to plead for mercy, but before the words could come he was whirled up from the floor as though he were a figure of straw. then, as the others watched in awe, vulcar brought the screaming man down on the edge of the massive table. there was a crunching sound from splintering bones, one last nerve-tearing cry of agony and fear--and pryak, the ambitious, was gone to his reward. as the guests stood staring down at the broken form, a thin trickle of blood appeared at one corner of tharn's mouth and coursed to his chin. dazedly he lifted a hand to wipe away the stain, then his knees gave way, and before the paralyzed company could prevent, tharn, the son of tharn, had pitched to the floor. * * * * * when complete consciousness first returned, he was aware of a great mound of soft skins beneath him; and he opened tired eyes to a sun-flooded room. for a little while he was content to remain so, staring at the stone ceiling. later, he slowly turned his head and looked into the eyes of nada. for a few minutes mother and son did not speak; then she reached out to touch his hand. "you have come back to us, tharn," she said softly. tharn pondered over her remark. when he spoke he was startled by the feebleness of his voice. "how long have i lain here?" "half a moon." "half a--!" he sought to sit up, but sank back as a stabbing pain shot through his chest. "no, no, tharn!" cried nada. "you still are not well. the wound in your back is not completely healed, and the jungle fever left you only a little while ago." tharn frowned. he was so very tired. "but--dylara ... i must go after her. i should have found her before this. i must not lie here while she--" then, as an unsupportable weariness flooded his body, he closed his eyes. in another moment he was sleeping soundly. * * * * * another half moon had passed. today had dawned bright and fair. dyta, the sun, had pulled his blazing head above the eastern earth-line an hour before, tearing the jungle fog into rapidly dissolving streamers of mist. a group of three--two men and a woman--walked through twin gates in sephar's rock walls and moved slowly toward the somber shadows of the jungle south of the city. a few yards short of the green wall they came to a halt on a slight, grass-covered elevation. "i must leave you here," said young tharn. "within a few suns--a moon, at most--i will return. dylara will be with me." the older man nodded. "your mother and i leave for home before long. we shall wait there for you and your mate." "you will not need to wait long," said the young man confidently. he placed an arm about the man's wide shoulders, pressed the hand of his mother in silent farewell, then turned and strode toward the wall of verdure and towering forest giants to the south. together, tharn, the elder, and nada, his mate stood on the little green mound, watching the lithe figure of their only son until it disappeared into the forbidding jungle. beyond that first rampart of lofty trees, of tangled vines and creepers, lay a mysterious land, never before trod by any known member of their world. what hidden dangers lurked there? what savage tribes? what unknown and terrible beasts? a shudder passed through the woman's slender body. the man at her side slipped a strong arm about the trembling shoulders in unspoken understanding. "he will come back?" she asked, her voice unsteady. it was half question, half statement; and in those words ran an undercurrent of mingled hope and fear. "yes," said the man, his own voice strong and very certain. "he will come back." transcriber's note: this etext was produced from amazing stories november . extensive research did not uncover any evidence that the u.s. copyright on this publication was renewed. oogie finds love by berkeley livingston it took a fierce battle with the prehistoric cro-magnons, and a modern wrestling match with the russian bear, before oogie, the caveman, finally won beautiful sala for his woman * * * * * [illustration: from the caves men appeared, dragging after them the women who had been clubbed into submission] "kill him...!" "moider 'im...!" "tear his arm off!" the cries and shrieks and boos and confusion were general throughout the auditorium, and the tenor of them was about the same, that the russian bear should be annihilated. alas for the public's pleas. oogie the caveman was underneath, and already the referee was on his knees, his head bent almost to the canvas, his nose almost touching the muscled shoulder of oogie who was underneath the russian bear. the two wrestlers were almost in the center of the ring and the nearest of the spectators was some eight feet off. the front row could see the lips of the ref moving but none could hear the words, nor even imagine. for what the ref said, was: "boss wants to see you after the match...." oogie rolled a face toward the ref upon which was writ the tortures of the damned, and blinked his right eyelid. then the ref slapped the russian bear on the shoulder and the match was over.... "... hi boss," algernon allerdyce called in greeting. his nose sniffed appreciatively at the aroma of coffee. "hi oogie," sam grogan replied without turning from what he was doing, lifting the cover of the percolator on the electric plate. "squat oog," he directed. "this is just about done. be with you...." the fragrant aroma of mocha, java and brazilian coffee beans, ground, mixed and blended until they had achieved a perfect harmony, perfumed the air. two cups, saucers and spoons lay on the desk. beside them was a bottle of brandy. oogie and sam shared the same vice, _coffee_. sam did the honors, and after both men sniffed with the deepest delight of the brew, he leaned back in his chair and regarded the muscular man at his side with both affection and speculation. after all, algernon allerdyce, known to the wrestling public as oogie the caveman, had been sam's own discovery, and he was proud of it. a flashback of memory brought a clear picture to sam's mind: a huge bulk of a man whose face could have served as a model for the drawing of _pithecanthropus erectus_, entering his offices at the old hippodrome building. the wonder he felt at the gentleness of the voice, as the stranger asked: "sam grogan?" and at sam's nod, "i'm here in answer to the ad you had placed in the _sun_...." that had been the beginning of a strange and very profitable friendship. for grogan had advertised for wrestlers and allerdyce had been the first of those to answer. it was sam who gave him the name of oogie the caveman. as such he had achieved fame around the wrestling circuits, fame and fortune. sam had learned many facts in the life of allerdyce during the three years of their association. how when allerdyce was fifteen a truck had struck the bike he was riding and hurled the unfortunate boy into a tree which mashed his face to a pulp. how the family had brought the injured youth to a famous plastic surgeon who had performed surgery on him. the next day it was found the surgeon was insane, and had been insane when he performed the plastic work on the boy. the result was the ape-like face he had given him. "... oogie," sam said from the depth of his introspection, "i've got news for you...." allerdyce took another appreciative sip of the brew before bending his attention to the other. and then it was only with lifted brow and questioning eyes. "... the big deal we've been waiting for is on the fire," sam said. "at last, eh?" allerdyce said. "yep! the big clean-up! a hundred grand guarantee plus a percentage. it will mean at least two hundred thousand for you...." allerdyce's lips twisted in a smile though to the casual observer, those lips seemed to snarl. "i can't say i won't be glad that this long grind is over. three years of this fakery is enough to try the soul of a saint. but now that the goal is in sight i can only feel a sort of fear that maybe...." grogan knew what the other meant. for on that afternoon, long, long gone, allerdyce had told him why he had answered the ad. it was to achieve enough money to permit the building of a dream, a laboratory of research in plastics. for algernon allerdyce had graduated _cum laude_ from one of the finest technical schools in the country, his heart set on research, but with his goal closed to him because of his fearsome appearance. he had tried time and again to enter any of the phases of his calling but after the first interview there had never been a second. sam grogan had shown him how enough money could be made at wrestling to do what he wanted to. allerdyce had not always been oogie the caveman. once he had been billed as the gentleman grunter, but laughter had only greeted his appearance. as oogie, he looked the part and the fans had never failed him. "so don't go soft now!" grogan said sharply. "it's in the bag, kid...." * * * * * allerdyce leaned back and the chair creaked loudly at the unexpected movement. "what's the set-up, sam?" he asked. "the whole troupe goes; the bear, the irishman, the masked marvel and all the others. london, paris, berlin, moscow.... yep, oog, all eighteen of us on the european circuit.... hey! what's wrong?" grogan had observed the darkening thunderhead of a frown on the wrestler's forehead. "sam, this may sound a bit childish because the whole thing is childish, but i don't like ed finster.... now wait! i know we've been packing them in with our act, the russian bear and oogie the caveman. but ed's been taking the deal a little more seriously than it warrants. like tonight. he threw a double hammer on me and _really_ used pressure. nor was tonight the first time. "a week ago in omaha he almost tore my ears off with a headlock...." sam grogan beamed. allerdyce didn't know it but sam had been the motivating force behind the grudge which had developed between the two men. finster had complained one night that the public didn't like him, said that the name he had been given made them mad. sam had mentioned the name was oogie's idea. finster then took personal exception to it and made a personal issue out of it. so the grudge begun in jest developed until it was noticeable to the rest of the troupe. grogan chuckled and in a few words made clear how the thing started. but the smile was wiped from his lips at allerdyce's words: "too late now, sam. i'd just as soon forget it but not ed. he's got that excuse for a brain thinking the whole thing is real. i'd suggest you get to work on him before it's too late altogether...." "that bad, huh? maybe i'd better straighten the yuk out...." * * * * * flight was well out over the atlantic, thirty thousand feet below. the super-cruiser _orion_ of the _twp_ lines held a full complement of passengers among whom was the wrestling circus of sam grogan and his partner algernon allerdyce, more affectionately known to the wrestling public as oogie the caveman. the hour was for sleep and everyone but two were observing it. these two, allerdyce and finster, were in the lounge, playing gin. finster had challenged allerdyce to a couple of games to pass the time. but those two games had long been played. finster played a wild and woolly game, never remembering discards, or trying knocks when they would be to his advantage, but always playing for gin. so it was that allerdyce had won almost every game. and since they were playing for a cent a point, finster was out money. that was why they were still playing while the rest had gone to bed. "... i'll knock with two, ed," allerdyce said. "now why the hell didn't you give that ten!" finster yelled. he held up the discard and looked at it with savage eyes. "that would have ginned me...." allerdyce shrugged his shoulders and replied: "that's what i figured. well, ed, let's call it quits, huh?" "sure! call it quits when you got me stuck for dough. but that's the way you operate. why you yellah...." it was at that instant the horror descended on the _orion_. there was a screaming cacophonous whirlwind of sound, a shriek of metal parting, flames suddenly bursting into full bloom, and the thin voices of men and women in mortal fear. above all there was a _whooshing_ noise, as though a giant hand was gripping them. finster and allerdyce felt themselves lifted from the depths of the ship and plunged into a maelstrom of storm in space. for a full ten seconds algernon allerdyce looked into the face of terror beyond words, then unconsciousness descended on him.... * * * * * the air was hot and damp and the slight breeze which fanned his cheek was of little solace. allerdyce turned his head from side to side; a quiver stirred the heavy frame of his body, and awareness came in a rush to him as he opened his eyes. he sat erect and looked about him. a figure lay sprawled on the ground some ten feet away. it was that of a man and one glance showed allerdyce that the man was ed finster and that he was alive, though not yet conscious. allerdyce rose to his feet and grunted at the effort. it seemed as if every bone and muscle creaked and groaned in protest. awe and amazement made his brows lift and his eyes widen as he looked about. the two men had fallen among some ferns in a shallow glade bound about by dense jungle growth. allerdyce caught a glimpse of hills in the near distance. then he saw finster stir and he stepped to the other's side. "wha-what happened?" finster asked while he turned his head from one side to the other. "i don't know exactly," allerdyce replied in a low voice. "but i'm going to make a guess, fantastic as it may sound. i think we fell or were sucked into a space fault. from the looks of this jungle and from the feel of the atmosphere, i'll bet we've landed in a time long before the dawn of men such as we know...." and as though in corroboration there came to their ears a low, grunting sound. instantly finster leaped to his feet and jumped the several feet to the side of the other. the sharp movement brought another coughing grunt, this time from the opposite side. and as they watched, a huge striped shape stepped into the open from the depths of the thick jungle growth. it was fully ten feet long and high as their shoulders, and the head of it was that of a tiger but such as they had never seen, for twin tusks, a foot long protruded down the length of the jowls.... "a saber tooth!" allerdyce whispered hoarsely. ed finster could only stare in open-mouthed horror at the thing. his muscled jaws began to quiver as the tiger began a sinuous advance toward them, and then, as the animal suddenly crouched in preparation for its leap, finster screamed. but the tiger never moved from his crouch. as if by magic a half dozen spears pierced its sides and two found a resting place in the tiger's throat. then the silence was broken by the hoarse shouts of human voices, and a dozen men leaped into the glade and advanced on the two. "cro-magnons," allerdyce said aloud. they were tall, broad-shouldered, deep of chest and long of limb. the skins of wild animals covered their nakedness. their faces showed intelligence, though it was all too apparent that it was limited. but whatever speculations about their origin was in allerdyce's mind, were wiped from it by their attitudes. they were definitely hostile. most of them were armed with spears, as if those they had hurled were just one of a number they carried. those who bore no spears, held clubs from the heads of which wooden spikes stuck out in vicious fingers of anger. * * * * * allerdyce acted from instinct. his right hand shot up to the height of his head and stuck out in front of his face. at that the advancing cavemen stopped and looked at each other. there were gutteral sounds of consultation, then the largest most-fearsome stepped forward and moved toward the two until he was at arm's length. "who are you?" he asked. "what do you here in the land of ugg the mighty? from whence come you?" allerdyce's mind worked at lightning speed. the solution to their problem lay in but a single direction, whatever their position. he looked up to the cloudless, sun-scorched sky and said: "from the great spirit we come. for see ... are we not different than you? so we were sent to look into the affairs of the great spirit's children...." the caveman knitted his brows, shook his head in wonder, then, as a child does at an elder's invitation to inspect a doll, he stepped forward and fingered the suiting of the two men. little clucking sounds came from the lips as he did so. then whirling, he shouted: "the great spirit has sent them! let us do them honor...." at the same time allerdyce whispered, "don't act scared," to finster. their leader's words were as a signal for the rest. they came forward in dancing steps, raising their spears and clubs on high and shouting gleefully words of exultation and praise of their leader ugg. they surrounded the two strangers and after their leader stepped in the lead they started on a march through the brush. the way seemed endless and after a while allerdyce shed his upper garments, leaving only his trousers to cover him. finster followed suit. oddly, there was a complete absence of insect life. the way led straight toward the hills they had glimpsed. the wall of jungle ended with startling abruptness and they entered on a rolling plain which after a while became more and more rocky as the upland sweep began. quite suddenly ugg stopped, his head tilting to one side in a listening attitude and one hand held in warning. the others, with the two strangers in their midst, crowded close. "sobar!" ugg grunted hoarsely. "he is after our young and women. listen...." they heard it then, shouts and screams from up above. but what was going on was hidden from them. ahead lay a narrow cleft between two sides of sheer rock some fifty feet high. the way on the right was clear though at a strong angle. ugg motioned for allerdyce to follow and the two climbed to the top of the rock where they lay on their bellies and looked slightly downward at the scene. ahead were some dozen caves and a common compound. men were struggling here and there but for the most part those were few. the screams came from the caves. in a matter of seconds men appeared, dragging after them the women and some children. when a woman failed to go along too readily or when one of the men lost his patience, the club was used. ugg nudged allerdyce and motioned with a silent shake of the head for them to return. "... it is the tribe of sobar," ugg explained to his men. "they must have learned i sent my son, ugg the younger, on a hunting expedition with most of the tribe and that we few went on the hunt for the saber-tooth. they are too many for us...." "but they must come through the cleft in the rock," allerdyce said. "we can lie in wait for them. hidden, they cannot know how many we are and when the spears are thrown they will think they have been ambushed." "but there are only the few of us," ugg objected. "even a few will be enough." but ugg had an even better idea: "they will not fear us. but the spirits.... they will run from you after they see how little their weapons do against you...." now we're in for it, allerdyce thought. right in the middle. if we don't, these boys will let us have it. if we do, the others will. and what is worse we can't ask for weapons.... h'm! maybe.... an idea had come to him, a silly idea. yet if it succeeded.... "come on, ed," he said, turning to finster. "follow my lead, fellah. otherwise...." he didn't have to finish. the other understood. * * * * * allerdyce felt the quiver in his legs and arms as they reached the top of the cleft. one look and he saw the enemy tribe was about to descend. they saw the two men at the same time. for a long moment the modern and the prehistoric stared at each other. it was the modern who made the first move: "men of sobar!" allerdyce shouted. "hear me!" there were a full fifty of them. three of them stepped forward, spears held ready for the throwing. one of them was a giant of a man, a full seven feet tall and wide as a barn door. "who calls sobar," the giant asked. "i do," allerdyce replied. "the messenger of the great spirit...." he hoped sobar knew of this great spirit. "he has sent me because sobar has displeased him...." for a few seconds silence reigned. then the giant stepped forward a few more steps, and his brow tight in a scowl of anger, asked: "i do not believe you. you look like one of the swamp people, face of an ape...." allerdyce felt the brittle coldness of a terrible anger sweep through him. he had been called ape before. and always the one who had done the calling had suffered for his temerity. but mixed with his anger was the knowledge that death could be the result of an unwise move or word. yet time was not on his side, for sobar was taking the initiative and was stepping even closer and behind him the other two were also coming toward him in imitation of their leader. "hold!" allerdyce suddenly called in a ringing, imperative voice. "you do not believe me, then, eh? a test, sobar...?" the other was silent, waiting for the stranger to continue. "drop your weapon," allerdyce said. "you and i, unarmed, to the death...." then gone was the scowl, gone the furrowed brow. here was meat to sobar's liking. here was something he was not frightened of. spirit or man, sobar was not afraid of combat of arms. flinging the spear to one side sobar motioned for the other to come to him. allerdyce made a feint to come in low but the other merely waited, arms wide, legs spread, and body shifting from the waist. once again allerdyce feinted, and as sobar's body shifted to the side the other seemed to want to come from, allerdyce leaped forward and grabbed sobar by his right wrist and using the hand as a lever pivoted on it until he was behind the giant. then allerdyce began to exert pressure in a hammerlock. all the while he had been moving the giant had been still, as if confused. but as pain came in a rush to his shoulder blade, he moved. never had allerdyce felt such strength. for though the wrestler was using all his strength on the grip, sobar broke it with one gigantic movement of his huge body. allerdyce knew then that the rules of fair play were out. this prehistoric baby was dynamite.... allerdyce staggered away from the other but recovered quickly as the giant came in, both arms outstretched. and once again allerdyce grasped one of those huge wrists. only it was in a judo grip this time, a grip where when a man tries to break it, pressure simply multiplies until either the arm breaks or one cries quits. in this case sobar waited too long. * * * * * even as his face contorted in pain allerdyce whipped around to one side and delivered a blow with the side of his palm to the side of sobar's neck. the crack of the breaking neck was like that of a branch breaking. sobar pitched to his face and lay still. instantly ugg leaped to allerdyce's side. "your chieftain was bested in fair play!" he shouted to the warriors of sobar's tribe. "by our laws you have now become our prisoners." "but not by mine!" a strange voice yelled. and before allerdyce could do more than turn, finster was on him. what made ed finster do what he did was never explained. perhaps the realization of what had happened came to the man. perhaps his mind, twisted by jealousy and hate snapped at that moment. whatever the reason, he turned on allerdyce. it was the signal for a general battle. for of all the cavemen who were present, only one was quick-witted enough to take advantage of the situation. this one was one of the two who had come forward with sobar. he yelled: "gomar is now chief. one of the spirits is on our side.... kill ugg and his...." had it been one of the cavemen attacking, allerdyce would have managed to get away for the moment he needed to recover. but it wasn't. it was a trained wrestler, one who knew all the tricks, who had leaped at him. so finster worked his surprise vantage for all it was worth. but even then allerdyce might have won out had it not been for gomar's call to arms. his men forgot the booty they had taken, the women and children and leaped forward with savage shouts, spears and clubs used indiscriminately. allerdyce had broken finster's first hold, and was turning to get a grip on the other, when a club thrown by one of the cavemen caught him a blow on the temple and stretched him senseless to the ground. * * * * * allerdyce's awakening this time was not as pleasant as before. someone was kicking him in the face. he opened his eyes, one of them anyway. the other was closed shut. he was in a cave. it was a smelly cave, the walls blackened from the smoke of many fires. nor was he alone. he tried to move his arms and discovered he had been securely bound. suddenly from behind, a foot came swinging out and pain shot up the side of his jaw as the bare toes connected with it. "enough," a voice called. "aah! i've been wanting to do this for a long time," ed finster said. there was disgust in gomar's voice as he replied: "the great spirit has small men for messengers.... remove the other's bonds." "hey!" finster yelped in protest. but no one paid attention. hands tore the fibre ropes loose from about allerdyce's figure and helped him to his feet where he stood swaying like a tree in a high wind. "the great spirit sent two messengers," gomar said. "but he had a reason. one was sent to conquer sobar so that i could become chief. the other was to conquer you. the light is clear.... take him to the women...." only finster laughed at the edict. he had reason for the laughter. in all the years of their association allerdyce had never been known to go for the fillies. and now he was to be thrown to a pack of them. with that puss, finster thought, they'd throw him right back. spear points pressed against his back, a rope around his wrists, and while the rest walked behind, one man led allerdyce from the cave into the open, across a level stretch of ground and into a very large cave. here his wrists were unbound and to the jibes and laughter of the warriors who had accompanied him, allerdyce was shoved into the cave proper itself. the cave was immense, and seemed to be filled entirely with women and children. for a second there was silence. then as their eyes saw this almost naked stranger, a wild shriek of laughter went up. hands went out, pointing to his shorts which seemed to be all the clothing he had, to his face, puffed into a gargoylish mask, and to his hairy chest, which looked like the stuffing of a mattress. allerdyce stared in horror at the women, turned and started for the cave entrance. but the cavemen had anticipated his move. they stood guard, spears thrust point forward, and after a few hesitant seconds, allerdyce turned back. but now they were no longer scattered about the cave. they came over in a rush, forcing him to the wall, his hands pawing in futile attempts to prevent them from touching him. for some reason this made them angry. their hands clenched and spiteful words came from their lips, and several turned aside and called something to the children, who after a moment returned, with stones and sticks. "hey!" allerdyce called in alarm. "take it easy...." the alarm in his voice was the signal for them to attack. in a moment he was the center of a mob of women all bent, it seemed, on his destruction. he fought at first as gently as he could. but as some of the stones hit and some of the clubs struck vulnerable parts of his anatomy, he fought with less gentleness. finally, he was forced to club one of the women with his fist. she went flying backward and landed flat on her back. * * * * * instantly the attack ceased. he watched them move away from him and wondered why. his question was answered as the woman he had struck crawled to him and embraced his legs. he tried to withdraw her hands but she held only tighter and said: "we are mated. you made the choice. i am sala...." "you're nuts!" allerdyce said sharply. he turned to call the guards to help him with the woman when he discovered that they were gone. "are customs different in your tribe?" sala asked. "do you not mate with a woman in this manner?" the beginning of a hope came to him in a rush as he realized the consequences of what had happened. he was free now. he tried to put the proper authority in his voice, when he said: "go woman! find me a corner and bring me food...." without the slightest hesitation sala rose and trotted to a far corner of the cave. allerdyce followed and squatted beside her. he had always been a shy man and had never known many women, especially women with as little clothes as sala wore. she was beautiful by any standard he thought. but only for a moment. his thoughts for the first time centered on his predicament. his mind allowed for but a single conclusion. that the plane had run into a time-fault and that he and ed finster had been drawn into it. the others must have died in the plane crash. since the giant ship was over the atlantic at the time of the crash it was reasonable to assume that time only was involved and not space. therefore, by the same line of reasoning, he and ed were to be here for the rest of their lives. that is unless somehow they found the same fault again. but that was not probable, he realized. for a moment fear lay heavy on him. then the scientist came uppermost. what an opportunity he had. a man of science among these children. the chance to build a civilization. it could be done with his knowledge. but first he had to get the power over these people. sala came back just then with what looked like the leg of a rabbit. it was very underdone but allerdyce didn't quibble. if he were going to live as they did then he might as well start right there. * * * * * three days went by and nothing changed. he learned all about his mate. she had been one of ugg's tribe. now she was part of the tribe of gomar. it was that simple. she was a tigress when she thought another woman was even looking at her mate and fought with the savagery of a beast for him. and he had been granted his freedom with his acquisition of a mate. he learned to hunt as the others did, with spear and club. but already he had fashioned his first bow and arrow, and knew it would be a matter of time before he was taught the rest. there was but one fly in the ointment, ed finster. as yet he had no mate. and he looked with avaricious eyes on sala. it was on the fourth day. allerdyce had returned from the hunt. he had killed an animal with his arrow and the tribe looked on him with respect. as he neared his cave he heard shrieks of pain and anger. and as he watched with amazement, ed finster appeared, dragging sala by her hair. his action was instinctive. rushing forward, he threw his bow to one side and knocked ed to the ground. immediately a circle of warriors were drawn about the two men and gomar stepped forward. "it is time," he said. "i have wondered about this. a combat of arms will settle it. whoever wins will have the woman ... and his freedom." as they stood facing each other, finster turned aside as though to say something to gomar. allerdyce relaxed naturally. but finster had done it with that view in mind. like a flash he whirled on allerdyce and grabbed a headlock. it would have ended right then had not both men been barefoot. for allerdyce had not stiffened his neck muscles. but finster stepped on a thorn and the shock made him loosen his grip for an instant. it was enough for allerdyce to break free. there were no more surprises. bit by bit allerdyce wore the other down. at last he straddled finster, who lay face down on the ground. then allerdyce grabbed the other by the shock of black hair, pulled his neck up until he could get his arm under it. then slowly, using all his strength, allerdyce pulled back until after a moment there was a sharp crack. finister would be no more trouble. algernon allerdyce rose and throwing his head back let out a bellow of triumph, and knew then he was no longer algernon allerdyce. he was in fact oogie the caveman, replete with wife. for sala had been the first to rush to his side. and as he threw his arms around her he knew love had come to him. she was his and woe betide the one who tried to take her from him. but when gomar stepped to his side and asked: "this sliver of wood you made and the bow of elk thong.... could you make another for me...?" oogie the caveman knew his life had begun in earnest.... the end * * * * * transcriber's note italic text is denoted by _underscores_. the international scientific series volume lxix the international scientific series. each book complete in one volume, mo, and bound in cloth. . the forms of water in clouds and rivers, ice and glaciers. by j. tyndall, ll. d., f. r. s. with illustrations. $ . . . physics and politics; or, thoughts on the application of the principles of "natural selection" and "inheritance" to political society. by walter bagehot. $ . . . foods. by edward smith, m. d., ll. b., f. r. s. with numerous illustrations. $ . . . mind and body: the theories of their relation. by alexander bain, ll. d. with illustrations. $ . . . the study of sociology. by herbert spencer. $ . . . the new chemistry. by professor j. p. cooke, harvard university. with illustrations. $ . . . the conservation of energy. by balfour stewart, m.a., ll. d., f. r. s. with illustrations. $ . . . animal locomotion; or, walking, swimming, and flying. by j. b. pettigrew, m. d., f. r. s., etc. with illustrations. $ . . . responsibility in mental disease. by henry maudsley, m. d., $ . . . the science of law. by professor sheldon amos. $ . . . animal mechanism: a treatise on terrestrial and aërial locomotion. by professor e. j. marey, college of france. with illustrations. $ . . . the history of the conflict between religion and science. by j. w. draper, m. d., ll. d. $ . . . the doctrine of descent and 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theological seminary formerly assistant on the united states geological survey author of the ice age in north america. logic of christian evidences, etc. _with an appendix on tertiary man_ by prof. henry w. haynes fully illustrated _second edition_ new york d. appleton and company copyright, , by d. appleton and company. electrotyped and printed at the appleton press, u. s. a. to judge c. c. baldwin president of the western reserve historical society cleveland this volume is dedicated in recognition of his sagacious and unfailing interest in the investigations which have made it possible preface to the second edition. since, as stated in the introduction (page ), the plan of this volume permitted only "a concise presentation of the facts," it was impossible to introduce either full references to the illimitable literature of the subject or detailed discussion of all disputed points. the facts selected, therefore, were for the most part those upon which it was supposed there would be pretty general agreement. the discussion upon the subject of the continuity of the glacial period was, however, somewhat elaborate (see pages - , , , ), and was presented with excessive respect for the authority of those who maintain the opposite view; all that was claimed (page ) being that one might maintain the _unity_ or _continuity_ of the glacial period "without forfeiting his right to the respect of his fellow-geologists." but it already appears that there was no need of this extreme modesty of statement. on the contrary, the vigorous discussion of the subject which has characterized the last two years reveals a decided reaction against the theory that there has been more than one glacial epoch in quaternary times; while there have been brought to light many most important if not conclusive facts in favour of the theory supported in the volume. in america the continuity of the glacial period has been maintained during the past two years with important new evidence, among others by authorities of no less eminence and special experience in glacial investigations than professor dana,[a] mr. warren upham,[b] and professor edward h. williams, jr.[c] professor williams's investigations on the attenuated border of the glacial deposits in the lehigh, the most important upper tributary to the delaware valley, pa., are of important significance, since the area which he so carefully studied lies wholly south of the terminal moraine of lewis and wright, and belongs to the portion of the older drift which professors chamberlin and salisbury have been most positive in assigning to the first glacial epoch, which they have maintained was separated from the second epoch by a length of time sufficient for the streams to erode rock gorges in the delaware and lehigh rivers from two hundred to three hundred feet in depth.[d] but professor williams has found that the rock gorges of the lehigh, and even of its southern tributaries, had been worn down approximately to the present depth of that of the delaware before this earliest period of glaciation, and that the gorges were filled with the earliest glacial _débris_. [footnote a: american journal of science, vol. xlvi, pp. , .] [footnote b: american journal of science, vols, xlvi, pp. - ; xlvii, pp. - ; american geologist, vols, x, pp. - , especially pp. , ; xiii, pp. , ; bulletin of the geological society of america, vol. v, pp. - , - .] [footnote c: bulletin of the geological society of america, vol. v, pp. - , - ; american journal of science, vol. xlvii, pp. - .] [footnote d: see especially chamberlin, in the american journal of science, vol. xlv, p. ; salisbury, in the american geologist, vol. xi, p. .] a similar relation of the glacial deposits of the attenuated border to the preglacial erosion of the rock gorges of the alleghany and upper ohio rivers has been brought to light by the joint investigations of mr. frank leverett and myself in western pennsylvania, in the vicinity of warren, pa., where, in an area which was affected by only the earliest glaciation, glacial deposits are found filling the rock channels of old tributaries to the alleghany to a depth of from one hundred and seventy to two hundred and fifty feet, and carrying the preglacial erosion at that point very closely, if not quite, down to the present rock bottoms of all the streams. this removes from professor chamberlin a most important part of the evidence of a long interglacial period to which he had appealed; he having maintained[e] that "the higher glacial gravels antedated those of the moraine-forming epoch by the measure of the erosion of the channel through the old drift and the rock, whose mean depth here is about three hundred feet, of which perhaps two hundred and fifty feet may be said to be rock," adding that the "excavation that intervened between the two epochs in other portions of the alleghany, monongahela, and upper ohio valleys is closely comparable with this." [footnote e: bulletin of the united states geological survey, p. ; american journal of science, vol. xlv, p. .] these observations of mr. leverett and myself seem to demonstrate the position maintained in the volume (page ), namely, that the inner precipitous rock gorges of the upper ohio and its tributaries are mainly _pre_glacial, rather than _inter_glacial. the only way in which professor chamberlin can in any degree break the force of this discovery is by assuming that in preglacial times the present narrow rock gorges of the alleghany and the ohio were not continuous, but that (as indicated in the present volume on page ) the drainage of various portions of that region was by northern outlets to the lake erie basin, leaving, on this supposition, the _cols_ between two or three drainage areas to be lowered in glacial or interglacial time. on the theory of continuity the erosion of these _cols_ would have been rapidly effected by the reversed drainage consequent upon the arrival of the ice-front at the southern shore of the lake erie basin. during all the time elapsing thereafter, until the ice had reached its southern limit, the stream was also augmented by the annual partial melting of the advancing glacier which was constantly bringing into the valley the frozen precipitation of the far north. the distance is from thirty to seventy miles, so that a moderately slow advance of the ice at that stage would afford time for a great amount of erosion before sufficient northern gravel had reached the region to begin the filling of the gorge.[f] [footnote f: see an elaborate discussion of the subject in its new phases by chamberlin and leverett, in the american journal of science, vol. xlvii, pp. - .] mr. leverett also presented an important paper before the geological society of america at its meeting at madison, wis., in august, , adducing evidence which, he thinks, goes to prove that the post-glacial erosion in the earlier drift in the region of rock river, ill., was seven or eight times as much as that in the later drift farther north; while mr. oscar h. hershey arrives at nearly the same conclusions from a study of the buried channels in northwestern illinois.[g] but even if these estimates are approximately correct--which is by no means certain--they only prove the length of the glacial period, and not necessarily its discontinuity. [footnote g: american geologist, vol. xii, p. f. other important evidence to a similar effect is given by mr. leverett, in an article on the glacial succession in ohio, journal of geology, vol. i, pp. - .] at the same time it should be said that these investigations in western pennsylvania somewhat modify a portion of the discussion in the present volume concerning the effects of the cincinnati ice-dam. it now appears that the full extent of the gravel terraces of glacial origin in the alleghany river had not before been fully appreciated, since they are nearly continuous on the two-hundred-foot rock shelf, and are often as much as eighty feet thick. it seems probable, therefore, that the alleghany and upper ohio gorge was filled with glacial gravel to a depth of about two hundred and fifty or three hundred feet, as far down at least as wheeling, w. va. if this was the case, it would obviate the necessity of bringing in the cincinnati ice-dam (as set forth in pages - ) to account directly for all the phenomena in that region, except as this obstruction at cincinnati would greatly facilitate the silting up of the gorge. the simple accumulation of glacial gravel in the alleghany gorge would of itself dam up the monongahela at pittsburg, so as to produce the results detailed by professor white on page .[h] [footnote h: for a full discussion of these topics, see paper by professor b. c. jillson, transactions of the academy of science and art of pittsburg, december , ; g. f. wright, american journal of science, vol. xlvii, pp. - ; especially pp. , ; the popular science monthly, vol. xlv, pp. - .] of european authorities who have recently favoured the theory of the continuity of the quaternary glacial period, as maintained in the volume, it is enough to mention the names of prestwich,[i] hughes,[j] kendall,[k] lamplugh,[l] and wallace,[m] of england; falsan,[n] of france; holst,[o] of sweden; credner[p] and diener,[q] of germany; and nikitin[r] and kropotkin,[s] of russia.[t] among leading authorities still favouring a succession of glacial epochs are: professor james geikie,[u] of scotland; baron de geer,[v] of sweden; and professor felix wahnschaffe,[w] of germany. [footnote i: quarterly journal of the geological society for august, .] [footnote j: american geologist, vol. viii, p. .] [footnote k: transactions of the leeds geological association for february , .] [footnote l: quarterly journal of the geological society, august, .] [footnote m: fortnightly review, november, , p. ; reprinted in the popular science monthly, vol. xliv, p. .] [footnote n: la période glaciaire (félix alcan. paris, ).] [footnote o: american geologist, vol. viii, p. .] [footnote p: ibid., p. .] [footnote q: ibid., p. .] [footnote r: congrès international d'archéologie, moscow, .] [footnote s: nineteenth century, january, , p. , note.] [footnote t: the volume the glacial geology of great britain and ireland, edited from the unpublished mss. of the late henry carvill lewis (london, longmans, green & co., ), adds much important evidence in favour of the continuity of the glacial epoch; see especially pp. , , , .] [footnote u: transactions of the royal society of edinburgh, vol. xxxvii, part i, pp. - .] [footnote v: american geologist, vol. viii, p. .] [footnote w: forschungen zur deutschen landes und volkskunde von dr. a. kirchhoff. bd. vi, heft i.] when the first edition was issued, two years ago, there seemed to be a general acceptance of all the facts detailed in it which directly connected man with the glacial period both in america and in europe; and, indeed, i had studiously limited myself to such facts as had been so long and so fully before the public that there would seem to be no necessity for going again into the details of evidence relating to them. it appears, however, that this confidence was ill-founded; for the publication of the book seems to have been the signal for a confident challenge, by mr. w. h. holmes, of all the american evidence, with intimations that the european also was very likely equally defective.[x] in particular mr. holmes denies the conclusiveness of the evidence of glacial man adduced by dr. abbott and others at trenton, n. j.; dr. metz, at madisonville, ohio; mr. mills, at newcomerstown, ohio; and miss babbitt, at little falls, minn. [footnote x: journal of geology, vol. i, pp. - , - ; american geologist, vol. xi, pp. - .] the sum of mr. holmes's effort amounts, however, to little more than the statement that, with a limited amount of time and labour, neither he nor his assistants had been able to find any implements in undisturbed gravel in any of these places; and the suggestion of various ways in which he thinks it possible that the observers mentioned may have been deceived as to the original position of the implements found. but, as had been amply and repeatedly published,[y] professor j. d. whitney, professor lucien carr, professor n. s. shaler, professor f. w. putnam, of harvard university, besides dr. c. c. abbott, all expressly and with minute detail describe finding implements in the undisturbed gravel at trenton, which no one denies to be of glacial origin. in the face of such testimony, which had been before the public and freely discussed for several years, it is an arduous undertaking for mr. holmes to claim that none of the implements have been found in place, because he and his assistants (whose opportunities for observation had scarcely been one twentieth part as great as those of the others) failed to find any. to see how carefully the original observations were made, one has but to read the reports to professor putnam which have from time to time appeared in the proceedings of the peabody museum and of the boston society of natural history,, and which are partially summed up in the thirty-second chapter of dr. abbott's volume on primitive industry. [footnote y: proceedings of the boston society of natural history, vol. xxi, january , ; report of the peabody museum, vol. ii, pp. - ; chap, xxxii of abbott's primitive industry; american geologist, vol. xi, pp. - .] in the case of the discovery at newcomerstown, mr. holmes is peculiarly unfortunate in his efforts to present the facts, since, in endeavouring to represent the conditions under which the implement was found by mr. mills, he has relied upon an imaginary drawing of his own, in which an utterly impossible state of things is pictured. the claim of mr. holmes in this case, as in the other, is that possibly the gravel in which the implements were found had been disturbed. in some cases, as in little falls and at madison ville, he thinks the implements may have worked down to a depth of several feet by the overturning of trees or by the decay of the tap-root of trees. a sufficient answer to these suggestions is, that mr. holmes is able to find no instance in which the overturning of trees has disturbed the soil to a depth of more than three or four feet, while some of the implements in these places had been found buried from eight to sixteen feet. even if, as mr. chamberlin suggests,[z] fifty generations of trees have decayed on the spot since the retreat of the ice, it is difficult to see how that would help the matter, since the effect could not be cumulative, and fifty upturnings of three or four feet would not produce the results of one upturning of eight feet. moreover, at trenton, where the upturning of trees and the decaying of tap-roots would have been as likely as anywhere to bury implements, none of those of flint or jasper (which occur upon the surface by tens of thousands) are buried more than a foot in depth; while the argillite implements occur as low down as fifteen or twenty feet. this limitation of flint and jasper implements to the surface is conclusively shown not only by dr. abbott's discoveries, but also by the extensive excavations at trenton of mr. ernest volk, whose collections formed so prominent a part of professor putnam's palæolithic exhibit at the columbian exposition at chicago. in the village sites explored by mr. volk, argillite was the exclusive material of the implements found in the lower strata of gravel. similar results are indicated by the excavations of mr. h. c. mercer at point pleasant, pa., about twenty miles above trenton, where, in the lower strata, the argillite specimens are sixty-one times more numerous than the jasper are. [footnote z: american geologist, vol. xi, p. .] to discredit the discoveries at trenton and newcomerstown, mr. holmes relies largely upon the theory that portions of gravel from the surface had slid down to the bottom of the terrace, carrying implements with them, and forming a talus, which, he thinks, mr. mills, dr. abbott, and the others have mistaken for undisturbed strata of gravel. in his drawings mr. holmes has even represented the gravel at newcomerstown as caving down into a talus without disturbing the strata to any great extent, and at the same time he speaks slightingly of the promise which i had made to publish a photograph of the bank as it really was. in answer, it is sufficient to give, first, the drawing made at the time by mr. mills, to show the general situation of the gravel bank at newcomerstown, in which the implement figured on page was found; and, secondly, an engraving from a photograph of the bank, taken by mr. mills after the discovery of the implement, but before the talus had obscured its face. the implement was found by mr. mills with its point projecting from a fresh exposure of the terrace, just after a mass, loosened by his own efforts, had fallen away. the gravel is of such consistency that every sign of stratification disappears when it falls down, and there could be no occasion for a mistake even by an ordinary observer, while mr. mills was a well-trained geologist and collector, making his notes upon the spot.[aa] [footnote aa: the popular science monthly, vol. xliii, pp. - .] [illustration: height of terrace exposed, feet. palæolith was found - / feet from surface.] [illustration: terrace in newcomerstown, showing where w. c. mills found the palæolithic implement.] i had thought at first that mr. holmes had made out a better case against the late miss babbitt's discoveries at little falls (referred to on page ), but in the american geologist for may, , page , mr. warren upham, after going over the evidence, expresses it as still his conviction that mr. holmes's criticism fails to shake the force of the original evidence, so that i do not see any reason for modifying any of the statements made in the body of the book concerning the implements supposed to have been found in glacial deposits. yet if i had expected such an avalanche of criticism of the evidence as has been loosened, i should at the time have fortified my statements by fuller references, and should possibly have somewhat enlarged the discussion. but this seemed then the less necessary, from the fact that mr. mcgee had, in most emphatic manner, indorsed nearly every item of the evidence adduced by me, and much more, in an article which appeared in the popular science monthly four years before the publication of the volume (november, ). in this article he had said: "but it is in the aqueo-glacial gravels of the delaware river at trenton, which were laid down contemporaneously with the terminal moraine one hundred miles farther northward, and which have been so thoroughly studied by abbott, that the most conclusive proof of the existence of glacial man is found" (p. ). "excluding all doubtful cases, there remains a fairly consistent body of testimony indicating the existence of a widely distributed human population upon the north. american continent during the later ice epoch" (p. ). "however the doubtful cases may be neglected, the testimony is cumulative, parts of it are unimpeachable, and the proof of the existence of glacial man seems conclusive" (p. ). in view of the grossly erroneous statements made by mr. mcgee concerning the nampa image (described on pages , ), it is necessary for me to speak somewhat more fully of this important discovery. the details concerning the evidence were drawn out by me at length in two communications to the boston society of natural history (referred to on page ), which fill more than thirty pages of closely printed matter, while two or three years before the appearance of the volume the facts had been widely published in the new york independent, the scientific american, the nation, scribner's magazine, and the atlantic monthly, and in washington at a meeting of the geological society of america in . in the second communication to the boston society of natural history an account was given of a personal visit to the snake river valley, largely for the purpose of further investigation of the evidence brought to my notice by mr. charles francis adams, and of the conditions under which the figurine was found. among the most important results of this investigation was the discovery of numerous shells under the lava deposits, which mr. dall, of the united states geological survey, identified for me as either post-tertiary or late pliocene; thus throwing the superficial lava deposits of the region into the quaternary period, and removing from the evidence the antecedent improbability which would bear so heavily against it if we were compelled to suppose that the lava of the snake river region was all of tertiary or even of early quaternary age. furthermore, the evidence of the occurrence of a great _débâcle_ in the snake river valley during the glacial period, incident upon the bursting of the banks of lake bonneville, goes far to remove antecedent presumptions against the occurrence of human implements in such conditions as those existing at nampa (see below, pp. - ). mr. mcgee's misunderstanding of the evidence on one point is so gross, that i must make special reference to it. he says[ab] that this image "is alleged to have been pounded out of volcanic tuff by a heavy drill, ... under a thick tertiary lava bed." the statement of facts on page bears no resemblance to this representation. it is there stated that there were but fifteen feet of lava, and that near the surface; that below this there was nothing but alternating beds of clay and quicksand, and that the lava is post-tertiary. the sand-pump i should perhaps have described more fully in the book, as i had already done in the communication to the boston society of natural history. it was a tube eight feet long, with a valve at the bottom three and a half inches in diameter on the inside. through this it was the easiest thing in the world for the object, which is only one inch and a half long, to be brought up in the quicksand without injury. [footnote ab: literary northwest, vol. ii, p. .] the baseless assertions of mr. mcgee, involving the honesty of messrs. kurtz and duffes, are even less fortunate and far more reprehensible. "it is a fact," says mr. mcgee, "that one of the best-known geologists of the world chanced to visit nampa while the boring was in progress, and the figurine and the pretty fiction were laid before him. he recognized the figurine as a toy such as the neighbouring indians give their children, and laughed at the story; whereupon the owner of the object enjoined secrecy, pleading: 'don't give me away; i've fooled a lot of fellows already, and i'd like to fool some more.'"[ac] this well-known geologist, on being challenged by professor claypole[ad] to give "a full, exact, and certified statement of the conversation" above referred to, proved to be major powell, who responded with the following statement: "in the fall of the writer visited boise city, in idaho [twenty miles from nampa]. while stopping at a hotel, some gentlemen called on him to show him a figurine which they said they had found in sinking an artesian well in the neighbourhood, at a depth, if i remember rightly, of more than three hundred feet.... when this story was told the writer, he simply jested with those who claimed to have found it. he had known the indians that live in the neighbourhood, had seen their children play with just such figurines, and had no doubt that the little image had lately belonged to some indian child, and said the same. while stopping at the hotel different persons spoke about it, and it was always passed off as a jest; and various comments were made about it by various people, some of them claiming that it had given them much sport, and that a good many tenderfeet had looked at it, and believed it to be genuine; and they seemed rather pleased that i had detected the hoax."[ae] [footnote ac: american anthropologist, vol. vi, p. : repeated by mr. mcgee in the literary northwest, vol. ii, p. .] [footnote ad: the popular science monthly, vol. xlii, p. .] [footnote ae: ibid., vol. xliii, pp. , .] thus it appears that major powell has made no such statement, at least in public, as mr. mcgee attributes to him. it should be said, also, that major powell's memory is very much at fault when he affirms that there is a close resemblance between this figurine and some of the children's playthings among the pocatello indians. on the contrary, it would have been even more of a surprise to find it in the hands of these children than to find it among the prehistoric deposits on the pacific coast. to most well-informed people it is sufficient to know that no less high authorities than mr. charles francis adams and mr. g. m. gumming, general manager for the union pacific line for that district, carefully investigated the evidence at the time of the discovery, and, knowing the parties, were entirely satisfied with its sufficiency. it was also subjected to careful examination by professor f. w. putnam, who discerned, in a deposit of an oxide of iron on various parts of the image, indubitable evidence that it was a relic which had lain for a long time in some such condition as was assigned to it in the bottom of the well--all of which is detailed in the papers referred to below, on page . finally, the discovery, both in its character and conditions, is in so many respects analogous to those made under table mountain, near sonora, cal. (described on pages - ), that the evidence of one locality adds cumulative force to that of the other. the strata underneath the lava in which these objects were found are all indirectly, but pretty certainly, connected with the glacial period.[af] no student of glacial archæology, therefore, can hereafter afford to disregard these facts from the pacific coast. [footnote af: see below, p. .] oberlin, ohio, _june , _. preface to the first edition. the wide interest manifested in my treatise upon the ice age in north america and its bearing upon the antiquity of man (of which a third edition was issued a year ago), seemed to indicate the desirability of providing for the public a smaller volume discussing the broader question of man's entire relation to the glacial period in europe as well as in america. when the demand for such a volume became evident, i set about preparing for the task by spending, first, a season in special study of the lava-beds of the pacific coast, whose relations to the glacial period and to man's antiquity are of such great interest; and, secondly, a summer in europe, to enable me to compare the facts bearing upon the subject on both continents. of course, the chapters of the present volume relating to america cover much of the same ground gone over in the previous treatise; but the matter has been entirely rewritten and very much condensed, so as to give due proportions to all parts of the subject. it will interest some to know that most of the new material in this volume was first wrought over in my second course of lowell institute lectures, given in boston during the month of march last. i am under great obligations to mr. charles francis adams for his aid in prosecuting investigations upon the pacific coast of america; and also to dr. h. w. crosskey, of birmingham, england, and to mr. g. w. lamplugh, of bridlington, as well as to mr. c. e. de rance and mr. clement reid, of the british geological survey, besides many others in england who have facilitated my investigations; but pre-eminently to prof. percy f. kendall, of stockport, who consented to prepare for me the portion of chapter vi which relates to the glacial phenomena of the british isles. i have no doubt of the general correctness of the views maintained by him, and little doubt, also, that his clear and forcible presentation of the facts will bring about what is scarcely less than a revolution in the views generally prevalent relating to the subject of which he treats. for the glacial facts relating to france and switzerland i am indebted largely to m. falsan's valuable compendium, la période glaciaire. it goes without saying, also, that i am under the deepest obligation to the works of prof. james geikie upon the great ice age and upon prehistoric europe, and to the remarkable volume of the late mr. james croll upon climate and time, as well as to the recent comprehensive geological treatises of sir archibald geikie and prof. prestwich. finally, i would express my gratitude for the great courtesy of prof. fraipont, of liége, in assisting me to an appreciation of the facts relating to the late remarkable discovery of two entire skeletons of paleolithic man in the grotto of spy. comparative completeness is also given to the volume by the appendix on the question of man's existence during the tertiary period, prepared by the competent hand of prof. henry w. haynes, of boston. i trust this brief treatise will be useful not only in _interesting_ the general public, but in giving a clear view of the present state of progress in one department of the inquiries concerning man's antiquity. if the conclusions reached are not as positive as could be wished, still it is both desirable and important to see what degree of indefiniteness rests upon the subject, in order that rash speculations may be avoided and future investigations directed in profitable lines. g. frederick wright. oberlin, ohio, _may , _. contents. pages chapter i. introductory - chapter ii. existing glaciers - in europe; in asia; in oceanica; in south america; on the antarctic continent; in north america. chapter iii. glacial motion - chapter iv. signs of past glaciation - chapter v. ancient glaciers in the western hemisphere - new england; new york, new jersey, and pennsylvania; the mississippi basin; west of the rocky mountains. chapter vi. ancient glaciers in the eastern hemisphere - central and southern europe; the british isles--the preglacial level of the land, the great glacial centres, the confluent glaciers, the east anglian glacier, the so-called great submergence; northern europe; asia; africa. chapter vii. drainage systems in the glacial period - in america--preglacial erosion, buried outlets and channels, ice-dams, ancient river terraces; in europe. chapter viii. relics of man in the glacial period - in glacial terraces of the united states; in glacial terraces of europe; in cave deposits in the british isles; in cave deposits on the continent; extinct animals associated with man; earliest man on the pacific coast of north america. chapter ix. the cause of the glacial period - chapter x. the date of the glacial period - appendix on the tertiary man - index - list of illustrations. fig. page . zermatt glacier . formation of veined structure , . formation of marginal fissures and veins . fissures and seracs . section across glacial valley, showing old lateral moraines . mont blanc glacier region . svartisen glacier . floating berg . iceberg in the antarctic ocean . map of southeastern alaska . map of glacier bay, alaska . front of muir glacier . map of glaciers in the st. elias alps . map of greenland . diagram showing the character of glacial motion . line of most rapid glacial motion . diagram showing retardation of the bottom of a glacier . bed-rock scored with glacial marks . scratched stone from the till of boston . typical section of till in seattle, wash. . ideal section showing how the till overlies the stratified rocks . vessel rock, a glacial boulder . map of rhône glacier . conglomerate boulder found in boone county, ky. . mohegan rock . drumlins in goffstown, n. h. . map of drumlins in the vicinity of boston . section of kame . map of kames in andover, mass. . longitudinal kames near hingham, mass. . map showing the kames of maine and southeastern new hampshire . western face of the kettle moraine near eagle, wis. . section of the east-and-west glacial furrows on kelly's island . same as the preceding . section of till near germantown, ohio . moraines of grape creek, col. . map of north america in the ice period . quartzite boulder on mont lachat . map showing glaciated areas in north america and europe . maps showing lines of _débris_ extending from the alps into the plains of the po . section of the cefn cave . map showing moraine between speeton and flamborough . diagram-section near cromer . section through the westerly chalk bluff at trimingham, norfolk . section across wales . section of cliff at flamborough head . enlarged section of the shelly sand and surrounding clay at _b_ in preceding figure . map showing the glaciated area of europe . map showing old channel and mouth of the hudson . new york harbor in preglacial times . section across the valley of the cuyahoga river . map of mississippi river from fort snelling to minneapolis . map showing the effect of the glacial dam at cincinnati . map of lake erie-ontario . map of cuyahoga lake . section of the lake ridges near sandusky, ohio . map showing stages of recession of the ice in minnesota . glacial terrace on raccoon creek, in ohio . ideal section across a river-bed in drift region . map of lakes bonneville and lahontan . parallel roads of glen roy . map showing glacial terraces on the delaware and schuylkill rivers . palæolith found by abbott in new jersey . section across the delaware river at trenton, n. j. . section of the trenton gravel . face view of argillite implement found by dr. c. c. abbott in . . argillite implement found by dr. c. c. abbott, march, . chipped pebble of black chert found by dr. c. l. metz, october, . map showing glaciated area in ohio . palæoliths from newcomerstown and amiens (face view) . edge view of the preceding . section across the mississippi valley at little falls, minn. . quartz implement found by miss f. e. babbitt, , at little falls, minn . argillite implement found by h. t. cresson, . general view of baltimore and ohio railroad cut, claymont, del. . section across valley of the somme . mouth of kent's hole . engis skull (reduced) . comparison of forms of skulls . skull of the man of spy . tooth of machairodus neogæus . perfect tooth of an elephas . skull of hyena spelæa . celebrated skeleton of mammoth in st. petersburg museum . molar tooth of mammoth . tooth of mastodon americanus . skeleton of mastodon americanus . skeleton of rhinoceros tichorhinus . skull of cave-bear . skeleton of the irish elk . musk-sheep . reindeer . section across table mountain, tuolumne county, cal. . calaveras skull . three views of nampa image, drawn to scale . map showing pocatello, nampa, and the valley of snake river . section across the channel of the stanislaus river . diagram showing effect of precession . map showing course of currents in the atlantic ocean . map showing how the land clusters about the north pole . diagram showing oscillations of land-surface and ice-surface during the glacial epoch . diagram of eccentricity and precession . map of the niagara river below the falls . section of strata along the niagara gorge . map showing the recession of the horseshoe falls since . section of kettle-hole near pomp's pond, andover, mass. . flint-flakes collected by abbé bourgeois maps. to face page contour and glacial map of the british isles _frontispiece._ map showing the glacial geology of the united states map of glacial movements in france and switzerland man and the glacial period. chapter i. introductory. that glaciers now exist in the alps, in the scandinavian range, in iceland, in the himalayas, in new zealand, in patagonia, and in the mountains of washington, british columbia, and southeastern alaska, and that a vast ice-sheet envelops greenland and the antarctic continent, are statements which can be verified by any one who will take the trouble to visit those regions. that, at a comparatively recent date, these glaciers extended far beyond their present limits, and that others existed upon the highlands of scotland and british america, and at one time covered a large part of the british isles, the whole of british america, and a considerable area in the northern part of the united states, are inferences drawn from phenomena which are open to every one's observations. that man was in existence and occupied both europe and america during this great expansion of the northern glaciers is proved by evidence which is now beyond dispute. it is the object of the present volume to make a concise presentation of the facts which have been rapidly accumulating during the past few years relating to the glacial period and to its connection with human history. before speaking of the number and present extent of existing glaciers, it will be profitable, however, to devote a little attention to the definition of terms. [illustration: fig. .--zermatt glacier (agassiz).] a _glacier_ is a mass of ice so situated and of such size as to have motion in itself. the conditions determining the character and rate of this motion will come up for statement and discussion later. it is sufficient here to say that ice has a capacity of movement similar to that possessed by such plastic substances as cold molasses, wax, tar, or cooling lava. the limit of a glacier's _motion_ is determined by the forces which fix the point at which its final melting takes place. this will therefore depend upon both the warmth of the weather and upon the amount of ice. if the ice is abundant, it will move farther into the region of warm temperature than it will if it is limited in supply. upon ascending a glacier far enough, one reaches a comparatively motionless part corresponding to the lake out of which a river often flows. technically this is called the _névé_. _glacial ice_ is formed from snow where the annual fall is in excess of the melting power of the sun at that point. through the influence of pressure, such as a boy applies to a snow-ball (but which in the _névé_-field arises from the weight of the accumulating mass), the lower strata of the _névé_ are gradually transformed into ice. this process, is also assisted by the moisture which percolates through the snowy mass, and which is furnished both by the melting of the surface snow and by occasional rains. the division between the _névé_ and the glacier proper is not always easily determined. the beginnings of the glacial movement--that is, of the movement of the ice-stream flowing out of the _névé_-field--are somewhat like the beginnings of the movement of the water from a great lake into its outlet. the _névé_ is the reservoir from which the glacier gets both its supply of ice and the impulse which gives it its first movement. there can not be a glacier without a _névé_-field, as there can not be a river without a drainage basin. but there may be a _névé_-field without a glacier--that is, a basin may be partially filled with snow which never melts completely away, while the equilibrium of forces is such that the ice barely reaches to the outlet from which the tongue-like projection (to which the name glacier would be applied) fails to emerge only because of the lack of material. [illustration: fig. .--illustrates the formation of veined structure by pressure at the junction of two branches.] a glacier is characterised by both _veins_ and _fissures_. the veins give it a banded or stratified appearance, blue alternating with lighter-coloured portions of ice. as these bands are not arranged with any apparent uniformity in the glacier, their explanation has given rise to much discussion. sometimes the veins are horizontal, sometimes vertical, and at other times at an angle with the line of motion. on close investigation, however, it is found that the veins are always at right angles to the line of greatest pressure. this leads to the conclusion that pressure is the cause of the banded structure. the blue strata in the ice are those from which the particles of air have been expelled by pressure; the lighter portions are those in which the particles are less thoroughly compacted. snow is but pulverized ice, and differs in colour from the compact mass for the same reason that almost all rocks and minerals change their colour when ground into a powder. [illustration: figs. , .--illustrate the formation of marginal fissures and veins.] [illustration: fig. .--_c_, _c_, show fissures and seracs where the glacier moves down the steeper portion of its incline; _s_, _s_, show the vertical structure produced by pressure on the gentler slopes.] the _fissures_, which, when of large size, are called _crevasses_, are formed in those portions of a glacier where, from some cause, the ice is subjected to slight tension. this occurs especially where, through irregularities in the bottom, the slope of the descent is increased. the ice, then, instead of moving in a continuous stream at the top, cracks open along the line of tension, and wedge-shaped fissures are formed extending from the top down to a greater or less distance, according to the degree of tension. usually, however, the ice remains continuous in the lower strata, and when the slope is diminished the pressure reunites the faces of the fissure, and the surface becomes again comparatively smooth. where there are extensive areas of tension, the surface of the ice sometimes becomes exceedingly broken, presenting a tangled mass of towers, domes, and pinnacles of ice called _seracs_. [illustration: fig. .--section across glacial valley, showing old lateral moraines.] like running water, moving ice is a powerful agent in _transporting_ rocks and earthy _débris_ of all grades of fineness; but, owing to the different consistencies of ice and water, there are great differences in the mode and result of transportation by them. while water can hold in suspension only the very finest material, ice can bear upon its surface rocks of the greatest magnitude, and can roll or shove along under it boulders and pebbles which would be unaffected except by torrential currents of water. we find, therefore, a great amount of earthy material of all sizes upon the top of a glacier, which has reached it very much as _débris_ reaches the bed of a river, namely, by falling down upon it from overhanging cliffs, or by land-slides of greater or less extent. such material coming into a river would either disappear beneath its surface, or would form a line of _débris_ along the banks; in both cases awaiting the gradual erosion and transportation which running water is able to effect. but, in case of a glacier, the material rests upon the surface of the ice, and at once begins to partake of its motion, while successive accessions of material keep up the supply at any one point, so as to form a train of boulders and other _débris_, extending below the point as far as the glacial motion continues. such a line of _débris_ is called a _moraine_. when it forms along the edge of the ice, it is called a _lateral_ moraine. it is easy to see that, where glaciers come out from two valleys which are tributary to a larger valley, their inner sides must coalesce below the separating promontory, and the two lateral moraines will become united and will move onward in the middle of the surface of the glacier. such lines of _débris_ are called _medial_ moraines. these are characteristic of all extensive glaciers formed by the union of tributaries. there is no limit to the number of medial moraines, except in the number of tributaries. a medial moraine, when of sufficient thickness, protects the ice underneath it from melting; so that the moraine will often appear to be much larger than it really is: what seems to be a ridge of earthy material being in reality a long ridge of ice, thinly covered with earthy _débris_, sliding down the slanting sides as the ice slowly wastes away large blocks of stone in the same manner protect the ice from melting underneath, and are found standing on pedestals of ice, often several feet in height. an interesting feature of these blocks is that, when the pedestal fails, the block uniformly falls towards the sun, since that is the side on which the melting has proceeded most rapidly. if the meteorological forces are so balanced that the foot of a glacier remains at the same place for any great length of time, there must be a great accumulation of earthy _débris_ at the stationary point, since the motion of the ice is constantly bearing its lines of lateral and medial moraine downwards to be deposited, year by year, at the melting line along the front. such accumulations are called _terminal_ moraines, and the process of their formation may be seen at the foot of almost any large glacier. the pile of material thus confusedly heaped up in front of some of the larger glaciers of the world is enormous. the melting away of the lower part of a glacier gives rise also to several other characteristic phenomena. where the foot of a glacier chances to be on comparatively level land, the terminal moraine often covers a great extent of ice, and protects it from melting for an indefinite period of time. when the ice finally melts away and removes the support from the overlying morainic _débris_, this settles down in a very irregular manner, leaving enclosed depressions to which there is no natural outlet. these depressions, from their resemblance to a familiar domestic utensil, are technically known as _kettle-holes_. the terminal moraines of ancient glaciers may often be traced by the relative abundance of these kettle-holes. the streams of water arising both from the rainfall and from the melting of the ice also produce a peculiar effect about the foot of an extensive glacier. sometimes these streams cut long, open channels near the end of the glacier, and sweep into it vast quantities of morainic material, which is pushed along by the torrential current, and, after being abraded, rolled, and sorted, is deposited in a delta about its mouth, or left stranded in long lines between the ice-walls which have determined its course. at other times the stream has disappeared far back in the glacier, and plunged into a crevasse (technically called a _moulin_), whence it flows onwards as a subglacial stream. but in this case the deposits might closely resemble those of the previous description. in both cases, when the ice has finally melted away, peculiar ridge-like deposits of sorted material remain, to mark the temporary line of drainage. these exist abundantly in most regions which have been covered with glacial ice, and are referred to in scotland as _kames_, in ireland as _eskers_, and in sweden as _osars_. in this volume we shall call them _kames_, and the deltas spread out in front of them will be referred to as _kame-plains_. with this preliminary description of glacial phenomena, we will proceed to give, first, a brief enumeration and description of the ice-fields which are still existing in the world; second, the evidences of the former existence of far more extensive ice-fields; and, third, the relation of the glacial period to some of the vicissitudes which have attended the life of man in the world. the geological period of which we shall treat is variously designated by different writers. by some it is simply called the "post-tertiary," or "quaternary"; by others the term "post-pliocene" is used, to indicate more sharply its distinction from the latter portion of the tertiary period; by others this nicety of distinction is expressed by the term "pleistocene." but, since the whole epoch was peculiarly characterised by the presence of glaciers, which have not even yet wholly disappeared, we may properly refer to it altogether under the descriptive name of "glacial" period. chapter ii. existing glaciers. _in europe._--our specific account of existing glaciers naturally begins with those of the alps, where hugi, charpentier, agassiz, forbes, and guyot, before the middle of this century, first brought clearly to light the reality and nature of glacial motion. according to professor heim, of zürich, the total area covered by the glaciers and ice-fields of the alps is upwards of three thousand square kilometres (about eleven hundred square miles). the swiss alps alone contain nearly two-thirds of this area. professor heim enumerates , distinct glaciers in the region. of these, are in france, in italy, in switzerland, and in austria. desor describes fourteen principal glacial districts in the alps, the westernmost of which is that of mont pelvoux, in dauphiny, and the easternmost that in the vicinity of the gross glockner, in carinthia. the most important of the alpine systems are those which are grouped around mont blanc, monte rosa, and the finsteraarhorn, the two former peaks being upwards of fifteen thousand feet in height, and the latter upwards of fourteen thousand. the area covered by glaciers and snow-fields in the bernese oberland, of which finsteraarhorn is the culminating point, is about three hundred and fifty square kilometres (a hundred square miles), and contains the aletsch glacier, which is the longest in europe, extending twenty-one kilometres (about fourteen miles) from the _névé_-field to its foot. the mer de glace, which descends from mont blanc to the valley of chamounix, has a length of about eight miles below the _névé_-field. in all, there are estimated to be twenty-four glaciers in the alps which are upwards of four miles long, and six which are upwards of eight miles in length. the principal of these are the mer de glace, of chamounix, on mont blanc; the gorner glacier, near zermatt, on monte rosa; the lower glacier of the aar, in the bernese oberland; and the aletsch glacier and glacier of the rhône, in vallais; and the pasterzen, in carinthia. [illustration: fig. .--mount blanc glacier region: _m_, mer de glace; _g_, du géant; _l_, leschaux; _t_, taléfre; _b_, bionassay; _b_, bosson.] these glaciers adjust themselves to the width of the valleys down which they flow, in some places being a mile or more in width, and at others contracting into much narrower compass. the greatest depth which agassiz was able directly to measure in the aar glacier was two hundred and sixty metres (five hundred and twenty-eight feet), but at another point the depth was estimated by him to be four hundred and sixty metres (or fifteen hundred and eighty-four feet). the glaciers of the alps are mostly confined to the northern side and to the higher portions of the mountain-chain, none of them descending below the level of four thousand feet, and all of them varying slightly in extent, from year to year, according as there are changes in the temperature and in the amount of snow-fall. the pyrenees, also, still maintain a glacial system, but it is of insignificant importance. this is partly because the altitude is much less than that of the alps, the culminating point being scarcely more than eleven thousand feet in height. doubtless, also, it is partly due to the narrowness of the range, which does not provide gathering-places for the snow sufficiently extensive to produce large glaciers. the snow-fall also is less upon the pyrenees than upon the alps. as a consequence of all these conditions, the glaciers of the pyrenees are scarcely more than stationary _névé_-fields lingering upon the north side of the range. the largest of these is near bagnères de luchon, and sends down a short, river-like glacier. in scandinavia the height of the mountains is also much less than that of the alps, but the moister climate and the more northern latitude favours the growth of glaciers at a much lower level north of the sixty-second degree of latitude, the plateaus over five thousand feet above the sea pretty generally are gathering-places for glaciers. from the justedal a snow-field, covering five hundred and eighty square miles, in latitude °, twenty-four glaciers push outwards towards the german sea, the largest of which is five miles long and three-quarters of a mile wide. the fondalen snow-field, between latitudes ° and °, covers an area about equal to that of the justedal; but, on account of its more northern position, its glaciers descend through the valleys quite to the ocean-level. the folgofon snow-field is still farther south, but, though occupying an area of only one hundred square miles, it sends down as many as three glaciers to the sea-level. the total area of the scandinavian snow-fields is about five thousand square miles. in sweden dr. svenonius estimates that there are, between latitudes ° and - / °, twenty distinct groups of glaciers, covering an area of four hundred square kilometres (one hundred and forty-four square miles), and he numbers upwards of one hundred distinct glaciers of small size. as is to be expected, the large islands in the polar sea north of europe and asia are, to a great extent, covered with _névé_-fields, and numerous glaciers push out from them to the sea in all directions, discharging their surplus ice as bergs, which float away and cumber the waters with their presence in many distant places. [illustration: fig. .--the svartisen glacier on the west coast of norway, just within the arctic circle, at the head of a fiord ten miles from the ocean. the foot of the glacier is one mile wide, and a quarter of a mile back from the water. terminal moraine in front. (photographed by dr. l. c. warner.)] the island of spitzbergen, in latitude ° to °, is favourably situated for the production of glaciers, by reason both of its high northern latitude, and of its relation to the gulf stream, which conveys around to it an excessive amount of moisture, thus ensuring an exceptionally large snow-fall over the island. the mountainous character of the island also favours the concentration of the ice-movement into glaciers of vast size and power. still, even here, much of the land is free from snow and ice in summer. but upon the northern portion of the island there is an extensive table-land, upwards of two thousand feet above the sea, over which the ice-field is continuous. four great glaciers here descend to tide-water in magdalena bay. the largest of these presents at the front a wall of ice seven thousand feet across and three hundred feet high; but, as the depth of the water is not great, few icebergs of large size break off and float away from it. nova zembla, though not in quite so high latitude, has a lower mean temperature upon the coasts than spitzbergen. owing to the absence of high lands and mountains, however, it is not covered with perpetual snow, much less with glacial ice, but its level portions are "carpeted with grasses and flowers," and sustain extensive forests of stunted trees. franz-josef land, to the north of nova zembla, both contains high mountains and supports glaciers of great size. mr. payer conducted a sledge party into this land in , and reported that a precipitous wall of glacial ice, "of more than a hundred feet in height, formed the usual edge of the coast." but the motion of the ice is very slow, and the ice coarse-grained in structure, and it bears a small amount only of morainic material. so low is here the line of perpetual snow, that the smaller islands "are covered with caps of ice, so that a cross-section would exhibit a regular flat segment of ice." it is interesting to note, also, that "many ice-streams, descending from the high _névé_ plateau, spread themselves out over the mountain-slopes," and are not, as in the alps, confined to definite valleys. iceland seems to have been properly named, since a single one of the snow-fields--that of vatnajoküll, with an extreme elevation of only six thousand feet--is estimated by helland to cover one hundred and fifty norwegian square miles (about seven thousand english square miles), while five other ice-fields (the langjoküll, the hofsjoküll, the myrdalsjoküll, the drangajoküll, and the glamujoküll) have a combined area of ninety-two norwegian or about four thousand five hundred english square miles. the glaciers are supposed by whitney to have been rapidly advancing for some time past. _in asia._--notwithstanding its lofty mountains and its great extent of territory lying in high latitudes, glaciers are for two reasons relatively infrequent: . the land in the more northern latitudes is low. . the dryness of the atmosphere in the interior of the continent is such that it unduly limits the snow-fall. long before they reach the central plateau of asia, the currents of air which sweep over the continent from the indian ocean have parted with their burdens of moisture, having left them in a snowy mantle upon the southern flanks of the himalayas. as a result, we have the extensive deserts of the interior, where, on account of the clear atmosphere, there is not snow enough to resist continuously the intense activity of the unobstructed rays of the sun. in spite of their high latitude and considerable elevation above the sea-level, glaciers are absent from the ural mountains, for the range is too narrow to afford _névé_-fields of sufficient size to produce glaciers of large extent. the caucasus mountains present more favourable conditions, and for a distance of one hundred and twenty miles near their central portion have an average height of , feet, with individual peaks rising to a height of , feet or more; but, owing to their low latitude, the line of perpetual snow scarcely reaches down to the , -foot level. so great are the snow-fields, however, above this height that many glaciers push their way down through the narrow mountain-gorges as far as the , -foot level. the himalaya mountains present many favourable conditions for the development of glaciers of large size. the range is of great extent and height, thus affording ample gathering-places for the snows, while the relation of the mountains to the moisture-laden winds from the indian ocean is such that they enjoy the first harvest of the clouds where the interior of asia gets only the gleanings. as is to be expected, therefore, all the great rivers which course through the plains of hindustan have their rise in large glaciers far up towards the summits of the northern mountains. the indus and the ganges are both glacial streams in their origin, as are their larger tributary branches--the basha, the shigar, and the sutlej. many of the glaciers in the higher levels of the himalaya mountains where these streams rise have a length of from twenty-five to forty miles, and some of them are as much as a mile and a half in width and extend for a long distance, with an inclination as small as one degree and a half or one hundred and thirty-eight feet to a mile. in the mustagh range of the western himalayas there are two adjoining glaciers whose united length is sixty-five miles, and another not far away which is twenty-one miles long and from one to two miles wide in its upper portion. its lower portion terminates at an altitude of , feet above tide, where it is three miles wide and two hundred and fifty feet thick. _oceanica._---passing eastward to the islands of the pacific ocean, new zealand is the only one capable of supporting glaciers. their existence on this island seems the more remarkable because of its low latitude ( ° to °); but a grand range of mountains rises abruptly from the water on the western coast of the southern island, culminating in mount cook, , feet above the sea, and extending for a distance of about one hundred miles. the extent and height of this chain, coupled with the moisture of the winds, which sweep without obstruction over so many leagues of the tropical pacific, are specially favourable to the production of ice-fields of great extent. consequently we find glaciers in abundance, some of which are not inferior in extent to the larger ones of the alps. the tasman glacier, described by haas, is ten miles long and nearly two miles broad at its termination, "the lower portion for a distance of three miles being covered with morainic _detritus_." the mueller glacier is about seven miles long and one mile broad in its lower portion. _south america._--in america, existing glaciers are chiefly confined to three principal centres, namely, to the andes, south of the equator; to the cordilleras, north of central california; and to greenland. in south america, however, the high mountains of ecuador sustain a few glaciers above the twelve-thousand-foot level. the largest of these are upon the eastern slope of the mountains, giving rise to some of the branches of the amazon--indeed, on the flanks of cotopaxi, chimborazo, and illinissa there are some glaciers in close proximity to the equator which are fairly comparable in size to those of the alps. in chili, at about latitude °, glaciers begin to appear at lower levels, descending beyond the six-thousand-foot line, while south of this both the increasing moisture of the winds and the decreasing average temperature favour the increase of ice-fields and glaciers. consequently, as darwin long ago observed, the line of perpetual snow here descends to an increasingly lower level, and glaciers extend down farther and farther towards the sea, until, in tierra del fuego, at about latitude °, they begin to discharge their frozen contents directly into the tidal inlets. darwin's party surveyed a glacier entering the gulf of penas in latitude ° ', which was fifteen miles long, and, in one part, seven broad. at eyre's sound, also, in about latitude °, they found immense glaciers coming clown to the sea and discharging icebergs of great size, one of which, as they encountered it floating outwards, was estimated to be "_at least_ one hundred and sixty-eight feet in total height." in tierra del fuego, where the mountains are only from three thousand to four thousand feet in height and in latitude less than °, darwin reports that "every valley is filled with streams of ice descending to the sea-coast," and that the inlets penetrated by his party presented miniature likenesses of the polar sea. [illustration: fig. .--floating berg, showing the proportions above and under the water. about seven feet under water to one above.] _antarctic continent._--of the so-called antarctic continent little is known; but icebergs of great size are frequently encountered up to ° south latitude, in the direction of cape horn, and as far as latitude ° in the direction of cape of good hope. nearly all that is known about this continent was discovered by sir j. c. ross during the period extending from to , when, between the parallels of ° and ° south latitude, he encountered in his explorations a precipitous mountain coast, rising from seven thousand to ten thousand feet above tide. through the valleys intervening between the mountain-ranges huge glaciers descended, and "projected in many places several miles into the sea and terminated in lofty, perpendicular cliffs. in a few places the rocks broke through their icy covering, by which alone we could be assured that land formed the nucleus of this, to appearance, enormous iceberg."[ag] [footnote ag: quoted by whitney in climatic changes, p. .] again, speaking of the region in the vicinity of the lofty volcanoes terror and erebus, between ten thousand and twelve thousand feet high, the same navigator says: "we perceived a low, white line extending from its extreme eastern point, as far as the eye could discern, to the eastward. it presented an extraordinary appearance, gradually increasing in height as we got nearer to it, and proving at length to be a perpendicular cliff of ice, between one hundred and fifty and two hundred feet above the level of the sea, perfectly flat and level at the top, and without any fissures or promontories on its even, seaward face. what was beyond it we could not imagine; for, being much higher than our mast-head, we could not see anything except the summit of a lofty range of mountains extending to the southward as far as the seventy-ninth degree of latitude. these mountains, being the southernmost land hitherto discovered, i felt great satisfaction in naming after sir edward parry.... whether parry mountains again take an easterly trending and form the base to which this extraordinary mass of ice is attached, must be left for future navigators to determine. if there be land to the southward it must be very remote, or of much less elevation than any other part of the coast we have seen, or it would have appeared above the barrier." this ice-cliff or barrier was followed by captain ross as far as ° west longitude, and found to preserve very much the same character during the whole of that distance. on the lithographic view of this great ice-sheet given in ross's work it is described as "part of the south polar barrier, one hundred and eighty feet above the sea-level, one thousand feet thick, and four hundred and fifty miles in length." a similar vertical wall of ice was seen by d'urville, off the coast of adelie land. he thus describes it: "its appearance was astonishing. we perceived a cliff having a uniform elevation of from one hundred to one hundred and fifty feet, forming a long line extending off to the west.... thus for more than twelve hours we had followed this wall of ice, and found its sides everywhere perfectly vertical and its summit horizontal. not the smallest irregularity, not the most inconsiderable elevation, broke its uniformity for the twenty leagues of distance which we followed it during the day, although we passed it occasionally at a distance of only two or three miles, so that we could make out with ease its smallest irregularities. some large pieces of ice were lying along the side of this frozen coast; but, on the whole, there was open sea in the offing." [ah] [footnote ah: whitney's climatic changes, pp. , .] [illustration: fig. .--iceberg in the antarctic ocean.] _north america._--in north america living glaciers begin to appear in the sierra nevada mountains, in the vicinity of the yosemite park, in central california. here the conditions necessary for the production of glaciers are favourable, namely, a high altitude, snow-fields of considerable extent, and unobstructed exposure to the moisture-laden currents of air from the pacific ocean. sixteen glaciers of small size have been noted among the summits to the east of the yosemite; but none of them descend much below the eleven-thousand-foot line, and none of them are over a mile in length. indeed, they are so small, and their motion is so slight, that it is a question whether or not they are to be classed with true glaciers. owing to the comparatively low elevation of the sierra nevada north of tuolumne county, california, no other living glaciers are found until reaching mount shasta, in the extreme northern part of the state. this is a volcanic peak, rising fourteen thousand five hundred feet above the sea, and having no peaks within forty miles of it as high as ten thousand feet; yet so abundant is the snow-fall that as many as five glaciers are found upon its northern side, some of them being as much as three miles long and extending as low down as the eight-thousand-foot level. upon the southern side glaciers are so completely absent that professor whitney ascended the mountain and remained in perfect ignorance of its glacial system. in mr. clarence king first discovered and described them on the northern side. north of california glaciers characterise the cascade range in increasing numbers all the way to the alaskan peninsula. they are to be found upon diamond peak, the three sisters, mount jefferson, and mount hood, in oregon, and appear in still larger proportions upon the flanks of mount rainier (or tacoma) and mount baker, in the state of washington. the glacier at the head of the white river valley is upon the north side of rainier, and is the largest one upon that mountain, reaching down to within five thousand feet of the sea-level, and being ten miles or more in length. all the streams which descend the valleys upon this mountain are charged with the milky-coloured water which betrays their glacial origin. [illustration: fig. .--map of southeastern alaska. the arrow-points mark glaciers.] in british columbia, glacier station, upon the canadian pacific railroad, in the selkirk mountains, is within half a mile of the handsome illicilliwaet glacier, while others of larger size are found at no great distance. the interior farther north is unexplored to so great an extent that little can be definitely said concerning its glacial phenomena. the coast of british columbia is penetrated by numerous fiords, each of which receives the drainage of a decaying glacier; but none are in sight of the tourist-steamers which thread their way through the intricate network of channels characterising this coast, until the alaskan boundary is crossed and the mouth of the stickeen river is passed. a few miles up from the mouth of the stickeen, however, glaciers of large size come down to the vicinity of the river, both from the north and from the south, and the attention of tourists is always attracted by the abundant glacial sediment borne into the tide-water by the river itself and discolouring the surface for a long distance beyond the outlet. northward from this point the tourist is rarely out of sight of ice-fields. the auk and patterson glaciers are the first to come into view, but they do not descend to the water-level. on nearing holcomb bay, however, small icebergs begin to appear, heralding the first of the glaciers which descend beyond the water's edge. taku inlet, a little farther north, presents glaciers of great size coming down to the sea-level, while the whole length of lynn canal, from juneau to chilkat, a distance of eighty miles, is dotted on both sides by conspicuous glaciers and ice-fields. the davidson glacier, near the head of the canal, is one of the most interesting for purposes of study. it comes down from an unknown distance in the western interior, bearing two marked medial moraines upon its surface. on nearing tide-level, the valley through which it flows is about three-quarters of a mile in width; but, after emerging from the confinement of the valley, the ice spreads out over a fan-shaped area until the width of its front is nearly three miles. the supply of ice not being sufficient to push the front of the glacier into deep water, equilibrium between the forces of heat and cold is established near the water's edge. here, as from year to year the ice melts and deposits its burdens of earthy _débris_, it has piled up a terminal moraine which rises from two hundred to three hundred feet in height, and is now covered with evergreen trees of considerable size. from chilkat, at the head of lynn canal, to the sources of the yukon river, the distance is only thirty-five miles, but the intervening mountain-chain is several thousand feet in height and bears numerous glaciers upon its seaward side. about forty miles west of lynn canal, and separated from it by a range of mountains of moderate height, is glacier bay, at the head of one of whose inlets is the muir glacier, which forms the chief attraction for the great number of tourists that now visit the coast of southeastern alaska during the summer season. this glacier meets tide-water in latitude ° ', and longitude ° ' west of greenwich. it received its name from mr. john muir, who, in company with rev. mr. young, made a tour of the bay and discovered the glacier in . it was soon found that the bay could be safely navigated by vessels of large size, and from that time on tourists in increasing number have been attracted to the region. commodious steamers now regularly run close up to the ice-front, and lie-to for several hours, so that the passengers may witness the "calving" of icebergs, and may climb upon the sides of the icy stream and look into its deep crevasses and out upon its corrugated and broken surface. [illustration: fig. .--map of glacier bay. alaska, and its surroundings. arrow-points indicate glaciated area.] the first persons who found it in their way to pay more than a tourist's visit to this interesting object were rev. j. l. patton, mr. prentiss baldwin, and myself, who spent the entire month of august, , encamped at the foot of the glacier, conducting such observations upon it as weather and equipment permitted. from that time till the summer of no one else stopped off from the tourist steamers to bestow any special study upon it. but during this latter season mr. muir returned to the scene of his discovered wonder, and spent some weeks in exploring the interior of the great ice-field. during the same season, also, professors h. f. reid and h. cushing, with a well-equipped party of young men, spent two months or more in the same field, conducting observations and experiments, of various kinds, relating to the extent, the motion, and the general behaviour of the vast mass of moving ice. [illustration: fig. .--shows central part of the front of muir glacier one half mile distant. near the lower left hand corner the ice is seen one mile distant resting for about one half mile on gravel which it had overrun. the ice is now retreating in the channel. (from photograph.)] the main body of the muir glacier occupies a vast amphitheatre, with diameters ranging from thirty to forty miles, and covers an area of about one thousand square miles. from one of the low mountains near its mouth i could count twenty-six tributary glaciers which came together and became confluent in the main stream of ice. nine medial moraines marked the continued course of as many main branches, which becoming united formed the grand trunk of the glacier. numerous rocky eminences also projected above the surface of the ice, like islands in the sea, corresponding to what are called "_nunataks_" in greenland. the force of the ice against the upper side of these rocky prominences is such as to push it in great masses above the surrounding level, after the analogy of waves which dash themselves into foam against similar obstructions. in front of the _nunataks_ there is uniformly a depression, like the eddies which appear in the current below obstacles in running water. over some portions of the surface of the glacier there is a miniature river system, consisting of a main stream, with numerous tributaries, but all flowing in channels of deep blue ice. before reaching the front of the glacier, however, each one of these plunges down into a crevasse, or _moulin_, to swell the larger current, which may be heard rushing along in an impetuous course hundreds of feet beneath, and far out of sight. the portion of the glacier in which there is the most rapid motion is characterised by innumerable crags and domes and pinnacles of ice, projecting above the general level, whose bases are separated by fissures, extending in many cases more than a hundred feet below the general level. these irregularities result from the combined effect of the differential motion (as illustrated in the diagram on page ), and the influence of sunshine and warm air in irregularly melting the unprotected masses. the description given in our introductory chapter of medial moraines and ice-pillars is amply illustrated everywhere upon the surface of the muir glacier. i measured one block of stone which was twenty feet square and about the same height, standing on a pedestal of ice three or four feet high. the mountains forming the periphery of this amphitheatre rise to a height of several thousand feet; mount fairweather, upon the northwest, from whose flanks probably a portion of the ice comes, being, in fact, more than fifteen thousand feet high. the mouth of the amphitheatre is three miles wide, in a line extending from shoulder to shoulder of the low mountains which guard it. the actual water-front where the ice meets tide-water is one mile and a half.[ai] here the depth of the inlet is so great that the front of the ice breaks off in icebergs of large size, which float away to be dissolved at their leisure. at the water's edge the ice presents a perpendicular front of from two hundred and fifty to four hundred feet in height, and the depth of the water in the middle of the inlet immediately in front of the ice is upwards of seven hundred feet; thus giving a total height to the precipitous front of a thousand feet. [footnote ai: these are the measurements of professor reid. in my former volume i have given the dimensions as somewhat smaller.] the formation of icebergs can here be studied to admirable advantage. during the month in which we encamped in the vicinity the process was going on continuously. there was scarcely an interval of fifteen minutes during the whole time in which the air was not rent with the significant boom connected with the "calving" of a berg. sometimes this was occasioned by the separation of a comparatively small mass of ice from near the top of the precipitous wall, which would fall into the water below with a loud splash. at other times i have seen a column of ice from top to bottom of the precipice split off and fall over into the water, giving rise to great waves, which would lash the shore with foam two miles below. this manner of the production of icebergs differs from that which has been ordinarily represented in the text-books, but it conforms to the law of glacial motion, which we will describe a little later, namely, that the upper strata of ice move faster than the lower. hence the tendency is constantly to push the upper strata forwards, so as to produce a perpendicular or even projecting front, after the analogy of the formation of breakers on the shelving shore of a large body of water. evidently, however, these masses of ice which break off from above the water do not reach the whole distance to the bottom of the glacier below the water; so that a projecting foot of ice remains extending to an indefinite distance underneath the surface. but at occasional intervals, as the superincumbent masses of ice above the surface fall off and relieve the strata below of their weight, these submerged masses suddenly rise, often shooting up considerably higher than they ultimately remain when coming to rest. the bergs formed by this latter process often bear much earthy material upon them, which is carried away with the floating ice, to be deposited finally wherever the melting chances to take place. numerous opportunities are furnished about the front and foot of this vast glacier to observe the manner of the formation of _kames_, kettle-holes, and various other irregular forms into which glacial _débris_ is accustomed to accumulate. over portions of the decaying foot of the glacier, which was deeply covered with morainic _débris_, the supporting ice is being gradually removed through the influence of subglacial streams or of abandoned tunnels, which permit the air to exert its melting power underneath. in some places where old _moulins_ had existed, the supporting ice is melting away, so that the superincumbent mass of sand, gravel, and boulders is slowly sliding into a common centre, like grain in a hopper. this must produce a conical hill, to remain, after the ice has all melted away, a mute witness of the impressive and complicated forces which have been so long in operation for its production. in other places i have witnessed the formation of a long ridge of gravel by the gradual falling in of the roof of a tunnel which had been occupied by a subglacial stream, and over which there was deposited a great amount of morainic material. as the roof gave way, this was constantly falling to the bottom, where, being exempt from further erosive agencies, it must remain as a gravel ridge or kame. in other places, still, there were vast masses of ice covering many acres, and buried beneath a great depth of morainic material which had been swept down upon it while joined to the main glacier. in the retreat of the ice, however, these masses had become isolated, and the sand, gravel, and boulders were sliding down the wasting sides and forming long ridges of _débris_ along the bottom, which, upon the final melting of the ice, will be left as a complicated network of ridges and knolls of gravel, enclosing an equally complicated nest of kettle-holes. beyond cross sound the pacific coast is bounded for several hundred miles by the magnificent semicircle of mountains known as the st. elias alps, with mount crillon at the south, having an elevation of nearly sixteen thousand feet, and st. elias in the centre, rising to a greater height. everywhere along this coast, as far as the alaskan peninsula, vast glaciers come down from the mountain-sides, and in many cases their precipitous fronts form the shore-line for many miles at a time. icy bay, just to the south of mount st, elias, is fitly named, on account of the extent of the glaciers emptying into it and the number of icebergs cumbering its waters. in the summer of a party, under the lead of mr. i. c. russell, of the united states geological survey, made an unsuccessful attempt to scale the heights of mount st. elias; but the information brought back by them concerning the glaciers of the region amply repaid them for their toil and expense, and consoled them for the failure of their immediate object. [illustration: fig. .--by the courtesy of the national geographical society.] leaving yakutat bay, and following the route indicated upon the accompanying map, they travelled on glacial ice almost the entire distance to the foot of mount st. elias. the numerous glaciers coming down from the summit of the mountain-ridge become confluent nearer the shore, and spread out over an area of about a thousand square miles. this is fitly named the malaspina glacier, after the spanish explorer who discovered it in . it is not necessary to add further particulars concerning the results of this expedition, since they are so similar to those already detailed in connection with the muir glacier. a feature, however, of special interest, pertains to the glacial lakes which are held in place by the glacial ice at an elevation of thousands of feet above the sea. one of considerable size is indicated upon the map just south of what was called blossom island, which, however, is not an island, but simply a _nunatak_, the ice here surrounding a considerable area of fertile land, which is covered with dense forests and beautified by a brilliant assemblage of flowering plants. in other places considerable vegetation was found upon the surface of moraines, which were probably still in motion with the underlying ice. _greenland._--the continental proportions of greenland, and the extent to which its area is covered by glacial ice, make it by far the most important accessible field for glacial observations. the total area of greenland can not be less than five hundred thousand square miles--equal in extent to the portion of the united states east of the mississippi and north of the ohio. it is now pretty evident that the whole of this area, except a narrow border about the southern end, is covered by one continuous sheet of moving ice, pressing outward on every side towards the open water of the surrounding seas. for a long time it was the belief of many that a large region in the interior of greenland was free from ice, and was perhaps inhabited. it was in part to solve this problem that baron nordenskiöld set out upon his expedition of . ascending the ice-sheet from disco bay, in latitude °, he proceeded eastward for eighteen days across a continuous ice-field. rivers were flowing in channels upon the surface like those cut on land in horizontal strata of shale or sandstone, only that the pure deep blue of the ice-walls was, by comparison, infinitely more beautiful. these rivers were not, however, perfectly continuous. after flowing for a distance in channels on the surface, they, one and all, plunged with deafening roar into some yawning crevasse, to find their way to the sea through subglacial channels. numerous lakes with shores of ice were also encountered. [illustration: fig. .--map of greenland. the arrow-points mark the margin of the ice-field.] "on bending down the ear to the ice," says this explorer, "we could hear on every side a peculiar subterranean hum, proceeding from rivers flowing within the ice; and occasionally a loud, single report, like that of a cannon, gave notice of the formation of a new glacier-cleft.... in the afternoon we saw at some distance from us a well-defined pillar of mist, which, when we approached it, appeared to rise from a bottomless abyss, into which a mighty glacier-river fell. the vast, roaring water-mass had bored for itself a vertical hole, probably down to the rock, certainly more than two thousand feet beneath, on which the glacier rested."[aj] [footnote aj: geological magazine, vol. ix, pp. , .] at the end of the eighteen days nordenskiöld found himself about a hundred and fifty miles from his starting-point, and about five thousand feet above the sea. here the party rested, and sent two eskimos forward on _skidor_--a kind of long wooden skate, with which they could move rapidly over the ice, notwithstanding the numerous small, circular holes which everywhere pitted the surface. these eskimos were gone fifty-seven hours, having slept only four hours of the period. it is estimated that they made about a hundred and fifty miles, and attained an altitude of six thousand feet. the ice is reported as rising in distinct terraces, and as seemingly boundless beyond. if this is the case, two hundred miles from disco bay, there would seem little hope of finding in greenland an interior freed from ice. so we may pretty confidently speak of that continental body of land as still enveloped in an ice-sheet. up to about latitude °, however, the continent is fringed by a border of islands, over which there is no continuous covering of ice. in south greenland the continuous ice-sheet is reached about thirty miles back from the shore. a summary of the results of greenland exploration was given by dr. kink in , from which it appears that since one thousand miles of the coast-line have been carefully explored by entering every fiord and attempting to reach the inland ice. according to this authority-- we are now able to demonstrate that a movement of ice from the central regions of greenland to the coast continually goes on, and must be supposed to act upon the ground over which it is pushed so as to detach and transport fragments of it for such a distance.... the plainest idea of the ice-formation here in question is given by comparing it with an inundation.... only the marginal parts show irregularity; towards the interior the surface grows more and more level and passes into a plain very slightly rising in the same direction. it has been proved that, ascending its extreme verge, where it has spread like a lava-stream over the lower ground in front of it, the irregularities are chiefly met with up to a height of , feet, but the distance from the margin in which the height is reached varies much. while under - / ° north latitude it took twenty-four miles before this elevation was attained, in - / ° the same height was arrived at in half the distance.... a general movement of the whole mass from the central regions towards the sea is still continued, but it concentrates its force to comparatively few points in the most extraordinary degree. these points are represented by the ice-fiords, through which the annual surplus ice is carried off in the shape of bergs.... in danish greenland are found five of the first, four of the second, and eight of the third (or least productive) class, besides a number of inlets which only receive insignificant fragments. direct measurements of the velocity have now been applied on three first-rate and one second-rate fiords, all situated between ° and ° north latitude. the measurements have been repeated during the coldest and the warmest season, and connected with surveying and other investigations of the inlets and their environs. it is now proved that the glacier branches which produce the bergs proceed incessantly at a rate of thirty to fifty feet per diem, this movement being not at all influenced by the seasons. . . . in the ice-fiord of jakobshavn, which spreads its enormous bergs over disco bay and probably far into the atlantic, the productive part of the glacier is , metres (about - / miles) broad. the movement along its middle line, which is quicker than on the sides nearer the shores, can be rated at fifty feet per diem. the bulk of ice here annually forced into the sea would, if taken on the shore, make a mountain two miles long, two miles broad, and , feet high. the ice-fiord of torsukatak receives four or five branches of the glacier; the most productive of them is about , metres broad (five miles), and moves between sixteen and thirty-two feet per diem. the large karajak glacier, about , metres (four miles) broad, proceeds at a rate of from twenty-two to thirty-eight feet per diem. finally, a glacier branch dipping into the fiord of jtivdliarsuk, , metres broad (three miles), moved between twenty-four and forty-six feet per diem.[ak] [footnote ak: see transactions of the edinburgh geological society for february , , vol. v, part ii, pp. - .] the principal part of our information concerning the glaciers of greenland north of melville bay was obtained by drs. kane and hayes, in and , while conducting an expedition in search of sir john franklin and his unfortunate crew. dr. hayes conducted another expedition to the same desolate region in , while other explorers have to some extent supplemented their observations. the largest glacier which they saw enters the sea between latitude ° and °, where it presents a precipitous discharging front more than sixty miles in width and hundreds of feet in perpendicular height. dr. kane gives his first impressions of this grand glacier in the following vivid description: "i will not attempt to do better by florid description. men only rhapsodize about niagara and the ocean. my notes speak simply of the 'long, ever-shining line of cliff diminished to a well-pointed wedge in the perspective'; and, again, of 'the face of glistening ice, sweeping in a long curve from the low interior, the facets in front intensely illuminated by the sun.' but this line of cliff rose in a solid, glassy wall three hundred feet above the water-level, with an unknown, unfathomable depth below it; and its curved face, sixty miles in length from cape agassiz to cape forbes, vanished into unknown space at not more than a single day's railroad-travel from the pole. the interior, with which it communicated and from which it issued, was an unsurveyed _mer de glace_--an ice-ocean to the eye, of boundless dimensions. "it was in full sight--the mighty crystal bridge which connects the two continents of america and greenland. i say continents, for greenland, however insulated it may ultimately prove to be, is in mass strictly continental. its least possible axis, measured from cape farewell to the line of this glacier, in the neighbourhood of the eightieth parallel, gives a length of more than , miles, not materially less than that of australia from its northern to its southern cape. "imagine, now, the centre of such a continent, occupied through nearly its whole extent by a deep, unbroken sea of ice that gathers perennial increase from the water-shed of vast snow-covered mountains and all the precipitations of its atmosphere upon its own surface. imagine this, moving onwards like a great glacial river, seeking outlets at every fiord and valley, rolling icy cataracts into the atlantic and greenland seas; and, having at last reached the northern limit of the land that has borne it up, pouring out a mighty frozen torrent into unknown arctic space! "it is thus, and only thus, that we must form a just conception of a phenomenon like this great glacier. i had looked in my own mind for such an appearance, should i ever be fortunate enough to reach the northern coast of greenland; but, now that it was before me, i could hardly realize it. i had recognized, in my quiet library at home, the beautiful analogies which forbes and studer have developed between the glacier and the river. but i could not comprehend at first this complete substitution of ice for water. "it was slowly that the conviction dawned on me that i was looking upon the counterpart of the great river-system of arctic asia and america. yet here were no water-feeders from the south. every particle of moisture had its origin within the polar circle and had been converted into ice. there were no vast alluvions, no forest or animal traces borne down by liquid torrents. here was a plastic, moving, semi-solid mass, obliterating life, swallowing rocks and islands, and ploughing its way with irresistible march through the crust of an investing sea."[al] [footnote al: arctic explorations in the years , , and , vol. i, pp. - .] much less is known concerning the eastern coast of greenland than about the western coast. for a long time it was supposed that there might be a considerable population in the lower latitudes along the eastern side. but that is now proved to be a mistake. the whole coast is very inhospitable and difficult of approach. from latitude ° to latitude ° little or nothing is known of it. in -' scoresby, cleavering, and sabine hastily explored the coast from latitude ° to °, and reported numerous glaciers descending to the sea-level through extensive fiords, from which immense icebergs float out and render navigation dangerous. in and the second north-german expedition partly explored the coast between latitude ° and °. mr. payer, an experienced alpine explorer, who accompanied the expedition, reports the country as much broken, and the glaciers as "subordinated in position to the higher peaks, and having their moraines, both lateral and terminal, like those of the alpine ranges, and on a still grander scale." petermann peak, in latitude °, is reported as , feet high. captain koldewey, chief of the expedition, found extensive plateaus on the mainland, in latitude °, to be "entirely clear of snow, although only sparsely covered with vegetation." the mountains in this vicinity, also, rising to a height of more than , feet, were free from snow in the summer. some of the fiords in this vicinity penetrate the continent through several degrees of longitude. an interesting episode of this expedition was the experience of the crew of the ship hansa, which was caught in the ice and destroyed. the crew, however, escaped by encamping on the ice-floe which had crushed the ship. from this, as it slowly floated towards the south through several degrees of latitude, they had opportunity to make many important observations upon the continent itself. as viewed from this unique position the coast had the appearance everywhere of being precipitous, with mountains of considerable height rising in the background, from which numerous small glaciers descended to the sea-level. in dr. f. nansen, with lieutenant sverdrup and four others, was left by a whaler on the ice-pack bordering the east of greenland about latitude °, and in sight of the coast. for twelve days the party was on the ice-pack floating south, and so actually reached the coast only about latitude °. from this point they attempted to cross the inland ice in a northwesterly direction towards christianshaab. they soon reached a height of , feet, and were compelled by severe northerly storms to diverge from their course, taking a direction more to the west. the greatest height attained was , feet, and the party arrived on the western coast at ameralik fiord, a little south of godhaab, about the same latitude at which they entered. it thus appears that subsequent investigations have confirmed in a remarkable manner the sagacious conclusions made by the eminent scotch geologist and glacialist robert brown in , soon after his own expedition to the country. "i look upon greenland and its interior ice-field," he writes, "in the light of a broad-lipped, shallow vessel, but with chinks in the lips here and there, and the glacier like viscous matter in it. as more is poured in, the viscous matter will run over the edges, naturally taking the line of the chinks as its line of outflow. the broad lips of the vessel are the outlying islands or 'outskirts'; the viscous matter in the vessel the inland ice, the additional matter continually being poured in in the form of the enormous snow covering, which, winter after winter, for seven or eight months in the year, falls almost continuously on it; the chinks are the fiords or valleys down which the glaciers, representing the outflowing viscous matter, empty the surplus of the vessel--in other words, the ice floats out in glaciers, overflows the land in fact, down the valleys and fiords of greenland by force of the superincumbent weight of snow, just as does the grain on the floor of a barn (as admirably described by mr. jamieson) when another sackful is emptied on the top of the mound already on the floor. 'the floor is flat, and therefore does not conduct the grain in any direction; the outward motion is due to the pressure of the particles of grain on one another; and, given a floor of infinite extension and a pile of sufficient amount, the mass would move outward to any distance, and with a very slight pitch or slope it would slide forward along the incline.' to this let me add that if the floor on the margin of the heap of grain was undulating the stream of grain would take the course of such undulations. the want, therefore, of much slope in a country and the absence of any great mountain-range are of very little moment to the movement of land-ice, _provided we have snow enough_" on another page dr. brown had well said that "the country seems only a circlet of islands separated from one another by deep fiords or straits, and bound together on the landward side by the great ice covering which overlies the whole interior.... no doubt under this ice there lies land, just as it lies under the sea; but nowadays none can be seen, and as an insulating medium it might as well be water." in his recently published volumes descriptive of the journey across the greenland ice-sheet, alluded to on page , dr. nansen sums up his inferences in very much the same way: "the ice-sheet rises comparatively abruptly from the sea on both sides, but more especially on the east coast, while its central portion is tolerably flat. on the whole, the gradient decreases the farther one gets into the interior, and the mass thus presents the form of a shield with a surface corrugated by gentle, almost imperceptible, undulations lying more or less north and south, and with its highest point not placed symmetrically, but very decidedly nearer the east coast than the west." from this rapid glance at the existing glaciers of the world we see that a great ice age is not altogether a strange thing in the world. the lands about the south pole and greenland are each continental in dimensions, and present at the present time accumulations of land-ice so extensive, so deep, and so alive with motion as to prepare our minds for almost anything that may be suggested concerning the glaciated condition of other portions of the earth's surface. the _vera causa_ is sufficient to accomplish anything of which glacialists have ever dreamed. it only remains to enquire what the facts really are and over how great an extent of territory the actual results of glacial action may be found. but we will first direct more particular attention to some of the facts and theories concerning glacial motion. chapter iii. glacial motion. that glacial ice actually moves after the analogy of a semi-fluid has been abundantly demonstrated by observation. in the year professor hugi, of soleure, built a hut far up upon the aar glacier in switzerland, in order to determine the rate of its motion. after three years he found that it had moved feet; after nine years, , feet; and after fourteen years louis agassiz found that its motion had been , feet. in agassiz began a more accurate series of observation upon the same glacier. boring holes in the ice, he set across it a row of stakes which, on visiting in , he found to be no longer in a straight line. all had moved downwards with varying velocity, those near the centre having moved farther than the others. the displacements of the stakes were in order, from side to side, as follows: feet, feet, feet, feet, feet, and feet. agassiz followed up his observations for six years, and in published the results in his celebrated work system glacière. [illustration: fig. .] but in august, , the distinguished swiss investigator had invited professor j. d. forbes, of edinburgh, to interest himself in solving the problem of glacial motion. in response to this request, professor forbes spent three weeks with agassiz upon the aar glacier. stimulated by the interest of this visit, forbes returned to switzerland in and began a series of independent investigations upon the mer de glace. after a week's observations with accurate instruments, forbes wrote to professor jameson, editor of the edinburgh new philosophical journal, that he had already made it certain that "the central part of the glacier moves faster than the edges in a very considerable proportion, quite contrary to the opinion generally maintained." this letter was dated july , , but was not published until the october following, agassiz's results, so far as then determined, were, however, published in comptes rendus of the th of august, , two months before the publication of forbes's letter. but agassiz's letter was dated twenty-seven days later than that of forbes. it becomes certain, therefore, that both agassiz and forbes, independently and about the same time, discovered the fact that the central portion of a glacier moves more rapidly than the sides. in professor tyndall began his systematic and fruitful observations upon the mer de glace and other alpine glaciers. professor forbes had already demonstrated that, with an accurate instrument of observation, the motion of a line of stakes might be observed after the lapse of a single clay, or even of a few hours. as a result of tyndall's observations, it was found that the most rapid daily motion in the mer de glace in was about thirty-seven inches. this amount of motion was near the lower end of the glacier on ascending the glacier, the rate was found in general to be diminished; but the diminution was not uniform throughout the whole distance, being affected both by the size and by the contour of the valley. the motion in the tributary glaciers was also much less than that of the main glacier. this diminution of movement in the tributary glaciers was somewhat proportionate to their increase in width. for example, the combined width of the three tributaries uniting to form the mer de glace is , yards; but a short distance below the junction of these tributaries the total width of the mer de glace itself is only yards, or one-third that of the tributaries combined. yet, though the depth of the ice is probably here much greater than in the tributaries, the rapidity of movement is between two and three times as great as that of any one of the branches.[am] [footnote am: see tyndall's forms of water, pp. - .] from tyndall's observations it appears also that the line of most rapid motion is not exactly in the middle of the channel, but is pushed by its own momentum from one side to the other of the middle, so as always to be nearer the concave side; in this respect conforming, as far as its nature will permit, to the motion of water in a tortuous channel. [illustration: fig. .] it is easy to account for this differential motion upon the surface of a glacier, since it is clear that the friction of the sides of the channel must retard the motion of ice as it does that of water. it is clear also that the friction of the bottom must retard the motion of ice even more than it is known to do in the case of water. in the formation of breakers, when the waves roll in upon a shallowing beach, every one is familiar with the effect of the bottom upon the moving mass. here friction retards the lower strata of water, and the upper strata slide over the lower, and, where the water is of sufficient depth and the motion is sufficiently great, the crest breaks down in foam before the ever-advancing tide. a similar phenomenon occurs when dams give way and reservoirs suddenly pour their contents into the restricted channels below. at such times the advancing water rolls onwards like the surf with a perpendicular front, varying in height according to the extent of the flood. seasoning from these phenomena connected with moving water, it was naturally suggested to professor tyndall that an analogous movement must take place in a glacier. choosing, therefore, a favourable place for observation on the mer de glace where the ice emerged from a gorge, he found a perpendicular side about one hundred and fifty feet in height from bottom to top. in this face he drove stakes in a perpendicular line from top to bottom. upon subsequently observing them, tyndall found, as he expected, that there was a differential motion among them as in the stakes upon the surface. the retarding effect of friction upon the bottom was evident. the stake near the top moved forwards about three times as fast as the one which was only four feet from the bottom. [illustration: fig. .] the most rapid motion (thirty-seven inches per day) observed by professor tyndall upon the alpine glaciers occurred in midsummer. in winter the rate was only about one-half as great; but in the year the norwegian geologist, helland, reported a movement of twenty metres (about sixty-five feet) per day in the jakobshavn glacier which enters disco bay, greenland, about latitude °. for some time there was a disposition on the part of many scientific men to doubt the correctness of holland's calculations. subsequent observations have shown, however, that from the comparatively insignificant glaciers of the alps they were not justified in drawing inferences with respect to the motion of the vastly larger masses which come down to the sea through the fiords of greenland. the jakobshavn glacier was about two and a half miles in width and its depth very likely more than a thousand feet, making a cross-section of more than , , square yards, whereas the cross-section of the mer de glace at montanvert is estimated to be but , square yards or only about one-seventh the above estimate for the greenland glacier. as the friction of the sides would be no greater upon a large stream than upon a small one, while upon the bottom it would be only in proportion to the area, it is evident that we cannot tell beforehand how rapidly an increase in the volume of the ice might augment the velocity of the glacier. at any rate, all reasonable grounds for distrusting the accuracy of helland's estimates seem to have been removed by later investigations. according to my own observations in the summer of upon the muir glacier, alaska, the central portions, a mile back from the front of that vast ice-current, were moving from sixty-five to seventy feet per day. these observations were taken with a sextant upon pinnacles of ice recognizable from a baseline established upon the shore. it is fair to add, however, that during the summer of professor h. f. reid attempted to measure the motion of the same glacier by methods promising greater accuracy than could be obtained by mine. he endeavoured to plant, after the method of tyndall, a line of stakes across the ice-current. but with his utmost efforts, working inwards from both sides, he was unable to accomplish his purpose, and so left unmeasured a quarter of a mile or more of the most rapidly-moving portion of the glacier. his results, therefore, of ten feet per day in the most rapidly-moving portion observed cannot discredit my own observations on a portion of the stream inaccessible by his method. a quarter of a mile in width near the centre of so vast a glacier gives ample opportunity for a much greater rate of motion than that observed by professor reid. especially may this be true in view of tyndall's suggestion that the contour of the bottom over which the ice flows may greatly affect the rate in certain places. a sudden deepening of the channel may affect the motion of ice in a glacier as much as it does that of water in a river. other observations also amply sustain the conclusions of helland. as already stated, the danish surveying party under steenstrup, after several years' work upon the southwestern coast of greenland, have ascertained that the numerous glaciers coming down to the sea in that region and furnishing the icebergs incessantly floating down baffin's bay, move at a rate of from thirty to fifty feet per day, while lieutenants ryder and bloch, of the danish navy, who spent the year in exploring the coast in the vicinity of upernavik, about latitude °, found that the great glacier entering the fiord east of the village had a velocity of ninety-nine feet per day during the month of august.[an] [footnote an: nature, december , .] it is easier to establish the fact of glacial motion than to explain how the motion takes place, for ice seems to be as brittle as glass. this, however, is true of it only when compelled suddenly to change its form. when subjected to slow and long-continued pressure it gradually yet readily yields, and takes on new forms. from this capacity of ice, it has come to be regarded by some as a really viscous substance, like tar or cooling lava, and upon that theory professor forbes endeavours to explain all glacial movement. the theory, however, seems to be contradicted by familiar facts; for the iceman, after sawing a shallow groove across a piece of ice, can then split it as easily as he would a piece of sandstone or wood. on the glaciers themselves, likewise, the existence of innumerable crevasses would seem to contradict the plastic theory of glacier motion; for, wherever the slope of the glacier's bed increases, crevasses are formed by the increased strain to which the ice is subjected. crevasses are also formed in rapidly-moving glaciers by the slight strain occasioned by the more rapid motion of the middle portion. still, in the words of tyndall, "it is undoubted that the glacier moves like a viscous body. the centre flows past the sides, the top flows over the bottom, and the motion through a curved valley corresponds to fluid motion."[ao] [footnote ao: forms of water, p. .] to explain this combination of the seemingly contradictory qualities of brittleness and viscosity in ice, physicists have directed attention to the remarkable transformations which take place in water at the freezing-point. faraday discovered in that "when two pieces of thawing ice are placed together they freeze together at the point of contact.[ap] [footnote ap: ibid., p. .] "place a number of fragments of ice in a basin of water and cause them to touch each other; they freeze together where they touch. you can form a chain of such fragments; and then, by taking hold of one end of the chain, you can draw the whole series after it. chains of icebergs are sometimes formed in this way in the arctic seas."[aq] [footnote aq: ibid., pp. , .] this is really what takes place when a hard snow-ball is made by pressure in the hand. so, by subjecting fragments of ice to pressure it is first crumbled to powder, and then, as the particles are pressed together in close contact, it resumes the nature of ice again, though in a different form, taking now the shape of the mould in which it has been pressed. thus it is supposed that, when the temperature of ice is near the melting-point, the pressure of the superincumbent mass may produce at certain points insensible disintegration, while, upon the removal of the pressure by change of position, regulation instantly takes place, and thus the phenomena which simulate plasticity are produced. as the freezing-point of water is, within a narrow range, determined by the amount of pressure to which it is subjected, it is not difficult to see how these changes may occur. pressure slightly lowers the freezing-point, and so would liquefy the portions of ice subjected to greatest pressure, wherever that might be in the mass of the glacier, and thus permit a momentary movement of the particles, until they should recongeal in adjusting themselves to spaces of less pressure.[ar] this is the theory by which professor james thompson would account for the apparent plasticity of glacial ice. [footnote ar: forms of water, p. .] chapter iv. signs of past glaciation. the facts from which we draw the inference that vast areas of the earth's surface which are now free from glaciers were, at a comparatively recent time, covered with them, are fourfold, and are everywhere open to inspection. these facts are: . scratches upon the rocks. . extensive unstratified deposits of clay and sand intermingled with scratched stones and loose fragments of rock. . transported boulders left in such positions and of such size as to preclude the sufficiency of water-carriage to account for them. . extensive gravel terraces bordering the valleys which emerge from the glaciated areas. we will consider these in their order: . the scratches upon the rocks. almost anywhere in the region designated as having been covered with ice during the glacial period, the surface of the rocks when freshly uncovered will be found to be peculiarly marked by grooves and scratches more or less fine, and such as could not be produced by the action of water. but, when we consider the nature of a glacier, these marks seem to be just what would be produced by the pushing or dragging along of boulders, pebbles, gravel, and particles of sand underneath a moving mass of ice. running water does indeed move gravel, pebbles, and boulders along with the current, but these objects are not held by it in a firm grasp, such as is required to make a groove or scratch in the rock. if, also, there are inequalities in the compactness or hardness of the rock, the natural action of running water is to hollow out the soft parts, and leave the harder parts projecting. but, in the phenomena which we are attributing to glacial action, there has been a movement which has steadily planed down the surface of the underlying rock; polishing it, indeed, but also grooving it and scratching it in a manner which could be accomplished only by firmly held graving-tools. [illustration: fig. .--bed-rock scored with glacial marks, near amherst, ohio. (from a photograph by chamberlin.)] this polishing and scratching can indeed be produced by various agencies; as, for example, by the forces which fracture the earth's crust, and shove one portion past another, producing what is called a _slicken-side_. or, again, avalanches or land-slides might be competent to produce the results over limited and peculiarly situated areas. icebergs, also, and shore ice which is moved backwards and forwards by the waves, would produce a certain amount of such grooving and scratching. but the phenomena to which we refer are so extensive, and occur in such a variety of situations, that the movement of glacial ice is alone sufficient to afford a satisfactory explanation. moreover, in alaska, greenland, norway, and switzerland, and wherever else there are living glaciers, it is possible to follow up these grooved and striated surfaces till they disappear underneath the existing glaciers which are now producing the phenomena. thus by its tracks we can, as it were, follow this monster to its lair with as great certainty as we could any animal with whose footprints we had become familiar. . the till, or boulder-clay. a second sign of the former existence of glaciers over any area consists of an unstratified deposit of earthy material, of greater or less depth, in which scratched pebbles and fragments of rock occur without any definite arrangement. moving water is a most perfect sieve. during floods, a river shoves along over its bed gravel and pebbles of considerable size, whereas in time of low-water the current may be so gentle as to transport nothing but fine sand, and the clay will be carried still farther onwards, to settle in the still water and form a delta about the river's mouth. the transporting capacity of running water is in direct ratio to the sixth power of its velocity. other things being equal, if the velocity be doubled, the size of the grains of sand or gravel which it transports is increased sixty-four fold.[as] so frequent are the changes in the velocity of running water, that the stratification of its deposits is almost necessary and universal. if large fragments of rocks or boulders are found embedded in stratified clay, it is pretty surely a sign that they have been carried to their position by floating ice. a small mountain stream with great velocity may move a good-sized boulder, while the amazon, with its mighty but slow-moving current, would pass by it forever without stirring it from its position. but the vast area which is marked in our map as having been covered with ice during the glacial period is characterised by deep and extensive deposits of loose material devoid of stratification, and composed of soil and rock gathered in considerable part from other localities, and mixed in an indiscriminate mass with material which has originated in the disintegration of the underlying local strata. [footnote as: le conte's geology, p. .] [illustration: fig. .--scratched stone from the till of boston. natural size about one foot and a half long by ten inches wide. (from photograph.)] [illustration: fig. .--typical section of till in seattle. washington state, about two hundred feet above puget sound. this is on the height between the sound and lake washington.] [illustration: fig. .--ideal section, showing how the till overlies the stratified rocks.] [illustration: fig. .--vessel rock, a glacial boulder in gilsum. n. h. (c. h. hitchcock.)] . transported boulders. where there is a current of water deep enough to float large masses of ice, there is scarcely any limit to the size of boulders which may be transported upon them, or to the distance to which the boulders may be carried and dropped upon the bottom. the icebergs which break off from the glaciers of greenland may bear their burdens of rock far down into the atlantic, depositing them finally amidst the calcareous ooze and the fine sediment from the gulf stream which is slowly covering the area between northern america and europe. northern streams like the st. lawrence, which are deeply frozen over with ice in the winter, and are heavily flooded as the ice breaks up in the spring, afford opportunity for much transportation of boulders in the direction of their current. in attributing the transportation of a boulder to glacial ice, it is necessary, therefore, to examine the contour of the country, so as to eliminate from the problem the possibility of the effects having been produced by floating ice. another source of error against which one has to be on his guard arises from the close resemblance of boulders resulting from disintegration to those which have been transported by ice from distant places. owing to the fact that large masses of rocks, especially those which are crystalline, are seldom homogeneous in their structure, it results that, under the slow action of disintegrating and erosive agencies, the softer parts often are completely removed before the harder nodules are sensibly affected, and these may remain as a collection of boulders dotting the surface. such boulders are frequent in the granitic regions of north carolina and vicinity, where there has been no glacial transportation. several localities in pennsylvania, also, south of the line of glacial action as delineated by professor lewis and myself, had previously been supposed to contain transported boulders of large size, but on examination they proved in all cases to be resting upon undisturbed strata of the parent rock, and were evidently the harder portions of the rock left in loco by the processes of erosion spoken of. in new england, also, it is possible that some boulders heretofore attributed to ice-action may be simply the results of these processes of disintegration and erosion. whether they are or not can usually be determined by their likeness or unlikeness to the rocks on which they rest; but oftentimes, where a particular variety of rock is exposed over a broad area, it is difficult to tell whether a boulder has suffered any extensive transportation or not. one of the most interesting and satisfactory demonstrations of the distribution of boulders by glacial ice was furnished by guyot in switzerland in . his observations and argument will be most readily understood by reference to the accompanying map, taken from lyell's clear description.[at] the jura mountains are separated from the alps by a valley, about eighty miles in width, which constitutes the main habitable portion of switzerland, and they rise upwards of two thousand feet above it. but large alpine boulders are found as high as two thousand feet above the lake neufchâtel upon the flanks of the jura mountains beyond chasseron (at the point marked g on the map), and the whole valley is dotted with alpine boulders. upon comparing these with the native rocks in the alps, guyot in many cases was able to determine the exact centres from which they were distributed, and the distribution is such as to demonstrate that glacial ice was the medium of distribution. [footnote at: antiquity of man, p. .] [illustration: fig. .--map showing the outline and course of flow of the great rhône glacier (after lyell).] for example, the dotted lines upon the map indicate the motion of the transporting medium. on ascending the valley of the rhône to a, the diminutive representative of the ancient glacier is still found in existence, and is at work transporting boulders and moraines according to the law of ice-movement. following down the valley from a, boulders from the head of the rhône valley are found distributed as far as b at martigny, where the valley turns at right angles towards the north. it is evident that floating ice in a stream of water would by its momentum be carried to the left bank, so that if icebergs were the medium of transportation we should expect to find the boulders from the right-hand side of the rhône valley distributed towards the left end of the great valley of switzerland--that is, in the direction of geneva. but, instead, the boulders derived from c, d, and e, on the bernese oberland side, instead of crossing the valley at b, continue to keep on the right-hand side and are distributed over the main valley in the direction of the river aar. as is to be expected also, the direct northward motion of the ice from b is stronger than the lateral movement to the right and left after it emerges from the mouth of the rhône valley, at f, and consequently it has pushed forwards in a straight line, so as to raise the alpine boulders to a greater height upon the jura mountains at g than anywhere else, the upper limit of boulders at g being , feet higher than the limits at i or k on the left and right, points distant about one hundred miles from each other. all the boulders to the right of the line from b to g have been derived from the right side of the rhône, while all the boulders to the left of that line have been derived from its left side. a boulder of talcose granite containing , french cubic feet, measuring about forty feet in one direction, came, according to charpentier, from the point _n_, near the head of the rhône valley, and must have travelled one hundred and fifty miles to reach its present position. it scarcely needs to be added that the grooves and scratches upon the rocks over the floor of this great valley of switzerland indicate a direction of the ice-movement corresponding to that implied in the distribution of boulders. thus, at k upon the map referred to, lyell reports that the abundant grooves and striæ upon the polished marble all trend down the valley of the aar.[au] [footnote au: antiquity of man, p. .] similar facts concerning the transportation of boulders have been observed at trogen, in appenzel, where boulders derived from trons, one hundred miles distant, are found to keep upon the left bank of the rhine, however much the valley may wind about; and in some places, as at mayenfeld, it turns almost at right angles, as did the rhône at martigny. upon reaching the lower country at lake constance, these granite blocks from the left side of the valley deploy out upon the same side and do not cross over, as they would inevitably have done had they been borne along by currents of water. in america ave do not have quite so easy a field as is presented in switzerland for the discovery of crucial instances showing that boulders have been transported by glacial ice rather than by floating ice, for in switzerland the glaciated area is comparatively small and the diminutive remnants of former glaciers are still in existence, furnishing a comprehensive object-lesson of great interest and convincing power. still, it is not difficult to find decisive instances of glacial transportation even in the broad fields of america which now retain no living remnants of the great continental ice-sheet. as every one who resides in or who visits new england knows, boulders are scattered freely over all parts of that region, but for a long time the theory suggested to account for their distribution was that of floating ice during a period of submergence. one of the most convincing evidences that the boulders were distributed by glacial ice rather than by icebergs is found in professor c. h. hitchcock's discovery of boulders on the summit of mount washington (over , feet above the sea), which he was able to identify as derived from the ledges of light grey bethlehem gneiss, whose nearest outcrop is in jefferson, several miles to the northwest, and , or , feet lower than mount washington. however difficult it may be to explain the movement of these boulders by glacial ice, it is not impossible to do so, but the attempt to account for their transportation by floating ice is utterly preposterous. no iceberg could pick up boulders so far beneath the surface of the water, and even if it could advance thus far in its work it could not by any possibility land them afterwards upon the summit of mount washington. among the most impressive instances of boulders evidently transported by glacial ice, rather than by icebergs, were some which came to my notice when, in company with the late professor h. carvill lewis, i was tracing the glacial boundary across the state of pennsylvania. we had reached the elevated plateau (two thousand feet above the sea) which extends westwards and southwards from the peak of pocono mountain, in monroe county. this plateau consists of level strata of sandstone, the southern part of which is characterised by a thin sandy soil, such as is naturally formed by the disintegration of the underlying rock, and there is no foreign material to be found in it. but, on going northwards to the boundary of tobyhanna township, we at once struck a large line of accumulations, stretching from east to west, and rising to a height of seventy or eighty feet. this was chiefly an accumulation of transported boulders, resembling in its structure the terminal moraines which are found at the front of glaciers in the alps and in alaska, and indeed wherever active glaciers still remain. but here we were upon the summit of the mountain, where there are no higher levels to the north of us, down which the ice could flow. besides, among these boulders we readily recognised many of granite, which must have come either from the adirondack mountains, two hundred miles to the north, or from the canadian highlands, still farther away. limiting our observations simply to the boulders, we should indeed have been at liberty to suppose that they had been transported across the valley of the mohawk or of the great lakes by floating ice during a period of submergence. but we were forbidden to resort to this hypothesis by the abrupt marginal line, running east and west, upon pocono plateau, along which these northern boulders ceased. south of this evident terminal moraine there was no barrier, and there were no northern boulders. on the theory of submergence, there was no reason for the boundary-line so clearly manifested. ice which had floated so far would have floated farther. still further, on going a few miles east of the pocono plateau, one descends into a parallel valley, lying between pocono mountain and blue mountain, and one thousand feet below their level. but our marginal southern boundary of transported granite rocks did not extend much farther south in the valley than it did on the plateau, except where we could trace the action of a running stream, evidently corresponding to the subglacial rivers which pour forth from the front of every extensive glacier. in these facts, therefore, we had a crucial test of the glacial hypothesis, and, in view of them, could maintain, against all objectors, the theory of the distant glacial transportation of boulders, even over vast areas of the north american continent. since that experience, i have traced this limit of southern boulders for thousands of miles across the continent, according to the delineation which may be seen in the map in a later chapter. if necessary, i could indicate hundreds of places where the proof of glacial transportation is almost as clear as that on the pocono plateau in pennsylvania. one of the most interesting of these is on the hills in kentucky, about twelve miles south of the ohio river, at cincinnati, where i discovered boulders of a conglomerate containing many pebbles of red jasper, which can be identified as from a limited formation cropping out in canada, to the north of lake huron, six hundred or seven hundred miles distant. that this was transported by glacial ice, and not by floating ice, is evident from the fact that here, too, there was no barrier to the south, requiring deposits to cease at that point, and from the further fact that boulders of this material are found in increasing frequency all the way from kentucky to the parent ledges in canada. with reference to these boulders, as with reference to those found on the summit of mount washington, we can reason, also, that any northerly subsidence permitting a body of water to occupy the space between kentucky and lake superior, and deep enough to facilitate the movement across it of floating ice, would render it impossible for the ice to have loaded itself with them. [illustration: fig. .--conglomerate boulder found in boone county, kentucky. (see text.)] the same line of reasoning is conclusive respecting the innumerable boulders which cover the northern portion of ohio, where i have my residence. the whole state of ohio, and indeed almost the entire mississippi basin between the appalachian and the rocky mountains, is completely covered, and to a great depth, with stratified rocks which have been but slightly disturbed in the elevation of the continent; yet, down to an irregular border-line running east and west, granitic boulders everywhere occur in great numbers. in the locality spoken of in northern ohio the elevation of the country is from two hundred to five hundred feet above the level of lake erie. the nearest outcrops of granitic rock occur about four hundred miles to the north, in canada. after the meeting of the american association for the advancement of science in toronto in the summer of , i had the privilege of joining a company of geologists in an excursion, conducted by members of the canadian survey, to visit the region beyond lake nipissing, north of lake huron, where the ancient laurentian and huronian rocks are most typically developed. i took advantage of the trip to collect specimens of a great variety of the granites and gneisses and metamorphic schists and trap-rock of the region. on bringing them home i turned them over to the professor of geology, who at once set his class at work to see if they could match my fragments from canada with corresponding fragments from the boulders of the vicinity. to the great gratification, both of the pupils and myself, they were able to do so in almost every case; and so they might have done in any county or township to the south until reaching the limit of glacier action which i had previously mapped. here, at oberlin, on the north side of the water-shed, it is possible to imagine that we are on the southern border of an ancient lake upon whose bosom floating ice had brought these objects from their distant home in canada. but this theory would not apply to the portion of the state which is south of the water-shed and which slopes rapidly towards the gulf of mexico. yet the distribution of boulders is practically uniform over the glaciated area on both sides of the water-shed, constituting thus an indisputable proof of the glacial theory. th. as the significance of the gravel terraces which mark the lines of outward drainage from the glaciated area cannot well be indicated in a single paragraph, the reader is referred for further information upon this point to the general statements respecting them throughout the next chapter. chapter v. ancient glaciers in the western hemisphere. _new england._ in north america all the indubitable signs of glacial action are found over the entire area of new england, the southern coast being bordered by a double line of terminal moraines. the outermost of these appears in nantucket, martha's vineyard, no man's land, block island, and through the entire length of long island--from montauk point, through the centre of the island, to brooklyn, n. y., and thence across staten island to perth amboy in new jersey. the interior line is nearly parallel with the outer, and, beginning at the east end of cape cod, runs in a westerly direction to falmouth, and thence southwesterly through wood's holl, and the elizabeth islands--these being, indeed, but the unsubmerged portions of the moraine. on the mainland this interior line reappears near point judith, on the south shore of rhode island, and, running slightly south of west, serves to give character to the scenery at watch hill, and thence crops out in the sound as fisher and plum islands, and farther west forms the northern shore of long island to port jefferson. [illustration: map showing the glacial geology of the united states.] in these accumulations bordering the southern shore of new england, the characteristic marks of glacial action can readily be detected even by the casual observer, and prolonged examination will amply confirm the first impression. the material of which they are composed is, for the most part, foreign to the localities, and can be traced to outcrops of rock at the north. the boulders scattered over the surface of long island, for example, consist largely of granite, gneiss, hornblende, mica slate, and red sandstone, which are easily recognised as fragments from well-known quarries in connecticut, rhode island, and massachusetts; yet they have been transported bodily across long island sound, and deposited in a heterogeneous mass through the entire length of the island. not only do they lie upon the surface, but, in digging into the lines of hills which constitute the backbone of long island, these transported boulders are found often to make up a large part of the accumulation. almost any of the railroad excavations in the city of brooklyn present an interesting object-lesson respecting the composition of a terminal moraine. all these things are true also of the lines of moraine farther east, as just described. professor shaler has traced to its source a belt of boulders occurring extensively over southern rhode island, and found that they have spread out pretty evenly over a triangular area to the southward, in accordance with the natural course to be pursued by an ice-movement. nearly all of plymouth county, in southeastern massachusetts, is composed of foreign material, much of which can be traced to the hills and mountains to the north. even plymouth rock is a boulder from the direction of boston, and the "rock-bound" shores upon which the pilgrims are poetically conceived to have landed are known, in scientific prose, as piles of glacial rubbish dumped into the edge of the sea by the great continental ice-sheet. the whole area of southeastern massachusetts is dotted with conical knolls of sand, gravel, and boulders, separated by circular masses of peat or ponds of water, whose origin and arrangement can be accounted for only by the peculiar agency of a decaying ice-front. indeed, this whole line of moraines, from the end of cape cod to brooklyn, n. y., consists of a reticulated network of ridges and knolls, so deposited by the ice as to form innumerable kettle-holes which are filled with water where other conditions are favourable. those which are dry are so because of their elevation above the general level, and of the looseness of the surrounding soil; while many have been filled with a growth of peat, so that their original character as lakelets is disguised. as already described, these depressions, so characteristic of the glaciated region, are, in the majority of cases, supposed to have originated by the deposition of a great quantity of earthy material around and upon the masses of ice belonging to the receding front of the glacier, so that, when at length the ice melted away, a permanent depression in the soil was left, without any outlet. to some extent, however, the kettle-holes may have been formed by the irregular deposition of streams of water whose courses have crossed each other, or where eddies of considerable force have been produced in any way. the ordinary formation of kettle-holes can be observed in progress on the foot of almost any glacier, or, indeed, on a small scale, during the melting away of almost any winter's snow. where, from any cause, a stratum of dirt has accumulated upon a mass of compact snow or ice, it will be found to settle down in an irregular manner; furrows will be formed in various directions by currents of water, so that the melting will proceed irregularly, and produce upon a miniature scale exactly what i have seen on a large scale over whole square miles of the decaying foot of the great muir glacier in alaska. the effects of similar causes and conditions we can see on a most enormous scale in the ten thousand lakes and ponds and peat-bogs of the whole glaciated area both in north america and in europe. in addition to these two lines of evidence of glacial action in new england, we should mention also the innumerable glacial grooves and scratches upon the rocks which can be found on almost any freshly uncovered surface. in new england the direction of these grooves is ordinarily a little east of south. upon the east coast of massachusetts and new hampshire the scratches trend much more to the east than they do over most of the interior. this is as it should be on the glacial theory, since the ice would naturally move outwards in the line of least resistance, which would, of course, be towards the open sea wherever that is near. in the interior of new england the scratches upon the rocks indicate a more southerly movement in the connecticut valley than upon the mountains in the western part of massachusetts. this also is as it should be upon the glacial theory. the scratches upon the mountains were made when the ice was at its greatest depth and when it moved over the country in comparative disregard of minor irregularities of surface, while in the valleys, at least in the later portion of the ice age, the movement would be obstructed except in one direction. in the interpretation of the glacial grooves and scratches it should be borne in mind that they often represent the work done during the closing stages of the period. just as the last shove of the carpenter's plane removes the marks of the previous work, so the last rasping of a glacial movement wears away the surfaces which have been previously polished and striated. in various places of new england it is interesting as well as instructive to trace the direction of the ice-movement by the distribution of boulders. my own attention was early attracted to numerous fragments of gneiss in eastern massachusetts containing beautiful crystals of feldspar, which proved to be peculiar to the region of lake winnepesaukee, a hundred miles to the north, and to a narrow belt stretching thence to the southwestward. in ascending almost any of the lower summits of the white mountains one's attention can scarcely fail of being directed to the difference between the material of which the mountains are composed and that of the numerous boulders which lie scattered over the surface. the local geologist readily recognises these boulders as pilgrims that have wandered far from their homes to the northward. trains of boulders, such as those already described in rhode island, can frequently be traced to some prominent outcrop of the rock in a hill or mountain-peak from which they have been derived. one of the earliest of these to attract attention occurs in the towns of richmond, lenox, and stockbridge, in the western part of massachusetts. here a belt of peculiar boulders about four hundred feet wide is found to originate in the town of lebanon, n. y., and to run continuously to the southeast for a distance of nine miles. west of fry's hill, where the outcrop occurs, no boulders of this variety of rock are to be found, while to the southeast the boulders gradually diminish in size as their distance from the outcrop increases. near the outcrop boulders of thirty feet in diameter occur, while nine miles away two feet is the largest diameter observed. sir charles lyell endeavoured to explain this train of boulders by the action of icebergs during a period of submergence--supposing that, as icebergs floated past or away from this hill in lebanon, n. y., they were the means of the regular distribution described. it is needless to repeat the difficulties arising in connection with such a theory, since now both by observation and experiment we have become more familiar with the movement of glacial ice. what we have already said about the transportation of boulders over switzerland by the alpine glaciers, and what is open to observation at the present time upon the large glaciers of alaska, closely agree with the facts concerning this richmond train of boulders, and we have no occasion to look further for a cause. indeed, trains of boulders ought to appear almost everywhere over the glaciated area; and so they do where all the circumstances are favourable. but, readily to identify the train, requires that to furnish the boulders there should be in the line of the ice-movement a projecting mass of rock hard enough to offer considerable resistance to the abrading agency of the ice and characteristic enough in its composition to be readily recognised. ship rock, in peabody, mass., weighing about eleven hundred tons, and mohegan rock, in montville, conn., weighing about ten thousand tons, have ordinarily been pointed to as boulders illustrating the power of ice-action. their glacial character, however, has been challenged from the fact that the variety of granite to which they belong occurs in the neighbourhood, and indeed constitutes the bed-rock upon which they rest.[av] some would therefore consider them, like some of which we have already spoken, to be boulders which have originated through the disintegration of great masses of rock, of which these were harder nuclei that have longer resisted the ravages of the tooth of time. it must be admitted that possibly this explanation is correct; but it is scarcely probable that, in a region where there are so many other evidences of glacial action, these boulders could have remained immovable in presence of the onward progress of the ice-current that certainly passed over them. [footnote av: popular science monthly, vol. xxxvii, pp. - .] however, as already seen, we are not left to doubt as to the movement of some boulders of great size. that which now claims the reputation of being the largest in new england is in madison, n. h., and measures thirty by forty by seventy-five feet. this can be traced to ledges of conway granite, about two miles away.[aw] many boulders in the vicinity of new haven, conn., can be identified, as from well-known trap-dykes, sixteen miles or more to the north. the so-called judge's cave, on west rock, feet above the adjoining valley and weighing a thousand tons, is one of these. professor edward orton[ax] describes a mass of clinton limestone near freeport, warren county, ohio, as covering an area of three-fourths of an acre, and as sixteen feet in thickness. it overlies glacial clays and gravels, and must have been transported bodily from the elevations containing this rock several miles to the northwest. [footnote aw: see w. . crosby's paper in appalachia, vol. vi, pp. - .] [footnote ax: geological survey of ohio, vol. iii, p. ,] [illustration: fig. .--mohegan rock.] portions of new england present the best illustrations anywhere afforded in america of what are called "drumlins." these are "lenticular-shaped" hills, composed of till, and containing, interspersed through their mass, numerous scratched stones of all sizes. they vary in length from a few hundred feet to a mile, and are usually from half to two-thirds as wide as they are long. in height they vary from twenty-five to two hundred feet. but, according to the description of mr. upham, whatever may be their size and height, they are singularly alike in outline and form, usually having steep sides, with gently sloping, rounded tops, and presenting a very smooth and regular contour. from this resemblance in shape to an elliptical convex lens, professor hitchcock has called them lenticular hills to distinguish these deposits of till from the broadly flattened or undulating sheets which are common throughout new england. [illustration: fig. .--drumlins in goffstown, n. h. (hitchcock).] the trend, or direction of the longer axis, of these lenticular hills is nearly the same for all of them comprised within any limited area, and is approximately like the course of the striæ or glacial furrows marked upon the neighbouring ledges. in eastern massachusetts and new hampshire, within twenty-five miles of the coast, it is quite uniformly to the southeast, or east-southeast. farther inland, in both of these states, it is generally from north to south, or a few degrees east of south; while in the valley of the connecticut river it is frequently a little to the west of south. in new hampshire, besides its accumulation in these hills, the till is frequently amassed in slopes of similar lenticular form. these have their position almost invariably upon either the south or north side of the ledgy hills against which they rest, showing a considerable deflection towards the southeast and northwest in the east part of the state. it cannot be doubted that the trend of the lenticular hills, and the direction taken by these slopes, have been determined by the glacial current, which produced the striæ with which they are parallel.[ay] [footnote ay: proceedings of the boston society of natural history, vol. xx, pp. , .] drumlins are abundant in the vicinity of boston, and constitute nearly all the islands in boston harbour. on the mainland, beacon hill, bunker hill, green hill, powderhorn hill, tufts college hill, winter hill, mount ida, corey hill, parker hill, wollaston heights, prospect hill, and telegraph hill are specimens. the northeastern corner of massachusetts and the southeastern corner of new hampshire are largely covered with these peculiar-shaped glacial deposits, while they are numerous as far west as fitchburg, in massachusetts, and ware, n. h., and in the northeastern part of connecticut. a little later, also, we shall refer to an interesting line of them in central new york. elsewhere in america, except in a portion of wisconsin, they rarely occur in such fine development as in new england. in europe they are best developed in portions of ireland. one's first impression in examining an exposed section of a drumlin would lead him to think that the mass was entirely unstratified; but closer examination shows that there is a coarse stratification, but evidently not produced by water-action. the accumulation has probably taken place gradually by successive deposits underneath the glacier itself. professor william m. davis has suggested a plausible explanation which we will briefly state. [illustration: fig. .--drumlins in the vicinity of boston (davis).] the frequency with which drumlins are found to rest upon a mass of projecting rock, the general co-ordination of the direction of their axes with the direction of the scratches upon the underlying rock, and the abundance of scratched stones in them, all support the theory that drumlins are formed underneath the ice-sheet, somewhat in the way that islands and bars of silt are formed in the delta of a great river. the movement of ice seems to have been concentrated in pretty definite lines, often determined by the contour of the bottom, leaving a slacker movement in intervening areas, which were evidently protected in some cases by projecting masses of rock. in these areas of slower movement there was naturally an accumulation at the same time that there was vigorous erosion in the lines of more rapid movement. there was doubtless a continual transfer of material from the end of the drumlin which abutted against the moving mass of ice to the lower end, as there is in the formation of an island in a river. if time enough had elapsed, the whole accumulation would have been levelled by the glacier and spread over the broader area where the more rapid lines of movement became confluent, and where the differential motion was less marked. drumlins are thus characteristic of areas in the glaciated region whose floor was originally only moderately irregular, and where there was an excessive amount of ground-moraine to be transported, and where the movement did not continue indefinitely. it has been suggested, also, that some of the long belts of territory in new england and central new york covered by drumlins may represent old terminal moraines which were subsequently surmounted by a readvance of the ice, and partially wrought over into their present shape. it is in new england, also, that kames are to be found in better development than anywhere else in america. these interesting remnants of the glacial age are clearly described by mr. james geikie. his account will serve as well for new england as for scotland. the sands and gravels have a tendency to shape themselves into mounds and winding ridges, which give a hummocky and rapidly undulating outline to the ground. indeed, so characteristic is this appearance, that by it alone we are often able to mark out the boundaries of the deposits with as much precision as we could were all the vegetation and soil stripped away and the various subsoils laid bare. occasionally, ridges may be tracked continuously for several miles, running like great artificial ramparts across the country. these vary in breadth and height, some of the more conspicuous ones being upward of four or five hundred feet broad at the base, and sloping upward at an angle of twenty-five or even thirty-five degrees, to a height of sixty feet and more above the general surface of the ground. it is most common, however, to find mounds and ridges confusedly intermingled, crossing and recrossing each other at all angles, so as to enclose deep hollows and pits between. seen from some dominant point, such an assemblage of kames, as they are called, looks like a tumbled sea--the ground now swelling into long undulations, now rising suddenly into beautiful peaks and cones, and anon curving up in sharp ridges that often wheel suddenly round so as to enclose a lakelet of bright clear water.[az] [footnote az: the great ice age, pp. , .] [illustration: fig. .--section of kame near dover, new hampshire. length, three hundred feet; height, forty feet; base, about forty feet above the cocheco river, or seventy-five feet above the sea. _a_, _a_, gray clay; _b_, fine sand; _c_, _c_, coarse gravel containing pebbles from six inches to one foot and a half in diameter; _d_, _d_, fine gravel (upham).] [illustration: fig. .--kames in andover mass.] in new england attention was first directed to kames in , by president edward hitchcock, in a paper before the american association of geologists and naturalists, describing the gravel ridges in andover, mass. in the accompanying plate is shown a portion of this kame system, which has a double interest to me from the fact that it was while living upon the banks of the shawshin river, near where the kames and the river intersect, that i began, in , my special study of glacial deposits. the andover ridges are composed of imperfectly stratified water-worn material, and are very sharply defined, from the town of chelsea, back from the coast into new hampshire, for a distance of twenty-five miles. the base of the ridges does not maintain a uniform level, but the system descends into shallow valleys, and rises over elevations of one hundred to two hundred feet, without interruption. this indifference to slight changes of level is specially noticeable where the system crosses the merrimac river, just above the city of lawrence. it is also represented in the accompanying plate, where the base of the ridges in the immediate valley of the shawshin is fifty feet lower than the base of those a short distance to the north, at the points marked _a_, _b_, and _c_. the ridges here terminate at the surface in a sharp angle, and are above their base forty-one feet at _a_, forty-nine feet at _b_, and ninety-one feet at _c_. between _c_ and _b_ there is an extensive peat-swamp, filling the depression up to the level of an outlet through which the surplus water has found a passage. [illustration: fig. .--longitudinal kames near hingham, massachusetts. the parallel ridges of gravel in the foreground run nearly east and west, and coalesce at each end, near the edges of the picture, to form an elongated kettle-hole. the ridges from fifty to sixty feet in height. the kame-stream was here evidently emptying into the ocean a few miles to the east (bouvé).] several systems of kames approximately parallel to this have been traced out in massachusetts and new hampshire, while the remnants of a very extensive system are found in the connecticut valley above the massachusetts line. but they abound in greatest profusion in the state of maine, where professor george h. stone has plotted them with much care. the accompanying map gives only an imperfect representation of the ramifying systems which he has traced out, and of the extent to which they are independent of the present river-channels. one of the longest of these extends more than one hundred miles, crossing the penobscot river nearly opposite grand lake, and terminating in an extensive delta of gravel and sand in cherryfield, nearly north of mount desert. this is represented on our map by the shaded portion west of the machias river. locally these ridges are variously designated as "horsebacks," "hogbacks," or "whalebacks," but that in andover, mass., was for some reason called "indian ridge." nowhere else in the world are these ridges better developed than in new england, except it be in southern sweden, where they have long been known and carefully mapped. [illustration: fig. .--the kames of maine and southeastern new hampshire. (stone.)] the investigations of mr. w. . crosby upon the composition of till in eastern massachusetts is sufficiently important in its bearings upon the question of glacial erosion to merit notice at this point.[ba] the object of his investigations was to determine how much of the so-called ground moraine, or till, consisted of material disintegrated by mechanical action, and how much by chemical action. the "residuary clay," which has arisen from chemical decomposition, would properly be attributed to the disintegrating agencies of preglacial times, while the clay, which is strictly mechanical in its origin, remains to represent the true "grist" or "rock flour" of the glacial period. [footnote ba: proceedings of the boston society of natural history, vol. xxv ( ), pp. - .] the results of mr. crosby's investigations show that "not more than one-third of the _detritus_ composing the till of the boston basin was in existence before the ice age, and that the remaining two-thirds must be attributed to the mechanical action of the ice-sheet and its accompanying torrents of water. in other words, if we assume the average thickness of the drift as thirty feet, the amount of glacial erosion can scarcely fall below twenty feet. after scraping away the residuary clays and half-decomposed material, the ice-sheet has cut more than an equal depth into the solid rocks." mr. crosby's investigations also convinced him that the movement of the till, or ground moraine, underneath the ice was not _en masse_, but that "it must have experienced differential horizontal movements or flowing, in which, normally, every particle or fragment slipped or was squeezed forward with reference to those immediately below it, the velocity diminishing downward through the friction of the underlying ledges.... the glaciation was not limited to masses which were firmly caught between the ice and the solid ledges, and it was in every case essentially a slipping and not a rolling movement.... these differential horizontal movements mean that the till acted as a lubricant for the ice-sheet; and the clayey element, especially, co-operating in many cases with the pent-up subglacial waters, must have greatly facilitated the onward progress of the ice." he concludes, therefore, that the onward movement of the vast ice-sheet greatly exceeded that of the main part of the ground moraine, the ice-sheet slipping over the till, the whole being in some degree analogous to that of a great land-slip. "in both cases the progress of a somewhat yielding and mobile mass is facilitated by an underlying clayey layer saturated with water." _new york, new jersey, and pennsylvania._ west of new england the glacial phenomena over the northern part of the united states are equally marked all the way to the missouri river, and the boundary-line of the glaciated region can be traced with little difficulty. it emerges from new york bay on staten island and enters new jersey at perth amboy. a well-formed moraine covers the northern part of staten island, and upon the mainland marks the boundary from perth amboy, around through raritan, plainfield, chatham, morris, and hanover, to rockaway, and thence in a southwesterly direction to belvidere, on the delaware river. that portion of new jersey lying north of this serpentine line of moraine hills is characterised by the presence of transported boulders, by numerous lakes of evident glacial origin, and by every other sign of glacial action, while south of it all these peculiar characteristics are absent. the observant passenger upon the railroad trains between new york and philadelphia can easily recognise the moraine as it is passed through on the pennsylvania railroad at metuchen and on the bound brook railroad at plainfield. near drakestown, in morris county, there is a mass of blue limestone measuring, as exposed, thirty-six by thirty feet, and which was quarried for years before discovering that it was a boulder brought with other drift material from many miles to the northwest and lodged here a thousand feet above the sea. across pennsylvania the glacial boundary passes through northampton, monroe, luzerne, columbia, sullivan, lycoming, tioga, and potter counties, where it enters the state of new york, running still in a northwest direction through allegany and cattaraugus counties to the vicinity of salamanca. here it turns to the south nearly at a right angle, running southwestward to chautauqua county and re-entering pennsylvania in warren county, and thence passing onward in the same general direction through crawford, venango, mercer, butler, and lawrence counties to the ohio line in columbiana county, about ten miles north of the ohio river. the occurrence of a well-defined terminal moraine to mark the glacial boundary eastward from pennsylvania led professor lewis and myself, who made the survey of that state in , to be rather too sanguine in our expectations of finding an equally well-marked moraine everywhere along the southern margin of the glaciated area; still, the results are even more interesting than would have been the exact fulfilment of our expectations, since they more fully revealed to us the great complexity of effect which is capable of being brought about by ice-action. before proceeding farther with the details, therefore, it will be profitable at this point to pause in the narrative and briefly record a few generalisations that have forced themselves into prominence during the years in which field-work has been in progress. previous to our explorations in pennsylvania it had been thought that the indications of ice-action would extend much farther south in the valleys than on the mountains, and this indeed would have been the case if the glaciers in northern pennsylvania had been of local origin; but our experience very soon demonstrated that the great gathering-place of the snows which produced the glacial movement in northern pennsylvania could not have been local, but that over the northern part of that state there was distinct evidence of a continental movement of ice whose centre was far beyond the alleghanies. for example, we found that the evidences of direct glacial action extended farther south upon the hills and plateaus than they did in the narrow valleys, while everywhere on the very southern border of glacial indications we found boulders that had been brought from the granitic region of northern new york or central canada. in eastern pennsylvania we found indeed a terminal moraine more or less distinctly marking the southern border over the highlands. this was more specially true in northampton and monroe counties. in northampton county it was very interesting to see long lines of hills, a hundred or more feet in height and lying several hundred feet above the delaware river, composed entirely of glacial _débris_, much of which had been brought bodily over the sharp summit of the blue ridge, or kittatinny mountain, which rises as a continuous wall to the northwest and is everywhere several hundred feet higher than the moraine in northampton county. the summit of blue ridge, also, as far south as the glacial movement extended, shows evident signs of glacial abrasion, some hundreds of feet evidently having been removed by that means, leaving a well-defined shoulder, marking the limits of its southwestern border. resting upon the summit of the glaciated portion of the blue ridge, there are also numerous boulders of helderberg limestone, which must have been brought from ledges at least five hundred feet lower than the places upon which they now lie. in monroe county the terminal moraine marking there the extreme limit of the ice-movement is upon an extensive plateau of pocono sandstone, about eighteen hundred feet above sea-level, and five or six hundred feet lower than the crest of the alleghany mountains, a short distance to the north. the moraine hills are here well marked by the occurrence of circular lakelets and kettle-holes (such as have been described as characteristic of the shores and islands bordering the south of new england); by the occurrence of granitic boulders, which must have been brought from the adirondacks or canada; and by the various other indications referred to on a previous page. as already intimated, the instructive point in our observations is the fact that, between kittatinny mountain, in northampton county, and pocono plateau, in monroe county, there is a longitudinal depression, running northeast by southwest, parallel with the ranges of the mountain system, which is here about a thousand feet below the respective ridges on either side. this, therefore, is one of the places where we should have expected a considerable southern extension of the ice, if it had been largely due to local causes. now, while there is indeed a gradual southern trend down the flanks of the mountain, yet, upon reaching the axis of the valley, there appears at once a very marked change in the character of the deposit, and the influence of powerful streams of water becomes manifest, and it is evident, upon a slight inspection, that we have come upon a line of drainage which sustained a peculiar relation to the continental ice-sheet. from stroudsburg, near the delaware water-gap, to weissport, on the lehigh river, a distance of about thirty miles, the valley between the mountains is continuous, and the elevation at each end very nearly the same. but about half-way between the two places, near saylorsburg, there is a river-parting from which the water now runs on the one hand north to stroudsburg, and thence to the delaware river, and on the other hand south, through big and aquonchichola creeks, to the lehigh river. the river-parting is formed by a great accumulation of gravel, whose summit is about two hundred feet above the level of the valleys into which the creeks empty at either end; and there are numerous kettle-holes and lakelets in the vicinity, such as characterize the glacial region in general. in short, we are, without doubt, here on a well-marked terminal moraine much modified by strong water-action in a valley of glacial drainage. the gravel and boulders are all well water-worn, and the material is of various kinds, including granite boulders from the far north, such as characterise the terminal moraine on the highlands; but the pebbles are not scratched, and the gravel is more or less stratified. it is evident that we are here where a violent stream of water poured forth from that portion of the ice-front which filled this valley, and which found its only outlet in the direction of the lehigh river. the gravel can be traced in diminishing quantities to the southward, in accordance with this theory, while to the northward there extends a series of gravel ridges, or kames, such as we have shown naturally to owe their origin to the accumulations taking place in ice-channels formed near the front of a glacier as it slowly melts away. from similar occurrences of vast gravel accumulations in other valleys stretching southward from the glacial margin, we came to expect that, wherever there was an open, line of drainage from the glaciated region southward, the point of intersection between the glacial margin and the drainage valley would be marked by an excessive accumulation of water-worn gravel, diminishing in coarseness and abundance down the valleys in proportion to the distance from the glacial margin. for example, the delaware river emerges from the glaciated region at belvidere, and there are there vast accumulations of gravel rising a hundred or more feet above the present level of the river, while gravel terraces, diminishing in height, mark the river below to tide-water at trenton. the lehigh river leaves the glaciated region at hickory run, a few miles above mauch chunk, but the gorge is so steep that there was little opportunity either for the accumulation of gravel there or for its preservation. still, the transported gravel and boulders characteristic of the melting floods pouring forth from a glacier, are found lining the banks of the lehigh all along the lower portion of its course. in the susquehanna river we have a better example at beach haven, in luzerne county, where there are very extensive accumulations of gravel resting on the true glacial deposits of the valley, and extending down the river in terraces of regularly diminishing height for many miles, and merging into terraces of moderate elevation which line the susquehanna valley throughout the rest of its course. above beach haven the gravel deposits in the trough of the river valley are more irregular, and betray the modifying influence of the slowly decaying masses of ice which belonged to the enveloping continental glacier. westward from the north fork of the susquehanna, similar extensive accumulations of gravel occur at the intersection of fishing creek in columbia county, muncy, loyalsock, lycoming, and pine creeks in lycoming county, all tributary to the susquehanna river, and all evidently being channels through which the melting floods of the ice-sheet brought vast quantities of gravel down to the main stream. williamsport, on the west branch of the susquehanna, is built upon an extensive terrace containing much granitic material, brought down from the glaciated region by lycoming creek, when it was flooded with the waters melted from the continental ice-sheet which had here surmounted the alleghanies and invaded the valley of the susquehanna. analogous deposits of unusual amounts of gravel, occurring in streams flowing southward from the glaciated region, occur at great valley, little valley, and steamburg in cattaraugus county, new york, and at russelburg and garland in warren county, pennsylvania, also at titusville and franklin in venango county, and at wampum in lawrence county, of the same state. as a rule, professor lewis and myself found it more difficult to determine with accuracy the exact point to which the ice extended in the axis of these south-flowing valleys than we did upon the highlands upon either side; and, in looking for the positive indications of direct ice-action in these lines of drainage, we were almost always led up the valley to a considerable distance inside of the line. this arose from our inexperience in interpreting the phenomena, or rather from our inattention to the well-known determining facts in the problem. on further reflection it readily appeared that this was as it should be. the ice-front, instead of extending farther down in a narrow valley than on the adjoining highlands (where they are of only moderate elevation) ought not to extend so far, for the subglacial streams would not only wear away the ice of themselves, but would admit the air into the tunnels formed by them so as to melt the masses both from below and from above, and thus cause a recession of the front. if we had understood this principle at the beginning of our survey, it would have saved us much perplexity and trouble. a single further illustration of this point will help to an understanding of many references which will hereafter be made to the water deposits which accumulated in the lines of drainage running southward from the glaciated area. at warren, pa., conewango creek, which is the outlet from chautauqua lake, enters the alleghany river after flowing for a number of miles in a deep valley with moderate slopes. in ascending the creek from warren, the gravel terraces, which rise twenty-five or thirty feet above high-water mark, rapidly increase in breadth and height, and the pebbles become more and more coarse. after a certain distance the regular terraces begin to give place to irregular accumulations of gravel in ridges and knobs. in the lower portion of the valley no pebbles could be found which were scratched. up the valley a few miles pebbles were occasionally discovered which showed some slight indications of having been scratched, but which had been subjected to such an amount of abrasion by water-action as almost to erase the scratches. on reaching ackley's station, the stream is found to be cutting through a regular terminal moraine, extending across the valley and full of clearly marked glaciated stones. above this terminal moraine the terraces and gravel ridges which had characterised the valley below disappear, giving place to long stretches of level and swampy land, which had been subject to overflow. something similar to this so often appears, that there can be no question as to its meaning, which is, that during the farthest extent of the ice the front rested for a considerable period of time along the line marked by the terminal moraine. during this period there occurred both the accumulation of the moraine and of the gravel terraces in the valley below, due to the vast flow of water emerging from the ice-front, especially during the period when it was most rapidly melting away. upon the retreat of the ice, the moraine constituted a dam which has not yet been wholly worn away. for a while the water was so effectually ponded back by this as to form a lake, which has since become filled up with sediment and accumulations of peat. from this it is evident, also, that when the ice began to retreat, the retreat was so continuous and rapid that no parallel terminal moraines were formed for many miles. before leaving this section we will summarise the leading facts concerning the glacial phenomena north of pennsylvania and new jersey. from the observations of professor smock, it appears that, from the southern margin the ascent to the summit of the ice-sheet was pretty rapid; the depth one mile back from the margin being not much less than a thousand feet. "northward the angle of the slope diminished, and the glacier surface approximated to a great level plain. the distance between the high southwestern peaks of the catskills and pocono knob in pennsylvania is sixty miles. the difference in the elevation of the glacier could not have exceeded a thousand feet,"[bb] that is, the slope of the surface was about seventeen feet to the mile. [footnote bb: american journal of science, vol. cxxv, , p. _et seq._] professor dana estimates the thickness of the ice in southern connecticut to have been between fifteen hundred and two thousand feet. attempts to calculate the thickness of the ice farther north, except from actual discovery of glacial action on the summits of the mountains, are based upon uncertain data with reference to the slope necessary to secure glacial movement. in the alps the lowest mean slopes down which glaciers move are about two hundred and fifty feet to a mile; but in greenland, jensen found the slope of the frederickshaab glacier to be only seventy-five feet to the mile, while helland found that of the jakobshavn glacier to be only forty-five feet. it is doubtful if even that amount is necessary to secure a continental movement of ice, since, as already remarked, it is unsafe to draw inferences concerning the movements of large masses of ice from those of smaller masses in more constricted areas. we have seen, from the glacial deposits on the top of mount washington, that over the northern part of new england the ice was more than a mile in depth. we have no direct evidence of the depth of the stream which surrounded the adirondack mountains. nor, on the other hand, are we certain that the catskills were not completely enveloped in ice, though most observers, reasoning from negative evidence, have supposed that to be the case. but from the facts stated concerning the boulders along the glacial boundary in pennsylvania, it is certain that the ice was deep enough to surmount the ridge of the alleghanies where they are two thousand and more feet in height. at the least calculation the ice must have been five hundred feet thick, in order to secure the movement of which there is evidence across the appalachian range. supposing this to be the height of the ice above the sea on the crest of the alleghanies, and that the slope of the surface of the ice-sheet was as moderate as professor smock has estimated it (namely seventeen feet to the mile), the ice would be upwards of six thousand feet in thickness in the latitude of the adirondacks, which corresponds closely with the positive evidence ave have from the mountains in new england. a study of the map of new york will make it easy to understand the distribution of some interesting glacial marks over the state. the distance along the hudson from the glacial boundary in the vicinity of new york to the valley of the mohawk is about one hundred and sixty miles. prom the glacial boundary at salamanca, n. y., to the same valley, is not over eighty miles. it is easy to see, therefore, that when, in advancing, the ice moved southward past the adirondacks, the east end of the valley of the mohawk was reached and closed by the ice, while at the west end of lake ontario the ice-front was still in canada. thus the drainage, which naturally followed the course of the st. lawrence, would first be turned through the mohawk. afterwards, when the mohawk had been closed by ice, the vast amount of ponded water was compelled to seek a temporary outlet over the lower passages leading into the susquehanna or into the alleghany. a number of such passages exist. one can be traced along the line of the old canal from utica to binghamton, whose highest level is not far from eleven hundred feet. another lies in a valley leading south of cayuga lake, whose highest point, at wilseyville, is nine hundred and forty feet above tide. another leads south to the chemung river from seneca lake, whose highest point, at horseheads, is less than nine hundred feet above tide. the cols farther west are somewhat more elevated; the one at portage, leading from the genesee river into the canisteo, being upwards of thirteen hundred feet, and that of dayton, leading from cattaraugus creek into the conewango, being about the same. of other southern outlets farther west we will speak later on. fixing our minds now upon the region under consideration, in the southern part of the state of new york, we can readily see that a glacial lake must have existed in front of the ice while it was advancing, until it had reached the river-partings between the mohawk and the st. lawrence rivers on the north and the susquehanna and alleghany rivers on the south. after the ice had attained its maximum extension, and was in process of retreat, there would be a repetition of the phenomena, only they would occur in the reverse order. the glacial markings which we see are, of course, mainly those produced during the general retreat of the ice. the susquehanna river stretching out its arms--the chenango and chemung rivers--to the east and the west, evidently serves as a line of drainage for the vast glacial floods. these floods have left, along their courses, extensive elevated gravel terraces, with much material in them which is not local, but which has been washed out of the direct glacial deposits from the far north. the east-and-west line of the water-parting throughout the state is characterised by excessive accumulations of glaciated material, forming something like a terminal moraine, and is designated by president chamberlin as "the terminal moraine of the second glacial epoch," corresponding, as he thinks, to the interior line already described as characterising the south shore of new england. in the central part of new york the remarkable series of "finger lakes," tributary to lake ontario and emptying into it through the oswego and genesee rivers, all have a glacial origin. probably, however, they are not due in any great degree to glacial erosion, but they seem to occupy north-and-south valleys which had been largely formed by streams running towards the st. lawrence when there was, by some means (probably through the mohawk river), a much deeper outlet than now exists, but which has been filled up and obliterated by glacial _débris_. the ice-movement naturally centred itself more or less in these north-and-south valleys, and hence somewhat enlarged them, but probably did not deepen them. the ice, however, did prevent them from becoming filled with sediment, and on its final retreat gave place to water. between these lakes and lake ontario, also, and extending east and west nearly all the way from syracuse to rochester, there is a remarkable series of hills, from one hundred to two or three hundred feet in height, composed of glacial _débris_. but while the range extends east and west, the axis of the individual hills lies nearly north and south. these are probably remnants of a morainic accumulation which were made during a pause in the first advance of the ice, and were finally sculptured into their present shape by the onward movement of the ice. these are really "drumlins," similar to those already described in northeastern massachusetts and southeastern new hampshire. in the valley of central new york these have determined the lines of drainage of the "finger lakes," and formed dams across the natural outlets of nearly all of them. north of the state of new york the innumerable lakes in canada are all of glacial origin, being mostly due to depressions of the nature of kettle-holes, or to the damming up of old outlets by glacial deposits. a pretty well-marked line of moraine hills, formed probably as terminal deposits in the later stages of the ice age, runs from near the eastern end of lake ontario to the georgian bay, passing south of lake simcoe. _the mississippi basin._ the physical geography of the glaciated region north of the ohio river is so much simpler than that of new england and the middle states, that its characteristics can be briefly stated. ohio, indiana, and illinois are covered with nearly parallel strata of rock mostly of the carboniferous age. in general, the surface slopes gently to the west; the average elevation of ohio being about a thousand feet above tide, while that of the great lakes to the north and of the middle portion of the mississippi valley is less than six hundred feet. the glacial deposits are spread in a pretty even sheet over the area which was reached by the ice in these states, and the lines of moraine, of which a dozen or more have been partially traced in receding order, are much less clearly marked than they are in new england, or in michigan, and the states farther to the northwest. the line marking the southern limit attained by the ice of the glacial period in these three states is as follows: entering ohio in columbiana county, about ten miles north of the ohio river, the glacial boundary runs westward through new lisbon to canton in stark county, and thence to millersburg in holmes county. a few miles west of this place it turns abruptly south, passing through danville in knox county, newark in licking county, lancaster in fairfield county, to adelphi in ross county. thence bearing more westward it passes through chillicothe to southeastern highland county and northwestern adams, reaching the ohio river near ripley, in clermont county. thence, following the north bank of the ohio river to cincinnati, it crosses the river, and after extending through the northern part of boone county, kentucky, and recrossing the river to indiana, not far from rising sun, it again follows approximately the north bank of the river to within about ten miles of louisville, ky., where it bends northward running through clarke, scott, jackson, bartholomew, and brown counties to martinsville, in morgan county, where it turns again west and south and follows approximately the west branch of the white river through owen, greene, and knox counties, where it crosses the main stream of white river, and, continuing through gibson and posey counties, crosses the wabash river near new harmony. in illinois the line still continues southwesterly through white, gallatin, saline, and williamson counties, where it reaches its southern limit near carbondale, in latitude ° ', and from this point trends northwestward, approximately following the northeastern bluff of the mississippi river, to the vicinity of carondelet, mo., a short distance south of st. louis. beyond the mississippi the line follows approximately the course of the missouri river across missouri, and continues westward to the vicinity of manhattan, in kansas, where it turns northward, keeping about a hundred miles west of the missouri river, through eastern kansas and nebraska, and striking the river near the mouth of the niobrara, in south dakota. from there the line follows approximately the course of the missouri river to the vicinity of fort benton, in northwestern montana, where the line again bears more northward, running into british america. it is still in dispute whether the ice extended from the eastern centre far enough west to join the ice-movement from the rocky mountain plateau. dr. george m. dawson[bc] is of the opinion that it did not, but that there was a belt of a hundred miles or more, east of the rocky mountains, which was never covered by true glacial ice. mr. upham[bd] is equally confident that the two ice-movements became confluent, and united upon the western plateau of manitoba. the opportunity for such a difference of opinion arises in the difficulty sometimes encountered of distinguishing between a direct glacial deposit and a deposit taking place in water containing boulder-laden icebergs. where mr. upham supposes the ice-fields of the east and of the west to have been confluent in western manitoba, dr. dawson supposes there was an extensive subsidence of the land sufficient to admit the waters of the ocean. leaving this question for the present undetermined, we will now rapidly summarise the glacial phenomena west of the third meridian from washington (which corresponds nearly with the western boundary of pennsylvania), and east of the rocky mountains. [footnote bc: transactions of the royal society of canada, vol. viii, sec. iv, pp. - .] [footnote bd: american geologist, vol. vi, september, ; bulletin of the geological society of america, vol. ii, pp. - .] that the glacial movement extended to the southern boundary just delineated is established by the presence down to that line of all the signs of glacial action, and their absence beyond. glacial groovings are found upon the freshly uncovered rock surfaces at frequent intervals in close proximity to the line all along its course, while granitic boulders from the far north are scattered, with more or less regularity, over the whole intervening space between this line and the canadian highlands. i have already referred to a boulder of jasper conglomerate found in boone county, kentucky, which must have come from unique outcroppings of this rock north of lake huron. granitic boulders from the lake superior region are also found in great abundance at the extreme margin mentioned in southern illinois. west of the missouri river it is somewhat more difficult to delineate the boundary with accuracy, on account of an enveloping deposit of fine loam, technically called "loess." loess is very abundant in the whole valley of the missouri river below yankton, south dakota, being for a long distance in the vicinity of the river a hundred feet or more in depth. over northern missouri and southern illinois the deposit is nearly continuous, but less in depth, and everywhere in that region tends to hide from view the unstratified glacial deposit continuously underlying it. a single instance of personal experience will illustrate the condition of things. while going south from chicago, in search of the southern limit of glacial action, i stopped off from the train at du quoin, about forty miles north of where i subsequently found the boundary. here the whole surface was covered with loess, two or three feet in depth. below this was a gravelly soil, three or four feet in thickness, which contained many scratched pebbles of granite. a well which had recently been dug, reached the rock at a depth of twenty feet, and revealed a beautifully polished and scratched surface, betraying, beyond question, the action of glacial ice. as we shall show a little later, it is probable that, about the time the ice of the glacial period had reached its maximum development, this area, which is covered with loess, was depressed in level, and remained under water during a considerable portion of the period when the ice-front was retreating. [illustration: fig. .--western face of the kettle-moraine, near eagle, waukesha county, wisconsin. (from a photograph by president t. c. chamberlain, united states geological survey.)] to such an extent is this portion of the area included in southern iowa, northern missouri, southern illinois, and the extreme southern portions of indiana and ohio covered with loess, that it has been difficult to determine the relation of its underlying glacial deposits to the more irregular deposits found farther north. at an early period of recent investigations, while making a geological survey of the state of wisconsin, president t. c. chamberlin fixed upon the line of moraine hills, which can be seen upon our map, running southward between green bay and lake michigan, and sweeping around in a curve to the right, passing south of madison and northward along the line of wisconsin river, and in another curve to the left, around the southern end of lake michigan, as the "terminal moraine of the second glacial epoch." in wisconsin the character of this line of moraine hills had been discovered and described by colonel charles whittlesey, in . it was first named the "kettle-moraine," because of the frequent occurrence in it of "kettle-holes." this line of moraine hills has been traced with a great degree of confidence across the entire glaciated area, as shown upon our map, but it is not everywhere equally distinct, and, as will be observed, follows a very irregular course. beginning in ohio we find it coinciding nearly with the extreme glacial boundary until it reaches the valley of the scioto river, on the sixth meridian west from washington, where it begins to bear northward and continues in that direction for a distance of sixty or seventy miles, and then turns southward again in the valley of the miami, having formed between these two valleys a sort of medial moraine.[be] a similar medial moraine had also been noted by president chamberlin between the valleys of the grand and cuyahoga rivers, in the eastern part of ohio. indeed, for the whole distance across ohio and indiana, this moraine occurs in a series of loops pointing to the south, corresponding in general to the five gentle valleys which mark the territory, namely, those of the grand and mahoning rivers; the sandusky and scioto rivers; the great miami river; the white river; and the maumee and wabash rivers. everywhere, however, over this area these morainic accumulations approximate pretty closely to the extreme boundary of the glaciated region. [footnote be: see map at the beginning of the chapter.] in illinois president chamberlin's original determination of the moraine fixed it near the southern end of lake michigan, as shown upon our map, but mr. frank leverett has subsequently demonstrated that there is a concentric series of moraines south of this, reaching across the state, (but somewhat obscured by superficial accumulations of loess referred to) and extending nearly to the latitude of st. louis. west of wisconsin president chamberlin's "terminal moraine of the second glacial epoch" bends southward through eastern minnesota, and, sweeping down through central iowa, forms, near the middle of the northern part of that state, a loop, having its southern extremity in the vicinity of des moines. the western arm of this loop runs through minnesota in a northwesterly direction nearly parallel with the upper portion of the valley of the minnesota, until reaching the latitude of the head-waters of that river, where, in the vicinity of the sisseton agency, in dakota, it turns to the south by an acute angle, and makes a loop in that state, extending to the vicinity of yankton, and with the valley of the james river as its axis. the western arm of this loop follows pretty closely the line of the eastern edge of the trough of the missouri river, constituting what is called the "missouri coteau," which continues on as a well-marked line of hills running in a northwesterly direction far up into the dominion of canada. one of the most puzzling glacial phenomena in the mississippi valley is the driftless area which occupies the southeastern portion of minnesota, the southwestern part of wisconsin, and the northwestern corner of iowa, as delineated upon our map. this is an area which, while being surrounded on every side by all the characteristic marks of glaciation, is itself conspicuous for their entire absence. its rocks preserve no glacial scratches and are covered by no deposits of till, while northern boulders avoided it in their journey to more southern latitudes. the reason for all this is not evident in the topography of the region. the land is not higher than that to the north of it, nor is there any manifest protection to it by the highlands south of lake superior. nor yet is there any reason to suppose that any extensive changes of level in former times seriously affected its relations to the surrounding country. professor dana, however, has called attention to the fact that even now it is in a region of comparatively light precipitation, suggesting that the snow-fall over it may always have been insignificant in amount. but this could scarcely account for the failure of the great ice-wave of the north to overrun it. we are indebted again to the sagacity of president chamberlin in suggesting the true explanation. by referring to the map it will be noticed that this area sustains a peculiar relation to the troughs of lake michigan and lake superior, while from the arrangements of the moraines in front of these lakes it will be seen that these lake basins were prominent factors in determining the direction of the movement of the surplus ice from the north. it is the more natural that they should do so because of their great depth, their bottoms being in both cases several hundred feet below the present water-level, reaching even below the level of the sea. these broad, deep channels seem to have furnished the readiest outlet for the surplus ice of the north, and so to have carried both currents of ice beyond this driftless area before they became again confluent. the slight elevation south of lake superior served to protect the area on account of the feebleness of direct movement made possible by the strength of these diverging lateral ice-currents. the phenomenon is almost exactly what occurs where a slight obstruction in a river causes an eddy and preserves a low portion of land below it from submergence. a glance at the map will make it easily credible that an ice-movement south of manitoba, becoming confluent with one from lake superior, pushed far down into the missouri valley and spread eastward to the mississippi river, south of the unglaciated driftless area, and there became confluent with a similar movement which had been directed by the valleys of lake michigan and lake erie. there can be little doubt that president chamberlin's explanation is in the main correct, and we have in this another illustration of the analogy between the behaviour of moving ice and that of moving water. [illustration: fig. .--section of the east-and-west glacial furrows, on kelly's island, preserved by mr. younglove. fine sediment rests immediately on the rock, with washed pebbles at the surface.] the accompanying illustrations will give a better idea than words can do of the celebrated glacial grooves on the hard limestone islands near sandusky, in the western part of lake erie. through the interest aroused in them by an excursion of the american association for the advancement of science, while meeting in cleveland, ohio, in , the kelly island lime and transport company, of which mr. m. c. younglove is the president, has been induced to deed to the western reserve historical society for preservation a portion of one of the most remarkable of the grooves still remaining. the portion of the groove preserved is thirty-three feet across, and the depth of the cut in the rock is seventeen feet below the line, extending from rim to rim. originally there was probably here a small depression formed by preglacial water erosion, into which the ice crowded the material, which became its graving-tool, and so the rasping and polishing went on in increasing degree until this enormous furrow is the result. the groove, however, is by no means simple, but presents a series of corrugations merging into each other by beautiful curves. when exposed for a considerable length it will resemble nothing else so much as a collection of prostrate corinthian columns lying side by side on a concave surface. the direction of these grooves is a little south of west, corresponding to that of the axis of the lake. this is nearly at right angles to the course of the ice-scratches on the summit of the water-shed south of this, between the lake and the ohio river. the reason for this change of direction can readily be seen by a little attention to the physical geography. the highlands to the south of the lake rise about seven hundred feet above it. when the ice period was at its climax and overran these highlands, the ice took its natural course at right angles to the terminal moraine and flowed southeast according to the direction indicated by the scratches on the summit; but when the supply of ice was not sufficient to overrun the highlands, the obstruction in front turned the course and the resultant was a motion towards toledo and the maumee valley, where in the vicinity of fort wayne an extensive terminal moraine was formed. [illustration: fig. .--same as the preceding. (courtesy of m. c. younglove.)] the much-mooted question of a succession of glacial epochs finds the most of its supporting facts in the portion of the glaciated area lying west of pennsylvania. that there have been frequent oscillations of the glacial front over this area is certain. but it is a question whether the glacial deposits south of this distinct line of moraine hills are so different from those to the north of it as to necessitate the supposition of two entirely distinct glacial epochs. this can be considered most profitably here. the following are among the points with reference to which the phenomena south of the moraine just delineated differ from those north of the line: . the glacial deposits to the south appear to be distributed more uniformly than those to the north. to the north the drift is often accumulated in hills, and is dotted over with kettle-holes, while to the south these are pretty generally absent. any one travelling upon a line of railroad which traverses these two portions of the glaciated area as indicated upon our map can easily verify these statements. . the amount of glacial erosion seems to be much less south of the line of moraine hills delineated than north of them. still, glacial striæ are found, almost everywhere, close down to the extreme margin of the glaciated area. . the gravel deposits connected with the drainage of the glacial period are much less abundant south of the so-called "terminal moraine of the second glacial period" than they are north of it. south of this moraine the water deposits attributed to the glacial period are of such fine silt as to indicate slow-moving currents over a gentle low slope of the surface. . the glacial deposits to the south are more deeply coloured than those to the north, showing that they have been longer exposed to oxidising agencies. even the granitic boulders show the marks of greater age south of this line, being disintegrated to a greater extent than those to the north. . and, finally, there occur, over a wide belt bordering the so-called moraine hills of the second glacial epoch, extensive intercalated beds of vegetal deposits. among the earliest of these to be discovered were those of montgomery county, ohio, where, in , professor orton, of the ohio survey, found at germantown a deposit of peat fourteen feet thick underneath ninety-five feet of till, and there seem also to be glacial deposits underneath the peat as well as over it. the upper portion of the peat contains "much undecomposed sphagnous mosses, grasses, and sedges, and both the peat and the clayey till above it" contain many fragments of coniferous wood which can be identified as red cedar (_juniperus virginianus_). in numerous other places in that portion of ohio fresh-appearing logs, branches, and twigs of wood are found underneath the till, or mingled with it, much as boulders are. near darrtown, in butler county, ohio, red cedar logs were found under a covering of sixty-five feet of till, and so fresh that the perfume of the wood is apparently as strong as ever. similar facts occur in several other counties in the glaciated area of southern ohio and southern indiana. professor collett reports that all over southwestern indiana peat, muck, rotted stumps, branches, and leaves of trees are found from sixty to one hundred and twenty feet below the surface, and that these accumulations sometimes occur to a thickness of from two to twenty feet. [illustration: fig. .--section of till near germantown, ohio, overlying thick bed of peat. the man in the picture stands upon a shelf of peat from which the till has been eroded by the stream. the dark spot at the right hand of the picture, just above the water, is an exposure of the peat. the thickness of the till is ninety-five feet. the partial stratification spoken of in the text can be seen about the middle of the picture. the furrows up and down had been made by recent rains. (united states geological survey.) (wright.)] farther to the northwest similar phenomena occur. professor n. h. winchell has described them most particularly in fillmore and mower counties, minnesota, from which they extend through a considerable portion of iowa. in the above counties of minnesota a stratum of peat from eighteen inches to six or eight feet in thickness, with much wood, is pretty uniformly encountered in digging wells, the depth varying from twenty to fifty feet. this county is near the highest divide in the state of minnesota, and from it "flow the sources of the streams to the north, south, and east." the wood encountered in this stratum indicates the prevalence f coniferous trees, and the peat mosses indicate a cool and moist climate. nor are intercalated vegetable deposits absent from the vast region farther north over the area that drains into hudson bay. at barnesville, in clay county, minnesota, which lies in the valley of the red river of the north, and also in wilkin county in the same valley, tamarack wood and sandy black mud containing many snail-shells have been found from eight to twelve feet below a surface of till; and dr. robert bell reports the occurrence of limited deposits of lignite between layers of till, far to the northwest, in canada, and even upon the southern part of hudson bay; while mr. j. b. tyrrell reports[bf] many indications of successive periods of glaciation near the northern end of the duck mountain. the most characteristic indications which he had witnessed consisted of stratified beds of silt, containing fresh-water shells, with fragments of plants and fish similar to those living in the lakes of the region at the present time. [footnote bf: bulletin of the geological society of america, vol. i, pp. - .] reviewing these facts with reference to their bearing upon the point under consideration, we grant, at the outset, that they do indicate a successive retreat and readvance of the ice over extensive areas. this is specially clear with respect to the vegetal deposits interstratified with beds of glacial origin. but the question at issue concerning the interpretation of these phenomena is, do they necessarily indicate absolutely distinct glacial epochs separated by a period in which the ice had wholly disappeared from the glaciated area to the north? that they do, is maintained by president chamberlin and many others who have wide acquaintance with the facts. that they do not certainly indicate a complete disappearance of the ice during an extensive interglacial epoch, is capable, however, of being maintained, without forfeiting one's rights to the respect of his fellow-geologists. the opposite theory is thus stated by dr. robert bell: "it appears as if all the phenomena might be referred to one general glacial period, which was long continued, and consequently accompanied by varying conditions of temperature, regional oscillations of the surface, and changes in the distributions of sea and land, and in the currents in the ocean. these changes would necessarily give rise to local variations in the climate, and might permit of vegetation for a time in regions which need not have been far removed from extensive glaciers."[bg] [footnote bg: bulletin of the geological society of america, vol. i, pp. - .] at my request, professor j. e. todd, of iowa, whose acquaintance with the region is extensive, has kindly written out for me his conclusions upon this subject, which i am permitted to give in his own words: "i am not prepared to write as i would like concerning the forest-beds and old soils. i will, however, offer the following as a partial report. i have come to think that there is considerable confusion on the subject. i believe there are five or six different things classed under one head. " . _recent much and soils._--the finest example i have found in the whole missouri valley was twenty feet below silt and clay, in a basin inside the outer moraine, near grand view, south dakota. from my examination of the reported old soil near albia, iowa, i think the most rational way of reconciling the conflicting statements concerning it is that it also belongs to this class. " . _peat or soil under loess._--this does not signify much if the loess was formed in a lake subject to orographic oscillations, or if, as i am coming to believe, it is a fluviatile deposit of an oscillating river like the hoang-ho on the great chinese plain. it at least does not mean an interglacial epoch. " . _wood and dirt rearranged, not in situ._--this occurs either in subaqueous or in subglacial deposits. i have found drift-wood in the lower layers of the loess here, but not _in situ_. i have frequently found traces of wood in till in dakota, but always in an isolated way. i think, from reading statements about the deposits in eastern iowa, that most if not all of the cases are of this sort. two things have conspired to lead to this error: one, the influence of croll's speculation; and the other, the easy inference of many well-diggers, and especially well-borers, that what they pass through are always in layers. in this way a log becomes a forest-bed. scattered logs and muck fragments occurring frequently in a region, though at different levels, are readily imagined by an amateur geologist to be one continuous stratum antedating the glacier or floods (as the case may be in that particular region), when, in fact, it has been washed down from the margin of the transporting agent and is contemporaneous with it. i suspect the prevalence of wood in eastern iowa may be traced to a depression of the driftless region during the advance of the glacier, so as to bring the western side of that area more into the grasp of glacial agencies. " . _peat between subglacial tills._--if cases of this sort are found, they are in illinois, indiana, and ohio. professor worthen insisted that there were no interglacial soils or forest-beds in illinois; and in the cases mentioned in the state reports he repeatedly explains the sections given by his assistants, so as to harmonize them with that statement. i think he usually makes his explanations plausible. he was very confident in referring most of them, to preglacial times. his views, i suppose, will be published in the long-delayed volume, now about to be issued. " . _vegetable matter between glacial till and underlying berg till or other drift deposits._--when one remembers that the front of the great ice-sheet may have been as long in reaching its southern boundary as in receding from it, and with as many advance and retrograde movements, we can easily believe that much drift material would have outrun the ice and have formed deposits so far ahead of it that vegetation would have grown before the ice arrived to bury it. " . _preglacial soils, etc._--i believe that this will be found to include most in southern ohio, if not in illinois, as worthen claimed." the phenomena of the glacial period are too vast either to have appeared or to have disappeared suddenly. by whatever cause the great accumulation of ice was produced, the advance to the southward must have been slow and its disappearance must have been gradual, though, as we shall show a little later, the final retreat of the ice-front occupied but a short time relatively to the whole period which has elapsed since. as we shall show also, the advent of the ice period was probably preceded and accompanied by a considerable elevation of the northern part of the continent whether this elevation was contemporaneous upon both sides of the continent is perhaps an open question; but with reference to the area east of the rocky mountains, which is now under consideration, the centre of elevation was somewhere south of hudson bay. putting together what we know, from the nature of the case, concerning the accumulation and movement of glacial ice, and what we know from the relics of the great glacial invasion, which have enabled us to determine its extent and the vigour of its action, the course of events seems to have been about as follows: throughout the tertiary period a warm climate had prevailed over british america, greenland, and indeed over all the lands in proximity to the north pole, so far as explorers have been able to penetrate them. the vegetation characterizing these regions during the tertiary period indicates a temperature about like that which now prevails in north carolina and virginia. whatever may be said in support of the theory that the glacial period was produced by astronomical causes, in view of present facts those causes cannot be regarded as predominant; at most they were only co-operative. the predominant cause of the glacial period was probably a late tertiary or post-tertiary elevation of the northern part of the continents, accompanied with a subsidence in the central portion. of such a subsidence in the isthmus of panama indications are thought to be afforded by the occurrence of late tertiary or, more probably, post-tertiary sea-shells at a considerable elevation on the divide along the isthmus of panama, between the atlantic and pacific oceans. of this we shall speak more fully in a later chapter. fixing our thoughts upon what is known as the laurentian plateau, which, though now in the neighbourhood of but two thousand feet above the sea, was then much higher, we can easily depict in imagination the beginnings of the great "laurentide glacier," which eventually extended to the margin already delineated on the south and southwest in the united states, and spread northward and eastward over an undetermined area. year after year and century after century the accumulating snows over this elevated region consolidated into glacial ice and slowly pushed outward the surplus reservoirs of cold. for a long time this process of ice-accumulation may have been accompanied by the continued elevation of the land, which, together with the natural effect of the enlarging area of ice and snow, would tend to lower the temperature around the margin and to increase still more the central area of accumulation. the vigour of movement in any direction was determined partly by the shape of the valleys opening southward in which the ice-streams would naturally concentrate, and partly by those meteorological conditions which determine the extent of snow-fall over the local centres of glacial dispersion. for example, the general map of north america in the ice period indicates that there were two marked subcentres of dispersion for the great laurentide glacier, the eastern one being in labrador and the western one north of lake superior. in a general way the southern boundary of the glaciated region in the united states presents the appearance of portions of two circumferences of circles intersecting each other near the eastern end of lake erie. these circles, i am inclined to believe, represent the areas over which a semi-fluid (or a substance like ice, which flows like a semi-fluid) would disperse itself from the subcentres above mentioned. a study of the contour of the country shows that that also, in a general way, probably had something to do with the lines of dispersion. the western lobe of this glaciated area corresponds in its boundary pretty closely with the mississippi valley, having the ohio river approximately as its eastern arm and the missouri as its western, with the mississippi river nearly in its north and south axis. the eastern lobe has its farthest extension in the axis of the champlain and hudson river valleys, its western boundary being thrown more and more northward as the line proceeds to the west over the alleghany mountains until reaching the longitude of the eastern end of lake erie; but this southern boundary is by no means a water-level, nor is the contour of the country such that it could ever have been a water-level. but it conforms in nearly every particular to what would be the resultant arising from a pretty general southward flow of a semi-fluid from the two subcentres mentioned, meeting with the obstructions of the adirondacks in northern new york and of the broader appalachian uplift in northern pennsylvania. how far south the area of glacial accumulation may have extended cannot be definitely ascertained, but doubtless at an early period of the great ice age the northern portions of the appalachian range in new york, new england, new brunswick, and nova scotia became themselves centres of dispersion, while only at the height of the period did all their glaciers become confluent, so that there was one continuous ice-sheet. in the western portion of the area covered by the laurentide glacier, the depression occupied by the great lakes, especially lakes michigan and superior, evidently had a marked influence in directing the flow of ice during the stages which were midway between the culmination of the ice period and both its beginning and its end. this would follow from the great depth of these lakes, the bottom of lake michigan being feet below sea-level, and that of lake superior feet, making a total depth of water of about and , feet respectively. into these oblong depressions the ice would naturally gravitate until they were filled, and they would become the natural channels of subsequent movement in the direction of their longest diameters, while the great thickness of ice in them would make them the conservative centres of glacial accumulation and action after the ice had begun to retreat. these deductions from the known nature of ice and the known topography of the region are amply sustained by a study of the detailed map showing the glacial geology in the united states. but on this we can represent indeed only the marks left by the ice at various stages of its retreat, since, as already remarked, the marks of each stage of earlier advance would be obliterated by later forward movements. we may presume, however, that in general the marks left by the retreating ice correspond closely with those actually made and obliterated by the advancing movement. from observations upon the glaciers of switzerland and of alaska, it is found that neither the advance nor the retreat of these glaciers is constant, but that, in obedience to meteorologic agencies not fully understood, they advance and retreat in alternate periods, at one time receding for a considerable distance, and at other times regaining the lost ground and advancing over the area which has been uncovered by their retreat. "m. forel reports, from the data which he has collected with much care, that there have been in this century five periods in the alpine glaciers: of enlargement, from (?) to ; of diminution, from to ; of enlargement, from to ; of diminution, from to ; and of enlargement again, from onward. he remarks further that these periods correspond with those deduced by mr. c. lang for the variations for the precipitations and temperature of the air; and, consequently, that the enlargement of the glaciers has gone forward in the cold and rainy period, and the diminution in the warm and the dry."[bh] [footnote bh: american journal of science, vol. cxxxii, , p. .] when, now, we attentively consider the combination of causes necessary to produce the climatic conditions of the great ice age of north america, we shall be prepared to find far more extensive variations in the progress of the continental glacier, both during its advance and during its retreat, than are to be observed in any existing local glaciers. with respect to the arguments adduced in favor of a succession of glacial epochs in america the following criticisms are pertinent: . so far as we can estimate, a temporary retreat of the front, lasting a few centuries, would be sufficient to account for the vegetable accumulations that are found buried beneath the glacial deposits in southern ohio, indiana, central illinois, and iowa, while a temporary readvance of the ice would be sufficient to bury the vegetable remains beneath a freshly accumulated mass of till. thus, as dr. bell suggested, the interglacial vegetal deposits do not necessarily indicate anything more than a temporary oscillation of the ice-front, and do not carry with them the necessity of supposing a disappearance of the ice from the whole glaciated area. thus the introduction of a whole glacial period to account for such limited phenomena is a violation of the well-known law of parsimony, which requires us in our explanations of phenomena to be content with the least cause which is sufficient to produce them. in the present instance a series of comparatively slight oscillations of the ice-front during a single glacial period would seem to be sufficient to account for all the buried forests and masses of vegetal _débris_ that occur either in the united states or in the dominion of canada. . another argument for the existence of two absolutely distinct glacial periods in north america has been drawn from the greater oxidation of the clays and the more extensive disintegration of certain classes of the boulders found over the southern part of the glaciated area of the mississippi valley, than has taken place in the more northerly regions. without questioning this statement of fact (which, however, i believe to be somewhat exaggerated), it is not difficult to see that the effects probably are just what would result from a single long glacial period brought about by such causes as we have seen to be probably in operation in america. for if one reflects upon the conditions existing when the glacial period began, he will see that, during the long ages of warm climate which characterised the preceding period, the rocks must have been extensively disintegrated through the action of subaërial agencies. the extent to which this disintegration takes place can be appreciated now only by those who reside outside of the glaciated area, where these agencies have been in uninterrupted action. in the appalachian range south of the glaciated region the granitic masses and strata of gneiss are sometimes found to be completely disintegrated to a depth of fifty or sixty feet; and what seem to be beds of gravel often prove in fact to be horizontal strata of gneiss from which the cementing material has been removed by the slow action of acids brought down by the percolating water. now, there can be no question that this process of disintegration had proceeded to a vast extent before the glacial period, so that, when the ice began to advance, there was an enormous amount of partially oxidised and disintegrated material ready to be scraped off with the first advance of ice, and this is the material which would naturally be transported farthest to the south; and thus, on the theory of a single glacial period, we can readily account for the greater apparent age of the glacial _débris_ near the margin. this _débris_ was old when the glacial period began. . with reference to the argument for two distinct glacial periods drawn from the smaller apparent amount of glacial erosion over the southern part of the glaciated area, we have to remark that that would occur in case of a single ice-invasion as well as in case of two distinct ice-invasions, in which the later did not extend so far as the former. from the very necessity of the case, glacial erosion diminishes as the limit of the extent of the glaciation is approached. at the very margin of the glacier, motion has ceased altogether. back one mile from the margin only one mile of ice-motion has been active in erosion, while ten miles back from its front there has been ten times as much moving ice actually engaged in erosion, and in the extreme north several hundred times as much ice, thus it is evident that we do not need to resort to two glacial periods to account for the relatively small amount of erosion exhibited over the southern portion of our glaciated area. at the same time, it should be said that the indications of active glacial erosion near the margin are by no means few or small. in lawrence county, pennsylvania, on the very margin of the glaciated area, mr. max foshay[bi] has discovered very extensive glacial grooves, indicating much vigour of ice-action even beyond the more extensive glacial deposits which professor lewis and myself had fixed upon as the terminal moraine. in highland and butler counties, ohio, and in southwestern indiana and southern illinois, near the glacial margin, glacial grooves and striæ are as clear and distinct in many cases as can anywhere be found; while upon the surface of the limestone rocks within the limits of the city of st. louis, where the glacial covering is thin, and where disintegrating agencies had had special opportunities to work, i found very clear evidences of a powerful ice-movement, which had planed and scratched the rock surface; and at du quoin, illinois, as already related, the fragments thrown up from the surface of the rock, fifty or sixty feet below the top of the soil, were most beautifully planed and striated. it should be observed, also, that this whole area is so deeply covered with _débris_ that the extent of glacial erosion underneath is pretty generally hid from view. [footnote bi: bulletin of the geological society, vol. ii, pp. - .] . the uniformity of the distribution of the glacial deposits over the southern portion of the glaciated area in the mississippi valley is partly an illusion, due to the fact that there was a vast amount of deposition by water over that area during the earlier stages of the ice-retreat. this has been due partly to the gentler slope which would naturally characterise the borders of an area of elevation, and partly to an extensive subsidence which seems to have begun soon after the ice had reached its farthest extent of motion. it should be borne in mind that at all times a glacier is accompanied by the issue of vast streams of water from its front, and that these of course increase in volume when the climax has been reached and the ameliorating influences begin to melt away the accumulated mass of ice and to add the volume of its water to that produced by ordinary agencies. as these subglacial streams of water poured out upon the more gentle slopes of the area in front of the ice, they would distribute a vast amount of fine material, which would settle into the hollow places and tend to obscure the irregularities of the previous direct glacial deposit. such an instance came clearly under my own observation in the vicinity of yankton, in south dakota, where, upon visiting a locality some miles from any river, and to which workmen were resorting for sand, i found that the deposit occupied a kettle-hole, filling it to its brim, and had evidently been superimposed by a temporary stream of water flowing over the region while the ice was still in partial occupation of it. thus, no doubt, in many cases, the original irregularities of the direct glacial deposits have been obliterated, even where there has been no general subsidence. but, in the area under consideration, the loess, or loam, is so extensive that it is perhaps necessary to suppose that the central portions of the mississippi valley were subjected to a subsidence amounting to about five hundred feet; so that the glacial streams from the retreating ice-front met the waters of the ocean in southern illinois and indiana; thus accounting for the extensive fine silt which has done so much over that region to obscure the glacial phenomena. _west of the rocky mountains._ the glacial phenomena in the united states west of the rocky mountains must be treated separately, since american geologists have ceased to speak of an all-pervading ice-cap extending from the north pole. but, as already said, the glaciation of north america has proceeded from two definite centres of ice-accumulation, one of which we have been considering in the pages immediately preceding. the great centre of glacial dispersion east of the rocky mountains is the region south of hudson bay, and the vast ice-field spreading out from that centre is appropriately named the laurentide glacier. the movement of ice in this glacial system was outward in all directions from the laurentian hills, and extended west several hundred miles, well on towards the eastern foot of the rocky mountains. the second great centre of glacial dispersion occupies the vast cordilleran region of british columbia, reaching from the rocky mountains on the northeast to the coast range of the pacific on the southwest, a width of four hundred miles. the length is estimated by dr. dawson to be twelve hundred miles. the principal centre of ice-accumulation lies between the fifty-fifth and the fifty-ninth parallel. from this centre the movement was in all directions, but chiefly to the northwest and to the south. the movement of the cordilleran glaciers extended northwest to a distance of three hundred and fifty miles, leaving their moraines far down in the yukon valley on the lewes and pelly rivers.[bj] southward the cordilleran glacier moved to a distance of six hundred miles, extending to the columbia river, in the eastern part of the state of washington. [footnote bj: see george m. dawson, in science, vol. xi, , p. , and american geologist, september, , pp. - .] from this centre, also, the ice descended to the sea-level upon the west, and filled all the channels between vancouver's island and the mainland, as well as those in the alexander archipelago of alaska. south of vancouver's island a glacier pushed out through the straits of juan de fuca to an unknown distance. all the islands in puget sound are composed of glacial _débris_, resembling in every respect the terminal moraines which have been described as constituting many of the islands south of the new england coast. the ice-movement in puget sound, however, was probably northward, resulting from glaciers which are now represented by their diminutive descendants on the flanks of mount rainier. south of the columbia river the country was never completely enveloped by the ice, but glaciers extended far down in the valleys from all the lofty mountain-peaks. in idaho there are glacial signs from the summit of the rocky mountains down to the westward of lake pend d'oreille. in the yellowstone park there are clear indications that the whole area was enveloped in glacial ice. an immense boulder of granite, resting upon volcanic deposits, may be found a little west of inspiration point, on the yellowstone cañon. abundant evidences of glacial action are also visible down the yellowstone river to the vicinity of livingston, showing that that valley must have been filled with glacial ice to a depth of sixteen hundred feet. to the west the glaciers from the yellowstone park extended to the border of idaho, where a clearly marked terminal moraine is to be found in the tyghee pass, leading over from the western fork of the madison river into lewis fork of the snake river. south of yellowstone park the teton mountains were an important centre for the dispersion of local glaciers, but they did not descend upon the western side much below the , -foot level, and only barely came to the edge of the great snake river lava plains. to the east the movement from the teton mountains joined that from various other lofty mountains, where altogether they have left a most intricate system of glacial deposits, in whose reticulations jackson's lake is held in place. [illustration: fig. .--moraines of grape creek, sangre del cristo mountains, colorado (after stevenson).] in utah extensive glaciers filled all the northern valleys of the uintah mountains, and extended westward in the wahsatch range to the vicinity of salt lake city. the mountain region of colorado, also, had its glaciers, occupying the head-waters of the arkansas, the platte, the gunnison, and the grand rivers. the most southern point in the rocky mountains at which signs of local glaciers have been noted is near the summits of the san juan range, in southwestern colorado. here a surface of about twenty-five square miles, extending from an elevation of , feet down to , feet, shows every sign of the former presence of moving ice. the greater part of the glaciation in colorado is confined to elevations above , feet. the whole range of the sierra nevada through oregon, and as far south as the yosemite valley in california, formerly sustained glaciers of far greater size than any which are now found in those mountains. in general these glaciers were much longer on the western side of the sierra nevada than on the eastern. on the eastern side glaciers barely came down to lake tahoe and lake mono in california. the state of nevada seems to have been entirely free from glaciers, although it contains numerous mountain-peaks more than ten thousand feet high. in the yosemite cañon glaciers extended down the merced river to the mouth of the cañon; while in the tuolumne river, a few miles to the north, the glaciers which still linger about the peaks of mount dana filled the valley for a distance of forty miles. it is a question among geologists whether or not the glaciation west of the rocky mountains was contemporaneous with that of the eastern part of the continent. the more prevalent opinion among those who have made special study of the phenomena is that the development of the cordilleran glaciers was independent of that of the laurentide system. at any rate, the intense glaciation of the pacific coast seems to have been considerably later than that of the atlantic region. of this we will speak more particularly in discussing the questions of the date and the cause of the glacial period. it is sufficient for us here simply to say that, from his extensive field observations throughout the cordilleran region, dr. george m. dawson infers that there have been several successive alternations of level on the pacific coast corresponding to successive glacial and interglacial epochs, and that when there was a period of elevation west of the rocky mountains there was a period of subsidence to the east, and _vice versa_. in short, he supposes that the east and west for a long time played a game of seesaw, with the rocky mountains as the fulcrum. we give his scheme in tabulated form. _scheme of correlation of the phenomena of the glacial period in the cordilleran region and in the region of the great plains._ cordilleran region. region of the great plains. cordilleran zone at a high correlative subsidence and elevation. period of most severe submergence of the great plains, glaciation and maximum development with possible contemporaneous of the great cordilleran glacier. increased elevation of the laurentian axis and maximum development of ice upon it. deposition of the lower boulder-clay of the plains. gradual subsidence of the correlative elevation of the cordilleran region and decay of the western part, at least, of the great glacier, with deposition of great plains, which was probably the boulder-clay of the interior more or less irregular and led to plateau and the yukon basin, of the the production of extensive lakes lower boulder-clay of the littoral in which interglacial deposits, and probably also, at a later stage including peat, were formed. (and with greater submergence), of the interglacial silts of the same region. re-elevation of the cordilleran correlative subsidence of the region to a level probably as high plains, which (at least in the as or somewhat higher than the western part of the region) present. maximum of second period exceeded the first subsidence and of glaciation. extended submergence to the base of the rocky mountains near the forty-ninth parallel. formation of second boulder-clay, and (at a later stage) dispersion of large erratics. partial subsidence of the correlative elevation of the cordilleran region, to a level plains, or at least of their about , feet lower than the western portion, resulting in a present. long stage of stability. condition of equilibrium as glaciers of the second period between the plains and the considerably reduced. upper cordillera, their _relative_ boulder-clay of the coast probably levels becoming nearly as at formed at this time, though perhaps present. probable formation of the in part during the second maximum missouri coteau along a shore-line of glaciation. during this period of rest. renewed elevation of the simultaneous elevation of the great cordilleran region, with one plains to about their present well-marked pause, during which the level, with final exclusion of littoral stood about feet lower waters in connection with the sea. than at present. glaciers much lake agassiz formed and eventually reduced, and diminishing in drained towards the close of this consequence of general amelioration period. this simultaneous movement of climate towards the close of the in elevation of both great areas glacial period. may probably have been connected with a more general northern elevation of land at the close of the glacial period. in new zealand the marks of the glacial period are unequivocal the glaciers which now come down from the lofty mountains upon the south island of new zealand to within a few hundred feet of the sea then descended to the sea-level. the longest existing glacier in new zealand is sixteen miles, but formerly one of them had a length of seventy-eight miles. one of the ancient moraines contains a boulder from thirty to forty feet in diameter, and the amount of glacial _débris_ covering the mountain-sides is said to be enormous. reports have also been recently brought of signs of ancient glaciers in australia. [illustration: fig. .--generalised view of the whole glaciated region of north america. the area of motionless ground-ice is shown by the white lines in northern part of alaska.] according to darwin, there are distinct signs of glaciation upon the plains of patagonia sixty or seventy miles east of the foot of the mountains, and in the straits of magellan he found great masses of unstratified glacial material containing boulders which were at least one hundred and thirty miles away from their parent rock; while upon the island of chiloe he found embedded in "hardened mud" boulders which must have come from the mountain-chains of the continent. agassiz also observed unquestionable glacial phenomena on various parts of the fuegian coast, and indeed everywhere on the continent south of latitude °. between concepcion and arauco, in latitude °, agassiz observed, near the sea-level, a glacial surface well marked with furrows and scratches, and as well preserved, he says, "as any he had seen under the glaciers of the present day." [illustration: fig. .--quartzite boulder of cubic metres, on mont lachat, metres above the valley of the belley, in ain, france (falsan).] chapter vi. ancient glaciers in the eastern hemisphere. about two million square miles of northern europe were covered with perennial ice during the glacial period. from the scratches upon the rocks, and from the direction in which material has been transported, it is evident that the main centre of radiation is to be found in the mountains of scandinavia, and that the glaciers still existing in norway are the lineal descendants of those of the great ice age. so shallow are the baltic sea and the german ocean, that their basins were easily filled with ice, upon which scandinavian boulders could be transported westward to the east shore of england, southward into the plains of germany, and eastward far out upon the steppes of russia. the islands north of scotland bear marks also of an ice-movement from the direction of norway. if scotland itself was not overrun with scandinavian glaciers, the reason was that it had ice enough of its own, and from its highlands set up a counter-movement, which successfully resisted the invasion from the scandinavian peninsula. but, elsewhere in europe, scandinavian ice moved freely outward to the extent of its capacity. then, as now also, the alps furnished centres for ice-movement, but the glaciers were limited to the upper portions of the valleys of the rhône, the rhine, and the danube upon the west and north, and to a still smaller area upon the southern side. [illustration: fig. . map showing glaciated areas in north america and europe.] _central and southern europe._ the main centres of ice-movement in the alps during the glacial period are the same as those which furnish the lingering glaciers of the present time. from the water-shed between the rhine, the rhône, and the aar, glaciers of immense size descended all the valleys now occupied by those streams. the valley of the rhône between the bernese and the pennine alps was filled with a glacier of immense depth, which was maintained by fresh supplies from tributaries upon either side as far down as martigny. glacial markings at the head of the rhône valley are found upon the schneestock,[bk] at an elevation above the sea of about , feet ( , metres), or about , feet above the present surface of the rhône glacier. at fiesch, about twenty miles below, where tributaries from the bernese oberland snow-fields were received, the thickness of the glacier was upwards of , feet ( , metres). near martigny, about fifty miles farther down the valley, where the glacier was abruptly deflected to the north, the depth of the ice was still upwards of , metres. from martigny northward the thickness of the ice decreased rapidly for a few miles, where, at the enlargement of the valley above the head of lake geneva, it was less than , metres in thickness, and spread out over the intervening plain as far as chasseron, with a nearly level surface, transporting, as we have before said, alpine boulders to the flanks of the juras, and landing them about , feet ( , metres) above the level of lake geneva. the width of the main valley is here about fifty miles, making the slope of the surface of the ice about twenty feet to the mile. [footnote bk: a. falsan's la période grlaciaire étudiée principalement en france et en suisse, chapitre xv.] from its "vomitory," at the head of lake geneva, the ice of the ancient rhône glacier spread to the right and to the left, while its northern boundary was abruptly terminated by the line of the jura mountains. the law of glacial motion was, however, admirably illustrated in the height to which the ice rose upon the flanks of the jura. at chasseron, in the direct line of its onward motion, it rose to its highest point, while both to the southwest and to the northeast, along the line of the juras, the ice-action was limited to constantly decreasing levels. down the valley of the rhône the direction of motion was determined by the depression of lake geneva, at the lower end of which it received its main tributary from mont blanc, which had come down from chamouni through the valley of the river arve. from this point it was deflected by a spur of the jura mountains more and more southward to the vicinity of culoz, near the mouth of lake bourget. here the glacier coming down from the western flanks of the alps, through the upper valley of the isère, past chambéry, became predominant, and deflected the motion to the west and north, whither the ice extended to a line passing through bourg, lyons, and vienne, leaving upon one of the eminences on which lyons is built a boulder several feet in diameter, which is duly preserved and labelled in the public park in that portion of the city. farther south, glaciers of less extent marked the alps most of the way to the mediterranean, but they were not at all comparable in size to those from the central region. to the right of lake geneva the movement started by the rhône glacier spread eastward, being joined in the vicinity of berne by the confluent ice-stream which descended from the north flank of the bernese oberland, through the valley of the aar. these united streams filled the whole valley with ice as far down as soleure.[bl] [footnote bl: see map of rhône glacier, on p. .] [illustration: map of glacial movements in france and switzerland.] farther eastward, other ice-streams from the alps became predominant, one of which, moving down the reuss, deployed out upon the country lying north of lucerne and zug. still farther down, the ancient glacier which descended the limmatt spread itself out over the hills and lowlands about zürich, one of its moraines of retrocession nearly dividing the lake into two portions. guyot and others have shown that the superficial deposits of this portion of switzerland are just such as would be distributed by glaciers coming down from the above-mentioned alpine valleys. uniting together north of zürich, these glaciers pushed onward as far as the rhine below schaffhausen. in frickthal the glacial ice was still , feet thick, and at kaisterberg between and feet. at lucerne there is a remarkable exposure of pot-holes, and a glaciated surface such as could be produced only by the combined action of moving ice and running water; thus furnishing to tourists an instructive object-lesson. among the remarkable instances of boulders transported a long distance in switzerland, is that of a block of granite carried from the valais to the vicinity of soleure, a distance of one hundred and fifteen miles, which weighs about , tons. "the celebrated pierre-à-bot, above neufchâtel, measures ' × ' × ', and contains about , cubic feet of stone; while the pierre-des-marmettes, near monthey, contains no less than , cubic feet." the ancient glacier of the rhine, receiving its initial impulse in the same centre as that of the rhône, fully equalled it in all its dimensions. descending eastward from its source near the schneestock to chur, a distance of fifty miles, it turned northward and continued forty-five miles farther to the head of lake constance, where it spread out in fan-shape, extending northwest to thiengen, below schaffhausen, and covering a considerable area north and northeastward of the lake, reaching in the latter direction ulm, upon the danube--the whole distance of the movement being more than one hundred and fifty miles. through other valleys tributary to the danube, glaciers descended upon the upper plains of bavaria, from the tyrolese alps to the vicinity of munich. from gross glockner as a centre in the noric alps, vast rivers of ice, of which the pasterzen glacier is the remnant, poured far down into the valleys of the inn and the enns on the north and into that of the drave on the southeast. farther eastward in this part of europe the mountains seem to have been too low to have furnished centres for any general dispersion of glacial ice. [illustration: fig. .--map showing the lines of _débris_ extending from the alps into the plains of the po (after lyell). _a._ crest of the alpine water-shed; _b._ névé-fields of the ancient glaciers; _c._ moraines of ancient glaciers.] upon the south side of the alps the ancient glaciers spread far out upon the plains of lombardy, where moraines of vast extent and of every description enable the student to determine the exact limits of the ancient ice-action. from the southern flanks of mont blanc and monte rosa, and from the snow-fields of the western alps, glaciers of great volume descended into the valley of dora baltea (vale of aosta), and on emerging from the mountain valley spread out over the plains around ivrea, leaving moraine hills in some instances , feet in height. the total length of this glacier was as much as one hundred and twenty miles. from the snow-fields in the vicinity of mont cenis, also, glaciers extended down the dora ripera to the vicinity of turin, and down other valleys to a less extent. the lateral moraines of the diore, on the south side of mont blanc, at the head of the dora baltea, are , feet above the present river, and extend upon the left bank for a distance of twenty miles. from the eastern alps, glaciers descended through all the valleys of the italian lakes and deposited vast terminal moraines, which still obstruct the drainage, and produce the charming lakes of that region. a special historic interest pertains to the series of concentric moraines south of lake garda, since it was in the reticulations of this glacial deposit that the last great battle for italian liberty was fought on june , . defeated in the engagements farther up the valley of the po, the austrian general benedek took his final stand to resist the united forces of france and italy behind an outer semicircle of the moraine hills south of this lake (some of which are or feet above the surrounding country), with his centre at solferino, about ten miles from peschera. here, behind this natural fortification, he awaited the enemy, who was compelled to perform his manoeuvres on the open plain which spread out on every side. but the natural fortifications furnished by the moraine hills were too extensive to be defended by an army of moderate size. the troops of napoleon and victor immanuel concentrated at solferino and broke through the line. thus the day was lost to the austrians, and they retired from lombardy, leaving to italy both the artificial and the natural fortifications that guard the southern end of this important entrance to the tyrolese alps. when once his attention is called to the subject, the traveller upon the railroad cannot fail to notice this series of moraines, as he enters it through a tunnel at lonato on the west, and emerges from it at soma campagna, eighteen or twenty miles distant to the east. a monument celebrating the victory stands upon a moraine hill about half-way between, at martino della battaglie. in other portions of central and southern europe the mountains were too low to furnish important centres for glacial movements. still, to a limited extent, the signs of ancient glaciers are seen in the mountains of the black forest, in the harz and erzgebirge, and in the carpathians on the east and among the apennines on the south. in spain, also, there were limited ice-fields on the higher portions of the sierra nevada and in the mountains of estremadura, and perhaps in some other places. in france, small glaciers were to be found in the higher portions of the auvergne, of the morvan, of the vosges, and of the cevennes; while, from the pyrenees, glaciers extended northward throughout nearly their whole extent. the ice-stream descending from the central mass of maladetta through the upper valley of the garonne, was joined by several tributaries, and attained a length of about forty-five miles. _the british isles._ during the climax of the glacial period the hebrides to the north of scotland were covered with ice to a depth of , feet. how far westward of this it moved out to the sea, it is of course impossible to tell. but in the channels between the hebrides and scotland it is evident that the water was completely expelled by the ice, and that, from a height of , feet above the hebrides to the northern shores of scotland, there was a continuous ice-field sloping southward at the rate of about twenty-five feet a mile. scotland itself was completely enveloped in glacial ice. prevented by the scandinavian glacier from moving eastward, the scotch movement was compelled to be westward and southward. on the southwest the ice-stream reached the shores of ireland, and became confluent with the glaciers that enveloped that island, completely filling the irish sea. there are so many controverted points respecting the glacial geology of england, and they have such an important bearing upon the main question of this volume, that a pretty full discussion of them will be necessary. i have recently been over enough of the ground myself to become satisfied of the general correctness of the views entertained by my late colleague, the lamented professor henry carvill lewis, whose death in took place before the publication of his most mature conclusions. but the lines of investigation to which he gave so powerful an impulse have since been followed out by an active body of scientific observers. to give the statement of facts greater precision and authority, i have committed the preparation of it to the secretary of the northwest of england boulder committee, percy f. kendall, f. g. s., lecturer on geology at the yorkshire college, leeds, and at the stockport technical school, england.[bm] [footnote bm: mr. kendall's contribution extends to page .] "all the characteristic evidences of the action of land-ice can be found in the greatest perfection in many parts of england and wales. drumlins, kames, _roches moutonnées_, far-travelled erratics, terminal moraines, and perched blocks, all occur. there are, besides, in the wide-spread deposits of boulder-clay which cover so many thousands of square miles on the low grounds lying on either side of the pennine chain, evidences of the operation of ice-masses of a size far exceeding that of the grandest of existing european glaciers. but, while the proofs of protracted and severe glaciation are thus patent, there are, nevertheless, many apparently anomalous circumstances which arrest the attention when the whole country is surveyed. the glacial phenomena appear to be strictly limited to the country lying to the northward of a line extending from the bristol channel to the mouth of the thames; and within the glaciated area there are many extensive tracts of land devoid of 'drift' or other indications of ice-action. "by comparison with the phenomena displayed in the north american continent, english glacial geology must seem puny and insignificant; but, just as with the features of the 'solid geology,' we have compressed within the narrow limits of our isles an epitome of the features which across the atlantic require a continent for their exposition. it has resulted from this concentration that english geology requires a much closer and more minute investigation. and the difficulty which has been experienced by glacial geologists of dealing with an involved series of facts has, in the absence of any clue leading to the co-ordination of a vast series of more or less disconnected observations, resulted in the adoption, to meet certain local anomalies, of explanations which were very difficult if not impossible of reconciliation with facts observed in adjacent areas. thus, to account for shell-bearing drift extending up to the water-shed on one side of a lofty range of hills, a submergence of the land to a depth of , feet has been postulated; leaving for independent explanation the fact, that the opposite slopes of the hills and the low ground beyond were absolutely destitute of drift or of any evidence of marine action. "in the following pages i must adopt a somewhat dogmatic tone, in order to confine myself within the limits of space which are imposed; and trust rather to the cohesion and consistency of the explanations offered and to a few pregnant facts than to the weighing and contrasting of rival theories. "the facts point conclusively to the action in the british isles of a series of glaciers radiating outward from the great hill chains or clusters, and, as the refrigeration progressed, becoming confluent and moving though in the same general direction, yet with less regard to the minor inequalities of the ground. during these two stages many glaciers must have debouched upon the sea-coast, with the consequent production of icebergs, which floated off with loads of boulders and dispersed them in the random fashion which is a necessary characteristic of transport by floating ice. "with a further accentuation of the cold conditions the discharge of bergs from terminal fronts which advanced into the extremely shallow seas surrounding the british shores would be quite inadequate to relieve the great press of ice, and a further coalescence of separate elements must have resulted. in the case of enclosed seas--as, for example, the irish sea--the continued inthrust of glacier-ice would expel the water completely; and the conjoined ice-masses would take a direction of flow the resultant of the momentum and direction of the constituent elements. in other cases--as, for example, in the north sea--extraneous ice approaching the shores might cause a deflection of the flow of the native glaciers, even though the foreign ice might never actually reach the shore. "to such a system of confluent glaciers, and to the separate elements out of which they grew, and into which, after the culmination, they were resolved, i attribute the whole of the phenomena of the english and welsh drift. and only at one or two points upon the coast, and raised but little above the sea-level, can i recognise any signs of marine action. "_the preglacial level of the land._--there is very little direct evidence bearing upon this point. in norfolk the famous forest bed, with its associated deposits, stands at almost precisely the level which it occupied in preglacial times. at sewerby, near flamborough head, there is an ancient beach and 'buried cliff' which the sea is now denuding of its swathing of drift-deposits, and its level can be seen to be almost absolutely coincident with the present beach. mr. lamplugh, whose description of the 'drifts of flamborough head,'[bn] constitutes one of the gems of glacial literature, considers that there is clear evidence that the land stood at this level for a long period. the beach is covered by a rain-wash of small extent, and that in turn by an ancient deposit of blown sand, while the lowest member of the drift series of yorkshire covers the whole. mr. lamplugh thinks that the blown sand may indicate a slight elevation of the land; but the beach appears to me to be the storm beach, and the reduction in the force of the waves such as would result from the approach of an ice-front a few miles to the seaward would probably produce the necessary conditions. [footnote bn: quarterly journal of the geological society, vol. xlvii.] "six miles to the northward of flamborough, at speeton, a bed of estuarine silt containing the remains of mollusca in the position of life occurs at an altitude of ninety feet above high-water mark. mr. lamplugh inclines to the opinion that this bed is of earlier date than the 'buried cliff'; he also admits the possibility that its superior altitude may be due to a purely local upward bulging of the soft lower cretaceous clays upon which the estuarine bed rests by the weight of the adjacent lofty chalk escarpment. "the evidence obtained from inland sections and borings in different parts of england has been taken to indicate a greater altitude in preglacial times. thus, in essex, deep-borings have revealed the existence of deep drift-filled valleys, having their floors below sea-level. the valley of the mersey is a still better example. numerous borings have been made in the neighbourhood of widnes and at other places in the lower reaches of the river, making it clear that there is a channel filled with drift and extending to feet below mean sea-level. this, with several other instances, has been taken to indicate a greater altitude for the land in preglacial times, since a river could not erode its channel to such a depth below sea-level. the argument appears inconclusive for one principal reason: no mention is made of any river gravels or other alluvium in the borings. indeed, there is an explicit statement that the deposits are all glacial, showing that the channel must have been cleared out by ice. this, therefore, leaves open the vital question, whether the deposits removed were marine or fluviatile. it may be remarked that the great estuary of the mersey has undoubtedly been produced by a post-glacial (and probably post-roman) movement of depression. "_the preglacial climate._--in all speculations regarding the cause of the glacial epoch, due account must be taken of the undoubted fact that it came on with extreme slowness and departed with comparative suddenness. in the east of england an almost perfect and uninterrupted sequence of deposits is preserved, extending from the early part of the pliocene period down to the present day. "these in descending order are: " . post-glacial sands, gravels, etc. " . glacial series. " . the 'forest bed' and associated marine deposits. " . chillesford clay and sand. " . the many successive stages of the red crag. (the norwich crag is a local variation of the upper part of the red crag.) " . the coralline crag. "the fossils preserved in these deposits, apart from the physical indications, exhibit the climatal changes which accompanied their deposition. the coralline crag contains a fauna consisting mainly of species which now range to the mediterranean, many of them being restricted to the warm southern waters. associated with these are a few boreal forms, but they are represented in general by few individuals. here and there in the deposits of this age far-travelled stones are to be found, but they are always accounted great rarities. "the red crag consists of an irregular assemblage of beaches and sand-banks of widely different ages, but their sequence can be made out with ease by a study of the fauna. in the oldest deposits, mediterranean species are very numerous, while the boreal forms are comparatively rare; but in successive later deposits the proportions are very gradually reversed, and from the overlying chillesford series the mediterranean species are practically absent. the physical indications run _pari passu_ with the paleontological, and in the newer beds of the red crag far-travelled stones are common. "in the forest bed series there is a marine band--the _leda myalis_ bed--which contains an almost arctic assemblage of shells; while at about the same horizon plant remains have been found, including such high northern species as _salix polaris_ and _betula nana_. "the glacial deposits do not, in my opinion, contain anywhere in england or wales a genuine intrinsic fauna, such shells as occur in the east anglian glacial deposits having been derived in part from a contemporary sea-bed, and, for the rest, from the older formations, down perhaps to the coralline crag. in the post-glacial deposits we have hardly any trace of a survival of the boreal forms, and i consider that the whole marine fauna of the north sea was entirely obliterated at the culmination of the glacial epoch, and that the repeopling in post-glacial times proceeded mainly from the english channel, into which the northern forms never penetrated. "_the great glacial centres._ "where such complex interactions have to be described as were produced by the conflicting glaciers of the british isles it is difficult to deal consecutively with the phenomena of any one area, but with short digressions in explanation of special points it may be possible to accomplish a clear presentation of the facts. "_wales._--the phenomena of south wales are comparatively simple. great glaciers travelled due southward from the lofty brecknock beacons, and left the characteristic _moutonnée_ appearance upon the rocky bed over which they moved. the boulder-transport is in entire agreement with the other indications, and there are no shells in the drift. the facts awaiting explanation are the occurrence in the boulder-clays of glamorganshire, at altitudes up to four hundred feet, of flints, and of igneous rocks somewhat resembling those of the archæan series of the wrekin. at clun, in shropshire, a train of erratics (see map) has been traced back to its source to the westward. on the west coast, in cardigan bay, the boulders are all such as might have been derived from the interior of wales. at st. david's peninsula, pembrokeshire, striæ occur coming in from the northwest, and, taken with the discovery of boulders of northern rocks, may point to a southward extension of a great glacier produced by confluent sheets that choked the irish sea. information is very scanty regarding large areas in mid-wales, but such as can be gathered seems to point to ice-shedding having taken place from a north and south parting line. in north wales, much admirable work has been done which clearly indicates the neighbourhood of great arenig (arenig mawr) as the radiant point for a great dispersal of blocks of volcanic rock of a characteristic welsh type. "_ireland._--a brief reference must be made to ireland, as the ice which took origin there played an important part in bringing about some strange effects in english glaciation, which would be inexplicable without a recognition of the causes in operation across the irish sea. ireland is a great basin, surrounded by an almost continuous girdle of hills. the rainfall is excessive, and the snow-fall was probably more than proportionately great; therefore we might expect that an ice-sheet of very large dimensions would result from this combination of favouring conditions. the irish ice-sheet appears to have moved outward from about the centre of the island, but the main flow was probably concentrated through the gaps in the encircling mountains. "_galloway._--the great range of granite mountains in the southwestern corner of scotland seems to have given origin to an immense mass of ice which moved in the main to the southward, and there are good grounds for the belief that the whole ice-drainage of the area, even that which gathered on the northern side of the water-shed, ultimately found its way into the irish sea basin and came down coastwise and across the low grounds of the rinns of galloway, being pushed down by the press of highland ice which entered the firth of clyde. it is a noteworthy fact that marine shells occur in the drift in the course taken by the ice coming on to the extremity of galloway from the clyde. "_the lake district._--a radial flow of ice took place down the valleys from about the centre of the cumbrian hill-plexus, but movement to the eastward was at first forbidden by the great rampart of the cross fell escarpment, which stretches like a wall along the eastern side of the vale of eden. "during the time when the cumbrian glaciers had unobstructed access to the solway frith, to the irish sea, and to morecambe bay, the dispersal of boulders of characteristic local rocks would follow the ordinary drainage-lines; but, as will be shown later, a state of affairs supervened in the irish sea which resulted, in many cases, in a complete reversal of the ice-flow. "_the pennine chain_ was the source of glaciers of majestic dimensions upon both its flanks in the region north of skipton, but to the southward of that breach in the chain (see map) no evidence is obtainable of any local glaciers. "_the confluent glaciers._ "with the growth of ice-caps upon the great centres a condition of affairs was brought about in the irish sea productive of results which will readily be foreseen. the enormous volumes of ice poured into the shallow sea from north, south, east, and west, resulted in such a congestion as to necessitate the initiation of some new systems of drainage. "_the irish sea glacier._--the ice from galloway, cumbria, and ireland became confluent, forming what the late professor carvill lewis termed 'the irish sea glacier,' and took a direction to the southward. here it came in diametrical conflict with the northward-flowing element of the welsh sheet, which it arrested and mastered; and the irish sea glacier bifurcated, probably close upon the precipitous welsh coast to the eastward of the little orme's head, and the two branches flowed coastwise to eastward and westward, keeping near the shore-line. "the westerly branch swept round close to the coast in a southwesterly direction, and completely overrode anglesea; striating the rock-surfaces from northeast to southwest (see map), and strewing the country with its bottom-moraine, containing characteristic northern rocks, such as the galloway granites, the lavas and granites of the central and western portions of the lake district, and fragments of shells derived from shell-banks in the irish sea. one episode of this phase of the ice-movement was the invasion of the first line of hills between the menai straits and snowdon. the gravels and sands of fridd-bryn-mawr, moel tryfaen, and moel-y-cilgwyn, are the coarser washings of the bottom-moraine, and consequently contain such rock-fragments and shells as characterise it. from moel-y-cilgwyn southward, evidence is lacking regarding the course taken by the glacier, but it probably passed over or between the rivals mountains (yr eifl), and down cardigan bay at some distance from the coast in confluence with the ice from mid-wales; and, as i have suggested, may have passed over st. david's head. "returning now towards the head of the glacier we may follow with advantage its left bank downward. the ice-flow on the cumberland coast appears to have resembled very much that in north wales. a great press of ice from the northward (galloway) seems to have had a powerful 'easting' imparted to it by the conjoint influences of the thrust of the irish ice and the inflow of ice from the clyde. whatever may have been the cause, the effect is clear: about ravenglass cleavage took place, and a flow to northward and to southward, each bending easterly. by far the larger mass took a southerly course and bent round black combe, over walney, and a strip of the mainland about barrow in furness, and out into and across morecambe bay. its limits are marked in the field by the occurrence of the same rocks which characterise it in anglesea, viz., the granites of galloway and of west and central cumbria. "the continued thrust shouldered in the glacier upon the mainland of lancashire, but the precise point of emergence has not yet been traced, though it cannot be more than a few miles from the position indicated on the map. i should here remark, that all along the boundaries the irish sea glacier was confluent with local ice, except, probably, in that part of the pennine chain to the southward of skipton. down to skipton there was a great mass of pennine ice which was compelled to take an almost due southerly course, and thus to run directly athwart the direction of the main hills and valleys. a sharp easterly inflection of the irish sea glacier carried it up the valley of the ribble, and thence, under the shoulder of pendle, to burnley, where scottish granites are found in the boulder-clay. "on the summit of the pennine water-shed, at heald moor, near todmorden ( , feet), boulder-clay has been found containing erratics belonging to this dispersion; while in the gorge of the yorkshire calder, which flows along the eastern side of the same hill, not a vestige of such a deposit is to be found, saving a few erratic pebbles at a distance of eight or ten miles, which were probably carried down by flood-wash from the edge of the ice. "from this point the limits of the ice may be traced along the flanks of the pennine chain at an average altitude of about , feet. "at one place the erratics can be traced to a position which would indicate the formation of an extra-morainic lake having its head at a col about , feet above sea-level, separating it from the valley of an eastward-flowing stream, the wye, about twelve miles down which a few granite blocks have been found. other extra-morainic lakes must have been formed, but very little information has been collected regarding them. the irish sea glacier can be shown to have spread across the whole country to the westward of the line i have traced, and beyond the estuary of the dee. "i may now follow its boundaries on the welsh coast, and pursue the line to the final melting-place of the glacier. from the little orme's head the line of confluence with the native ice is pretty clearly defined. it runs in, perhaps, half a mile from the shore, until the broad low tract of the vale of clwyd is reached. here the northern ice obtained a more complete mastery, and pushed in even as far as denbigh. this extreme limit was probably attained as a mere temporary episode. horizontal striæ on a vertical face of limestone on the crags dominating the mouth of the vale on the eastern side attest beyond dispute the action of a mass of land-ice moving in from the north. "i may here remark, that in this district the deposits furnish a very complete record of the events of the glacial period. in the cliffs on the eastern side of the little orme's head, and at several other points along the coast towards the east, a sequence may be observed as follows: " . boulder-clay with northern erratics and shells. " . sands and gravels with northern erratics and shells. " . boulder-clay with northern erratics and shells. " . boulder-clay with welsh erratics and no shells. "a similar succession is to be seen in the vale of clwyd. the interpretation is clear: in the early stages of glaciation the welsh ice spread without hindrance to, and laid down, bed no. ; then the northern ice came down, bringing its typical erratics and the scourings of the sea-bottom, and laid down the variable series of clays, sands, and gravels which constitute nos. , , and of the section. [illustration: fig. .--the cefn cave, in vale of clwyd. (trimmer.) _a_, entrance; _b_, mud with pebbles and wood covered with stalagmite; _c_, mud, bones, and angular fragments of limestone; _d_, sand and silt, with fragments of marine shells; _e_, fissure; _f_, northern drift; _g_, cave cleared of mud; _h_, river elwy, feet below; _i_, limestone rock.] "in the vale of clwyd an additional interest is imparted to the study of the drift from the circumstance that the remains of man have been found in deposits in caves sealed with drift-beds. the best example is the cae gwyn caves, in which flint implements and the bones and teeth of various extinct animals were found embedded in 'cave-earth' which was overlaid by bedded deposits of shell-bearing drift, with erratics of the northern type. "it has been supposed that the drift-deposits were marine accumulations; but it is inconceivable that the cave could ever have been subjected to wave-action without the complete scouring out of its contents. "to resume the delineation of the limits of the great irish sea glacier: from the vale of clwyd the boundary runs along the range of hills parallel to the estuary of the dee at an altitude of about nine hundred feet. as it is traced to the southeast it gradually rises, until at frondeg, a few miles to the northward of the embouchure of the yale of llangollen, it is at a height of , feet above sea-level. thence it falls to , feet at gloppa, three miles to the westward of oswestry, and this is the most southerly point to which it has been definitely traced on the welsh border, though scattered boulders of northern rocks are known to occur at church stretton. "along the line from the vale of clwyd to oswestry the boundary is marked by a very striking series of moraine-mounds. they occur on the extreme summits of lofty hills in a country generally almost driftless, and their appearance is so unusual that one--moel-y-crio--at least has been mistaken for an artificial tumulus. the limitation of the dispersal of northern erratics by these mounds is very clear and sharp; and mackintosh, in describing those at frondeg, remarked that, while no northern rocks extended to the westward of them, so no welsh erratics could be found to cross the line to the eastward. there are welsh erratics in the low grounds of cheshire and shropshire, but their distribution is sporadic, and will be explained in a subsequent section. "having thus followed around the edges of this glacier, it remains to describe its termination. it is clear that the ice must have forced its way over the low water-shed between the respective basins of the dee and the severn. so soon as this ridge (less than feet above the sea) is crossed, we find the deposits laid down by the glacier change their character, and sands and gravels attain a great predominance.[bo] near bridgenorth, and, at other places, hills composed of such materials attain an altitude of feet. from shrewsbury _via_ burton, and thence, in a semicircular sweep, through bridgenorth and enville, there is an immense concentration of boulders and pebbles, such as to justify the designation of a terminal moraine. to the southward, down the valley of the severn, existing information points to the occurrence merely of such scattered pebbles as might have been carried down by floods. in the district lying outside this moraine there is a most interesting series of glacial deposits and of boulders of an entirely different character. (see map.) [footnote bo: mackintosh, q. j. g. s.] "from the neighbourhood of lichfield, through some of the suburbs of birmingham, and over frankley hill and the lickey hills to bromsgrove, there is a great accumulation of welsh erratics, from the neighbourhood, probably, of arenig mawr. "the late professor carvill lewis suggested that these arenig rocks might have been derived from some adjacent outcrop of palæozoic rocks--a suggestion having its justification in the discoveries that had been made of cumbrian rocks in the midlands. to test the matter, an excavation was made at a point selected on frankley hill, and a genuine boulder-clay was found, containing erratics of the same type as those found upon the surface. "the explanation has since been offered that this boulder-clay was a marine deposit laid down during a period of submerge nee.[bp] apart from the difficulty that the boulder-clay displays none of the ordinary characteristics of a marine deposition, but possesses a structure, or rather absence of structure, in many respects quite inconsistent with such an origin, and contains no shells or other remains of marine creatures, it must be pointed out that no theory of marine notation will explain the distribution of the erratics, and especially their concentration in such numbers at a station sixty or seventy miles from their source. [footnote bp: proceedings of the birmingham philosophical society, vol. vi, part i, p. .] "upon the land-ice hypothesis this difficulty disappears. during the early stages of the glacial period the welsh ice had the whole of the severn valley at its mercy, and a great glacier was thrust down from arenig, or some other point in central wales, having an _initial direction_, broadly speaking, from west to east. this glacier extended across the valley of the severn, sweeping past the wrekin, whence it carried blocks of the very characteristic rocks to be lodged as boulders near lichfield; and it probably formed its terminal moraine along the line indicated. (see lozenge-shaped marks on the map.) as the ice in the north gathered volume it produced the great irish sea glacier, which pressed inland and down the vale of severn in the manner i have described, and brushed the relatively small welsh stream out of its path, and laid down its own terminal moraine in the space between the welsh border and the lickey hills. it seems probable that the welsh stream came mainly down the vale of llangollen, and thence to the lickey hills. boulders of welsh rocks occur in the intervening tract by ones and twos, with occasional large clusters, the preservation of any more connected trail being rendered impossible by the great discharge of water from the front of the irish sea glacier, and the distributing action of the glacier itself. "within the area in england and wales covered by the irish sea glacier all the phenomena point to the action of land-ice, with the inevitable concomitants of subglacial streams, extra-morainic lakes, etc. there is nothing to suggest marine conditions in any form except the occurrence of shells or shell fragments; and these present so many features of association, condition, and position inconsistent with, what we should be led to expect from a study of recent marine life, that conchologists are unanimous in declaring that not one single group of them is on the site whereon the shells lived. it is a most significant fact--one out of a hundred which could be cited did space permit--that in the ten thousand square miles of, as it is supposed, recently elevated sea-bottom, not a single example of a bivalve shell with its valves in apposition has ever been found! nor has a boulder or other stone been found encrusted with those ubiquitous marine parasites, the barnacles. "the evidences of the action of land-ice within the area are everywhere apparent in the constancy of direction of-- ( .) striæ upon rock surfaces. ( .) the terminal curvature of rocks. ( .) the 'pull-over' of soft rocks. ( .) the transportal of local boulders. ( .) the orientation of the long axes of large boulders. ( .) the false bedding of sands and gravels. ( .) the elongation of drift-hills. ( .) the relations of 'crag and tail.' there is a similar general constancy, too, in the directions of the striæ upon large boulders. upon the under side they run longitudinally from southeast (or thereabouts) to northwest, while upon the upper surface they originate at the opposite end, showing that the scratches on the under side were produced by the stone being dragged from northwest to southeast, while those on the top were the product of the passage of stone-laden ice over it in the same direction. "such an agreement cannot be fortuitous, but must be attributed to the operation of some agent acting in close parallelism over the whole area. to attribute such regularity to the action of marine currents is to ignore the most elementary principles of marine hydrology. icebergs must, in the nature of things, be the most erratic of all agents, for the direction of drift is determined--among other varying factors--by the draught of the berg. a mass of small draught will be carried by surface currents, while one of greater depth will be brought within the influence of under-currents; and hence it not infrequently happens that while floe-ice is drifting, say, to the southeast, giant bergs will go crashing through it to the northwest. there are tidal influences also to be reckoned with, and it is matter of common knowledge that flotsam and jetsam travel back and forth, as they are alternately affected by ebb and flood tide. "bearing these facts in mind, it is surely too much to expect that marine ice should transport boulders (how it picked up many of them also requires explanation) with such unfailing regularity that it can be said without challenge,[bq] 'boulders in this district [south lancashire and cheshire] never occur to the north or west of the parent rock.' the same rule applies without a single authentic exception to the whole area covered by the eastern branch of the irish sea glacier; and hence it comes about that not a single boulder of welsh rock has ever been recorded from lancashire. [footnote bq: brit. assoc. report, , p. .] "_the solway glacier._--the pressure which forced much of the irish sea ice against the cumbrian coast-line caused, as has been described, a cleavage of the flow near ravenglass, and, having followed the southerly branch to its termination in the midlands, the remaining moiety demands attention. "the 'easting' motion carried it up the solway frith, its right flank spreading over the low plain of northern cumberland, which it strewed with boulders of the well-known 'syenite' (granophyre) of buttermere. when this ice reached the foot of the cross fell escarpment, it suffered a second bifurcation, one branch pushing to the eastward up the valley of the irthing and over into tyneside, and the other turning nearly due southward and forcing its way up the broad vale of eden. "under the pressure of an enormous head of ice, this stream rose from sea-level, turned back or incorporated the native cumbrian glacier which stood in its path, and, having arrived almost at the water-shed between the northern and the southern drainage, it swept round to the eastward and crossed over the pennine water-shed; not, however, by the lowest pass, which is only some , feet above sea-level, but by the higher pass of stainmoor, at altitudes ranging from , to , feet. the lower part of the course of this ice-flow is sufficiently well characterised by boulders of the granite of the neighbourhood of dalbeattie in galloway; but on its way up the vale of eden it gathered several very remarkable rocks and posted them as way-stones to mark its course. one of these rocks, the permian brockram, occurs nowhere _in situ_ at altitudes exceeding feet, yet in the course of its short transit it was lifted about a thousand feet above its source. the shap granite (see radiant point on map) is on the northern side of the east and west water-sheds of the lake district, and reaches its extreme elevation, ( , feet) on wasdale pike; yet boulders of it were carried over stainmoor, at an altitude of , feet literally by tens of thousands. "this stainmoor glacier passed directly over the pennine chain, past the mouths of several valleys, and into teesdale, which it descended and spread out in the low grounds beyond. pursuing its easterly course, it abutted upon the lofty cleveland hills and separated into two streams, one of which went straight out to sea at hartlepool, while the other turned to the southward and flowed down the vale of york, being augmented on its way by tributary glaciers coming down wensleydale. the final melting seems to have taken place somewhere a little to the southward of york; but boulders of shap granite by which its extension is characterised have been found as far to the southward as royston, near barnsley. "the other branch of the solway glacier--that which travelled due eastward--passed up the valley of the irthing, and over into that of the tyne, and out to sea at tynemouth. it carried the scottish granites with it, and tributary masses joined on either hand, bringing characteristic boulders with them. "the fate of those elements of the solway frith glacier which reached the sea is not left entirely to conjecture. the striated surfaces near the coast of northumberland indicate a coastwise flow of ice from the northward--probably from the frith of forth--and the glaciers coming out from the tyne and tees were deflected to the southward. "there is conclusive evidence that this ice rasped the cliffs of the yorkshire coast and pressed up into some of the valleys. where it passed the mouth of the tees near whitby it must have had a height of at least feet, but farther down the coast it diminished in thickness. it nowhere extended inland more than a mile or two, and for the most part kept strictly to the coast-line. along the whole coast are scattered erratics derived from galloway and the places lying in the paths of the glaciers. in many places the cliffs exhibit signs of rough usage, the rocks being crumpled and distorted by the violent impact of the ice. at filey brigg a well-scratched surface has been discovered, the striation being from a few degrees east of north. "at speeton the evidence of ice-sheet or glacier-work is of the most striking character. on the top of the cliffs of cretaceous strata a line of moraine-hills has been laid down, extending in wonderful perfection for a distance of six miles. they consist of a mixture of sand, gravel, and a species of clay-rubble, with occasional masses of true boulder-clay, the whole showing the arched bedding so characteristic of such accumulations. at the northerly end the moraine keeps close to the edge of the chalk cliffs, which are there feet high, and the hills are frequently displayed in section; but as the elevation of the cliffs declines they fall back from the edge of the cliffs and run quite across the headland of flamborough, and are again exposed in section in bridlington bay. one remarkable and significant fact is pointed out, namely, that behind this moraine, within half a mile and at a lower level, the country is almost absolutely devoid of any drift whatever. [illustration: fig. .--moraine between speeton and flamborough (lamplugh).] "the interpretation of these phenomena is as follows: when the valley-glaciers reached the sea they suffered the deflection which has been mentioned, partly as the result of the interference of ice from the east of scotland, but also influenced directly by the cause which operated upon the scottish ice and gave direction to it--that is, the impact of a great glacier from scandinavia, which almost filled the north sea, and turned in the eastward-flowing ice upon the british coast. "it is easy to see how this pressure must have forced the glacier-ice against the yorkshire coast, but vertical chalk cliffs feet in height are not readily surmounted by ice of any thickness, however great, and so it coasted along and discharged its lateral moraine upon the cliff-tops. as the cliffs diminished in height we find the moraine farther inland, and, as i have pointed out, the ice completely overrode flamborough head. amongst the boulders at flamborough are many of shap granite, a few galloway granites, a profusion of carboniferous rocks, brought by the tyne branch of the sol way glacier as well as by that of stainmoor, and, besides many torn from the cliffs of yorkshire, a few examples of unquestionable scandinavian rocks, such as the well-known _rhomben-porphyr_. it is important to note that about ten to twenty miles from the yorkshire coast there is a tract of sea-bottom called by trawlers 'the rough ground,' in allusion to the fact that it is strewn with large boulders, amongst which are many of shap granite. this probably represents a moraine of the teesdale glacier, laid down at a time when the scandinavian glacier was not at its greatest development. "on the south side of flamborough head the 'buried cliff' previously alluded to occurs. the configuration of the country shows--and the conclusion is established by numerous deep-borings--that the preglacial coast-line takes a great sweep inland from here, and that the plain of holderness is the result of the banking-up of an immense thickness of glacial _débris_. in the whole country reviewed, from tynemouth to bridlington, wherever the ice came on to the land from the seaward, it brought in shells and fragmentary patches of the sea-bottom involved in its ground moraine. space does not permit of a detailed description of the several members of the yorkshire drift, and i pass on to deal in a general way with the glacial phenomena of the eastern side of england. "_the east anglian glacier._--the influence of the scandinavian ice is clearly seen in the fact that the entire ice-movement down the east coast south of bridlington was all from the _seaward_. clays, sands, and gravels, the products of a continuous mass of land-ice coming from the northeast are spread over the whole country, from the trent to the high grounds on the north of london overlooking the thames. "the line of extreme extension of these drift-deposits runs from finchley (near london), in the south across hertfordshire, through cambridgeshire, with outlying patches at gogmagog and near buckingham, and northwestward over a large portion of leicestershire into the upper waters of the trent, embracing the elevated region of palæozoic rocks at charnwood forest, near leicester. "reserving the consideration of the very involved questions connected with the drifts of the upper part of the trent valley, i may pass on to join the phenomena of the southeastern counties with those at flamborough head. from nottinghamshire the limits of the drift of the east anglian glacier seem to run in a direction nearly due west to east, for the great oolitic escarpment upon which lincoln cathedral is built is absolutely driftless to the northward of the breach about sleaford. however, along the western flank of the oolitic range true boulder-clay occurs, bordering and doubtless underlying the great fen-tract of mid-lincolnshire; and the great lincolnshire wolds appear to have been completely whelmed beneath the ice. "the most remarkable of the deposits in this area is the great chalky boulder-clay, which consists of clay containing much ground-up chalk, and literally packed with well-striated boulders of chalk of all sizes, from minute pebbles up to blocks a foot or more in diameter. associated with them are boulders of various foreign rocks, and many flints in a remarkably fresh condition, and still retaining the characteristic white coat, except where partially removed by glacial attrition. "one of the perplexing features of the glacial phenomena in the eastern counties of england is the extension of true chalky boulder-clay to the north london heights at finchley and elsewhere; for only the faintest traces are to be found in the gravel deposits of the thames valley of any wash from such a deposit, or from a glacier carrying such materials. "it has been suggested that the deposit may have been laid down in an extra-morainic lake, or in an extension of the north. sea, but these suggestions leave the difficulty just where it was. if a lake or sea could exist without shores, a glacier-stream might equally dispense with banks. within the area of glaciation, defined above, abundant evidence of the action of land-ice is obtainable, though striated surfaces are extremely rare--a fact attributable to the softness of the chalk and clays which occupy almost the whole area. well-striated surfaces are found on the harder rocks, as, for example, on the oolitic limestone at dunston, near lincoln. "mr. skertchly has remarked that the proofs of the action of land-ice are irrefragable. the great chalky boulder-clay covers an area of , square miles, and attains an altitude of feet above the sea-level, thus bespeaking, if the product of icebergs, 'an extensive gathering-ground of chalk, having an elevation of more than feet. but where is it? certainly not in western europe, for the chalk does not attain so great an elevation except in a few isolated spots.'[br] [footnote br: geikie's great ice age, p. .] [illustration: fig. .--diagram-section near cromer (woodward). . gravel and sand (middle glacial) resting on contorted drift (loam, sand, and marl, with large included boulders of chalk); . cromer till: . laminated clay and sands (leda myalis bed); . fresh-water loams and sands: _a_. black fresh-water bed of runton (upper fresh-water bed); . forest bed--laminated clays and sands, with roots and _débris_ of wood, bones of mammalia, estuarine mollusca, etc., the upper part in places penetrated by rootlets (rootlet bed); _a_. weybourn crag; . chalk with flints; * large included boulder of chalk.] "it has been further pointed out by mr. skertchly, that the condition of the flints in this deposit furnishes strong evidence that they could not have been carried by floating ice nor upon a glacier, for, in either of the latter events, there must have been some exposure to the weather, which, as he remarks, would have rendered them worthless to the makers of gun-flints, whereas they are now regularly collected for their use. "the way in which the boulder-clay is related to the rocks upon which it rests is a conclusive condemnation of any theory of floating ice; for example, where it rests upon oxford clay, it contains the fossils characteristic of that formation, as it is largely made up of the clay itself. the exceptions to this rule are as suggestive as those cases which conform to it. each outcrop yields material to the boulder-clay to the south westward, showing a pull-over from the northeast. "one of the most remarkable features of the drift of this part of england is the inclusion of gigantic masses of rock transported for a short distance from their native outcrop, very often with so small a disturbance that they have been mapped as _in situ_. examples of chalk-masses feet in length, and of considerable breadth and thickness, have been observed in the cliffs near cromer, in norfolk, but they are by no means restricted to situations near the coast. one example is mentioned in which quarrying operations had been carried on for some years before any suspicion was aroused that it was merely an erratic. the huge boulders were probably dislodged from the parent rock by the thrust of a great glacier, which first crumbled the beds, then sheared off a prominent fold and carried it along. this explanation we owe to mr. clement reid.[bs] the drift-deposits of this region frequently contain shells, but they rarely constitute what may be termed a consistent fauna, usually showing such an association as could only be found where some agent had been at work gathering together shells of different habitats and geological age. [footnote bs: see geology of the country around cromer, and geology of holderness, memoirs of geological survey of england and wales.] [illustration: fig. .--section at right angles to the cliff through the westerly chalk bluff at trimingham, norfolk, showing the manner in which chalk masses are incorporated into the till (clement reid). scale, fret to an inch. a. level of low-water spring-tides; b. chalk, with sandy bed at *; c. forest-bed series, etc., seen in the cliffs a few yards north and south of this point; d. cromer till, stiff lead-colored boulder-clay; e. fine, chalky sands, much false-bedded; f. contorted drift, brown bouldery-clay with marked bedding- or fluxion-structure; g. the bed, above the white line were seen and measured by more snow and measured by mr. reid; * chalk seen _in situ_ on beach. "if the ice-sheet, instead of flowing over the beds, happens to plough into them or abut against them, it would bend up a boss of chalk, as at beeston. a more extensive disturbance, like that at trimingham drives before it a long ridge of the bads, and nips up the chalk, till, like a cloth creased by the sliding of a heavy book, it is folded into an inverted anticlinal. a slight increase of pressure, and the third stage is reached--the top of the anticlinal being entirely sheared off, the chalk boulder driven up an incline, and forced into the overlying boulder-clays." (clement reid.)] "attempts have been made to correlate the deposits over the whole area, but with very indifferent success. a consideration of the consequences of the invasion of the country by an ice-stream from the northeast will prepare us for any conceivable complication of the deposits. "the main movement was against the drainage of the country, so that the ice-front must have been frequently in water. there would be aqueous deposition and erosion; the kneading up of morainic matter into ground-moraine; irregularities of distribution and deposition due to ice floating in an extra-morainic lake; flood-washes at different points of overflow; and other confusing causes, which make it rather matter for surprise that any order whatever is traceable. "i now turn to the valley of the trent. we find that it occupies such a position that it would be exposed, successively or simultaneously, to the action of ice-streams of most diverse origin. i have shown that the area to the westward of lichfield was invaded at one period by a welsh glacier, and at a subsequent one by the irish sea glacier, and both of these streams entered the valley of the trent or some of its affluents. from the eastward, again, the great north sea glacier encroached in like manner, carrying the great chalky boulder-clay even into the drainage area of the westward-flowing rivers near coventry. "the glacial geology of the trent valley from burton to nottingham has been ably dealt with by mr. r. m. deeley,[bt] who recognises a succession which may be generalised as follows: ( .) a lower series containing rocks derived from the pennine chain; ( .) a middle series containing rocks from the eastward (chalky boulder-clay, etc.); and ( .) an upper series with pennine rocks. mr. deeley thinks the pennine _débris_ may have been brought by glaciers flowing down the valleys of the dove, the wye, and the derwent; but, while recognising the importance of the testimony adduced, especially that of the boulders, i am compelled to reserve judgment upon this point until something like moraines or other evidences of local glaciers can be shown in those valleys. in their upper parts there is not a sign of glaciation. some of the deposits described must have been laid down by land-ice; while the conformation of the country shows that during some stages of glaciation a lake must have existed into which the different elements of the converging glaciers must have projected. this condition will account for the remarkable commingling of boulders observed in some of the deposits. welsh, cumbrian, and scottish rocks occur in the western portion of the trent valley. the overflow of the extra-morainic lake would find its way into the valleys of the avon and severn, and may be taken to account for the abundance of flints in some of the gravels. [footnote bt: quarterly journal geological society, vol. xlii, p. .] "_the isle of man._--this little island in mid-seas constituted in the early stages of the glacial epoch an independent centre of glaciation, and from some of its valleys ice-streams undoubtedly descended to the sea; but with the growth of the great irish sea glacier the native ice was merged in the invading mass, and at the climax of the period the whole island was completely buried, even to its highest peak (snae fell, , feet), beneath the ice. the effects of this general glaciation are clearly seen in the mantle of unstratified drift material which overspread the hills; in the _moutonnée_ appearance of the entire island; and in the transport of boulders of local rocks. the striations upon rock surfaces show a constancy of direction in agreement with the boulder-transport which can be ascribed to no other agency than a great continuous sheet of such dimensions as to ignore minor hills and valleys. "the disposition of the striæ is equally conclusive, for we find that on a stepped escarpment of limestone both the horizontal and the vertical faces are striated continuously and obliquely from the one on to the other, showing that the ice had a power of accommodating itself to the surface over which it passed that could not be displayed by floating ice. there is a remarkable fact concerning the distribution of boulders on this island which would strike the most superficial observers, namely, that foreign rocks are confined to the low grounds. it might be argued that the local ice always retained its individuality, and so kept the foreign ice with its characteristic boulders at bay. but, apart from the _a priori_ improbability of so small a hill-cluster achieving what the lake district could not accomplish, the fact that snae fell, an isolated _conical_ hill, is swathed in drift from top to bottom, is quite conclusive that the foreign ice must have got in. why, then, did it carry no stones with it? the following suggestion i make not without misgivings, though there are many facts to which i might appeal that seem strongly corroborative: "the hilly axis of the island runs in a general northeast and southwest direction, and it rises from a great expanse of drift in the north with singular abruptness, some of the hills being almost inaccessible to a direct approach without actual climbing. i imagine that the ice which bore down upon the northern end of the island was, so far as its lower strata were concerned, unable to ascend so steep an acclivity, and was cleft, and flowed to right and left. the upper ice, being of ice-sheet origin, would be relatively clean, and this flowing straight over the top of the obstruction would glaciate the country with such material as was lying loose upon the ground or could be dislodged by mere pressure. it would appear from published descriptions that the isle of arran offers the same problem, and i would suggest the application of the same solution to it. "marine shells occur in the manx drift, but only in such situations as were reached by the ice-laden with foreign stones. they present similar features of association of shells of different habitat, and perhaps of geological age, to those already referred to as being common characteristics of the shell-faunas of the drift of the mainland. four extinct species of mollusca have been recognised by me in the manx drift. "the manx drift is of great interest as showing, perhaps better than any locality yet studied, those features of the distribution of boulders of native rocks which attest so clearly the exclusive action of land-ice. there are in the island many highly characteristic igneous rocks, and i have found that boulders of these rocks never occur to the northward of the parent mass, and very rarely in any direction except to the southwest. "cumming observed in regard to one rock, the foxdale granite, that whereas the highest point at which it occurs _in situ_ was feet above sea-level, boulders of it occurred in profusion within feet of the summit of south barrule ( , feet), a hill two miles only, in a southwesterly direction, from the granite outcrop. "they also occur on the summit of cronk-na-irrey-lhaa, , feet above sea-level. the vertical uplift has been and feet respectively. "in the low grounds of the north of the island a finely developed terminal moraine extends in a great sweep so as to obstruct the drainage and convert thousands of acres of land into lake and morass, which is only now yielding to artificial drainage. many fine examples of drumlin and esker mounds occur at low levels in different parts of the island; and it was remarked nearly fifty years ago by cumming, that their long axes were parallel to the direction of ice-movement indicated by the striated surfaces and the transport of boulders. "the foreign boulders are mainly from the granite mountains of galloway, but there are many flints, presumably from antrim, a very small number of lake district rocks, and a remarkable rock containing the excessively rare variety of hornblende, riebeckite. this has now been identified with a rock on ailsa crag, a tiny islet in the frith of clyde; and a manx geologist, the rev. s. n. harrison, has discovered a single boulder of the highly characteristic pitchstone of corriegills, in the isle of arran. "_the so-called great submergence._ "it may be convenient to adduce some additional facts which render the theory of a great submergence of the country south of the cheviots untenable. "the sole evidence upon which it rests is the occurrence of shells, mostly in an extremely fragmentary condition, in deposits occurring at various levels up to about , feet above sea-level: a little space may profitably be devoted to a criticism of this evidence. "_moel tryfaen_ ('the hill of the three rocks').--this celebrated locality is on the first rise of the ground between the menai straits and the congeries of hills constituting 'snowdonia'; and when we look to the northward from the top of the hill ( , feet) we see the ground rising from the straits in a series of gentle undulations whose smooth contours would be found from a walk across the country to be due to the thick mask of glacial deposits which obliterates the harsher features of the solid rocks. "the deposits on moel tryfaen are exposed in a slate-quarry on the northern aspect of the hill near the summit, and consist of two wedges of structureless boulder-clay, each thinning towards the top of the hill. the lower mass of clay, wherever it rests upon the rock, contains streaks and irregular patches of eccentric form, of sharp, perfectly angular fragments of slate; and the underlying rock may be seen to be crushed and broken, its cleavage-laminæ being thrust over from northwest to southeast--that is, _up-hill_. the famous 'shell-bed' is a thick series of sands and gravels interosculated with the clays on the slope of the hill, but occupying the entire section above the slate towards the top. the bedding shows unmistakable signs of the action of water, both regular stratification and false bedding being well displayed. the stones occurring in the clays are mainly if not entirely welsh, including some from the interior of the country, and they are not infrequently of large size--two or three tons' weight--and well scratched. "the stones found in the sands and gravels include a great majority of local rocks, but besides these there have been recorded the following: rock. source. highest minimum point uplift _in situ_. in feet. granite eskdale, cumberland , granite criffel, galloway ..... ... flint antrim (?) , to these i can add: granophyre buttermere, cumberland ..... ... eurite [bu] ailsa craig, frith of clyde , [footnote bu: the altitude at which this rock occurs on ailsa craig has not been announced, so have put it as the extreme height of the island.] "the shells in the moel tryfaen deposit have been fully described, so far as the enumeration of species and relative frequency are concerned, but little has been said as to their absolute abundance and their condition. the shells are extremely rare, and daring a recent visit a party of five persons, in an assiduous search of about two hours, succeeded in finding _five whole shells_ and about two ounces of fragments. the opportunities for collecting are as good as could be desired. the sections exposed have an aggregate length of about a quarter of a mile, with a height varying from ten to twenty feet of the shelly portion; and besides this there are immense spoil-banks, upon whose rain-washed slopes fossil-collecting can be carried on under the most favorable conditions. "i would here remark, that the occurrence of small seams of shelly material of exceptional richness has impressed collectors with the idea that they were dealing with a veritable shell-bed, when the facts would bear a very different interpretation. a fictitious abundance is brought about by a process of what may be termed 'concentration,' by the action of a gently flowing current of water upon materials of different sizes and different specific gravities. shells when but recently vacated consist of materials of rather high specific gravity, penetrated by pores containing animal matter, so that the density of the whole mass is far below that of rocks in general, and hence a current too feeble to move pebbles would yet carry shells. illustrations of this process may be observed upon any shore in the concentration of fragments of coal, corks, or other light material. "regarding the interpretation of these facts: the commonly received idea is, that the beds were laid down in the sea during a period of submergence, and that the shells lived, not perhaps on the spot, but somewhere near, and that the terminal curvature of the slate was produced by the grounding of icebergs which also brought the boulders. but if this hypothesis were accepted, it would be necessary to invest the flotation of ice with a constancy of direction entirely at variance with observed facts, for the phenomena of terminal curvature is shown" with perfect persistence of direction wherever the boulder-clay rests upon the rock; and, further, there is the highly significant fact, that neither the sands and gravels nor the rock upon which they rest show any signs of disturbance or contortion, such as must have been produced if floating ice had been an operative agent. "the uplift of foreign rocks is equally significant; and when we take into account the great distances from which they have been borne and the frequency with which such an operation must have been repeated, the inadequacy becomes apparent of darwin's ingenious suggestion, that it might have been effected by a succession of uplifts by shore-ice during a period of slow subsidence; while the character and abundance of the molluscan remains invest with a species of irony the application of the term 'shell-bed' to the deposit. "i now turn to the alternative explanation (see _ante_, p. ), viz., that the whole of the phenomena were produced by a mass of land-ice which was forced in upon moel tryfaen from the north or northwest, overpowering any welsh ice which obstructed its course. this view is in harmony with the observations regarding the 'terminal curvature' of the slates, the occurrence of sharp angular chips of slate in the boulder-clay, and the coincidence of direction of these indications of movement with the carry of foreign stones. the few shells and shell-crumbs in the sands and gravels would, upon this hypothesis, be the infinitesimal relics of huge shell-banks in the irish sea which were destroyed by the glacier and in part incorporated in its ground-moraine or involved in the ice itself. the sands and gravels would represent the wash which would take place wherever, by the occurrence of a 'nunatak' or by approach to the edge of the ice, water could have a free escape. "two principal objections have been urged to the land-ice explanation of the moel tryfaen deposits. an able critic asks, 'can, then, ice walk up-hill?' to this we answer, given a sufficient 'head' behind it, and ice can certainly achieve that feat, as every _roche moutonnée_ proves. if it be granted that ice on the small scale can move up-hill, there is no logical halting-place between the uplift of ten or twenty feet to surmount a _roche moutonnée_, and an equally gradual elevation to the height of moel tryfaen. furthermore, the inland ice of greenland is known to extrude its ground-moraine on the 'weather-side' of the nunataks, and the same action would account for the material uplifted on moel tryfaen. "the second objection brought forward was couched in somewhat these terms: 'if the lake district had its ice-sheet, surely wales had one also. could not snowdonia protect the heart of its own domain?' of course, wales had its ice-sheet, and the question so pointedly raised by the objector needs an answer; and though it is merely a question of how much force is requisite to overcome a certain resistance (both factors being unknown), still there are features in the case which render it specially interesting and at the same time comparatively easy of explanation. it seems rather like stating a paradox, yet the fact is, that it was the proximity of snowdon which, in my opinion, enabled the foreign ice to invade wales at that point. "a glance at the map will show that the 'radiant point' of the welsh ice was situated on or near arenig mawr, and that the great mass of snowdon stands quite on the periphery of the mountainous regions of north wales, so that it would oppose its bulk to fend off the native ice-sheet and prevent it from extending seaward in that direction. [illustration: fig. .--section across wales to show the relationship of native to foreign ice.] "as a consequence, the only welsh ice in position to obstruct the onward march of the invader would be such trifling valley-glaciers as could form on the western slopes of snowdon itself. "the peak of snowdon is , feet above sea-level, and arenig mawr, , feet high, is eighteen miles to the eastward, and a broad, deep valley with unobstructed access to cardigan bay intervenes; so, if any ice from the central mass made its way over the snowdonian range, it performed a much more surprising feat than that involved in the ascent of moel tryfaen from the westward. "the profile shows in diagrammatic form the probable relations of the foreign to the native ice at the time when the moel tryfaen deposits were laid down. "from what has been said regarding the great glaciers, it would seem that ice advanced upon the land from the seaward in several parts of the coast of england, wales, and the isle of man. now, it is in precisely those parts of the country, and those alone, that the remains of marine animals occur in the glacial deposits. if the dispersal of the shells found in the drift had been effected by the means i have suggested, it would follow, as an inevitable consequence, that wherever shells occur there should also be boulders which have been brought from beyond the sea. this i find to be the case, and in two instances the discovery of shells was preliminary to the extension of the boundaries of the known distribution of boulders of trans-marine origin. "the officers of the geological survey some years ago observed the occurrence of 'obscure fragments of marine shells' in a deposit at whalley, lancashire, in which they could find only local rocks. one case such as this would be fatal to the theory of the _remanié_ origin of the shells, but on visiting the section with mr. w. a. downham, i found, amongst the very few stones which occurred in the shell-bearing sand at the spot indicated, two well-marked examples of cumbrian volcanic rocks, and, at a little distance, large boulders of scottish granites. "the second case is more striking. the announcement was made that shells had been found on a hill called gloppa near oswestry, in shropshire, and, as it lay about five miles to the westward of mackintosh's boundary of the irish sea glacier, and therefore well within the area of exclusively welsh boulders, it furnished an excellent opportunity of putting the theory to the test. an examination of the boulders associated with the shells showed that the whole suite of galloway and cumbrian erratics such as belong to the irish sea glacier were present in great abundance. not only this, but in the midst of the series of shell-bearing gravels i observed a thin lenticular bed of greenish clay, which upon examination was found to be crowded with well-scratched specimens of welsh rocks; but neither a morsel of shell nor a single pebble of a foreign rock could be found, either by a careful examination in the field or by washing the clay at home, and examining with a lens the sand and stones separated out. "the fact that predictions such as these have been verified affords a very striking corroboration of the theory put forward; and, though shells cannot be found in every deposit in which they might, _ex hypothesi_, be found, yet the strict limitation of them to situations which conform to those assigned upon theoretical grounds cannot be ascribed to mere coincidence. if the land had ever been submerged during any part of the glacial epoch to a depth of , feet, it is inconceivable that clear and indisputable evidence should not be found in abundance in the sheltered valleys of the lake district and wales, which would have been deep, quiet fiords, in which vast colonies of marine creatures would have found harbour, as they do in the deep lochs of scotland to-day. "it has been urged, in explanation of this absence of marine remains in the great hill-centres, that the 'second glaciation' might have destroyed them; but to do this would require that the ice should make a clean and complete sweep of all the loose deposits both in the hollows of the valleys and on the hill-sides, and further that it should destroy all the shells and all the foreign stones which floated in during the submergence. at the same time we should have to suppose that the drift which lay in the paths of the great glaciers was not subjected to any interference whatever. but, assuming that these difficulties were explained, there would still remain the fact that the valleys which have never been glaciated--as, for example, those of derbyshire--show no signs whatever of any marine deposits, nor of marine action in any form whatever. "the sea leaves other traces also, besides shells, of its presence in districts that have really been submerged, yet there are no signs whatever to be found of them in all england, except the _post_-glacial raised beaches. furthermore, in all the area occupied by glacial deposits there are no true sea-beaches, no cliffs nor sea-worn caves, no barnacle-encrusted rocks, nor rocks bored by pholas or saxicava. are we to believe that these never existed; or that, having existed, they have been obliterated by subsequent denudations? to make good the former proposition, it would be necessary as a preliminary to show that the movement of subsidence and re-elevation was so rapid, and the interval between so brief, that no time was allowed for any marine erosion to take place. if this were so, it would be the most stupendous catastrophe of which we have any geological record; but we are not left in doubt regarding the duration of the submerged condition, for the occurrence of forty feet of gravel upon the summits of the hills indicates plainly that, if they were accumulated by the sea, the land must have stood at that level for a very long period, amply sufficient for the formation of a well-marked coast-line. "the alternative proposition, that post-glacial denudation had removed the traces of subsidence, is equally at variance with the evidence. post-glacial denudation has left kames and drumlins, and all the other forms of glacial deposits, in almost perfect integrity; the small kettle-holes are not yet filled up; and it is therefore quite out of the question that the far more enduring features, such as sea-cliffs, shore platforms, and beaches, should have been destroyed. "the only reasonable conclusion is, that these evidences of marine action never existed, because the land in glacial times was never depressed below its present level. if the level were different at all (as i think may have been the case on the western side of england), it was higher, and not lower. "the details of the submergence hypothesis have, so far as i am aware, never been dealt with by its advocates, otherwise i cannot but think that it would have been abandoned long since. it has been stated in general terms that the subsidence was greatest in the north and diminished to zero in the south, but no attempt was made to trace the evidence of extreme subsidence across country and along the principal hill-ranges--in fact, to see how it varied in every direction. "if we take a traverse of england, say from flamborough head upon the east to moel tryfaen on the west, and accept as evidence of submergence any true glacial deposits (except, as in the case of the interior of wales, the deposits are obviously the effects of purely local glaciers and contain, therefore, no shells), we shall find that the subsidence, if any, must have been not simply differential but sporadic. [illustration: fig. .--section of the cliff on the east side of south sea landing, flamborough head. scale, feet to inch; length of section yards; average height, feet. (see above map of moraine between speeton and flamborough.) explanation.--_ ._ brownish boulder-clay, a band of pebbles; _ a_, in places about seven feet from top. _ ._ washed gravel, with thin sand-seams, well-bedded, pebbles chiefly erratics. _ ._ "basement" boulder-clay, with many included patches of sand, gravel, and silt; _ a_, at _b_, one of these _ b_ contain shells. _ b_. sand and silt, overlying and in places interbedded with _ _. _ ._ rubble of angular and subangular chalk-blocks and gravel, with occasional erratic, passes partly into chalky boulder-clay, _ a_. _x_. white chalk, without flints, surface much shaken.] "at flamborough head shelly drift attains an altitude of feet, but half a mile from the coast the country is practically driftless even at lower levels. the yorkshire wolds were not submerged. on the western flanks of the wolds drift comes in at about to feet, and persists, probably, under the post-glacial warp, from which it again protrudes on the western side of the valley of the ouse, and however the drift between there and the pennine water-shed may be interpreted, it shows not a sign of marine origin; but, even granting that it did, we find that it does not reach within a thousand feet of the water-shed. when the water-shed is crossed, however, abundant glacial deposits are met with which are not to be differentiated from others at slightly lower levels which contain shells. [illustration: fig. .--enlarged section of the shelly sand and surrounding clay at _b_ in preceding figure. scale, feet to inch. explanation.--_ ._ "basement" boulder-clay. _ a_. pure compact blue and brown clay of aqueous origin, bedding contorted and nearly obliterated, but the mass is cut up by shearing planes. _ b_. irregular seam, and scattered streaks, of greenish-yellow sand with many marine shells. _ c_. patch of pale-yellow sand, different from _ b_, without trace of fossils.] "if we suppose that the line of our traverse crosses the pennine chain at heald moor, we shall find that on the eastern side no traces of drift occur above about feet; while the very summit of the water-shed is occupied by boulder-clay, and thence downward the trace is practically continuous, and at about , feet and downward the drift contains marine shells. across the great plain of lancashire and cheshire the 'marine' drift is fully developed--though it may be remarked in parentheses that it contains a shallow-water fauna, albeit _ex hypothesi_ deposited, in part at least, in a depth of fathoms of water--and to the welsh border at frondeg, where it again reaches a water-shed at an altitude of , feet; but at yards to the westward of the summit all traces of subsidence disappear, and through the centre of wales no sign is visible; then we emerge on the western slopes at moel tryfaen, and they assume their fullest dimensions, though only to finish abruptly on the hill-top, and put in no appearance in the lower grounds which extend from there to the sea. "the conclusions pointed to by the evidence (and, as i have endeavoured to show, all the evidence which existed at the close of the glacial period is there still) are, that a subsidence of the yorkshire wolds took place on the east, but not in the centre or west; that the pennine chain was submerged on the western side to a depth of , feet, and on the east to not more than feet, even on opposite sides of the same individual hill; that all the lowlands between, say, bacup and the welsh border, were submerged, and that the hills near frondeg partook of this movement, but only on their eastern sides; that the centre of wales was exempt, but that the summit of moel tryfaen forms an isolated spot submerged, while the surrounding country escaped. these absurdities might be indefinitely multiplied, and they must follow unless it be admitted that the phenomena are the results of glacial ice, and that ice can move 'up-hill.' "the south of england certainly has partaken of no movement of subsidence. a line drawn from bristol to london will leave all the true glacial deposits to the northward, except a bed of very questionable boulder-clay at watchet, and a peculiar deposit of clayey rubble which has been produced on the flanks of the cornish hills probably, as the late s. v. wood, jr, suggested, by the slipping of material over a permanently frozen subsoil. "for the remainder of the southern area the evidence is plain that there has been no considerable subsidence during glacial times. the presence over large areas of chalk country of the 'clay with flints'--a deposit produced by the gradual solution of the chalk and the accumulation in situ of its insoluble residue--is absolute demonstration that for immense periods of time the country has been exempt from any considerable aqueous action. the enormous accumulations of china clay upon the granite bosses of cornwall and devon tell the same tale. a few erratics have been found at low levels at various points on the southern coasts, usually not above the reach of the waves. these consist of rocks which may have been floated by shore-ice from the channel islands or the french coast. "this imperfect survey of the evidence against the supposed submergence has been rendered the more difficult by the fact that it is not considered necessary to produce the evidence of marine shells in all cases. indeed, it has been argued that post-tertiary beds covering thousands of square miles might be absolutely destitute of shells without prejudice to the theory of their formation in the sea. "but such a suggestion, one would think, could hardly come from anyone familiar with marine tertiary deposits, or even with the appearance of modern sea-beaches. admitting, however, for the purposes of argument, that the beaches along a great extent of coast might be devoid of shells, it cannot be argued that the deep waters were destitute of life; and hence the boulder-clays, if of marine origin, should contain a great abundance of shells and other remains, and, once entombed, it is beyond belief that they could all be removed from such a deposit in the short lapse of post-glacial time. "now, some of the boulder-clays--as, for example, those of lancashire and cheshire--are held to be of marine origin, and this is indeed a vital necessity to the submergence theory; for, if these are not marine deposits, neither are the other shelly deposits; but these boulder-clays are absolutely indistinguishable from those lying within the hill-centres, and, as it passes belief that such deposits could be of diverse origin and yet possess an identical structure and arrangement, then we should have a right to demand that these clays should have enclosed shells and should still contain them, but they do not. "i may here mention that i am informed by mr. w. shone, f. g. s.--and he was good enough to permit me to quote the statement--that the boulder-clay of cheshire and the shelly boulder-clay of caithness are 'as like as two peas.' the importance of this comparison lies in the fact that, since croll's classical description, all observers have agreed that it was the product of land-ice which moved in upon the land out of the dornoch firth. it was pointed out then, as since has been done for england, that it was only where the direction of ice-movement was from the seaward that any shells occur in the boulder-clay. "_the dispersion of erratics of shap granite._--so great a significance attaches to the peculiar distribution of this remarkable rock, that i may add a few details here which could not be conveniently introduced elsewhere. "this granite occupies an area which lies just to the northward of the water-shed between the basins of the lime and the eden, and its extreme elevation is , feet. boulders occur in large numbers as far to the northward as cross fells, while, as already described, they pass over stainmoor and are dispersed in great numbers along the route taken by the great stainmoor branch of the solway glacier. but a considerable number of the boulders also found their way to the southward, and a well-marked trail can be followed down into morecambe bay; and at hest bank, to the north of lancaster, the boulder-clay contains many examples, together with the 'mica-trap' of the kendal and sedbergh dykes and other local rocks, but no shells or erratics from other sources than the country draining into morecambe bay. to the southward the ice which bore these rocks was deflected by the great irish sea glacier, and, so far as present information enables me to state, the shap granite blocks mark the course of the medial moraine between these two ice-streams. it has been found near garstang, at longridge, and at whalley, this being the exact line of junction of the irish sea glacier with the ice from morecambe bay and the pennine chain. "it is a very remarkable and significant fact, that not a single authentic occurrence of the rock across the boundary indicated has yet been recorded." _northern europe._ on passing over the shallow german sea from england to the continent, the southern border of the scandinavian ice-field is found south of the zuyder zee, between utrecht and arnhem--the moraine hills in the vicinity of arnhem being quite marked, and a barren, sandy plain dotted with boulders and irregular moraine hills extending most of the way to the zuyder zee. from arnhem the southern boundary of the great ice-field runs "eastward across the rhine valley, along the base of the westphalian hills, around the projecting promontory of the hartz, and then southward through saxony to the roots of the erzgebirge. passing next southeastward along the flanks of the riesen and sudeten chain, it sweeps across poland into russia, circling round by kiev, and northward by nijni-novgorod towards the urals."[bv] thence the boundary passes northward to the arctic ocean, a little east of the white sea. [footnote bv: a. geikie's text-book of geology, p. .] the depth of this northern ice-sheet is proved to have been upwards of , feet where it met the hartz mountains, for it has deposited northern _débris_ upon them to that height; while, as already shown, it must have been over , feet in the main valley of switzerland. in norway it is estimated that the ice was between , and , feet thick. the amount of work done by the continental glaciers of europe in the erosion, transportation, and deposition of rock and earthy material is immense. according to helland, the average depth of the glacial deposits over north germany and northwestern russia is german feet, i. e., about english feet. as the deposition towards the margin of a glacier must be commensurate with its erosion near the centre of movement, this vast amount implies a still greater proportionate waste in the mountains of scandinavia, where the area diminishes with every contraction of the circle. two hundred and fifty feet is therefore not an extravagant calculation for the amount of glacial erosion in the scandinavian peninsula. it is not difficult to see how the scandinavian mountains were able to contribute so much soil to the plains of northern germany and northwestern russia. previous to the glacial period, a warm climate extended so far north as to permit the growth of semi-tropical vegetation in spitsbergen, greenland, and the northern shores of british america. such a climate, with its abundant moisture and vegetation, afforded most favourable conditions for the superficial disintegration of the rocks. when, therefore, the cold of the glacial period came on, the moving currents of ice would have a comparatively easy task in stripping the mantle of soil from the hills of norway and sweden, and transporting it towards the periphery of its movement. of course, erosion in scandinavia meant subglacial deposition beyond the baltic. doubtless, therefore, the plains of northern germany, with their great depth of soil, are true glacial deposits, whose inequalities of surface have since been much obliterated, through the general influences of the lapse of time, and by the ceaseless activity of man. an interesting series of moraines in the north of germany, bordering the baltic sea, was discovered in by professor salisbury, of the united states geological survey. its course lies through schleswig-holstein, mecklenburg, potsdam (about forty miles north of berlin), thence swinging more to the north, and following nearly the line between pomerania and west prussia, crossing the vistula about twenty miles south of dantzic, thence easterly to the spirding see, near the boundary of poland. among the places where this moraine can be best seen are--" . in province holstein, the region about (especially north of) eutin; . province mecklenburg, north of crivitz, and between bütow and kröpelin; . province brandenburg, south of reckatel, between strassen and bärenbusch, south of fürstenberg and north of everswalde, and between pyritz and solden; . province posen, east of locknitz, and at numerous points to the south, and especially about falkenburg, and between lompelburg and bärwalde. this is one of the best localities. . province west preussen, east of bütow; . province ost preussen, between horn and widikin." comparing these with the moraines of america, professor salisbury remarks: "in its composition from several members, in its variety of development, in its topographic relations, in its topography, in its constitution, in its associated deposits, and in its wide separation from the outermost drift limit, this morainic belt corresponds to the extensive morainic belt of america, which extends from dakota to the atlantic ocean. that the one formation corresponds to the other does not admit of doubt. in all essential characteristics they are identical in character. what may be their relations in time remains to be determined." [illustration: fig. .--map showing the glaciated area of europe according to j. geikie, and the moraines in britain and germany according to lewis and salisbury.] the physical geography of europe is so different from that of america, that there was a marked difference in the secondary or incidental effects of the glacial period upon the two regions. in america the continental area over which the glaciers spread is comparatively simple in its outlines. east of the rocky mountains, as we have seen, the drainage of the glacial period was, for a time, nearly all concentrated in the mississippi basin, and the streams had a free course southward. but in europe there was no free drainage to the south, except over a small portion of the glaciated area in central russia, about the head-waters of the dnieper, the don, and the volga; though the danube and the rhône afforded free course for the waters of a portion of the great alpine glaciers. but all the great rivers of northern europe flow to the northward, and, with the exception of the seine, they all for a time encountered the front of the continental ice-sheet. this circumstance makes it difficult to distinguish closely between the direct glacial deposits in europe and those which are more or less modified by water-action. at first sight it would seem also somewhat hazardous to attempt to correlate with any portion of the glacial period the deposition of the gravelly and loamy deposits in valleys, which, like those of the seine and somme, lie entirely outside of the glaciated area. upon close examination, however, the elements of doubt more and more disappear. the glacial period was one of great precipitation, and it is natural to suppose that the area of excessive snow-fall extended considerably beyond the limit of the ice-front. during that period therefore, the rivers of central france must have been annually flooded to an extent far beyond anything which is known at the present time. since these rivers flowed to the northward, at a period when, during the long and severe winters, the annual accumulation of ice near their mouths was excessive, ice-gorges of immense extent, such as now form about the mouths of the siberian rivers, would regularly occur. we are not surprised, therefore, to find, even in these streams, abundant indications of the indirect influence of the great northern ice-sheet. the indications referred to consist of high-level gravel terraces occasionally containing boulders, of from four to five tons weight, which have been transported for a considerable distance. the elevation of the terraces above the present flood-plains of the seine and somme reaches from to feet. we are not to suppose, however, that even in glacial times the floods of the river seine could have filled its present valley to that height. the highest flood in this river known in historic times rose only to a height of twenty-nine feet. mr. prestwich estimates that, without taking into consideration the more rapid discharge, a flood of sixty times this magnitude would be required to fill the present valley to the level of the ancient gravels, while at amiens the shape of the valley of the somme is such that five hundred times the mean average of the stream would be required to reach the high-level gravels. the conclusion, therefore, is that the troughs of these streams have been largely formed by erosion since the deposition of the high-level gravels. connected with these terrace gravels in northern france is a loamy deposit, corresponding to the loess in other parts of europe, and to a similar deposit to which we have referred in describing the southwestern part of the glaciated area in north america. in northern france this fine silt overlies the high-level gravel deposits, and, as mr. prestwich has pretty clearly shown, was deposited contemporaneously with them during the early inundations and before the stream had eroded its channel to its present level. the distribution of loess in europe was doubtless connected with the peculiar glacial conditions of the continent. its typical development is in the valley of the rhine, where it is described by professor james geikie "as a yellow or pale greyish-brown, fine-grained, and more or less homogeneous, consistent, non-plastic loam, consisting of an intimate admixture of clay and carbonate of lime. it is frequently minutely perforated by long, vertical, root-like tubes which are lined with carbonate of lime--a structure which imparts to the loess a strong tendency to cleave or divide in vertical planes. thus it usually presents upright bluffs or cliffs upon the margins of streams and rivers which intersect it. very often it contains concretions or nodules of irregular form.... land-shells and the remains of land animals are the most common fossils of the loess, but occasionally fresh-water shells and the bones of fresh-water fish occur." "from the margins of the modern alluvial flats which form the bottoms of the valleys it rises to a height of or feet above the streams--sweeping up the slopes of the valleys, and imparting a rich productiveness to many districts which would otherwise be comparatively unfruitful. from the rhienthal itself it extends into all the tributary valleys--those of the neckar, the main, the lahn, the moselle, and the meuse, being more or less abundantly charged with it. it spreads, in short, like a great winding-sheet over the country--lying thickly in the valleys and dying off upon the higher slopes and plateaux. wide and deep accumulations appear likewise in the rhône valley, as also in several other river-valleys of france, as in those of the seine, the saône, and the garonne, and the same is the case with many of the valleys of middle germany, such as those of the fulda, the werra, the weser, and the upper reaches of the great basin of the elbe. it must not be supposed that the loess is restricted to valleys and depressions in the surface of the ground. "it is true that it attains in these its greatest thickness, but extensive accumulations may often be followed far into the intermediate hilly districts and over the neighbouring plateaux. thus the odenwald, the taunus, the vogelgebirge, and other upland tracts, are cloaked with loess up to a considerable height. crossing into the drainage system of the danube, we find that this large river and many of its tributaries flow through vast tracts of loess. lower bavaria is thickly coated with it, and it attains a great development in bohemia, upper and lower austria, and moravia--in the latter country rising to an elevation of , feet. it is equally abundant in hungary, galicia, bukowina, and transylvania. from the danubian flat lands and the low grounds of galicia it stretches into the valleys of the carpathians, up to heights of and , feet. in some cases it goes even higher--namely, to , feet, according to zeuschner, and to , or , feet, according to korzistka. these last great elevations, it will be understood, are in the upper valleys of the northern carpathians. in roumania loess is likewise plentiful, but it has not been observed south of the balkans. east of the carpathians--that is to say, in the regions watered by the dniester, the dnieper, and the don--loess appears also to be wanting, and to be represented by those great steppe-deposits which are known as _tchernozen_, or black earth."[bw] [footnote bw: prehistoric europe, pp. - .] the shells found in the loess indicate both a colder and a wetter climate during its deposition than that which now exists. the relics of land animals are infrequently found in the deposit, yet they do occur, but mostly in fragmentary condition--the principal animals represented being the mammoth, the rhinoceros, the reindeer, and the horse; which is about the same variety as is found in the gravel deposits of the glacial period, both in western europe and in america. a species of loess--differing, however, somewhat in color from that on the rhine--covers the plains of northeastern france up to an elevation of feet above the the sea, where, as we have already said, it overlies the high-level gravels of the seine and the somme. above this height the superficial soil in france is evidently merely the decomposed upper surface of the native rock. the probable explanation of all these deposits, included under the term "loess," is the same as that already given by prestwich of the loamy deposits of northern france. but in case of rivers, which, like the rhine, encountered the ice-front in their northward flow, a flooded condition favouring the accumulation of loess was doubtless promoted by the continental ice-barrier. in the case of the danube and the rhône, however, where there was a free outlet away from the glaciated region, the loess in the upper part of the valleys must have accumulated in connection with glacial floods quite similar to those which we have described as spreading over the imperfectly formed water-courses of the mississippi basin during the close of the ice age. that the typical loess is of glacial origin is pretty certainly shown, both by its distribution in front of glaciers and by its evident mechanical origin when studied under the microscope. it is, in short, the fine sediment which gives the milky whiteness to glacial rivers. in central russia there is a considerable area in which the glacial conditions were, in one respect, similar to those in the northern part of the mississippi valley in the united states. in both regions the continental ice-sheet surmounted the river partings, and spread over the upper portion of an extensive plain whose drainage was to the south. the dnieper, the don, and the western branch of the volga, like the ohio and the mississippi, have their head-waters in the glaciated region. in some other respects, also, there is a resemblance between the plains bordering the glaciated region in central russia and those which in america border it in the mississippi valley. mr. james geikie is of the opinion that the extensive belt of black earth adjoining the glaciated area in russia, and constituting the most productive agricultural portion of the country, derives its fertility, as does much of the mississippi valley, from the blanket of glacial silt spread pretty evenly over it. thus it would appear that in europe, as in america, the ice of the glacial period was a most beneficent agent, preparing the face of the earth for the permanent occupation of man. on both continents the seat of empire is in the area once occupied by the advance of the great ice-movements of that desolate epoch. _asia._ east of the urals, in northern asia, there is no evidence of moving ice upon the land during the glacial period; but at yakutsk, in latitude ° north, the soil is frozen at the present time to an unknown depth, and many of the siberian rivers, as they approach and empty into the arctic sea, flow between cliffs of perpetual ice or frozen ground. the changes that came over this region during the glacial period are impressively indicated by the animal remains which have been preserved in these motionless icy cliffs. in the early part of the period herds of mammoth and woolly rhinoceros roamed over the plains of siberia, and waged an unequal warfare with the slowly converging and destructive forces. the heads and tusks of these animals were so abundant in siberia that they long supplied all russia with ivory, besides contributing no small amount for export to other countries. "in and as many as , mammoth-tusks, weighing from to pounds each, were entered at the london clocks."[bx] so perfectly have the carcasses of these extinct animals been preserved in the frozen soil of northern siberia that when, after the lapse of thousands of years, floods have washed them out from the frozen cliffs, dogs and wolves and bears have fed upon their flesh with avidity. in some instances even "portions of the food of these animals were found in the cavities of the teeth. microscopic examination showed that they fed upon the leaves and shoots of the coniferous trees which then clothed the plains of siberia." a skeleton and parts of the skin, and some of the softer portions of the body of a mammoth, discovered in in the frozen cliff near the mouth of the lena, was carried to st. petersburg in , from which it was ascertained that this huge animal was "covered with alight-coloured, curly, very thick-set hair one to two inches in length, interspersed with darker-colored hair and bristles from four to eighteen inches long."[by] [footnote bx: prestwich's geology, vol. ii, p. .] [footnote by: prestwich's geology, vol. ii, p. .] in the valleys of sikkim and eastern nepaul, in northern india, glaciers formerly extended , feet lower than now, or to about the , -foot level, and in the western himalayas to a still lower level. the higher ranges of mountains in other portions of asia also show many signs of former glaciation. this is specially true of the caucasus, where the ancient glaciers were of vast extent. according, also, to sir joseph hooker, the cedars of lebanon flourish upon an ancient moraine. of the glacial phenomena in other portions of asia little is known. _africa._ northern and even central africa must likewise come in for their share of attention. the atlas mountains, rising to a height of , feet, though supporting none at the present time, formerly sustained glaciers of considerable size. moraines are found in several places as low as the , -foot level, and one at an altitude of , feet is from to feet high, and completely crosses and dams up the ravine down which the glacier formerly came. some have supposed that there are indubitable evidences of former glaciation in the mountain-ranges of southwestern africa between latitude ° and °, but the evidence is not as unequivocal as we could wish, and we will not pause upon it. the mountains of _australia_, also, some of which rise to a height of more than , feet, are supposed to have been once covered with glacial ice down to the level of , feet, but the evidence is at present too scanty to build upon. but in _new zealand_ the glaciers now clustering about the peaks in the middle of the south island, culminating in mount cook, are but diminutive representatives of their predecessors. this is indicated by extensive moraines in the lower part of the valleys and by the existence of numerous lakes, attributable, like so many in europe and north america, to the irregular deposition of morainic material by the ancient ice-sheet.[bz] [footnote bz: see with axe and rope in the new zealand alps, by g. e. mannering, .] chapter vii. drainage systems and the glacial period. we will begin the consideration of this part of our subject, also, with the presentation of the salient facts in north america, since that field is simpler than any field in the old world. the natural drainage basins of north america east of the rocky mountains are readily described. the mississippi river and its branches drain nearly all the region lying between the appalachian chain and the rocky mountains and south of the dominion of canada and of the great lakes. all the southern tributaries to the great lakes are insignificant, the river partings on the south being reached in a very short distance. the drainage of the rather limited basin of the great lakes is northeastward through the st. lawrence river, leaving nearly all of the dominion of canada east of the rocky mountains to pour its surplus waters northward into hudson bay and the arctic ocean. with the exception of the st. lawrence river, these are essentially permanent systems of drainage. to understand the extent to which the ice of the glacial period modified these systems, we must first get before our minds a picture of the country before the accumulation of ice began. _preglacial erosion._ reference has already been made to the elevated condition of the northern and central parts of north america at the beginning of the glacial period. the direct proof of this preglacial elevation is largely derived from the fiords and great lake basins of the continent. the word "fiord" is descriptive of the deep and narrow inlets of the sea specially characteristic of the coasts of norway, denmark. iceland, and british columbia. usually also fiords are connected with valleys extending still farther inland, and occupied by streams. fiords are probably due in great part to river erosion when the shores stood at considerably higher level than now. slowly, during the course of ages, the streams wore out for themselves immense gorges, and were assisted, perhaps, to some extent by the glaciers which naturally came into existence during the higher continental elevation. the present condition of fiords, occupied as they usually are by great depths of sea-water, would be accounted for by recent subsidence of the land. in short, fiords seem essentially to be submerged river gorges, partially silted up near their mouths, or perhaps partially closed by terminal moraines. it is not alone in northwestern europe and british columbia that fiords are found, but they characterize as well the eastern coast of america north of maine, while even farther south, both on the atlantic and on the pacific coast, some extensive examples exist, whose course has been revealed only to the sounding-line of the government survey. the most remarkable of the submerged fiords in the middle atlantic region of the united states is the continuation of the trough of hudson river beyond new york bay. as long ago as the work of the united states coast survey showed that there was a submarine continuation of this valley, extending through the comparatively shallow waters eighty miles or more seaward from sandy hook. [illustration: fig. .--map showing old channel and mouth of the hudson (dewberry).] the more accurate surveys conducted from to have brought to our knowledge the facts about this submarine valley almost as clearly as those relating to the inland portion of it above new york city. according to mr. a. lindenkohl,[ca] this submarine valley began to be noticeable in the soundings ten miles southeast of sandy hook. the depth of the water where the channel begins is nineteen fathoms ( feet). ten miles out the channel has sunk ninety feet below the general depth of the water on the bank, and continues at this depth for twenty miles farther. this narrow channel continues with more or less variation for a distance of seventy-five miles, where it suddenly enlarges to a width of three miles and to a depth of fathoms, or , feet, and extends for a distance of twenty-five miles, reaching near that point a depth of fathoms, or , feet. according to mr. lindenkohl, this ravine maintains for half its length "a vertical depth of more than , feet, measuring from the top of its banks, and the banks have a nearly uniform slope of about °." the mouth of the ravine opens out into the deep basin of the central atlantic. [footnote ca: bulletin of the geological society of america, vol. i, p. ; american journal of science, june, .] with little question there is brought to light in these remarkable investigations a channel eroded by the extension of the hudson river, into the bordering shelf of the atlantic basin at a time when the elevation of the continent was much greater than now. this is shown to have occurred in late tertiary or post-tertiary times by the fact that the strata through which it is worn are the continuation of the tertiary deposits of new jersey. the subsidence to its present level has probably been gradual, and, according to professor cook, is still continuing at the rate of two feet a century. similar submarine channels are found extending out from the present shore-line to the margin of the narrow shelf bordering the deep water of the central atlantic running from the mouth of the st. lawrence river, through st. lawrence bay, and through delaware and chesapeake bays.[cb] all these submerged fiords on the atlantic coast were probably formed during a continental elevation which commenced late in the tertiary period, and reached the amount of from , to , feet in the northern part of the continent. [footnote cb: see lindenkohl in american journal of science, for june, .] [illustration: fig. .--new york harbor in preglacial times looking south, from south end of new york island (newberry).] to this period must probably be referred also the formation of the gorge, or more properly fiord, of the saguenay, which joins the st. lawrence below quebec. the great depth of this fiord is certainly surprising, since, according to sir william dawson, its bottom, for fifty miles above the st. lawrence, is feet below the sea-level, while the bordering cliffs are in some places , feet above the water. the average width is something over a mile. it seems impossible to account for such a deep gorge extending so far below the sea-level, except upon the supposition of a long-continued continental elevation, which should allow the stream to form a cañon to an extent somewhat comparable with that of the cañons of the colorado and other rivers in the far west. then, upon the subsidence of the continent to the present level, it would remain partially or wholly submerged, as we find it at the present time. during the glacial period it was so filled with ice as to prevent silting up. the rivers entering the pacific ocean, both in the united states and in british columbia, are also lost in submerged channels extending out to the deeper waters of the pacific basin in a manner closely similar to the atlantic streams which have been mentioned. during this continental elevation which preceded, accompanied, and perhaps brought on the glacial period, erosion must have proceeded with great intensity along all the lines of drainage, and throughout the whole region which is now covered, and to a considerable extent smoothed over, by glacial deposits, and the whole country must have presented a very different appearance from what it does now. a pretty definite idea of its preglacial condition can probably be formed by studying the appearance of the regions outside of and adjoining that which was covered by the continental glacier. the contrast between the glaciated and the unglaciated region is striking in several respects aside from the presence and absence of transported rocks and other _débris_, but in nothing is it greater than in the extent of river erosion which is apparent upon the surface. for example, upon the western flanks of the alleghanies the regions south of the glacial limit is everywhere deeply channeled by streams. indeed, so long have they evidently been permitted to work in their present channels that, wherever there have been waterfalls, they have receded to the very head-waters, and no cataracts exist in them at the present time. nor are there in the unglaciated region any lakes of importance, such as characterize the glaciated region. if there have been lakes, the lapse of time has been sufficient for their outlets to lower their beds sufficiently to drain the basins dry. on entering the glaciated area all this is changed. the ice-movement has everywhere done much to wear down the hills and fill the valleys, and, where there was _débris_ enough at command, it has obliterated the narrow gorges originally occupied by the preglacial streams. thus it has completely changed the minor lines of superficial drainage, and in many instances has produced most extensive and radical changes in the whole drainage system of the region. in the glaciated area, channels buried beneath glaciated _débris_ are of frequent occurrence, while many of the streams which occupy their preglacial channels are flowing at a very much higher level than formerly, the lower part of the channel having been silted up by the superabundant _débris_ accessible since the glacial movement began. _buried outlets and channels._ it is easy to see how the great number of shallow lakes which frequent the glaciated region were formed by the irregular deposition of glacial _débris_, but it is somewhat more difficult to trace out the connection between the glacial period and the great lakes of north america, several of which are of such depth that their bottoms are some hundreds of feet below the sea-level, lake erie furnishing the only exception. this lake is so shallow that it is easy to see how its basin may have been principally formed by river erosion, while it is evident that such must have been the mode of its formation, since it is surrounded by sedimentary strata lying nearly in a horizontal position. [illustration: fig. .--section across the valley of the cuyahoga river, twenty miles above its mouth (claypole).] that lake erie is really nothing but a "glacial mill-pond" is proved also by much direct evidence, especially that derived from the depth of the buried channels of the streams flowing into it from the south. of these, the cuyahoga river, which enters the lake at cleveland, has been most fully investigated. in searching for oil, some years ago, borings were made at many places for twenty-five miles above the mouth of the river. as a result, it appeared that for the whole distance the rocky bottom of the gorge was about two hundred feet below the present bottom of the river, while the river itself is two or three hundred feet below the general level of the country, occupying a trough about half a mile in width, with steep, rocky sides. these facts indicate that at one time the river must have found opportunity to discharge its contents at a level two hundred feet below that of the present lake, while an examination of the material filling up the bottom of the gorge to its present level shows it to be glacial _débris_, thus proving that the silting up was accomplished during the glacial period. as the water of lake erie is for the most part less than one hundred feet in depth, and is nowhere much more than two hundred feet deep, it is clear that the preglacial outlet which drained it down to the level of the rocky bottom of the cuyahoga river must have destroyed the lake altogether. hence ave may be certain that, before the glacial period, the area now covered by the lake was simply a broad, shallow valley through which there coursed a single river of great magnitude, with tributary branches occupying deep gorges. professor j. w. spencer has shown with great probability that the old line of drainage from lake erie passed through the lower part of the valley of grand river, in canada, and entered lake ontario at its western extremity, and that during the great ice age this became so completely obstructed with glacial _débris_ as to form an impenetrable dam, and to cause the pent-up water to flow through the niagara valley, which chanced to furnish the lowest opening. in speaking of the present area of lake erie, however, as being then occupied by a river valley, we do not mean to imply that it was not afterwards greatly modified by glacial erosion; for undoubtedly this was the case, whatever views we may have as to the relative efficiency of ice and water in scooping out lake basins. in the case of lake erie, we need suppose no change of level to account for the erosion of its basin, but only that, since the strata in which it is situated were deposited, time enough had elapsed for a great river to cut a gorge extending from the western end of lake ontario through to the present bed of lake erie, and that here a great enlargement of the valley was occasioned by the existence of deep beds of soft shale which could easily be worn away by a ramifying system of tributary streams. rivers acting at present relative levels would be amply sufficient to produce the results which are here manifest. but in the case of lakes ontario, huron, michigan, and superior, whose depths descend considerably below the sea-level, we must suppose that they were, in the main, eroded when the continent was so much elevated that their bottoms were brought above tide-level. the depth of lake ontario implies the existence of an outlet more than four hundred feet lower than at present, which, of course, could exist only when the general elevation was more than four hundred feet greater than now. the existence of an outlet at that depth seems to be proved also by the fact that at syracuse, where numerous wells have been sunk to obtain brine for the manufacture of salt, deposits of sand, gravel, and rolled stones, four hundred and fifty feet thick, are penetrated without reaching rock. since this lies in the basin of lake ontario, it follows that if the basin itself has been produced by river erosion, the land must have been of sufficient height to permit an outlet through a valley, or cañon, of the required depth, and this outlet must now be buried beneath the abundant glacial _débris_ that covers the region. professor newberry, who has studied the vicinity carefully, is of the opinion that there is ample opportunity for such a line of drainage to have extended through the mohawk valley to the hudson river. but, at little falls, a spur of the adirondack mountains projects into the valley, and the archæan rocks over which the river runs are so prominent and continuous that some have thought it impossible for the requisite channel to have ever existed there. extensive deposits of glacial _débris_, however, are found in the vicinity, especially in places some distance to the north, and in professor newberry's opinion the existence of a buried channel around the obstruction upon the north side is by no means improbable. the preglacial drainage of lake huron has not been determined with any great degree of probability. professor spencer formerly supposed that it passed from the southern end of the lake through london, in the western part of ontario, and reached the erie basin near port stanley, and so augmented the volume of the ancient river which eroded the buried cañon from lake erie to lake ontario. but he now supposes, though the evidence is by no means demonstrative, that the waters of lake huron passed into lake ontario by means of a channel extending from georgian bay to the vicinity of toronto. with a fair degree of probability, the basin of lake superior is supposed by professor newberry to have been joined to that of lake michigan by some passage, now buried, considerably to the west of the strait of mackinac, and thence to have had an outlet southward from the vicinity of chicago directly into the mississippi river. of this there is considerable evidence furnished by deeply buried channels which have been penetrated by borings in various places in kankakee, livingston, and mclean counties, illinois; but the whole area extending from lake michigan to the mississippi is so deeply covered with glacial _débris_ that the surface of the country gives no satisfactory indication of the exact lines of preglacial drainage. some of the most remarkable instances of ancient river channels buried by the glacial deposits have been brought to light in southwestern ohio, where there has been great activity in boring for gas and oil. at st. paris, champaign county, for example, in a locality where the surface of the rock near by was known to be not far below the general level, a boring was begun and continued to a depth of more than five hundred feet without reaching rock, or passing out of glacial _débris_. many years ago professor newberry collected sufficient facts to show that pretty generally the ancient bed of the ohio river was as much as feet below that over which it now flows. during a continental elevation the erosion had proceeded to that extent, and then the channel had been silted up during the glacial period with the abundant material carried down by the streams from the glaciated area. one of the evidences of the preglacial depth of the channel of the ohio was brought to light at cincinnati, where "gravel and sand have been found to extend to a depth of over one hundred feet below low-water mark, and the bottom of the trough has not been reached." in the valley of mill creek, also, "in the suburbs of cincinnati, gravel and sand were penetrated to the depth of feet below the stream before reaching rock." but from the general appearance of the channel, professor j. f. james was led to surmise that a rock bottom extended all the way across the present channel of the ohio, between price hill and ludlow, ky., a short distance below cincinnati, which would preclude the possibility of a preglacial outlet at the depth disclosed in that direction. mr. charles j. bates (who was inspector of the masonry for the cincinnati southern railroad while building the bridge across the ohio at this point) informs me that mr. james's surmise is certainly correct, and that his "in all probability" may be displaced by "certainly," since the bedded rocks supposed by professor james to extend across the river a few feet below its present bottom were found by the engineers to be in actual existence. in looking for an outlet for the waters of the upper ohio which should permit them to flow off at the low level reached in the channel at cincinnati, professor james was led to inspect the valley extending up mill creek to the north towards hamilton, where it joins the great miami. the importance of mill creek valley is readily seen in the fact that the canal and the railroads have been able to avoid heavy grades by following it from cincinnati to hamilton. as a glance at a map will show, it is also practically but a continuation of the northerly course pursued by the ohio for twenty miles before reaching cincinnati. this, therefore, was a natural place in which to look beneath the extensive glacial _débris_ for the buried channel of the ancient ohio, and here in all probability it has been found. the borings which have been made in milk creek valley north of cincinnati, show that the bedded rock lies certainly thirty-four feet below the low-water mark of the ohio just below cincinnati, while at hamilton, twenty-five miles north of cincinnati, where the valley of the great miami is reached, the bedded rock of the valley lies as much as ninety feet below present low-water mark in the ohio. other indications of the greater depth of the preglacial gorge of the ohio are abundant. "at the junction of the anderson with the ohio, in indiana, a well was sunk ninety-four feet below the level of the ohio before rock was found." at louisville, ky., the occurrence of falls in the ohio seemed at first to discredit the theory in question, but professor newberry was able to show that the falls at louisville are produced by the water's being now compelled to flow over a rocky point projecting from the north side into the old valley, while to the south there is ample opportunity for an old channel to have passed around this point underneath the city on the south side. the lowlands upon which the city stands are made lands, where glacial _débris_ has filled up the old channel of the ohio. above cincinnati the tributaries of the ohio exhibit the same phenomena. at new philadelphia, tuscarawas county, the borings for salt-wells show that the tuscarawas is running feet above its ancient bed. the beaver, at the junction of the mahoning and shenango, is flowing feet above the bottom of its old trough, as is demonstrated by a large number of oil-wells bored in the vicinity. oil creek is shown by the same proofs to run from to feet above its old channel, and that channel had sometimes vertical and even overhanging walls.[cc] [footnote cc: geological survey of ohio, vol. ii, pp. , .] the course of preglacial drainage in the upper basin of the alleghany river is worthy of more particular mention. mr. carll, of the pennsylvania geological survey, has adduced plausible reasons for believing that previous to the glacial period the drainage of the valley of the upper alleghany north of the neighbourhood of tidioute, in warren county, instead of passing southward as now, was collected into one great stream flowing northward through the region of cassadaga lake to enter the lake erie basin at dunkirk, n. y. the evidence is that between tidioute and warren the present alleghany is shallow, and flows over a rocky basin; but from warren northward along the valley of the conewango, the bottom of the old trough lies at a considerably lower level, and slopes to the north. borings show that in thirteen miles the slope of the preglacial floor of conewango creek to the north is feet. the actual height above tide of the old valley floor at fentonville, where the conewango crosses the new york line, is only feet; while that of the ancient rocky floor of the alleghany at great bend, a few miles south of warren, was , feet. again, going nearer the head-waters of the alleghany, in the neighbourhood of salamanca, it is found that the ancient floor of the alleghany is, at carrollton, feet lower than the ancient bed of the present stream at great bend, about sixty miles to the south; while at cole's spring, in the neighbourhood of steamburg, cattaraugus county, n. y., there has been an accumulation of feet of drift in a preglacial valley whose rocky floor is feet below the ancient rocky floor at great bend. unless there has been a great change in levels, there must, therefore, have been some other outlet than the present for the waters collecting in the drainage basin to the north of great bend.[cd] [footnote cd: for a criticism of mr. carll's views, see an article on pleistocene fluvial planes of western pennsylvania, by mr. frank leverett, in american journal of science, vol. xlii, pp. - .] while there are numerous superficial indications of buried channels running towards lake erie in this region, direct exploration has not been made to confirm these theoretical conclusions. in the opinion of mr. carll, chautauqua lake did not flow directly to the north, but, passing through a channel nearly coincident with that now occupied by it, joined the northerly flowing stream a few miles northeast from jamestown.[ce] it is probable, however, that chautauqua did not then exist as a lake, since the length of preglacial time would have permitted its outlet to wear a continuous channel of great depth corresponding to that known to have existed in the conewango and upper alleghany. [footnote ce: second geological survey of pennsylvania, vol. iii.] the foregoing are but a few of the innumerable instances where the local lines of drainage have been disturbed, and even permanently changed, by the glacial deposits. almost every lake in the glaciated region is a witness to this disturbance of the established lines of drainage by glacial action, while in numerous places where lakes do not now exist they have been so recently drained that their shore-lines are readily discernible. an interesting instance of the recent disappearance of one of these glacial lakes is that of runaway pond, in northern vermont. in the early part of the century the lamoille river had its source in a small lake in craftsbury, orleans county. the sources of the missisquoi river were upon the same level just to the north, and the owner of a mill privilege upon this latter stream, desiring to increase his power by obtaining access to the water of the lake, began digging a ditch to turn it into the missisquoi, but no sooner had he loosened the thin rim of compact material which formed the bottom and the sides of the inclosure, than the water began to rush out through the underlying and adjacent quicksands. this almost instantly enlarged the channel, and drained the whole body of water oft in an incredibly short time. as a consequence, the torrent went rushing down through the narrow valley, sweeping everything before it; and nothing but the unsettled condition of the country prevented a disaster like that which occurred in at johnstown, pa. doubtless there are many other lakes held in position by equally slender natural embankments. artificial reservoirs are by no means the only sources of such danger. the buried channel of the old mississippi river in the vicinity of minneapolis is another instructive example of the instability of many of the present lines of drainage. the gorge of the mississippi river extending from fort snelling to the falls of st. anthony at minneapolis is of post-glacial origin. one evidence of this is its narrowness when contrasted with the breadth of the valley below fort snelling. below this point the main trough of the mississippi has a width of from two to eight miles, and the faces of the bluffs on either side show the marks of extreme age. the tributary streams also have had time to wear gorges proportionate to that of the main stream, and the agencies which oxidise and discolor the rocks have had time to produce their full effects. but from fort snelling up to minneapolis, a distance of about seven miles, the gorge is scarcely a quarter of a mile in width, and the faces of the high, steep bluffs on either side are remarkably fresh looking by comparison with those below; while the tributary gorges, of which that of the minnehaha river is a fair specimen, are very limited in their extent. upon looking for the cause of this condition of things we observe that the broad trough of the mississippi river, which had characterised it all the way below fort snelling, continues westward, without interruption, up the valley of the present minnesota river, and, what seems at first most singular, it does not cease at the sources of the minnesota, but, through lake traverse and big stone lake, is continuous with the trough of the red river of the north. [illustration: fig. .--map of mississippi river from fort snelling to minneapolis and the vicinity, showing the extent of the recession of the falls of st. anthony since the great ice age. notice the greater breadth of the valley of the minnesota river as described in the text (winchell).] deferring, however, for a little the explanation of this, we will go back to finish the history of the preglacial channel around the falls of st. anthony. as early as the year professor n. h. winchell had collected sufficient evidence from wells, one of which had been sunk to a depth of one hundred and seventy-five feet, to show that the preglacial course of the stream corresponding to the present mississippi river ran to the west of minneapolis and of the falls of minnehaha, and joined the main valley some distance above fort snelling, as shown in the accompanying map. this condition of things was at one time very painfully brought to the notice of the citizens of minneapolis. a large part of the wealth of the city at that time consisted of the commercial value of the water-power furnished by the falls of st. anthony. to facilitate the discharge of the waste water from their wheels, some mill-owners dug a tunnel through the soft sandstone underlying the limestone strata over which the river falls; but it very soon became apparent that the erosion was proceeding with such rapidity that in a few years the recession of the falls would be carried back to the preglacial channel, when the river would soon scour out the channel and destroy their present source of wealth. the citizens rallied to protect their property, and spent altogether as much as half a million dollars in filling up the holes that had been thoughtlessly made; but so serious was the task that they were finally compelled to appeal for aid to the united states government. permanent protection was provided by running a tunnel, some ways back from the falls, completely across the channel, through the soft sandstone underlying the limestone, and filling this up with cement hard enough and compact enough to prevent the further percolation of the water from above. _ice-dams._ the foregoing changes in lines of drainage due to the glacial period were produced by deposits of earthy material in preglacial channels. another class of temporary but equally interesting changes were produced by the ice itself acting directly as a barrier. many such lakes on a small scale are still in existence in various parts of the world. the merjelen see in switzerland is a well-known instance. this is a small body of water held back by the great aletsch glacier, in a little valley leading to that of the fiesch glacier, behind the eggischorn. at irregular intervals the ice-barrier gives way, and allows the water to rush out in a torrent and flood the valley below. afterwards the ice closes up again, and the water reaccumulates in preparation for another flood. other instances in the alps are found in the mattmark see, which fills the portion of the saas valley between monte rosa and the rhône. this body of water is held in place by the allalin glacier, which here crosses the main valley. the lac du combal is held back by the glacier de miage at the southern base of mont blanc. "a more famous case is that of the gietroz glacier in the valley of bagnes, south of martigny. in this lake had grown to be a mile long, and was feet wide and feet deep. an attempt was made to drain it by cutting through the ice, and about half the water was slowly drawn off in this way; but then the barrier broke, and the rest of the lake was emptied in half an hour, causing a dreadful flood in the valley below. in the tyrol, the vernagt glacier has many times caused disastrous floods by its inability to hold up the lake formed behind it. in the northwestern himalaya, the upper branches of the indus are sometimes held back in this way. a noted flood occurred in ; it advanced twenty-five miles in an hour, and was felt three hundred miles down-stream, destroying all the villages on the lower plain, and strewing the fields with stones, sand, and mud."[cf] [footnote cf: professor william m. davis in. proceedings of the boston society of natural history, vol. xxi, pp. , .] in greenland such temporary obstructions are frequent, forming lakes of considerable size. instances occur, in connection with the jakobshavn and the frederickshaab glaciers, and in the north isortok and alangordlia fiords. frequently, also, bodies of water of considerable size are found in depressions of the ice itself, even at high levels. i have myself seen them covering more than an acre, and as much as a thousand feet above the sea-level, upon the surface of the muir glacier, alaska. they are reported by mr. i. c. russell[cg] of larger size and at still higher elevations upon the glaciers radiating from mount st. elias; while the explorers of greenland mention them of impressive size upon the surface of its continental ice-sheet. [footnote cg: see national geographic magazine, vol. iii, pp. - .] with these facts in mind we can the more readily enter into the description which will now be given of some temporary lakes of vast size which were formed by direct ice-obstructions during portions of the period. one of the most interesting of these is illustrated upon the accompanying map, which will need little description. [illustration: fig. .--map showing the effect of the glacial dam at cincinnati (claypole). (from transactions of the edinburgh geological society.)] while tracing the boundary-line of the glaciated area in the mississippi valley during the summer of , i discovered the existence of unmistakable glacial deposits in boone county, kentucky, across the ohio river, from cincinnati.[ch]; these deposits were upon the height of land feet above the ohio river, or nearly , feet above the sea, which is about the height of the water-shed between the licking and kentucky rivers. as the ohio river occupies a trough of erosion some hundreds of feet in depth, and extending all the way from this point to the mountains of western pennsylvania, it would follow that the ice which conveyed boulders across the ohio river at cincinnati, and deposited them upon the highlands between the licking and kentucky rivers, would so obstruct the channel of the ohio as to pond the water back, and hold it up to the level of the lowest pass into the ohio river farther down. direct evidences of obstruction by glacial ice appear also for a distance of fifty or sixty miles, extending both ways, from cincinnati. [footnote ch: the existence of portions of this evidence had previously been pointed out by mr. robert b. warder and dr. george sutton (see geological reports of indiana, and ).] the consequences connected with this state of things are of the most interesting character. the bottom of the ohio river at cincinnati is feet above the sea-level. a dam of feet would raise the water in its rear to a height of feet above tide. this would produce a long, narrow lake, of the width of the eroded trough of the ohio, submerging the site of pittsburg to a depth of feet, and creating slack water up the monongahela nearly to grafton, west virginia, and up the alleghany as far as oil city. all the tributaries of the ohio would likewise be filled to this level. the length of this slack-water lake in the main valley, to its termination up either the alleghany or the monongahela, was not far from one thousand miles. the conditions were also peculiar in this, that all the northern tributaries rose within the southern margin of the ice-front, which lay at varying distances to the north. down these there must have poured during the summer months immense torrents of water to strand boulder-laden icebergs on the summits of such high hills as were lower than the level of the dam. naturally enough, this hypothesis of a glacial dam at cincinnati aroused considerable discussion, and led to some differences of opinion. professors i. c. white and j. p. lesley, whose field work has made them perfectly familiar with the upper ohio and its tributaries, at once supported the theory, with a great number of facts concerning certain high-level terraces along the alleghany and monongahela rivers; while additional facts of the same character have been brought to light by myself and others. in general, it may be said that in numerous places terraces occur at a height so closely corresponding to that of the supposed dam at cincinnati, that they certainly strongly suggest direct dependence upon it. the upward limit of these terraces in the monongahela river is , feet, and they are found in various places in situations which indicate that they were formed in still water of such long standing as would require an obstruction below of considerable permanence. one of the most decisive cases adduced by professor white occurs near morgantown, in west virginia, of which he gives the following description: "owing to the considerable elevation-- feet--of the fifth terrace above the present river-bed in the vicinity of morgantown, its deposits are frequently found far inland from the monongahela, on tributary streams. a very extensive deposit of this kind occurs on a tributary one mile and a half northeast of morgantown; and the region, which includes three or four square miles, is significantly known as the 'flats.' the elevation of the 'flats' is feet above the river, or , feet above tide. the deposits on this area consist almost entirely of clays and fine, sandy material, there being very few boulders intermingled. the depth of the deposit is unknown, since a well sunk on the land of mr. baker passed through alternate beds of clay, fine sand, and muddy trash, to a depth of sixty-five feet without reaching bed-rock. in some portions of the clays which make up this deposit, the leaves of our common forest-trees are found most beautifully preserved. "at clarksburg, where the river unites with elk creek, there is a wide stretch of terrace deposits, and the upper limit is there about , feet above tide, or only feet above low-water ( feet); while at weston, forty miles above (by the river), these deposits cease at seventy feet above low water, which is there feet above tide. it will thus be observed that the upper limit of the deposits retains a practical horizontality from morgantown to weston, a distance of one hundred miles, since the upper limit has the same elevation above tide ( , to , feet) at every locality. "these deposits consist of rounded boulders of sandstone, with a large amount of clay, quicksand, and other detrital matter. the country rock in this region consists of the soft shales and limestones of the upper coal-measures, and hence there are many 'low gaps' from the head of one little stream to that of another, especially along the immediate region of the river; and in every case the summits of these divides, where they do not exceed an elevation of , feet above tide, are covered with transported or terrace material; but where the summits go more than a few feet above that level we find no transported material upon them, but simply the decomposed country rock." other noteworthy terraces naturally attributable to the cincinnati ice-dam are to be found in the valley of the kanawha, in west virginia, and one of special significance on the pass between the valleys of the ohio and monongahela, west of clarksburg, west virginia. according to professor white, there is at this latter place "a broad, level summit, having an elevation of , feet, in a gap about feet below the enclosing hills. this gap, or valley, is covered by a deposit of fine clay. the cut through it is about thirty feet, and one can observe the succession of clays of all kinds and of different colours, from yellow on the surface down to the finest white potter's clay at the level of the railway, where the cut reaches bed-rock, thus proving that the region has been submerged."[ci] [footnote ci: bulletin of the geological society of america, vol. i, p. .] another crucial case i have myself described at bellevue, in the angle of the ohio and alleghany rivers, about five miles below pittsburg, where the gravel terrace is nearly feet above the river, making it about , feet above the sea. a significant circumstance connected with this terrace is that not only does its height correspond with that of the supposed obstruction at cincinnati, but it contains many pebbles of canadian origin, which could not have got into the valley of the alleghany before the glacial period, and could only have reached their present position by being brought down the alleghany river upon floating ice, or by the ordinary movement of gravel along the margin of a river. thus this terrace, while corresponding closely with the elevation of those on the monongahela river, is directly connected with the glacial period, and furnishes a twofold argument for our theory. a still stronger case occurs at beech flats, at the head of ohio brush creek, in the northwest corner of pike county, ohio, where, at an elevation of about feet above the sea, there is an extensive flat-topped terrace just in front of the terminal moraine. this terrace consists of fine loam, such as is derived from the glacial streams, but which must have been deposited in still water. the occurrence of still water at that elevation just in front of the continental ice-sheet is best accounted for by the supposed dam at cincinnati. indeed, it is extremely difficult to account for it in any other way. there are, however, two other methods of attempting to account for the class of facts above cited in support of the ice-dam theory, of which the most plausible is, that in connection with the glacial period there was a subsidence of the whole region to an extent of , feet. the principal objection heretofore alleged against this supposition is that there are not corresponding signs of still-water action at the same level on the other side of the alleghany mountains. this will certainly be fatal to the subsidence theory, if it proves true. but it is possible that sufficient search for such marks has not yet been made on the eastern side of the mountains. the other theory to account for the facts is, that the terraces adduced in proof of the cincinnati ice-dam were left by the streams in the slow process of lowering their beds from their former high levels. this is the view advocated by president t. c. chamberlin. but the freshness of the leaves and fragments of wood, such as were noted by professor white at morgantown, and the great extent of fine silt occasionally resting upon the summits of the water-sheds, as described above, near clarksburg, bear strongly against it. furthermore, to account for the terrace described at bellevue, which contains canadian pebbles, president chamberlin is compelled to connect the deposit with his hypothetical first glacial epoch, and to assume that all the erosion of the alleghany and monongahela rivers, and indeed of the whole trough of the ohio river, took place in the interval between the "first" and the "second" glacial periods (for he would connect the glacial deposits upon the south side of the river at cincinnati with the first glacial epoch)--all of which, it would seem, is an unnecessary demand upon the forces of nature, when the facts are so easily accounted for by the simple supposition of the dam at cincinnati.[cj] [footnote cj: see matter discussed more at length in the lee age, pp. - , - ; bulletin of the united states geological survey, no. , pp. - ; popular science monthly, vol. xlv, pp. - . _per contra_, mr. frank leverett, in american geologist, vol. x, pp. - .] [illustration: fig. .--map showing the condition of things when the ice-front had withdrawn about on hundred and twenty miles, and while it still filled the valley of the mohawk. the outlet was then through the wabash. niagara was not yet born (claypole). (transactions of the edinburgh geological society.)] we have already described[ck] the various temporary lakes and lines of drainage caused by the direct obstruction of the northward outlets to the basin of the great lakes. in connection with the map, it will be unnecessary to do anything more here than add a list of such temporary southern outlets from the erie-ontario basin.[cl] the first is at fort wayne, indiana, through a valley connecting the maumee river basin with that of the wabash. the channel here is well defined, and the high-level gravel terraces down the wabash river are a marked characteristic of the valley. the elevation of this col above the sea is feet. similar temporary lines of drainage existed from the st. mary's river to the great miami, at an elevation of feet; from the sandusky river to the scioto, through the tymochtee gap, at an elevation of feet; from black river to the killbuck (a tributary of the muskingum) through the harrisville gap, at feet; from the cuyahoga into the tuscarawas valley, through the akron gap, at feet; from grand river into the mahoning, through the orwell gap, feet; from cattaraugus creek, n. y., into the alleghany valley through the dayton gap, about , feet; between conneaut creek and shenango river, at summit station, , feet; from the genesee river, n. y., into the head-waters of the canisteo, a branch of the susquehanna, at portageville, , feet; from seneca lake to chemung river, at horseheads, feet; from cayuga lake to the valley of cayuga creek, at spencer, n. y., , feet; from utica, n. y., into the chenango valley at hamilton, about feet. [footnote ck: see pp. seq., _seq._] [footnote cl: see also accompanying map.] [illustration: fig. .--map illustrating a stage in the recession of the ice in ohio. for a section of the deposit in the bed of this lakelet, see page . the gravel deposits formed at this stage along the outlet into the tuscarawas river are very clearly marked (claypole). (transactions of the edinburgh geological society.)] perhaps it would have been best to give this list in the reverse order, which would be more nearly chronological, since it is clear that the highest outlets are the oldest. we should then have to mention, after the fort wayne outlet, two others at lower levels which are pretty certainly marked by distinct beach ridges upon the south side of lake erie. the first was opened when the ice had melted back from the south peninsula of michigan to the water-shed across from the shiawassee and grand rivers, uncovering a pass which is now feet above the sea. this continued to be the outlet of lake erie-ontario until the ice had further retreated beyond the strait of mackinac, when the water would fall to the level of the old outlet from lake michigan into the illinois river, which is a little less than feet, where it would remain until the final opening of the mohawk river in new york attracted the water in that direction, and lowered the level to that of the pass from lake ontario to the mohawk at rome.[cm] [footnote cm: mr. warren upham, in the bulletin of the geological society of america, vol. ii, p. .] a study of these lines of temporary drainage during the glacial period sheds much light upon the long lines of gravel ridges running parallel with the shores of lake erie and lake ontario. south of lake erie a series of four ridges of different elevations can be traced. in lorain county, ohio, the highest of these is feet above the lake; the next feet; the next feet; and the lower one feet, which would make them respectively , , , and feet above tide. these gravel ridges are evidently old beach lines, and indicate the different levels up to which the water was held by ice-obstructions across the various outlets of the drainage valley. the material in the ridges is water-worn and well assorted, and in coarseness ranges from fine sand up to pebbles several inches in diameter. the predominant material in them is of local origin. where the rocks over which they run are sandstone, the material is chiefly sand, and where the outcropping rock is shale, the ridges consist chiefly of the harder nodules of that formation which have successfully resisted the attrition of the waves. ordinarily these ridges are steepest upon the side facing the lake. according to mr. upham, who has driven over them with me, the lake erie ridges correspond, both in general appearance and in all other important respects, to those which he has so carefully surveyed around the shores of the ancient lake agassiz in minnesota and manitoba, an account of which will be given a little farther on in this chapter. [illustration: fig. .--section of the lake ridges near sandusky, ohio.] we are not permitted, however, to assume that there have been no changes of level since the deposition of these beaches surrounding the ancient glacial lake erie-ontario. on the contrary, there appears to have been a considerable elevation towards the east and northeast in post-glacial times. the highest ridge south of lake erie, which at fort wayne is about feet high, is now about feet in lorain county. the second of the ridges above-mentioned, which is about feet above tide at cleveland, ohio, rises to feet where the last traces of it have been discovered at hamburg, n. y. the third ridge, which is feet at cleveland, has risen to the height of feet at crittenden, about one hundred miles to the east of buffalo, n. y. a similar eastern increase of elevation is discoverable in the main ridge surrounding lake ontario. what professor spencer calls the iroquois beach, which is feet above tide at hamilton, ontario, has risen to a height of feet near syracuse, n. y.; while farther to the northeast, in the vicinity of watertown, it is upwards of feet above tide. there is also a similar northward increase of elevation in the beaches surrounding the higher lands of ontario eastward of lake huron and georgian bay. all this indicates that at the close of the glacial period there was a subsidence of several hundred feet in the area of greatest ice-accumulation lying to the east and north of the great lake region. the formation of these ridges occurred during that period of subsidence. the re-elevation which followed the disappearance of the ice of course carried with it these ridges, and brought them to their present position.[cn] [footnote cn: see spencer, in bulletin of the geological society of america, vol. ii, pp. - .] in returning to consider more particularly the remarkable gorge joining the minnesota with the red river of the north, we are brought to the largest of the glacial lakes of this class, and to the typical place in america in which to study the temporary changes of drainage produced by the ice itself daring the periods both of its advance and of its retreat. [illustration: fig. .--map showing the stages of recession of the ice in minnesota as described in the text (upham).] by turning to our general map of the glaciated region of the united states,[co] one can readily see the relation of the valley between lake traverse and big stone lake to an area marked as the bed of what is called lake agassiz. during the glacial period brown's valley, the depression joining these two lakes, was the outlet of an immense body of water to the north, whose natural drainage was towards hudson bay or the arctic ocean, but which was cut off, by the advancing ice, from access to the ocean-level in that direction, and was compelled to seek an exit to the south. [footnote co: see page .] thus for a long period the present minnesota river valley was occupied by a stream of enormous dimensions, and this accounts for the great size of the trough--the present minnesota being but an insignificant stream winding about in this deserted channel of the old "father of waters," and having as much room as a child of tender age would have in his parent's cast-off garments. this glacial stream has been fittingly named river warren, after general warren, who first suggested and proved its existence, and so we have designated it on the accompanying map of minnesota. lake traverse is fifteen miles long, and the water is nowhere more than twenty feet deep. big stone lake is twenty-six miles long, and of about the same depth. brown's valley, which connects the two, is five miles long, and the lakes are so nearly on a level that during floods the water from lake traverse sometimes overflows and runs to the south as well as to the north. [illustration: fig. .--glacial terrace near the boundary of the glaciated area, on raccoon creek, a tributary of the licking river, in granville, licking county, ohio. height about fifty feet.] the trough occupied by these lakes and valley is from one mile to one mile and a half in width and about feet in depth. if we had been permitted to stand upon the bluffs overlooking it during the latter part of the glacial period, we should have seen the whole drainage of the north passing by our feet on its way to the gulf of mexico. as lie follows down the valley of the minnesota river, the observant traveller, even now, cannot fail to see in the numerous well-preserved gravel terraces the high-water marks of that stream when flooded with the joint product of the annual precipitation over the vast area to the north, and of the still more enormous quantities set free by the melting of the western part of the great laurentide glacier. numerous other deserted water-ways in the northwestern part of the valley of the mississippi have been brought to light in the more recent geological surveys, both in the united states and in canada. during a considerable portion of the glacial period the saskatchewan, the assiniboine, the pembina, and the cheyenne rivers, whose present drainage is into the red river of the north, were all turned to the south, and their temporary channels can be distinctly traced by deserted water-courses marked by lines of gravel deposits.[cp] [footnote cp: for further particulars, see ice age, pp. _et seq._] in dakota, professor j. e. todd has discovered large deserted channels on the southwestern border of the glaciated region near the missouri river, where evidently streams must have flowed for a long distance in ice-channels when the ice still continued to occupy the valley of the james river. from these channels of ice in which the water was held up to the level of the missouri coteau the water debouched directly into channels with sides and bottom of earthy material, which still show every mark of their former occupation by great streams.[cq] [footnote cq: for particulars, see ice age, p. .] in minnesota, also, there is abundant evidence that while the northeastern part of the valley from mankato to st. paul was occupied by ice, the drainage was temporarily turned directly southward across the country through union slough and blue earth river into the head-waters of the des moines river in iowa. _ancient river terraces._ the interest of the whole inquiry respecting the relation of man to the glacial period in america concentrates upon these temporary lines of southern drainage. wherever they existed, the swollen floods of the glacial period have left their permanent marks in the deposition of extensive gravel terraces. the material thus distributed is derived largely from the glacial deposits through which they run and out of which they emerge. while the height of the terraces depended upon various conditions which must be studied in detail, in general it may be said that it corresponds pretty closely with the extent of the area whose drainage was turned through the channel during the prevalence of the ice. the height of the terraces and the coarseness of the material seem also to have been somewhat dependent upon the proximity of their valleys to the areas of most vigorous ice-action, and this, in turn, seems to lie in the rear of the moraines which president chamberlin has attributed to the second glacial epoch. southward from this belt of moraines the terraces uniformly and gradually diminish both in height and in the coarseness of their gravel, until they finally disappear in the present flood-plain of the mississippi river. [illustration: fig. .--ideal section across a river-bed in drift region: _b b b_, old river-bed; _r_, the present river; _t t_, upper or older terraces; _t' t'_, lower terraces.] an interesting illustration of this principle is to be observed in the continuous valley of the alleghany and ohio rivers. the trough of this valley was reached by the continental glacier at only a few points, the ice barely touching it at salamanca, n. y., franklin, pa., and cincinnati, ohio. but throughout its whole length the ice-front was approximately parallel to the valley, and occupied the head-waters of nearly all its tributaries. now, wherever tributaries which could be fed by glacial floods, enter the trough of the main stream, they brought down an excessive amount of gravel, and greatly increased the size of the terrace in the trough itself, and from the mouth of each such tributary to that of the next one below there is a gradual decrease in the height of the terrace and in the coarseness of the material. this law is illustrated with special clearness in pennsylvania between franklin and beaver. franklin is upon the alleghany river, at the last point where it was reached directly by the ice. below this point no tributary reaches it from the glaciated region, and none such reaches the ohio after its junction with the alleghany until we come to the mouth of beaver creek, about twenty-five miles below pittsburg. but at this point the ohio is joined by a line of drainage which emerges from the glaciated area only ten or twelve miles to the north, and whose branches occupy an exceptionally large glaciated area. accordingly, there is at beaver a remarkable increase in the size of the glacial terrace on the ohio. in the angle down-stream between the beaver and the ohio there is an enormous accumulation of granitic pebbles, many of them almost large enough to be called boulders, forming the delta terrace, upon which the city is built and rising to a height of feet above the low-water mark in the ohio. in striking confirmation of our theory, also, the terrace in the ohio valley upon the upper side of beaver creek is composed of fine material, largely derived from local rocks and containing but few granitic pebbles. from the mouth of beaver creek, down the ohio, the terrace is constant (sometimes upon one side of the river and sometimes upon the other), but, according to rule, the material of which it is composed gradually grows finer, and the elevation of the terrace decreases. according to rule, also, there is a notable increase in the height of the terrace below each affluent which enters the river from the glaciated region. this is specially noticeable below marietta, at the mouth of the muskingum, whose head-waters drain an extensive portion of the glaciated area. from the mouth of the little beaver to this point the tributaries of the ohio are all small, and none of them rise within the glacial limit. hence they could contribute nothing of the granitic material which enters so largely into the formation of the river terrace; but below the mouth of the muskingum the terrace suddenly ascends to a height of nearly one hundred feet above low-water mark. again, at the mouth of the scioto at portsmouth, there is a marked increase in the size of the terrace, which is readily accounted for by the floods which came down the scioto valley from the glaciated region. the next marked increase is at cincinnati, just below the mouth of the little miami, whose whole course lay in the glaciated region, and whose margin is lined by very pronounced terraces. at cincinnati the upper terrace upon which the city is built is feet above the flood-plain. twenty-five miles farther down the river, near lawrenceburg, these glacial terraces are even more extensive, the valley being there between three and four miles wide, and being nearly filled with gravel deposits to a height of feet above the flood-plain. below this point the terraces gradually diminish in height, and the material becomes finer and more water-worn, until it merges at last in the flood-plain of the mississippi. the course of the wabash river is too long to permit it to add materially to the size of the terraces which characterise the broader valley of the ohio below the illinois line. it is in terraces such as these just described that we find the imbedded relics of man which definitely connect him with the great ice age. these have now been found in the glacial terraces of the delaware river at trenton, n. j.; in similar terraces in the valley of the tuscarawas river at new comerstown, and in the valley of the little miami at loveland and madisonville, in ohio; on the east fork of white river, at medora, ind.; and still, again, at little falls, in the trough of the mississippi, some distance above minneapolis, minn. i append a list of the points at which various streams from the atlantic ocean to the mississippi river emerge from the glacial boundary, and below which the terraces are specially prominent. of course, with the retreat of the ice, the formation of the terraces continued northward in the glaciated area to a greater or less distance, according to the extent of the valley or to the length of time during which the drainage was temporarily turned into it. these points of emergence are: in the delaware valley, at belvidere, n. j.; in the susquehanna, at beach haven, pa.; in the conewango, at ackley, warren county; in oil creek, above titusville: in french creek, a little above franklin; in beaver creek, at chewtown, lawrence county; on the middle fork of little beaver, near new lisbon, ohio; on the east branch of sandy creek, at east rochester, columbiana county; on the nimishillin, at canton, stark county; on the tuscarawas, at bolivar; on sugar creek, at beech city; on the killbuck, at millersburg, holmes county; on the mohican, near the northeast corner of knox county; on the licking river, at newark; on jonathan creek, perry county; on the hocking, at lancaster; on the scioto, at hopetown, just above chillicothe; on paint creek, and its various tributaries, between chillicothe and bainbridge; and on the wabash, above new harmony, ind.; to which may be added the ohio river itself, at its junction with the miami, near lawrenceburg. another class of terraces having most interesting connection with the glacial period is found in the arid basins west of the rocky mountains. over wide areas in utah and nevada the evaporation now just balances the precipitation, and all the streams disappear in shallow bodies of salt water of moderate dimensions, of which great salt lake in utah, and mono, pyramid, and north carson lakes in nevada, are the most familiar examples. these occupy the lowest sinks of enclosed basins of great depth. but there is abundant evidence that in consequence of the increased precipitation and diminished evaporation of the glacial period one of these basins was filled to the brim and the other to a depth of several hundred feet. these former enlargements have been named after the first explorers of the region, captains lahontan and bonneville, and are shown on the accompanying sketch map by the shading surrounding the existing lakes. lake lahontan has been carefully studied by mr. i. c. russell, and has been found to extend from the boundary of oregon to latitude ° ' south, a distance of two hundred and sixty miles. the central pacific railroad runs through its dried-up bed from golconda to wadsworth, a distance of one hundred and sixty-five miles. the terraces of the former lake are distinctly traceable at a height of feet above the present level of lake mono. lake bonneville, whose present representative is great salt lake, is the subject of a recent monograph by mr. g. k. gilbert, from which it appears that this ancient body of water occupied , square miles--an area about ten times that of the present lake. at the time of its maximum extension its depth was , feet, while great salt lake ranges only from fifteen to fifty feet in depth. the pass through which the discharge finally took place is at red rock, on the utah and northern railroad, at the head of cache valley on the south and the lower part of marsh creek valley on the north. during the long period preceding and accompanying the gradual rise of water in the utah basin to the level of the highest terrace, marsh creek (the upper portion of which comes from the mountains on the east and turns at right angles) had been at work depositing a delta of loose material in the col which separates the two valleys. this deposit rested upon a stratum of limestone at the bottom of the pass, and covered it with sand, clay, and gravel to a depth of feet. thus, when the water was approaching its upper level, the only barrier to prevent its escape was this unstable accumulation of loose material upon top of the rock. it would have required, therefore, no prophet's eye to predict that the way was preparing for a tremendous _débâcle_. [illustration: fig. .--map of the quaternary lakes. bonneville and lahontan (after gilbert and russell).] the critical point at length was reached. after remaining nearly at the elevation of the pass for a considerable period, during which the , -foot shore-line was formed, the crisis came when the water began to flow northward towards snake river. once begun in such loose material, the channel rapidly enlarged until soon a stream equal to niagara, and at times probably much larger, was pouring northward through the valley heretofore occupied by the insignificant rivulets of marsh creek and the port neuf. it is impossible to tell how rapidly the loose barrier wore away, but there is abundant evidence in the valley below that not only the present channel of the lower part of marsh creek, but the whole bottom of the valley for a mile or more in width, was for a considerable time covered by a rapid stream from ten to twenty feet in depth, and descending at the rate of thirteen feet to the mile. the continuance of this flood was dependent upon the amount of water to be discharged, which, as we have seen, was that contained in an area of , square miles, with a depth of feet. a stream of the size of niagara would occupy about twenty-five years in the discharge of such a mass, and this may fairly be taken as a measure of the time through which it lasted. when the loose material lying above the strata of limestone in red rock pass had been washed away, the lake then continued at that level for an indefinite period, with an overflow regulated by the annual precipitation of the drainage basin. this stage of the lake, during which it occupied , square miles and was feet above its present level, is also marked by an extensive and persistent shore-line all around the basin. but, finally, the balance again turned when the evaporation exceeded the precipitation, and the vast body of water has since dwindled to its present insignificant dimensions. my own interest in this discovery of mr. gilbert is enhanced by the explanation it gives of a phenomenon in the snake river valley which i was unable to solve when on the ground in . the present railroad town of pocatello is situated just where this flood emerged from the narrower valley of marsh creek and the port neuf, and spread itself out upon the broad plain of the snake river basin. the southern edge of the plain upon which the city is built is a vast boulder-bed covered with a thin stratum of sand and gravel. everywhere, in sinking wells and digging ditches on the vacant lots and in the streets of the city, water-worn boulders of a great variety of material and sometimes three or four feet in diameter are encountered. i was debarred from regarding this as a terminal moraine, both by the water-worn character of the boulders and by the absence of any sign of ice-action in the surrounding mountains, and i was equally debarred from attributing it to any ordinary stream of water, both by the size of the boulders and the fact that for a mile or more up the port neuf valley there is an intervale, forty or fifty feet below the surface at pocatello, and occupying the whole width of the valley, in which there is only gravel and fine sand, through which the present port neuf pursues a meandering course. the upper end of this short intervale is bounded by the terminus of a basaltic stream which had flowed down the valley and filled it to a considerable depth, but had subsequently been much eroded by violent water-action. in the light of mr. gilbert's discoveries, however, everything is clear. the tremendous _débâcle_ which he has brought within the range of scientific vision would naturally produce just the condition of things which is so puzzling at pocatello. coming down through the restricted channel with sufficient force to roll along boulders of great size and to clear them all out from the upper portion of the valley, the torrent would naturally deposit them where the current was first checked, a mile below the lava cliffs. the plunge of the water over these cliffs would keep a short space below clear from boulders, and the more moderate stream of subsequent times would fill in the depression with the sand and gravel now occupying it. what other effects of this remarkable outburst may be traced farther down in the snake river valley i cannot say, but it will be surprising if they do not come to light and help to solve some of the many geological problems yet awaiting us in this interesting region. it should have been said that during the formation of the -foot, or so-called provo shore-line, glaciers descended from the cañons on the west flank of the wahsatch mountains, and left terminal moraines to mark the coincidence of the glacial period with that stage of the enlargement of the lake. evidences of a similar coincidence are to be found on the high-level terraces surrounding lake mono, to which glaciers formerly descended from the western flanks of the sierra nevada. the ancient shore-lines surrounding lakes bonneville and lahontan bear evidence also of various other episodes in the glacial period. evidently there were two periods of marked increase in the size of the lakes, with an arid period intervening. during the first rise the level of bonneville attained to within ninety feet of the second, and numerous beaches were formed, and a large amount of yellow clay deposited. then it seems to have been wholly evaporated, while its soluble mineral matter was precipitated, and so mingled with silt that it did not readily redissolve during the second great rise of water. partly on this account, and partly through the influence of the outlet into the snake river, the lake was nearly fresh during its second enlargement. _european facts._ in chapter vi it came in place to mention many of the facts connected with the influence of the glacial period upon the drainage systems of europe. we there discussed briefly the probable influence of the ice-obstructions that extended across the mouths of the dwina, the vistula, the oder, the elbe, the weser, and the rhine. the drainage of the obstructed rivers in russia was perhaps turned southward into the caspian and black seas, and then assisted in forming the fertile soil of the plains in the southern part of that empire. the obstructed drainage of the german rivers was probably turned westward in front of the ice through the straits of dover or across the southern part of england. this was during the climax of the glacial period; but later, according to dawkins, during a period in which the land of the british isles stood about feet above its present level, the streams of the eastern coast--namely, "the thames, medway, humber, tyne, and others, joined the rhine, the weser, and the elbe, to form a river flowing through the valley of the ocean. in like manner, the rivers of the south of england and of the north of france formed a great river flowing past the channel islands due west into the atlantic, and the severn united with the rivers of the south of ireland; while those to the east of ireland joined the dee, mersey ribble, and lune, as well as those of western scotland, ultimately reaching the atlantic to the west of the hebrides. the water-shed between the valleys of the british channel and the north sea is represented by a ridge passing due south from folkestone to dieppe, and that between the drainage area and the severn and its tributaries on the one hand, and of the irish channel on the other, by a ridge from holyhead westward to dublin. "this tract of low, undulating land which surrounded britain and ireland on every side consisted not merely of rich hill, valley, and plain, but also of marsh-land studded with lakes, like the meres of norfolk, now indicated by the deeper soundings. these lakes were very numerous to the south of the isle of wight and off the coast of norfolk and suffolk."[cr] [footnote cr: early man in britain, p. .] the evidence first regarded by scientific men to be demonstrative of the formation of extensive lakes during the glacial period by the direct influence of ice-dams exists in the parallel roads of glen roy in scotland. [illustration: fig. .--parallel roads of glen roy.] according to the description of sir charles lyell, "glen roy is situated in the western highlands, about ten miles north of fort william, near the western end of the great glen of scotland, or caledonian canal, and near the foot of the highest of the grampians, ben nevis. throughout nearly its whole length, a distance of more than ten miles, three parallel roads or shelves are traced along the steep sides of the mountains, each maintaining a perfect horizontality, and continuing at exactly the same level on the opposite sides of the glen. seen at a distance they appear like ledges, or roads, cut artificially out of the sides of the hills; but when we are upon them, we can scarcely recognize their existence, so uneven is their surface and so covered with boulders. they are from ten to sixty feet broad, and merely differ from the side of the mountain by being somewhat less steep. "on closer inspection, we find that these terraces are stratified in the ordinary manner of alluvial or littoral deposits, as may be seen at those points where ravines have been excavated by torrents. the parallel shelves, therefore, have not been caused by denudation, but by the deposition of detritus, precisely similar to that which is dispersed in smaller quantities over the declivities of the hills above. these hills consist of clay-slate, mica-schist, and granite, which rocks have been worn away and laid bare at a few points immediately above the parallel roads. the lowest of these roads is about feet above the level of the sea, and the next about feet higher, and the third feet above the second. there is a fourth shelf, which occurs only in a contiguous valley called glen gluoy, which is twelve feet above the highest of all the glen roy roads, and consequently about , feet above the level of the sea. one only, the lowest of the three roads of glen roy, is continued through glen spean, a large valley with which glen roy unites. as the shelves, having no slope towards the sea like ordinary river terraces, are always at the same absolute height, they become continually more elevated above the river in proportion as we descend each valley; and they at length terminate very abruptly, without any obvious cause, or any change either in the shape of the ground or in the composition or hardness of the rocks."[cs] [footnote cs: antiquity of man, pp. , .] early in his career charles darwin studied these ancient beaches, and ascribed them to the action of the sea during a period of continental subsidence. in this view he was supported by the majority of geologists until the region was visited by agassiz, who saw at once the true explanation. if these were really sea-beaches, similar deposits should be found at the same elevation on other mountains than those surrounding glen roy. their absence elsewhere points, therefore, to some local cause, which was readily suggested to the trained eye of one like agassiz, then fresh from the study of alpine glaciers, who saw that these beaches were formed upon the margin of temporary lakes, held back during the glacial period (as the merjelen see now is) by a glacier which came out of one glen and projected itself directly across the course of another, and thus obstructed its drainage. the glacier of glen spean had pushed itself across glen roy, as the great aletsch glacier in switzerland now pushes itself across the little valley behind the eggishorn. chapter viii. relics of man in the glacial period. _in glacial terraces of the united states._ although the first clear evidence of glacial man was discovered in europe, the problem is so much simpler on the western continent that we shall find it profitable to study the american facts first. we will therefore present a summary of them at once, and then proceed to the more obscure problems of european archæology. the first definite discovery of human relics clearly connected with, glacial deposits in america, and of the same age with them, was made by dr. c. c. abbott, at trenton, n. j., in the year . the city of trenton is built upon a delta terrace about three miles wide which occurs at the head of tide-water on the delaware river. this terrace bears every mark of having been deposited by a torrential stream which came down the valley during the closing period of the great ice age. the material of which the terrace consists is all water-worn. according to the description of professor n. s. shaler: [illustration: fig. .--the glaciated portion is shaded. the shading on the lehigh and delaware rivers indicates glacial terraces, which are absent from the schuylkill.] "the general structure of the mass is neither that of ordinary boulder-clay nor of stratified gravels, such as are formed by the complete rearrangement by water of the elements of simple drift-deposits. it is made up of boulders, pebbles, and sand, varying in size from masses containing one hundred cubic feet or more to the finest sand of the ordinary sea-beaches. there is little trace of true clay in the deposit; there is rarely enough to give the least trace of cementation to the masses. the various elements are rather confusedly arranged; the large boulders not being grouped on any particular level, and their major axes not always distinctly coinciding with the horizon. all the pebbles and boulders, so far as observed, are smooth and water-worn, a careful search having failed to show evidence of distinct glacial scratching or polishing on their surfaces. the type of pebble is the subovate or discoidal, and though many depart from this form, yet nearly all observed by me had been worn so as to show that their shape had been determined by running water. the materials comprising the deposit are very varied, but all i observed could apparently with reason be supposed to have come from the extensive valley of the river near which they lie, except perhaps the fragments of some rather rare hypogene rocks." [illustration: fig. .--palæolith found by abbott in new jersey, slightly reduced.] a conclusive proof of the relation of this trenton delta terrace to the glacial period is found in the fact that the gravel deposit is continuous with terraces extending up the trough of the valley of the delaware to the glaciated area and beyond. as, however, the descent of the river-bed is rapid (about four feet to the mile) from the glacial border down to tide-water, the terrace is not remarkably high, being only about fifteen or twenty feet above the present flood-plain. but it is continuous, and similar in composition with the great enlargement in the delta at trenton. without doubt, therefore, the deposit represents the overwash gravel of the glacial period. fortunately for science, dr. c. c. abbott, whose tastes for archæological investigations were early developed, had his residence upon the border of this glacial delta terrace at trenton, and as early as began to find rough-stone implements of a peculiar type in the talus of the bank where the river was undermining the terrace. in turning his attention to the numerous fresh exposures of gravel made by railroad and other excavations during the following year, he found several of the implements in undisturbed strata, some of which were sixteen feet below the surface. since that time he has continued to make discoveries at various intervals. in he had found four hundred implements of the palæolithic type at trenton, sixty of which had been taken from recorded depths in the gravel, two hundred and fifty from the talus at the bluff facing the river, and the remainder from the surface, or derived from collectors who did not record the positions or circumstances under which they were found. [illustration: fig. .--section across the delaware river at trenton. new jersey: _a_, _a_, philadelphia red gravel and brick-clay (mcgee's columbia deposit); _b_. _b_, trenton gravel, in which the implements are found: _c_, present flood-plain of the delaware river (after lewis). (from abbott's primitive industry.)] the material from which the implements at trenton are made is argillite--that is, a clay slate which has been so metamorphosed as to be susceptible of fracture, almost like flint. it is, however, by no means capable of being worked into such delicate forms as flint is. but as it is the only material in the vicinity capable of being chipped, prehistoric men of that vicinity were compelled to make a virtue of necessity and use the inferior material. of all the implements found by dr. abbott in the gravel, only one was flint; while upon the surface innumerable arrow-heads of flint have been found. the transition, also, in the type of implements is as sudden as that in the kind of material of which they are made. below the superficial deposit of black soil, extending down to the depth of about one foot, the modern indian flint implements entirely disappear, and implements of palæolithic type only are found. [illustration: fig. .--section of the trenton gravel in which the implements described in the text are found. the shelf on which the man stands is made in process of excavation. the gravel is the same above and below (photograph by abbott).] [illustration: fig. .--face view of argillite implement, found by dr. c. c. abbott, in , at trenton, new jersey, in gravel, three feet from face of bluff, and twenty-two feet from the surface (no. , ) (putnam).] in the year , after i had traced the glacial boundary westward from the delaware river, across the states of pennsylvania, ohio, and indiana, i was struck with the similarity between the terrace at trenton and numerous terraces which i had attributed to the glacial age in ohio and the other states. it adds much to the interest of subsequent discoveries to note that in , in my report to the western reserve historical society upon the glacial boundary of ohio, i wrote as follows: [illustration: fig. .--argillite implement found by dr. c. c abbott, march, , at a. k. rowan's farm, trenton, new jersey, in gravel sixteen feet from surface: a, face view; b, side view (no. , ) (putnam).] "the gravel in which they [dr. abbott's implements] are found is glacial gravel deposited upon the banks of the delaware when, during the last stages of the glacial period, the river was swollen with vast floods of water from the melting ice. man was on this continent at that period when the climate and ice of greenland extended to the mouth of new york harbor. the probability is, that if he was in new jersey at that time, he was also upon the banks of the ohio, and the extensive terrace and gravel deposits in the southern part of our state should be closely scanned by archæologists. when observers become familiar with the rude form of these palæolithic implements, they will doubtless find them in abundance. but whether we find them or not in this state [ohio], if you admit, as i am compelled to do, the genuineness of those found by dr. abbott, our investigation into the glacial phenomena of ohio must have an important archæological significance, for they bear upon the question of the chronology of the glacial period, and so upon that of man's appearance in new jersey." [illustration: fig. .--chipped pebble of black chert, found by dr. c. l. metz. october, , at madisonville, ohio, in gravel eight feet from surface under clay: _a_, face view; _b_, side view.] the expectation of finding evidence of preglacial man in ohio was justified soon after this (in ), when dr. c l. metz, while co-co-operating with professor f. w. putnam, of the peabody museum, cambridge, mass., in field work, discovered a flint implement of palæolithic type in undisturbed strata of the glacial terrace of the little miami river, near his residence at madisonville, ohio. in dr. metz found another implement in the terrace of the same river, at loveland, about twenty-five miles farther up the stream. the implement at madisonville occurred eight feet below the surface, and about a mile back from the edge of the terrace; while that at loveland was found in a coarser deposit, about a quarter of a mile back from the present stream, and thirty feet below the surface. mastodon-bones also were discovered in close proximity to the implement at loveland. [illustration: fig. .] interest in these investigations was still further increased by the report of mr. hilborne t. cresson, of philadelphia, that in , with my map of the glaciated region in hand, he had found an implement of palæolithic type in undisturbed strata of the glacial terrace bordering the east branch of white river, near the glacial boundary at medora, jackson county, ind. the terrace was about fifty feet above the flood-plain of the river. later still, in october, , mr. w. c. mills, of newcomerstown, tuscarawas county, ohio, found in that town a finely shaped flint implement sixteen feet below the surface of the terrace of glacial gravel which lines the margin of the tuscarawas valley.[ct] mr. mills was not aware of the importance of this discovery until meeting with me some months later, when he described the situation to me, and soon after sent the implement for examination. in company with judge c. c. baldwin, president of the western reserve historical society, and several others, a visit was made to mr. mills, and we carefully examined the gravel-pit in which the implement occurred, and collected evidence which was abundant to corroborate all his statements. the implement in question is made from a peculiar flint which is found in the lower mercer limestone, of which there are outcrops a few miles distant, and it resembles in so many ways the typical implements found by boucher de perthes, at abbeville, that, except for the difference in the material from which it is made, it would be impossible to distinguish it from them. the similarity of pattern is too minute to have originated except from imitation. [footnote ct: for typical section of a glacial terrace in ohio, see p. .] [illustration: fig. .--the smaller is the palæolith from newcomerstown, the larger from amiens (face view), reduced one half in diameter.] in , a year after the discoveries by dr. abbott in new jersey, some rude quartz implements were discovered by professor n. h. winchell in the glacial terraces of the upper mississippi, in the vicinity of little falls, morrison county, minn. this locality was afterwards more fully explored by miss franc e. babbitt, who succeeded in finding so large a number of the implements as to set at rest all question concerning their human origin. according to mr. warren upham, the glacial flood-plain of the mississippi is here about three miles wide, with an elevation of from twenty-five to thirty feet above the river. it is in a stream near the bottom of this glacial terrace that the most of miss babbitt's discoveries were made, and mr. upham has pretty clearly shown that the gravel of the terrace overlying them was mostly deposited while the ice-front was still lingering about sixty miles farther north, in the vicinity of itasca lake.[cu] [footnote cu: for a general map, see p. ; also p. .] [illustration: fig. .--edge view of the preceding.] [illustration: fig. .--section across the mississippi valley at little falls, minnesota, showing the stratum in which chipped quartz fragments were found by miss f. e. babbitt, as described in the text (upham).] up to this time the above are all the instances in which the relics of man are directly and indubitably connected with deposits of this particular period east of the rocky mountains. probably it is incorrect to speak of these as preglacial, for the portion of the period at which the deposits incorporating human relics were made is well on towards the close of the great ice age, since these terraces were, in some cases, and may have been in all cases, deposited after the ice-front had withdrawn nearly, if not quite, to the water-shed of the st lawrence basin. it may be difficult to demonstrate this with reference to the gravel deposits at trenton, madisonville, and medora, but it is evident at a glance in the case of newcomerstown and little falls. that the implement-bearing gravel of trenton, n. j., belongs to the later stages of the glacial period is evident from its relation to what professor h. carvill lewis called "the philadelphia red gravel and brick-clay," but which, from its large development in the district of columbia at washington, is called by mr. mcgee the "columbia deposit." the city of philadelphia is built upon this formation in the delaware valley, and the brick for its houses is obtained from it; the cellar of each house ordinarily furnishing clay enough for its brick walls. this clay is of course a deposit in comparatively still water, which would imply deposition during a period of land subsidence. but that it was ice-laden water which flooded the banks is shown by the frequent occurrence of large blocks of stone in the deposits, such as could have been transported only in connection with floating ice. the boulders in the columbia formation clearly belong to the individual river valleys in which they are found, and doubtless are to be connected with the flooded condition of those valleys when, by means of a northerly subsidence, the gradient of the streams was considerably less than now. [illustration: fig. .--quartz implement, found by miss f. e. babbitt, , at little falls, minnesota, in modified drift, fifteen feet below surface: _a_, face view; _b_, profile view. the black represented on the cut is the matrix of the quartz vein (no. , ) (putnam).] there is some difference of opinion in respect to the extent of this subsidence, and, indeed, respecting the height attained by the philadelphia brick-clay, or mcgee's columbia deposit. professor lewis (whose residence was at philadelphia, and who had devoted much time to field observations) insisted that the deposit could not be found higher than from to feet above the immediate flood-plain of the river valleys where they occur. but, without entering upon this disputed question, it is sufficient to consider the bearing of the facts that are accepted by all--namely, that towards the close of the glacial period there was a marked subsidence of the land on the eastern coast of north america, increasing towards the north. fully to comprehend the situation, we need to bring before the mind some of the indirect effects of the glacial period in this region. the most important of these was the necessary projection of subglacial conditions over a considerable belt of territory to the south of that actually reached by glacial ice; so that, while there are no clear indications of the existence of local glaciers in the appalachian mountains south of the central part of pennsylvania, there are many indications of increased snow-fall upon the mountains, connected with prolonged winters and with a great increase of spring floods and ice-gorges upon the annual breaking up of winter. these facts have been stated in detail by mr. mcgee,[cv] from whose report it appears that, on the potomac at washington, the surface of the columbia deposit is feet above tide, and that the deposit itself contains many boulders, some of which are as much as two or three feet in diameter. these are mingled with the gravel in such a way as to show that they must have been brought down by floating ice from the head-waters of the potomac when the winters were much more severe than now. that this deposit is properly the work of the river is shown by the entire absence of marine shells. [footnote cv: seventh annual report of the united states geological survey for and , pp. - .] according to mr. mcgee, also, there is a gradual decrease in the height of these delta terraces of the columbia period as they recede from the glacial boundary--that at the mouth of the susquehanna being feet, that of the potomac feet, that on the rappahannock , that on the james , and that on the roanoke ; while the size of the transported boulders along the streams also gradually diminishes in the same order. during the columbia period the susquehanna river transported boulders fifty times the size now transported, while the potomac transported them only up to twenty times, the rappahannock only ten times, the james only five, and the roanoke only two or three times the size of those now transported. this progressive diminution, both in the extent of the deposit and in the coarseness of the material deposited by these rivers at about the time of the maximum portion of the glacial period, is what would naturally be expected under the conditions supposed to exist in connection with the great ice age, and is an important confirmation of the glacial theory. that the period of subsidence and more intense glacial conditions during which the columbia deposits took place, preceded, by a long interval, the deposition of the gravel terraces at trenton, n. j., and the analogous deposits in the mississippi valley where palæolithic implements have been found, is evident enough. the trenton gravel was deposited in a recess in the columbia deposit which had been previously worn out by the stream. indeed, in every place where opportunity offers for direct observation the trenton gravel is seen to be distinctly subsequent to the other. it was not _buried by_ the philadelphia red gravel and brick-clay, but to a limited degree overlies and _buries_ it. the data for measuring the absolute length of time between these two stages of the glacial period are very indefinite. mr. mcgee, however, supposes that since the columbia period a sufficient time has elapsed for the falls of the susquehanna to recede more than twenty miles and for those of the potomac eighteen miles, and this through a rock which is exceedingly obdurate. but, in channels opening, as these do, freely outward, it is difficult to tell in what epochs the erosion has been principally performed, since there are no buried channels, as in the glaciated area, enabling us to determine whether or not much of the eroding work of the river may have been accomplished in preglacial times. the lapse of time which, upon the least calculation, separates the columbia epoch from the trenton, gives unusual importance to any discovery of palæolithic implements which may be made in the earlier deposits. we are bound, therefore, to consider with special caution the reported discovery of an implement in these deposits at claymont, delaware. the discovery was made by dr. hilborne t. cresson, on july , , during the progress of an extensive excavation in constructing the baltimore and ohio railroad, nineteen miles south of philadelphia. the implement was from eight to nine feet below the surface. as there is so much chance for error of judgment respecting the undisturbed condition of the strata, and as there was so little opportunity for dr. cresson to verify his conclusion, we may well wait for the cumulative support of other discoveries before building a theory upon it; still, it will be profitable to consider the situation. [illustration: fig. .--argillite implement, found by h. t. cresson, , in baltimore and ohio railroad cut, one mile from claymont, delaware, in columbia gravel, eight to nine feet below the overlying clay bed: _a_, face view; _b_, side view (no. , ) (putnam).] both mr. mcgee and myself have visited the locality with dr. cresson, and there can be no doubt that the implement occurred underneath the columbia gravel. the line of demarcation is here very sharp between that gravel and the decomposed strata of underlying gneiss rock, which appears in our illustration as a light band in the middle of the section exposed. some large boulders which could have been moved only in connection with floating ice are found in the overlying deposit near by. this excavation is about one mile and a half west of the delaware river, and about feet above it, being nearly at the uppermost limit of the columbia deposit in that vicinity. [illustration: fig. .--general section of baltimore and ohio cut, near claymont, delaware, where mr. cresson found palæolithic implements figured in the text (from photograph by cresson).] the age of these deposits in which implements have been found at claymont and at trenton will be referred to again when we come to the specific discussion of the date of the glacial period. it is sufficient here to bring before our minds clearly, first, the fact that this at claymont is connected with the river floods accompanying the ice at its time of maximum extension, and when there was a gradually increasing or differential depression of the country to an unknown extent to the northward. two radically different theories are presented to account for the deposits variously known as the columbia gravel and the philadelphia brick-clay. mr. mcgee, in the monograph above referred to, supposes them to have been deposited during a period of a general subsidence of the coast-line; so that they took place at about tide-level. mr. upham, on the other hand, supposes them to have been deposited during the period of general elevation to whose influence he mainly attributes the glacial period itself. in his view much of the shallow sea-bottom adjoining the present shore off from delaware and chesapeake bays was then a land-surface, and the hudson, the delaware, and the susquehanna rivers, coming down from the still higher elevations of the north, flowed through extensive plains so related to the northern areas of elevation that deposition was occurring in their valleys, owing in part to the flooded condition of the streams, in part to the differential elevation, and in part to the superabundance of silt and other _débris_ furnished by the melting ice-sheet in the head-waters of these streams. the deposits of trenton gravel occurred much later, at a time when the ice had melted far back towards the head-waters of the delaware, and after the land had nearly resumed its present relations of level, if indeed it had not risen northward to a still greater relative height. as would be expected from the climatic conditions accompanying the glacial epoch, man's companions in the animal world were very different during the period when the high-level river gravels of america were forming from those with which he is now associated. from the remains actually discovered, either in these gravels or in close proximity to them, we infer that, while the mastodon was the most frequent of the extinct quadrupeds with which man then had to contend in that region, he must have been familiar also with the walrus, the greenland reindeer, the caribou, the bison, the moose, and the musk ox. _in the glacial terraces of europe._ the existence of glacial man in europe was first determined in connection with the high-level river gravels already described in the valley of the somme, situated in picardy in the northern part of france. here in boucher de perthes began to discover rudely fashioned stone implements in undisturbed strata of the gravel terraces, whose connection with the glacial period we have already made clear. but for nearly twenty years his discoveries were ignored by scientific men, although he made persistent efforts to get the facts before them, and published a full account of them with illustrations as early as . some suggested fraud on the part of the workmen; others without examination declared that the gravel must have been disturbed; while others, still, denied altogether the artificial character of the implements. [illustration: fig. .--section across valley of the somme: , peat, twenty to thirty feet thick, resting on gravel, _a_; , lower-level gravels, with elephant-bones and flint implements, covered with river-loam twenty to forty feet thick; , upper-level gravels, with similar fossils covered with loam, in all, thirty feet thick; , upland-loam, five to six feet thick; , eocene-tertiary.] at length, dr. regillout, an eminent physician residing at amiens, about forty miles higher up the somme than abbeville, visited boucher de perthes, and, upon seeing the similarity between the gravel terraces at abbeville and amiens, returned home to look for similar implements in the high-level gravel-pits at st. acheul, a suburb of amiens. almost immediately he discovered flint implements there of the same pattern with those at abbeville, and in undisturbed strata of the gravel terrace, where it rested on the original chalk formation, at a height of feet above the river. in the course of four years, dr. regillout found several hundred of these implements, and in published an illustrated report upon the discoveries. still the scientific world remained incredulous until the years and , when dr. falconer, mr. prestwich, mr. john evans, mr. flower, sir charles lyell, of england, and mm. pouchet and gaudry, of france, visited abbeville and amiens, and succeeded in making similar discoveries for themselves. additional discoveries at st. acheul have continued up to the present time whenever excavations have gone on at the gravel-pits. mr. prestwich estimates that there is an implement to every cubic metre of gravel, and says that he himself has brought away at different times more than two hundred specimens, and that the total number found in this one locality can hardly be under four thousand. "the gravel-beds are on the brow of a hill feet above the river somme," and besides the relics of man contain numerous fluviatile and land shells together with "teeth and bones of the mammoth, rhinoceros, horse, reindeer, and red deer, but not of the hippopotamus,"[cw] bones of the latter animal being found here only in the gravels of the lower terraces, where they are less than thirty feet above the river, and mark a considerably later stage in the erosion of the valley. while many of the implements found at amiens seem to have been somewhat worn and rolled, "others are as sharp and fresh as when first made.... the bedding of the gravel is extremely irregular and contorted, as though it had been pushed about by a force acting from above; and this, together with the occurrence of blocks of tertiary sandstone of considerable size, leads to the inference that both are due to the action of river-ice. in the seine valley blocks of still larger size, and transported from greater distances, are found in gravels of the same age." [footnote cw: prestwich's geology, vol. ii, p. .] "flint implements are found under similar conditions in many of the river-valleys of other parts of france, especially in the neighbourhood of paris; of mons in belgium; in spain, in the neighbourhood of madrid, in portugal, in italy, and in greece; but they have not been discovered in the drift-beds of denmark, sweden, or russia, nor is there any well-authenticated instance of the occurrence of palæoliths in germany."[cx] [footnote cx: prestwich's geology, vol. ii, pp. , .] when once the fact had been established that man was in northern france at the time of the deposition of the high-level gravels of the somme and the seine, renewed attention was directed to terraces of similar age in southern england. one of these is that upon which the city of london is built, and which, according to lyell's description, "extends from above maidenhead through the metropolis to the sea, a distance from west to east of fifty miles, having a width varying from two to nine miles. its thickness ranges commonly from five to fifteen feet."[cy] [footnote cy: antiquity of man, pp. , .] for a long time geologists had been familiar with the fact that these terraces of the thames contain the remains of numerous extinct animals, among which are included the mammoth and a species of rhinoceros. upon directing special attention to the subject, it was found that, at various intervals, the remains of man, also, had been reported from the same deposits. as long ago as mr. conyers discovered a palæolithic implement, in connection with the skeleton of an elephant, at black mary's, near gray's inn lane, london. this implement is preserved in the british museum, and closely resembles typical specimens from the gravel at amiens. other implements of similar character have been found in the valley of the wey near guilford, also in the valley of the darent, near whitstable in kent, and between heme bay and the reculvers. while the exact position of these implements in the gravel had not been so positively noted as in the case of those found at amiens and abbeville, there can be little doubt that man, in company with the extinct animals mentioned, inhabited the valley of the thames at a period when its annual floods spread over the whole terrace-plain upon which the main part of london is built. in the valley of the ouse, however, near bedford, the discovery of palæolithic implements in the gravel terraces connected with the glacial period and in intimate association with bones of the elephant, rhinoceros, hippopotamus, and other extinct animals, has been as fully established as in the valley of the somme. the discoveries here were first made in the year , by mr. james wyatt, in a gravel-pit at biddenham, two miles northwest of bedford. two flint implements were thrown out by workmen in one day from undisturbed strata thirteen feet below the surface, and numerous other specimens have since been found in a similar situation. the valley of the ouse is bordered on either side by sections of a superficial blanket of glacial drift containing many transported boulders of considerable size. the valley is here about two miles wide, and ninety feet deep. the gravel deposit, however, in which the implements were found, is only about thirty feet above the present level of the river, and hence represents the middle period of the work of the river in erosion. another locality in england in which similar discoveries have been made, is at hoxne, about five miles from diss, in suffolk county. like that in the valley of the thames, however, the implements were found a long time before the significance of the discovery was recognized. mr. john frere reported the discovery to the society of antiquaries in , and gave some of the implements both to the society and to the british museum, in whose collections they are still preserved. the implements are of the true palæolithic type, and existed in such abundance, and were so free from signs of wear, that the conclusion seemed probable that a manufactory of them had been uncovered. as many as five or six to the square yard are said to have been found. indeed, their numbers were so great that the workmen "had emptied baskets of them into the ruts of the adjoining road before becoming aware of their value." the deposit in which they are found is situated in the valley of gold brook, a tributary of the waveney. the implements occurred about twelve feet below the surface, in fresh-water deposits, filling a hollow eroded in the glacial deposit covering that part of england. this, therefore, is clearly either of post-glacial or of late glacial age. still another locality in which similar palæolithic implements were found in undisturbed gravel of this same age in eastern england is icklingham, in the valley of the lark, where the situation is quite similar to that already described at bedford, on the ouse. the last place we will stop to mention in england which was visited by palæolithic man, during or soon after the glacial epoch, is to be found in the vicinity of southampton. at this time the isle of wight was joined to the mainland, and not improbably england itself to the continent. the river, then flowing through the depression of the solent and the southampton water, occupied a much higher level than now, leaving terraces along the shore at various places, in which the tools of palæolithic man have been discovered. though these are the best authenticated discoveries connecting man with the glacial period in england, they are by no means the only probable cases. almost every valley of southern england furnishes evidence of a similar but less demonstrative character. _in cave deposits._ the discovery of the remains of man in the high-level river-gravels deposited near the close of the glacial period led to a revision of the evidence which had from time to time been reported connecting the remains of man with those of various extinct animals in cave deposits both in england and upon the continent. _the british isles._ as early as , rev. j. macenery, a roman catholic priest residing near torquay, in devonshire, england, had made some most remarkable discoveries in a cavern at kent's hole, near his home; but, owing to his early death, and to the incredulity of that generation of scientific men, his story was neither credited nor published till . about this time, a new cave having been discovered not far away, at brixham, the best qualified members of the royal society (lyell, phillips, lubbock, evans, vivian, pengelly, busk, dawkins, and sanford) were deputed to see that it was carefully explored. mr. pengelly, who had had twenty years' experience in similar explorations, directed and superintended the work. every portion of the contents was examined with minutest care. kent's hole is " to feet above the level of mean tide, and about feet above the bottom of the valley immediately adjacent."[cz] in one chamber the excavation was about sixty feet square. the contents were arranged in the following order: [footnote cz: dawkins's cave-hunting, p. .] [illustration: fig. .--mouth of kent's hole.] . a surface of dark earth a few inches thick, containing roman pottery, iron and bronze spear-heads, together with polished stone weapons. there were, too, in this stratum bones of cows, goats, and horses, mingled with large quantities of charcoal. . below this was a stalagmite floor from one to three feet thick, formed by the dripping of lime-water from the roof. . under this crust of stalagmite was a compact deposit of red earth, from two to thirteen feet thick.[da] flint implements of various kinds and charcoal were also found at different depths; also an awl, or piercer; a needle with the eye large enough to admit small pack-thread; and three harpoon-heads made out of bone and deer's horn. [footnote da: dawkins's cave-hunting, p. ; lyell's antiquity of man, p. .] . flint implements were also obtained in a conglomerate (breccia) still below this. the fossil bones in this cave belonged to the same species of animals as those discovered in a cave near wells. the brixham cave occurs near the small village of that name, not far from torquay. the entrance to it is about ninety-five feet above high water. its deposits, in descending order, are: . stalagmitic floor from six to twelve or fifteen inches in thickness. . a thin breccia of limestone fragments cemented together by carbonate of lime. this had accumulated about the mouth, so as to fill up the entrance. . a layer of blackish earth about one foot in thickness . a deposit of from two to four feet thick, consisting of clayey loam, mingled with fragments of limestone, from small bits up to rocks weighing a ton. bounded pebbles of other material were also occasionally met with. . shingle consisting of rounded pebbles largely of foreign material. all these strata, except the third, contained fossils of some kind, but the fourth was by far the richest repository. among the bones found are those of the mammoth, the woolly rhinoceros, the horse, the ox, the reindeer, the cave-lion, the cave-hyena, and the cave-bear. associated with these remains a number of worked flints was found. in one place the bones of an entire leg of a cave-bear occurred in such a position as to show that they must have been bound together by the ligaments when they were buried. immediately below these bones a flint implement was found.[db] [footnote db: see pengelly's reports to the devonshire association, .] the hyena's den, at wookey hole, near wells, in somerset, was carefully explored by professor boyd dawkins, who stood by and examined every shovelful of material as it was thrown out. this cave alone yielded specimens of palæolithic art, jaws and teeth of the cave-hyena, of the cave lion, of the cave-bear, of the grizzly bear, of the brown bear, of the wolf, of the fox, of the mammoth, of the woolly rhinoceros, of the horse, of the wild ox, of the bison, of the irish elk, and of the reindeer (jaws and teeth only). in derbyshire numerous caves were explored by professor dawkins at cress well crags, which, in addition to flint implements and the remains of the animals occurring in the brixham cave, yielded the bones of the machairodus, an extinct species of tiger or lion which lived during the tertiary period. the victoria cave, near settle, in west yorkshire, is the only other one in england which we need to mention. in this there were no remains found which could be positively identified as human, but the animal remains in the lower strata of the cave deposit were so different from those in the upper bed as to indicate the great lapse of time which separated the two. this cave is , feet above the sea-level, and there were found in the upper strata of the floor, down to a depth of from two to ten feet, many remains of existing animals. then, for a distance of twelve feet, there occurred a clay deposit, containing no organic remains whatever, but some well-scratched boulders. below this was a third stratum of earth mingled with limestone fragments, at the base of which were numerous remains of the mammoth, rhinoceros, hippopotamus, bison, hyena, etc. one bone occurred which was by some supposed to be human, but by others to have belonged to a bear. this lower stratum is, without much doubt, preglacial, and the thickness of the deposit intervening between it and the upper fossiliferous bed is taken by some to indicate the great lapse of time separating the period of the mammoth and rhinoceros in england from the modern age. the scratched boulders in the middle stratum of laminated clay, would indicate certainly that the material found its way into the cave during the glacial epoch, when ice filled the whole valley of the ribble, which flows past the foot of the hill, and whose bed is feet below the mouth of the cave. in north wales the vale of clwyd contains numerous caves which were occupied by hyenas in preglacial times and with their bones are associated those of the mammoth, the rhinoceros, the hippopotamus, the cave-lion, the cave-bear, and various other animals. flint implements also were found in the cave at cae gwyn, near the village of tremeirchon, on the eastern side of the valley, opposite cefn, and about four miles distant. we have already given an illustration of the cefn cave (see page ). it will be observed that this valley of the clwyd opens to the north, and has a pretty rapid descent to the sea from the welsh mountains, and was in position to be obstructed by the irish sea glacier, so as to have been occupied at times by one of the characteristic marginal lakes of the glacial period. it is evident also that the northern ice prevailed over the welsh ice for a considerable portion of the lower part of the valley; for northern drift is the superficial deposit upon the hills on the sides of the valley up to a height of over feet. from the investigations of mr. c. e. de rance, f. g. s.,[dc] it is equally clear also that the northern drift, which until lately sealed up the entrance of the cave, was subsequent to its occupation by man, and this was the opinion formed by sir archibald geikie, director general of the geological survey of the united kingdom, as the result of special investigations which he made of the matter.[dd] [footnote dc: proceedings of the yorkshire geological society for , pp. - .] [footnote dd: see de ranee, as above, p. ; and article by h. hicks, in quarterly journal of geological society, vol. xlii, p. ; geological magazine, may, , p. .] from the caves in the vale of clwyd as many as teeth of rhinoceros, of horse, of hyena, and of mammoth have been taken. a section of the cave deposits in the cave at cae gwyn is as follows: "below the soil for about eight feet a tolerably stiff boulder-clay, containing many ice-scratched boulders and narrow bands and pockets of sand. below this about seven feet of gravel and sand, with here and there bands of red clay, having also many ice-scratched boulders. the next deposit was a laminated brown clay, and under this was found the bone-earth, a brown, sandy clay with small pebbles and with angular fragments of limestone, stalagmites, and stalactites. during the excavations it became clear that the bones had been greatly disturbed by water action; that the stalagmite floor, in parts more than a foot in thickness, and massive stalactites, had also been broken and thrown about in all positions; and that these had been covered afterwards by clays and sand containing foreign pebbles. this seemed to prove that the caverns, now feet above ordnance datum, must have been submerged subsequently to their occupation by the animals and by man. in dr. hicks's opinion, the contents of the cavern must have been disturbed by marine action during the great submergence in mid-glacial times, and afterwards covered by marine sands and by an upper boulder-clay, identical in character with that found at many points in the vale of clwyd. the paleontological evidence suggests that the deposits in question are not preglacial, but may be equivalent to the pleistocene deposits of our river-valleys."[de] [footnote de: h. b. woodward's geology of england and wales, pp. , ] if the views of professor lewis and mr. kendall are correct concerning the unity of the glacial period in england, the shelly and sandy deposits connected with these clwydian caves at an elevation of feet or more would be explained in connection with the marginal lakes which must have occupied the valley during both the advance and the retreat of the ice-front; the shells having been carried up from the sea-bottom by the ice-movement, after the manner supposed in the case of those at macclesfield and moel tryfaen. if, therefore, the statements concerning the discovery of flint implements in this cae gwyn cave can be relied upon, this is the most direct evidence yet obtained in europe of man's occupation of the island during the continuance of the glacial period. in all these caves it is to be noted that there is a sharp line of demarcation between the strata containing palæolithic implements and those containing only the remains of modern animals. palæolithic implements are confined to the lower strata, which in some of the caves are separated from the upper by a continuous bed of stalagmite, to which reference will be made when discussing the chronology of the glacial period. the remains of extinct animals also are confined to the lower beds. the caves which we have been considering in england are all in limestone strata, and have been formed by streams of water which have enlarged some natural fissures both by mechanical action in wearing away the rocks, and by chemical action in dissolving them. through the lowering of the main line of drainage, caverns with a dry floor are at length left, offering shelter and protection both to man and beast. oftentimes, but not always, some idea of the age of these caverns may be obtained by observing the depth to which the main channel of drainage to which they were tributary has been lowered since their formation. but to this subject also we will return when we come specifically to discuss the chronological question. _the continent._ systematic explorations in the caves of belgium were begun in by dr. schmerling, in the valley of the meuse, near his residence in liége. the meuse is here bordered by limestone precipices or more feet in height. opening out from these rocky walls are the entrances to the numerous caverns which have rendered the region so famous. to get access to the most important of these, dr. schmerling had to let himself down over a precipice by a rope tied to a tree, and then to creep along on all-fours through intricate channels to reach the larger chambers which it was his object to explore. in the cave at engis, on the left bank of the meuse, about eight miles above liége, he found a human skull deeply buried in breccia in company with many bones of the extinct animals previously stated to have been associated with man during the glacial period. this so-called "engis skull" was by no means apelike in its character, but closely resembled that of the average caucasian man. but this established the association upon the continent of man with some of the extinct animals of the glacial period. [illustration: fig. .--engis skull, reduced (after lyell.)] the vicinity of liége has also furnished us another cavern whose contents are of the highest importance, ranking indeed as perhaps the most significant single discovery yet made. the cave referred to is on the property of the count of beauffort, in the commune of spy, in the province of namur in belgium. for the facts relating to it we are indebted to messrs: lohest and fraipont, the former professor of geology and the latter of anatomy in the university of liége. the exploration of the cave was made in , and the full report with illustrations published in the following year in archives de biologie.[df] the significance of this discovery is enhanced by the light it sheds upon and the confirmation it brings to the famous neanderthal skull and others of similar character, which for a long time had been subjects of vigorous discussion. before describing it, therefore, we will give a brief account of the previous discoveries. [footnote df: see pp. , .] the famous neanderthal skull was brought to light in by workmen in a limestone-quarry, near düsseldorf, in the valley of the neander, a small tributary to the rhine. by these workmen a cavern was opened upon the southern side of the winding ravine, about sixty feet above the stream and one hundred feet below the top of the cliff. the skull attracted much attention from its supposed possession of many apelike characteristics; indeed, it was represented by some to be a real intermediate link between man and the anthropoid apes. the accompanying cut enables one to compare the outline of the neanderthal skull with that of a chimpanzee on the one hand and of the highly developed european on the other. the apelike peculiarities of this skull appear in its vertical depression, in the enormous thickness of the bony ridges just above the eyes, and in the gradual slope of the back part of the head, together with some other characteristics which can only be described in technical language; so that it was pronounced by the highest authorities the most apelike of human crania which had yet been discovered. unfortunately, the jaw was not found. the capacity of the skull, however, was seventy-five cubic inches, which is far above that of the highest of the apes, being indeed equal to the average capacity of polynesian and hottentot skulls.[dg] huxley well remarks that "so large a mass of brain as this would alone suggest that the pithecoid tendencies indicated by this skull did not extend deep into the organization." [footnote dg: huxley's man's place in nature, p. .] [illustration: fig. .--comparison of forms of skulls: _a_, european; _b_, the neanderthal man; c, a chimpanzee (after lyell).] [illustration: fig. .--skull of the man of spy. (from photograph.)] upon extending inquiries, it was found that the neanderthal type of skull is one which still has representatives in all nations; so that it is unsafe to infer that the individual was a representative of all the individuals living in his time. the skull of bruce, the celebrated scotch hero, was a close reproduction of the neanderthal type; while, according to quatrefages,[dh] the skull of the bishop of toul in the fourth century "even exaggerates some of the most striking features of the neanderthal cranium. the forehead is still more receding, the vault more depressed, and the head so long that the cephalic index is - ." the discovery of messrs. fraipont and lohest adds much to our definite knowledge of the neanderthal type of man, since the belgic specimens are far more complete than any others heretofore found, there being in their collection two skulls, together with the jawbones and most of the other parts of the frame. in this case also there is no suspicion that the deposits had been disturbed, so as to admit any intrusion of human relics into the company of relics of an earlier age. according to m, lohest, there were three distinct ossiferous beds, separated by layers of stalagmite. all the ossiferous beds contained the remains of the mammoth, but in the upper stratum they were few, and probably intrusive. the implements found in this were also of a more modern type. in the second stratum from the top numerous hearths were found with burnt wood and ashes, together with the bones of the rhinoceros, the horse, the mammoth, the cave-bear, and the cave-hyena, all of which were abundant, while there were also specimens of the irish elk, the reindeer, the bison, the cave-lion, and several other species. in this layer also there were numerous implements of ivory, together with ornaments and some faint indications of carving upon the rib of a mammoth, besides a few fragments of pottery. [footnote dh: human species, p. ,] it was in the third, or lowest, of these beds that the skeletons were found. here they were associated with abundant remains of the rhinoceros, the horse, the bison, the mastodon, the cave-hyena, and a few other extinct species. flint implements also, of the "mousterien" pattern (which, according to the opinion of the french archæologists, is characteristic of middle palæolithic times), were abundant neither of the skeletons was complete, but they were sufficiently so to give an adequate idea of the type to which they belong, and one of the skulls is nearly perfect. according to m. fraipont, "one of these skulls is apparently that of an old woman, the other that of a middle-aged man. they are both very thick; the former is clearly dolichocephalic (long-headed, index ), the other less so. both have very prominent eyebrows and large orbits, with low, retreating foreheads, excessively so in the woman. the lower jaws are heavy. the older has almost no projecting chin. the teeth are large, and the last molar is as large as the others. these points are characteristic of an inferior and the oldest-known race. the bones indicate, like those of the neanderthal and naulette specimens, small, square-shouldered individuals." they were "powerfully built, with strong, curiously curved thigh-bones, the lower ends of which are so fashioned that they must have walked with a bend at the knees."[di] [footnote di: huxley, nineteenth century, vol. xxviii (november, ), p. .] other crania from various quaternary deposits in europe seem to warrant the inference that this type of man was the prevalent one during the early part of the palæolithic age. as long ago as a skull of this type was exhumed in canstadt, a village in the neighbourhood of stuttgart, in würtemberg. this was found in coexistence with the extinct animals whose bones we have described as so often appearing in the high-level river-gravel of the glacial age. but the importance of the discovery at canstadt was not appreciated until about the middle of the present century. from the priority of the discovery, and of the discussion among german anthropologists concerning it, it has been thought proper, however, by some to give the name of this village to the race and call it the "canstadt race." but, whatever name prevails, it is important in our reading to keep in mind that the man of canstadt, the man of neanderthal, and the man of spy are identical in type, and probably in age. similar discoveries have been made in various other places. among these are a lower jaw of the same type discovered in by m. dupont, at naulette, in the valley of the lesse, in belgium, and associated with the remains of extinct animals; a jawbone found in a grotto at arcy; a fragment of a skull found in by faudel, in the loess of eguisheim, near colmar; a skull at olmo, discovered in , in a compact clayey deposit forty-five feet below the surface; and a skull discovered in at marcilly. m. dupont has brought to light much additional testimony to glacial man from other caves in different parts of belgium. in all he has explored as many as sixty. three of these, in the valley of the montaigle, situated about one hundred feet above the river, contained both remains of man and many bones of the mammoth and other associated animals, which had evidently been brought in for food. in the hilly parts of germany, also, and in hungary, and even in the ural mountains in russia, and in one of the provinces of siberia, the remains of the rhinoceros, and most of the other animals associated with man in glacial times, have been found in the cave deposits which have been examined. though it can not be directly proved that these animals were associated with man in any of these places, still it is interesting to see how wide-spread the animals were in northern europe and asia during the glacial period. some northern animals, also, spread at this time into southern europe--remains of the reindeer having been discovered on the south slope of the pyrenees, but the remains of the mammoth, the woolly rhinoceros, and the musk ox, have not been found so far south. african species of the elephant, however, seem at one time to have had free range throughout spain, and the hippopotamus roamed in vast herds over the valleys of sicily, while several species of pygmy elephants seem to be peculiar to the island of malta. in the case of all the cave deposits referred to (with possibly the exception of those of victoria, england, and cae gwyn, wales), the evidence of man's existence during the glacial period is inferential, and consists largely in the fact that he was associated with various extinct animals which did not long survive that period, or with animals that have since retired from europe to their natural habitat in mountain-heights or high latitudes. the men whose remains are found in the high-level river-drift, and in the caverns described, were evidently not in possession of domestic animals, as their bones are conspicuous for their absence in all these places. the horse, which would seem to be an exception, was doubtless used for food, and not for service. if we were writing upon the general subject of the antiquity and development of the human race, we should speak here in detail of several other caves and rock shelters in france and southern europe, where remains of man belonging to an earlier period have been found. we should mention the rock shelter of cro-magnon in the valley of vezère, as well as that of mentone, where entire human skeletons were found. but it is doubtful if these and other remains from caves which might be mentioned belong in any proper sense to the glacial period. the same remarks should be made also with reference to the lake-dwellings in switzerland, of which so much has been written in late years. all these belong to a much later age than the river-drift man of whom we are speaking, and of whom we have such abundant evidence both in europe and in america. [illustration: fig. .--tooth of machairodus neogæus, × / (drawn from a cast).] [illustration: fig. .--perfect tooth of an elephas, found in stanislaus county, california, / natural size.] _extinct animals associated with man during the glacial period._ this is the proper place in which to speak more fully of the extinct animals which accompanied man in his earliest occupation of europe and america, and whose remains are so abundant in the river-drift gravel and in the caves of england, in connection with the relics of man. among these animals are the lion, which is now confined, to africa and the warmer portions of asia. but in glacial times a large species of this genus ranged over europe from sicily to central england. the saber-toothed tiger, with tusks ten inches long: (machairodus latidens), is now extinct. this species was in existence during the latter part of the tertiary period, but continued on until after man's appearance in the glacial period. the presence of this animal would seem to indicate a warm climate. the leopard (_felis pardus_) is now confined to africa and southern asia, and the larger islands adjoining; but during man's occupation of europe in the glacial epoch he was evidently haunted at every step by this animal; for his bones are found as far north in england as palæolithic man is known to have ranged. the hyena. two species of this animal are found in the bone-caves of europe. during the glacial epoch they ranged as far up as northern england, but they are now limited to africa and southwestern asia. [illustration: fig. .--skull of _hyena spelæa_, × / .] the elephant is represented in the preglacial and glacial epochs by several species, some of which ranged as far north as siberia. the african elephant is not now found north of the pyrenees and the alps. but a species of dwarf elephant, but four or five feet in height, has already been referred to as having occupied malta and sicily; and still another species has been found in malta, whose average height was less than three feet. an extinct species (elephas antiquus), whose remains are found in the river-drift and in the lower strata of sediment in many caverns as far north as yorkshire, england, was of unusual size, and during the glacial period was found on both sides of the mediterranean. but the species most frequently met with in palæolithic times was the mammoth (_elephas primigenius_). this animal, now extinct, accompanied man in nearly every portion both of europe and north america, and lingered far down into post-glacial times before becoming extinct. this animal was nearly twice the weight of the modern elephant, and one third taller. occasionally his tusks were more than twelve feet long, and curved upward in a circle. it is the carcasses of this animal which have been found in the frozen soil of siberia and alaska. it had a thick covering of long, black hair, with a dense matting of reddish wool at the roots. during the glacial period these animals must have roamed in vast herds over the plains of northern france and southern england, and the northern half of north america. [illustration: fig. .--celebrated skeleton of mammoth, in st. petersburg museum.] [illustration: fig. .--molar tooth of mammoth (_elephas primigenius_): _a_, grinding surface; _b_, side view.] the hippopotamus is at present a familiar animal in the larger rivers of africa, but is not now found in europe. during the glacial period, however, he ranged as far north as yorkshire, england, and his remains were found in close association with those of man, both in europe and on the pacific coast in america. twenty tons of their bones have been taken from a single cave in sicily.[dj] [footnote dj: prestwich's geology, vol. ii, p. .] [illustration: fig. .--tooth of _mastodon americanus_.] the mammoth and the rhinoceros we know to have been adapted to cold climates by the possession of long hair and thick fur, but the hippopotamus by its love for water would seem to be precluded from the possession of this protective covering. it is suggested, however, by sir william dawson, that he may have been adapted to arctic climates by a fatty covering, as the walrus is at the present time. a difficulty in accounting for many of the remains of the hippopotamus in some of the english caverns is that they are so far away from present or possible water-courses. but it would seem that due credit has not been ordinarily given to the migratory instincts of the animal. in southern africa they are known to "travel speedily for miles over land from one pool of a dried-up river to another; but it is by water that their powers of locomotion are surpassingly great, not only in rivers, but in the sea.... the geologist, therefore, may freely speculate on the time when herds of hippopotami issued from north african rivers, such as the nile, and swam northward in summer along the coasts of the mediterranean, or even occasionally visited islands near the shore. here and there they may have landed to graze or browse, tarrying awhile, and afterwards continuing their course northward. others may have swum in a few summer days from rivers in the south of spain or france to the somme, thames, or severn, making timely retreat to the south before the snow and ice set in."[dk] [footnote dk: lyell, antiquity of man, p. ,] the mastodon (_mastodon americanus_), (fig. ), "is probably the largest land mammal known, unless we except the dinotherium. it was twelve to thirteen feet high, and, including the tusks, twenty-four to twenty-five feet long. it differed from the elephant chiefly in the character of its teeth. the difference is seen in figs. and . the elephant's tooth given above (fig. ) is sixteen inches long, and the grinding surface eight inches by four." [illustration: fig. .--_mastodon americanus_ (after owen).] the mastodon, together with the mammoth, made their appearance about the middle of the miocene epoch. at the close of the tertiary period the mastodon became extinct on the eastern continent, but continued in north america to be a companion of man well on toward the close of the glacial period. many perfect skeletons have been found in the deposits of this period in north america. "one magnificent specimen was found in a marsh near newburg, new york, with its legs bent under the body, and the head thrown up, evidently in the very position in which it mired. the teeth were still filled with the half-chewed remnants of its food, which consisted of twigs of spruce, fir, and other trees; and within the ribs, in the place where the stomach had been, a large quantity of similar material was found."[dl] [footnote dl: le conte's geology (edition of ), p. .] the rhinoceros is now confined to africa and southern asia; but the remains of four species have been found in america, europe, and northern asia, in deposits of the glacial period. in company with that of the mammoth, already spoken of, a carcass of the woolly rhinoceros was found in in the frozen soil of northern siberia. the bones of other species have been found as far north as yorkshire, england. in the valley of the somme there was found "the whole hind limb of a rhinoceros, the bones of which were still in their true relative position. they must have been joined together by ligaments and even surrounded by muscles at the time of their interment." an entire skeleton was found near by. the gravel terrace in which these occurred is about forty feet above the floor of the valley, and must have been formed subsequent to some of the strata which contained the remains of human art. in america the bones are found in the gold-bearing gravels of california, in connection with human remains. [illustration: fig. .--skeleton of _rhinoceros tichorhinus_.] [illustration: fig. .--skull of cave-bear (_ursus spelæus_),] the bear was represented in europe in palæolithic times by three species, of which only one exists there at the present time. but during the glacial period the grizzly bear, now confined to the western part of america, and the extinct cave-bear were companions, or enemies as the case may be, of man throughout europe. the cave-bear was of large size, and his bones occur almost everywhere in the lower strata of sediment in the caves of england. the great irish elk, or deer, is now extinct, though it is supposed by some to have lingered until historic times. its remains are found widely distributed over middle europe in deposits of palæolithic age. [illustration: fig. .--skeleton of the irish elk (_cervus megaceros_).] the horse was also, as we have seen, a very constant associate of man in middle europe during the palæolithic age, but probably not as a domesticated animal. the evidence is pretty conclusive that he was prized chiefly for food. about some of the caves in france such immense quantities of their bones are found that they can be accounted for best as refuse-heaps into which the useless bones had been thrown after their feasts, after the manner of the disposal of shells of shell-fish. in america the horses associated with man were probably of a species now extinct. the skull of one (_equus excelsus_) recently found in texas, in pleistocene deposits, associated with human implements, is, according to cope, intermediate in character between the horse and quagga.[dm] the frontal bone was crushed in in a manner to suggest that it had been knocked in the head with a stone hammer, such as was found in the same bed. possibly, therefore, man's love of horse-flesh may have been an important element in securing the extinction of the species in america. [footnote dm: american naturalist, vol. xxv (october, ), p. .] besides these animals there were associated with man at this time the musk sheep and the reindeer, both now confined to the regions of the far north, but during the glacial period ranging into southern france, and mingling their bones with those both of man and of the southern species already enumerated. [illustration: fig. .--musk-sheep (_ovibos moschatius_).] the wolverine, the arctic fox, the marmot, the lemming--all now confined to colder regions--at that time mingled on the plains of central europe with the species mentioned as belonging now to africa and southern asia. the ibex, also, and the snowy vole and chamois descended to the plains from their mountain-heights, and joined in the strange companionship of animals from the north and from the south. besides these extremes there were associated with man during the glacial period numerous representatives of the temperate group of existing animals, such as the bison, the horse, the stag, the beaver, the hare, the rabbit, the otter, the weasel, the wild-cat, the fox, the wolf, the wild boar, and the brown bear. [illustration: fig. .--reindeer.] to account for this strange intermingling of arctic and torrid species of animals, especially in europe, during man's occupancy of the region in glacial times, various theories have been resorted to, but none of them can be said to be altogether satisfactory. one hypothesis is that the bones of these diverse animals became mingled by reason of the great range of the annual migration of the species. the reindeer, for example, still performs extensive annual migrations. in summer it ventures far out upon the _tundras_ of north america and siberia to feed upon the abundant vegetation that springs up like magic under the influence of the long days of sunshine; while, as winter approaches, it returns to the forests of the interior. or in other places this animal and his associates, like birds of passage, move northward in summer to escape the heat, and southward in the winter to escape the extreme cold. many of the other animals also are more or less migratory in their habits. thus it is thought that during the glacial period, when man occupied northern france and southern england, the reindeer, the musk sheep, the arctic fox, and perhaps the hippopotamus and some other animals, annually vibrated between northern england and southern france, a slight elevation of the region furnishing a land passage from england to the continent; while the chamois and other alpine species vibrated as regularly between the valleys in winter and the mountain-heights in summer. the habits of these species are such that it is not difficult to see how in their case this migration could have taken place. professor boyd dawkins attempts to reduce the difficulty by supposing that the glacial epoch was marked by the occurrence of minor periods of climatic variation, during which, in comparatively short periods, the isothermal lines vibrated from north to south, and _vice versa_. in this view the southern species gradually crowded upon the northern during the periods of climatic amelioration, until they reached their limit in central england, and then in turn, as the climate became more rigorous, slowly retreated before the pressure of their northern competitors. meanwhile the hyena sallied forth from his various caves, over this region, at one time of the year to feed upon the reindeer, and at another time of the year upon the flesh of the hippopotamus, in both cases dragging their bones with him to his sheltered retreat in the limestone caverns[dn] which he shared at intervals with palæolithic man. [footnote dn: early man in britain, p. .] the theory of mr. james geikie is that the period, while one of great precipitation, was characterised by a climate of comparatively even temperature, in which there was not so great a difference as now between the winters and the summers, the winters not being so cold and the summers not so hot as at present. this is substantially the condition of things in southern alaska at the present time, where extensive glaciers come down to the sea-level, even though the thermometer at sitka rarely goes below zero (fahrenheit). it is, therefore, easy to conceive that if there were extensive plains bordering the alaskan archipelago, so as to furnish ranging grounds for more southern species, the animals of the north and the animals of the south might partially occupy the same belt of territory, and their bones become mingled in the same river deposits. in order to clear the way for either of these hypotheses to account for the mingling of arctic and torrid species characteristic of the period under consideration in europe, we must probably suppose such an elevation of the region to the south as to afford land connection between europe and africa. this would be furnished by only a moderate amount of elevation across the strait of gibraltar and from the south of italy to the opposite shore in africa; and there are many indications, in the distribution of species, of the existence in late geological times of such connection. it should also be observed that the present capacities and habits of species are not a certain criterion of their past habits and capacities. as already remarked, both the rhinoceros and the mammoth of glacial times were probably furnished with a woolly protection, which enabled them to endure more cold than their present descendants could do, while the elephant is even now known to be able to endure the rigors of the climate at great elevations upon the himalaya mountains. we can easily imagine these species to have been adjusted to quite different climatic conditions from those which now seem necessary to their existence. in the case of the hippopotamus, also, it is quite possible, as already suggested, that it is more inclined to migration than is generally supposed. geikie's theory of the prevalence of an equable climate during a portion of the glacial period in europe is thought to be further sustained by the character of the vegetation which then covered the region, as well as by the remains of the mollusks which occupied the waters. then "temperate and southern species like the ash, the poplar, the sycamore, the fig-tree, the judas-tree, the laurel, etc., overspread all the low ground of france, as far north at least as paris.... it was under such conditions," continues geikie, "that the elephants, rhinoceroses, and hippopotamuses, and the vast herds of temperate cervine and bovine species ranged over europe, from the shores of the mediterranean up to the latitude of yorkshire, and probably even farther north still; and from the borders of asia to the western ocean. despite the presence of numerous fierce carnivora--lions, hyenas, tigers, and others--europe at that time, with its shady forests, its laurel-margined streams, its broad and deep-flowing rivers, a country in every way suited to the needs of a race of hunters and fishers--must have been no unpleasant habitation for palæolithic man. "this, however, is only one side of the picture. there was a time when the climate of pleistocene europe presented the strongest contrast to those genial conditions--a time when the dwarf birch of the scottish highlands, and the arctic willow, with their northern congeners, grew upon the low grounds of middle europe. arctic animals, such as the musk sheep and the reindeer, lived then, all the year round, in the south of france; the mammoth ranged into spain and italy; the glutton descended to the shores of the mediterranean; the marmot came down to the low grounds at the foot of the apennines; and the lagomys inhabited the low-lying maritime districts of corsica and sardinia. the land and fresh-water shells of many pleistocene deposits tell a similar tale; boreal, high alpine, and hyperborean forms are characteristic of these accumulations in central europe; even in the southern regions of our continent the shells testify to a former colder and wetter climate."[do] [footnote do: prehistoric europe, p. .] in mr. geikie's view these facts indicate two glacial periods, with an intervening epoch of mild climate. in the opinion of others they are readily explainable by the coming on and departure of a single ice age, with its various minor episodes. _earliest remains of man on the pacific coast of north america._ most interesting evidence concerning the antiquity of man in america, and his relation to the glacial period, has come from the pacific coast. during the height of the mining activity in california, from to , numerous reports were rife that human remains had been discovered in the gold-bearing gravel upon the flanks of the sierra nevada mountains. these reports did not attract much scientific attention until they came to relate to the gravel deposits found deeply buried beneath a flow of lava locally known as the sonora or tuolumne table mountain. this lava issued from a vent near the summit of the mountain-range, and flowed down the valley of the stanislaus river for a distance of fifty or sixty miles, burying everything in the valley beneath it, and compelling the river to seek another channel. the thickness of the lava averages about one hundred feet, and so long a time has elapsed since the eruption that the softer strata on either side of the valley down which it flowed have been worn away to such an extent that the lava now rises nearly everywhere above the general level, and has become a striking feature in the landscape, stretching for many miles as a flat-topped ridge about half a mile in width, and presenting upon the sides a perpendicular face of solid basalt for a considerable distance near the lower end of the flow. [illustration: fig. .--section across table mountain, tuolumne county, california: _l_, lava; _g_, gravel; _s_, slate; _r_, old river-bed; _r'_, present river-bed.] [illustration: fig. .--calaveras skull. (from whitney.)] it was under this mountain of lava that the numerous implements and remains of man occurred which were reported to professor j. d. whitney when he was conducting the geological survey of california between and . the implements consisted of stone mortars and pestles, suitable for use in grinding acorns and other coarse articles of food. there were, however, some rude articles of ornament. in one of the mining shafts penetrating the gravel underneath table mountain, near sonora, there was reported to have been discovered, in , a human jawbone, one portion of which was sent by responsible parties to the boston society of natural history, and another part to the philadelphia academy of sciences, in whose collections the fragments can now be seen. interest reached a still higher pitch when, in , an entire human skull with some other human bones was reported to have been discovered under this same lava deposit, a few miles from sonora, at altaville, in calaveras county, and hence known as the "calaveras skull." persistent efforts were made soon after to discredit the genuineness of this discovery. bret harte showered upon it the shafts of his ridicule, and various other persons gave currency to the story that the whole report originated in a joke played by the miners upon unsuspecting geologists. these attacks were so successful that many conservative archæologists and men of science have refused to accept the skull as genuine. recent events, however, have brought such additional evidence[dp] to the support of this discovery that it would seem unreasonable any longer to refuse to credit the testimony. at the meeting of the geological society of america, at washington, in january, , mr. george p. becker, of the united states geological survey, who for some years has had charge of investigations relating to the gold-bearing gravels of the pacific coast, presented the affidavit of mr. j. h. neale, a well-known mining engineer of unquestionable character, stating that he had taken a stone mortar and pestle, together with some spear-heads (which through mr. becker he presented to the society), from undisturbed strata of gravel underneath the lava of table mountain, near rawhide gulch, a few miles from sonora. at the same meeting mr. becker presented a pestle which mr. clarence king, the first director of the united states geological survey, took with his own hands out of undisturbed gravel under this same lava deposit, near tuttletown, a mile or two from the preceding locality mentioned. [footnote dp: see bulletin geological society of america, , pp. - .] i was so fortunate, also, as to be able to report to the society at the same meeting the discovery, in , of a small stone mortar by mr. c. mctarnahan, the assistant surveyor of tuolumne county. this mortar was found by mr. mctarnahan in the empire mine, which penetrates the gravel underneath table mountain, about three miles from sonora, and not far from the other localities above mentioned. the place where the mortar was found is about one hundred and seventy-five feet in from the edge of the superincumbent lava, which is here about one hundred feet in thickness. at my request, this mortar was presented by its owner, mrs. m. j. darwin, to the western reserve historical society of cleveland, ohio, in whose collection it can now be seen. these three independent instances, each of them authenticated by the best of evidence, have such cumulative force that probably few men of science will longer stand out against it. associated with these discoveries, there is to be mentioned another, which was brought to my notice by mr. charles francis adams in october, .[dq] this was a miniature clay image of a female form, about one inch and a half in length, and beautifully formed, which was found, in august, , by mr. m. a. kurtz, while boring an artesian well at nampa, ada county, idaho. the strata passed through included, near the surface, fifteen feet of lava. underneath this, alternating beds of clay and quicksand occurred to a depth of three hundred and twenty feet, where there appeared indications of a former surface soil lying just above the bed-rock, from which the clay image was brought up in the sand-pump. [footnote dq: see proceedings boston society natural history, january, , and february, .] [illustration: fig. .--three views of nampa image drawn to scale. the middle one is from a photograph.] i devoted the summer of to a careful study of the lava deposits both in idaho and in california, with a view to learning their significance with reference to these discoveries. the main facts brought to light by this investigation are that in the snake river valley, idaho, there are not far from twelve thousand square miles of territory covered with a continuous stratum of basaltic lava, extending nearly across the entire diameter of the state from east to west. nampa, where the miniature image was discovered, is within five miles of the western limit of this lava-flow, and where it had greatly thinned out. the relative age of the lava is shown by its relation to tertiary beds of shale and sandstone, containing numerous fossils of late pliocene species. these are overlaid in this vicinity by the lava, thus determining its post-tertiary character. examination with reference to the more precise determination of age reveals channels of erosion formed since the lava-flow took place, which, when studied sufficiently, will probably lead to valuable approximate results. at present i can only say that the amount of erosion since the lava eruptions of western idaho is not excessive, and very likely may be brought within a period of from ten thousand to twenty thousand years. the enormous erosion in the cañon of the snake river, near shoshone falls, in central idaho, is doubtless of a much earlier date than that in the boise river, near nampa. [illustration: fig. .--map showing pocatello, nampa, and the valley of snake river.] the disturbances created in this part of the valley by the bursting of the barriers between the glacial lake bonneville and the snake river, already described (see above, page ), have not been worked out. there can be no doubt, however, that interesting results will come to light in connection with the problem; for pocatello, the point at which the _débâcle_ reached the snake river plain, is about , feet higher than nampa, and miles distant, and the water must have poured into the valley faster than the river in its upper portion could have discharged it. by just what channels the mighty current worked down to the lower levels on the western borders of the state it would be most interesting as well as instructive to know. a study of the situation in tuolumne and calaveras counties, california, reveals a state of things closely resembling, in important respects, that in western idaho. at first sight the impression is made that an immense lapse of time must have occurred since the volcanic eruption which furnished the lava of table mountain. the stanislaus river flows in a channel of erosion a thousand feet or more lower than the ancient channel filled by lava, and in two or three places cuts directly across it. an immense amount of time, also, would seem to be required to permit the smaller local streams to have worn away so much of the sides of the ancient valley as to allow the lava deposit now so continuously to rise above the general surface. still, the question of absolute time cannot be considered separately without much further study. it is by no means certain that, when the lava-stream poured down the mountain, it always followed the lowest depressions; but at certain points it may have been dammed up in its course by its own accumulations so as to be turned off into what was then an ancient abandoned channel. [illustration: fig. .--section along the line, north and south: _r' r'_, old river-beds; _r r_, present river-beds; _l_, lava; _sl_, slate.] the forms of animal and vegetable life with which the remains of man under table mountain are associated, are, indeed, to a considerable extent, species now extinct in california, and some of them no longer exist anywhere in the world. but a suggestion of professor prestwich, in england, made with reference to the extinct forms of life associated with human remains in the glacial deposits in europe, is revived by mr. becker, of the geological survey, with reference to the california discoveries; his inference being, not that man is so extremely ancient in california, but that many of these plants and animals have continued to a more recent date than has ordinarily been supposed. the connection of these lava-flows on the pacific coast with the glacial period is unquestionably close. for some reason which we do not fully understand, the vast accumulation of ice in north america during the glacial period is correlated with enormous eruptions of lava west of the rocky mountains, and, in connection with these events, there took place on the pacific coast an almost entire change in the plants and animals occupying the region. mr. warren upham is of the opinion that on the pacific coast they lingered much later than in the region east of the rocky mountains. indeed, it is pretty certain that not many centuries have elapsed since the glacial phenomena of the sierra nevada mountains were much more pronounced than they are at the present time, and it is equally certain that there have been vast eruptions of lava in california within three hundred years. from these data, therefore, mr. becker has real foundation for his suggestion that perhaps in the glacial period california was a kind of health resort for pliocene animals, as it is at the present time for man; or, at any rate, that the later date of the accumulations permitted the animals to survive there much longer than in the region east of the rocky mountains. further discussion of the preceding facts will profitably be deferred until, in the next two chapters, the questions of the cause and date of the glacial period have been considered. chapter ix. the cause of the glacial period. in searching for the cause of the glacial period, it is evident that we must endeavor to find conditions which will secure over the centre of the glaciated area either a great increase of snow-fall or a great decrease in the mean annual temperature, or both of these conditions combined in greater or less degree. as can be seen, both from the nature of the case and from the unglaciated condition of siberia and northern alaska, a low degree of temperature is not sufficient to produce permanent ice-fields. if the snow-fall is excessively meagre, even the small amount of heat in an arctic summer will be sufficient to melt it all away. from the condition of greenland, however, it appears that a moderate amount of precipitation where it is chiefly in the form of snow may produce enormous glaciers if at the same time the average temperature is low. in southeastern alaska, on the other hand, the glaciers are of enormous size, though the mean annual temperature is by no means low, for there the great amount of snow-fall amply compensates for the higher temperature. snow stores the cold and keeps it in a definite place. if the air becomes chilled, circulation at once sets in, and the cold air is transferred to warmer regions; but if there is moisture in the air, so that snow forms, the cold becomes locked up, as it were, and falls to the earth. the amount of cold thus locked up in snow is enormous. to melt one cubic foot of ice requires as much heat as would raise the temperature of a cubic foot of water ° fahrenheit. to melt a "layer of ice only one inch and a half thick would require as much heat as would raise a stratum of air eight hundred feet thick from the freezing-point to the tropical heat of ° fahrenheit." it is the slowness with which ice melts which enables it to accumulate as it does, both in winter and upon high mountains and in arctic regions. captain scoresby relates that when near the north pole the sun would sometimes be so hot as to melt the pitch on the south side of his vessel, while water was freezing on the north side, in the shade, owing to the cooling effect of the masses of ice with which he was surrounded. thus it will appear that a change in the direction of the moist winds blowing from the equator towards the poles might produce a glacial epoch. if snow falls upon the ocean it cools the water, but through the currents, everywhere visible in the sea, the temperature in the water in the different parts soon becomes equalized. if, however, the snow falls upon the land, it must be melted by the direct action of the sun and wind upon the spot where it is. if the heat furnished by these agencies is not sufficient to do it year by year, there will soon be such an accumulation that glaciers will begin to form. it is clear, therefore, that the conditions producing a glacial period are likely to prove very complicated, and we need not be surprised if the conclusions to which we come are incapable of demonstration. theories respecting the cause of the glacial period may be roughly classified as astronomical and geological. among the astronomical theories, one which has sometimes been adduced is that the solar system in its movement through space is subjected to different degrees of heat at different times. according to this theory, the temperate climate which characterised the polar regions during the tertiary period, and continued up to the beginning of the glacial epoch, was produced by the influence of the warmer stretches of space through which the whole solar system was moving at that time; while the glacial period resulted from the influence upon the earth of the colder spaces through which the system subsequently moved. while it is impossible absolutely to disprove this hypothesis, it labors under the difficulty of having little positive evidence in its favor, and thus contravenes a fundamental law of scientific reasoning, that we must have a real cause upon which to rest our theories. in endeavouring to explain the unknown, we should have something known to start with. but in this case we are not sure that there are any such variations in the temperature of the space through which the solar system moves. this theory, therefore, cannot come in for serious consideration until all others have been absolutely disproved. as we shall also more fully see, in the subsequent discussion, the distribution of the ice during the glacial period was not such as to indicate a gradual extension of it from the north pole, but rather the accumulation upon centres many degrees to the south. closely allied with the preceding theory is the supposition broached by some astronomers that the sun is a variable star, dependent to some extent for its heat upon the impact of meteorites, or to the varying rapidity with which the contraction of its volume is proceeding. it is well known that when two solid bodies clash together, heat is produced proportionate to the momentum of the two bodies. in other words, the motion which is arrested is transformed into heat. mr. croll, in his last publication[dr] upon the subject, ingeniously attempted to account for the gaseous condition of the nebulæ and the heat of the sun and other fixed stars by supposing it to be simply transformed motion. according to this theory, the original form of force imparted to the universe was that exerted in setting in motion innumerable dark bodies, which from time to time have collided with each other. the effects of such collisions would be to transform a large amount of motion into heat and its accompanying forms of molecular force. the violence of the compact of two worlds would be so great as to break them up into the original atoms of which they are composed, and the heat set free would be sufficient to keep the masses in a gaseous condition and cause them to swell out into enormous proportions. from that time on, as the heat radiated into space, there would be the gradual contraction which we suppose is going on in all the central suns, accompanied, of course, with a gradual decline of the heat-energy in the system. [footnote dr: stellar evolution and its relation to geological time.] now, it is well known that the earth and the solar system in their onward progress pass through trains of meteorites. the tails of some of the comets are indeed pretty clearly proved to be streams of ponderable matter, through which, from time to time, the minor members of the solar system plunge, and receive some accession to their bulk and weight. the shooting-stars, which occasionally attract our attention in the sky, mark the course of such meteorites as they pass through the earth's atmosphere, and are heated to a glow by the friction with it. it has been suggested, therefore, that the sun itself may at times have its amount of heat sensibly affected by such showers of meteorites or asteroids. upon this theory the warm period of the tertiary epoch, for instance, may have been due to the heat temporarily added to the sun by impact with minor astronomical bodies. when, afterwards, it gradually cooled down, receiving through a long period no more accessions of heat from that source, the way was prepared for the colder epoch of the glacial period, which, in turn, was dispelled by fresh showers of meteorites upon the sun, sufficient to produce the amelioration of climate which we experience at the present time. as intimated, this theory is closely allied to the preceding, the principal difference being that it limits the effects of the supposed cause to the solar system, and looks to our sun as the varying source of heat-supply. it has the advantage over that, however, of possessing a more tangible _vera causa_. meteorites, asteroids, and comets are known to be within this system, and have occasional collisions with other members of it. but the principal objection urged against the preceding theory applies here, also, with equal force. the accumulations of ice during the glacial period were not determined by latitude. in north america the centre of accumulation was south of the arctic circle--a fact which points clearly enough to some other cause than that of a general lowering of the temperature exterior to the earth. the same objections would bear against the theory ably set forth by mr. sereno e. bishop, of honolulu, which, in substance, is that there may be considerable variability in the sun's emission of heat, owing to fluctuations in the rate of the shrinkage of its diameter, brought about by the unequal struggle between the diminishing amount of heat in the interior and the increasing force of the gravitation of its particles, and by the changes in the enveloping atmosphere of the sun, which, like an enswathing blanket, arrests a large portion of the radiant heat from the nucleus, and is itself evidently subject to violent movements, some of which seem to carry it down to the sun's interior. unknown electrical forces, he thinks, may also combine to add an element of variability. these supposed changes may be compared to those which take place upon the surface of the earth when, at irregular intervals, immense sheets of lava, like those upon the pacific coast of north america, are exuded in a comparatively brief time, to be succeeded by a long period of rest. the heat thus brought to the surface of the earth would add perceptibly to that radiated from it into space in ordinary times. something similar to this upon the sun, it is thought, might produce effects perceptible upon the earth, and account for alternate periods of heat and cold. a fourth astronomical theory is that there has been a shifting of the earth's axis; that at the time of the glacial period the north pole, instead of being where it now is, was somewhere in the region of central greenland. this attractive theory has been thought worthy of attention by president t. c. chamberlin and by professor g. c. comstock,[ds] but it likewise labours under a twofold difficulty: first, the shifting of the poles observed ( feet per year) is too slight to have produced the changes within any reasonable time, and it is not likely to have been continuous for a long period. but still more fatal to the theory is the fact that the warm climate preceding the glacial period seems to have extended towards the present north pole upon every side; a temperate flora having been found in the fossil plants of the tertiary beds in greenland and northern british america, as well as upon nova zembla and spitzbergen. [footnote ds: see papers by these gentlemen read at the meeting of the american association for the advancement of science, in washington, in august, . professor comstock's paper appeared in the american journal of science for january, .] a fifth astronomical theory, and one which has of late years been received with great favour, is that so ably advocated by the late dr. james croll and by professor james geikie. following the suggestions of the astronomer adhémar, these writers have attempted to show that not only one glacial epoch, but a succession of such epochs, has been produced in the world by the effect of the changes which are known to have taken place in the eccentricity of the earth's orbit when combined with the precession of the equinoxes--another calculable astronomical cause. [illustration: fig. .--diagram showing effect of precession: _a._ condition of things now; _b._ as it will be , years hence. the eccentricity is of course greatly exaggerated.] it is well known that the earth's orbit is elliptical; that is, it is longer in one direction than in the other, so that the sun is one side of the centre. during the winter of the northern hemisphere the earth is now about three million miles nearer the sun than in the summer; but the summer makes up for this distance by being about seven days longer than the winter. through the precession of the equinoxes this state of things will be reversed in ten thousand five hundred years; at which time we shall be nearer the sun during our northern summer, and farther away in winter, our winter then being also longer than our summer. besides, through the unequal attraction of the planets the eccentricity of the earth's orbit periodically increases and diminishes, so that there have been periods when the earth was ten million five hundred thousand miles farther from the sun in winter than in summer; at which times, also, the winter was nearly twenty-eight days longer than the summer. such an extreme elongation of the earth's orbit occurred about two hundred and fifty thousand years ago. it is easy to assume that such a change in astronomical conditions would produce great effects upon the earth's climate; and equally easy to connect with those effects the vast extension of ice during the glacial period. since, also, this period of extreme eccentricity terminated only eighty thousand years ago, the close of the glacial period would, perhaps, upon mr. croll's theory, be comparatively a recent event; for if the secular summer of the earth's eccentricity lags relatively as far behind the secular movements as the annual summer does behind the vernal equinox, we should, as professor charles h. hitchcock suggests, have to place the complete breaking up of the ice period as late as forty thousand years ago.[dt] [footnote dt: geology of new hampshire, vol. iii, p. .] we have no space to indicate, as it deserves, the comparative merits and demerits of this ingenious theory. it would, however, be a great calamity to have geologists accept it without scrutiny. it is, indeed, a part of the business of geologists to doubt such theories until they are verified by a thorough examination of all accessible _terrestrial_ evidence bearing upon the subject. there is no reason to question the reality of the variations in the relative positions of the earth and the sun assumed by mr. croll; though there may be serious doubt whether the effects of those changes upon climate would be all that is surmised, since equal amounts of heat would fall upon the earth during summer, whether made longer or shorter by the cause referred to. during the short summers the earth is so much nearer the sun that it receives each season absolutely as much heat as it does during the longer summers, when it is so much farther away from the sun. thus the theory rests at last upon the question what would become of the heat reaching the earth in these differing conditions. it is plausibly urged by mr. croll that when a hemisphere of the earth is passing through a period of long winters the radiation of heat will be so excessive that the temperature would fall much below what it would during the shorter winters; and so ice and snow would accumulate far beyond the usual amount. it is also supposed that the effect of the summer's sun in melting the ice during the short summer would be diminished through natural increase of the amount of foggy and cloudy weather. adhémar's theory is supposed by sir robert ball, royal astronomer of ireland, to be considerably re-enforced by a discovery which he has made concerning the distribution of heat upon the earth during the seasons culminating in the summer and winter solstices. croll had assumed, on the authority of herschel, that a hemisphere of the earth during the longer winter in aphelion would receive the same actual amount of heat which would fall upon it during the shorter summer in perihelion; whereas, according to dr. ball's discovery, "of the total amount of heat received from the sun on a hemisphere of the earth in the course of a year, sixty-three per cent is received during the summer and thirty-seven per cent during the winter."[du] when, therefore, the summers occur in perihelion the heat is more intense than croll had supposed, and, at the same time, the winters occurring in aphelion are more deficient in heat than he had assumed. this discovery of dr. ball will not, however, materially affect the discussion of croll's theory upon its inherent merits, since it is simply an intensification of the causes invoked by him. we will therefore let it stand or fall in the light of the general considerations hereafter to be adduced. [footnote du: cause of an ice age, p. .] the aid of theoretical consequent changes in the volume of the gulf stream, and in the area of the trade-winds, has also to be invoked by mr. croll. the theory likewise receives supposed confirmation from facts alleged concerning the present climate of the southern hemisphere which is passing through the astronomical conditions thought to be favourable to its glaciation. the antarctic continent is completely enveloped in ice, even down to the sixty-seventh degree of latitude. a few degrees nearer the pole sir j. c. boss describes the ice as rising from the water in a precipitous wall one hundred and eighty feet high. in front of such a wall, and nearly twenty degrees from the south pole, this navigator sailed four hundred and fifty miles! voyagers, in general, are said to agree that the summers of the antarctic zone are much more foggy and cold than they are in corresponding latitudes in the northern hemisphere; and this, even though the sun is , , miles nearer the earth during the southern summer than it is during the northern. another direction from which evidence is invoked in confirmation of mr. croll's theory is the geological indications of successive glacial epochs in times past. if there be a recurring astronomical cause sufficient of itself to produce glacial periods, such periods should recur as often as the cause exists; but glaciation upon the scale of that which immediately preceded the historic era could hardly have occurred in early geological time without leaving marks which geologists would have discovered. were the "till" now covering the glaciated region to be converted into rock, its character would be unmistakable, and the deposit is so extensive that it could not escape notice. in his inaugural address before the british association in , professor ramsey, director-general of the geological survey of great britain, presented a formidable list of glacial observations in connection with rocks of a remote age.[dv] beginning at the earliest date, he cites professor archibald geikie, one of the most competent judges, as confident that the rounded knobs and knolls of laurentian rocks exposed over a large region in northwestern scotland, together with vast beds of coarse, angular, unstratified conglomerates, are unquestionable evidences of glacial action at that early period. masses of similar conglomerates, resembling consolidated glacial boulder-beds, occur also in the lower silurian formation at corswall, england. in dunbar, scotland, professor forbes also found, in formations of but little later age than the coal period, "brecciated conglomerates, consisting of pebbles and large blocks of stone, generally angular, embedded in a marly paste, in which some of the pebbles are as well scratched as those found in medial moraines." in formations of corresponding antiquity the geologists of india have found similar boulder-beds, in which some of the blocks are polished and striated. [footnote dv: nature (august , ), vol. xxii, pp. , .] still, this evidence is less abundant than we should expect, if there had been the repeated glacial epochs supposed by mr. croll's astronomical theory; and it is by no means impossible that the conglomerates of scratched stones described by professor ramsey in great britain, and by messrs. blandford and medlicott in india, may have resulted from local glaciers coming down from mountain-chains which have been since removed by erosion or subsidence. we are not aware that any incontestable evidence has been presented in america of any glaciation previous to that of _the_ glacial period. upon close consideration, also, it appears that mr. croll's theory has not properly taken into account the anomalous distribution of heat which we actually find to take place on the surface of the earth. he has done good service in showing what an enormous transfer of heat there is from the southern to the northern atlantic by means of the gulf stream, estimating that the heat conveyed by the gulf stream into the atlantic ocean is equal to one fifth of all possessed by the waters of the north atlantic; or to the heat received from the sun upon a million and a half square miles at the equator, or two million square miles in the temperate zone. "the stoppage of the gulf stream would deprive the atlantic of , , , , , , foot-pounds of energy in the form of heat per day." among the objections which bear against this ingenious theory is one which will appear with great force when we come to discuss the date of the glacial period, when we shall show that even professor hitchcock's supposition that the lingering effects of the last great eccentricity of the earth's orbit, continued down to forty thousand years ago, is not sufficient to account for the recentness of the close of the period as shown by abundant geological evidence. it is certainly not more than ten or fifteen thousand years ago that the ice finally melted off from the laurentian highlands; while on the pacific coast the period of glaciation was still more recent. from inspection of the accompanying map the main point of mr. croll's reasoning may be understood. it will be seen that the direction of the currents in the central atlantic is largely determined by the contour of the northeastern coast of south america. from some cause the southeast trade-winds are stronger than the northeast, and their force is felt in pushing the superficial currents of warm water farther north than cape st. roque, the eastern extremity of brazil. as the direction of the south american coast trends rapidly westward from this point to the isthmus of panama, the resultant of the forces is a strong current northwestward into the _cul-de-sac_ of the gulf of mexico, from which there is only the one outlet between cuba and the peninsula of florida. through this the warm water is forced into the region where westerly winds prevail, and spreads its genial influence far to the northward, modifying the climate of the british isles, and even of far-off norway. [illustration: fig. .--map showing course of currents in the atlantic ocean: _b_ and _b'_ are currents set in motion by opposite trade-winds; meeting, they produce the equatorial current, which divides into _c_ and _c'_, continuing on as _a_ and _a'_ and _e_.] but why are the southeast trade-winds of the atlantic stronger than the northeast? the ultimate reason, of course, is to be found in the fact that the northern hemisphere is warmer than the southern. the atmosphere over the northern-central portion of the atlantic region is more thoroughly rarefied by the sun's heat than is that over the region south of the equator. the strong southeast trades are simply the rush of atmosphere from the south atlantic to fill the vacuum caused by the heat of the sun north of the equator. but, again, why is this? because, says mr. croll, we are now in that stage of astronomical development favourable to the increased warmth of the northern hemisphere. in the northern hemisphere the summers are longer than the winters. perihelion occurs in winter and aphelion in summer. this is the reason why the north atlantic is warmer than the south atlantic, and why the trade-winds of the south are drawn to the north of the equator. ten thousand five hundred years ago, however, the conditions were reversed, and the greater rarefaction of the atmosphere would have taken place south of the equator, thus drawing the trade-winds in that direction. by again inspecting the map, one will see how far-reaching the effect on the climate of northern countries this change in the prevalences of the trades would have been. then, instead of having the northwest current leading along the northeast coast of south america into the gulf of mexico augmented by the warm currents circulating south of the equator, the warm currents of the north would have been pushed down so far that they would augment the current running to the southwest beyond cape st. roque, along the southeast shore of south america; thus the northern portion of the atlantic, instead of robbing the southern portion of heat, would itself be robbed of its warm currents to contribute to the superfluous heat of the south atlantic. this theory is certainly very ingenious. there is a weak point in it, however. mr. croll assumes that when the winters of the northern hemisphere occur in aphelion, they must necessarily be colder than now. but, evidently, this assertion implies a fuller knowledge than we possess of the laws by which the heat received from the sun is distributed over the earth. for it appears from observation that the equator is by no means so hot now as, theoretically, it ought to be, and that the arctic regions are not so cold as, according to theory, they should be, and this in places which could not be affected by oceanic currents. for example, at iquitos, on the amazon, only three hundred feet above tide, three degrees and a half south of the equator, and more than a thousand miles from the atlantic (so that ocean-currents cannot abstract the heat from its vicinity), the mean yearly temperature is but ° fahr.; while at verkhojansk, in northeast siberia, which is ° north of the equator, and is situated where it is out of the reach of ocean-currents, and where the conditions for the radiation of heat are most favourable, and where, indeed, the winter is the coldest on the globe (january averaging-- ° fahr.), the mean yearly temperature is two degrees and a half above zero; so that the difference between the temperature upon the equator and that at the coldest point on the sixty-seventh parallel is only about ° fahr.; whereas, if temperature were in proportion to heat received from the sun, the difference ought to be °. again, the difference between the actual january temperature on the fiftieth parallel and that upon the sixtieth is but ° fahr., whereas, the quantity of solar heat received on the fiftieth parallel during the month of january is three times that received upon the sixtieth, and the difference in temperature ought to be about ° fahr. upon any known law in the case. woeikoff, a russian meteorologist, and one of the ablest critics of mr. croll's theory, and to whom we are indebted for these facts, ascribes the greater present warmth of the northern atlantic basin, not to the astronomical cause invoked by mr. croll, but to the relatively small extent of sea in the middle latitudes of the northern hemisphere. the extent and depth of the oceans of the southern hemisphere would of themselves give greater steadiness and force to its trade-winds, and lead to a general lowering of the temperature; so that it is doubtful if the astronomical causes introduced by mr. croll, even with dr. ball's re-enforcement, would produce any appreciable effect while the distribution of land and water remains substantially what it is at the present time. still another variation in the astronomical theory has been set forth and defended by major-general a. w. drayson, f. r. a. s., instructor in the royal military school at woolwich, england. he contends that what has been called the precession of the equinoxes, and supposed to be "a conical movement of the earth's axis in a circle around a point as a centre, from which it continually decreases its distance,"[dw] is really a second rotation of the earth about its centre. as a consequence of this second rotation, he endeavours to show that the inclination of the earth's axis varies as much as °; so that, whereas the arctic and antarctic circles and the tropics extend to only about ° from the poles and the equator, respectively, about thirteen thousand five hundred years ago they extended more than °; thus bringing the frigid zones in both cases ° nearer the equator than now. this, he contends, would have produced the glacial period at the time now more generally assigned to it by direct geological evidence. [footnote dw: untrodden ground in astronomy and geology, p. .] the difficulty with this theory, even if the mathematical calculations upon which it is based are correct, would be substantially the same as those already urged against that of mr. croll. it is specially difficult to see how general drayson would account for the prolonged temperate climate in high northern latitudes during the larger part of the tertiary epoch. it will be best to turn again to the map to observe the possible effect upon the gulf stream of a geological event of which we have some definite evidence, and which is adduced by mr. upham and others as one of the important probable causes of the glacial period, namely, the subsidence of the isthmus of panama and the adjacent narrow neck of land connecting north with south america. it will be seen at a glance that a subsidence sufficient to allow the northwest current of warm water, pushed by the trade-winds along the northeast shore of south america, to pass into the pacific ocean, instead of into the gulf of mexico, would be a cause sufficient to produce the most far-reaching results; it would rob the north atlantic of the immense amount of heat and moisture now distributed over it by the gulf stream, and would add an equal amount to the northern pacific ocean, and modify to an unknown extent the distribution of heat and moisture over the lands of the northern hemisphere. the supposition that a subsidence of the isthmus of panama was among the contributing causes of the glacial period has been often made, but without any positive proof of such subsidence. from evidence which has recently come to light, however, it is certain that there has actually been considerable subsidence there in late tertiary if not in post-tertiary times. this evidence is furnished by dr. g. a. maack and mr. william m. gabb in their report to the united states government in upon the explorations for a ship-canal across the isthmus, and consists of numerous fossils belonging to existing species which are found at an elevation of feet above tide. as the dividing ridge is more than feet above tide, this does not positively prove the point, but so much demonstrated subsidence makes it easy to believe, in the absence of contradictory evidence, that there was more, and that the isthmus was sufficiently submerged to permit a considerable portion of the warm equatorial current which now passes northward from the caribbean sea and the gulf of mexico to pass into the pacific ocean. [illustration: fig. .--map showing how the land clusters about the north pole.] an obvious objection to the theory of a late tertiary or post-tertiary subsidence of the isthmus of panama presents itself in the fact that there is at present a complete diversity of species between the fish inhabiting the waters upon the different sides of the isthmus. if there had been such a subsidence, it seems natural to suppose that atlantic species would have migrated to the pacific side and obtained a permanent lodgment there, and that pacific species would have found a congenial home on the atlantic side. it must be confessed that this is a serious theoretical difficulty, but perhaps not insuperable. for it is by no means certain that colonists from the heated waters of the caribbean sea would become so permanently established upon the pacific side that they could maintain themselves there upon the re-establishment of former conditions. on the contrary, it seems reasonable to suppose that upon the re-elevation of the isthmus the northern currents, which would then resume their course, would bring back with them conditions unfavourable to the atlantic species, and favourable to the competing species which had only temporarily withdrawn from the field, and which might now be better fitted than ever to renew the struggle with their atlantic competitors. it is by no means certain, therefore, that with the re-establishment of the former conditions there would not also be a re-establishment of the former equation of life upon the two sides of the isthmus. mr. upham's theory involves also extensive elevations of land in the northern part of america; in this respect agreeing with the opinions early expressed by professors j. d. dana and j. s. newberry. of the positive indications of such northward elevations of land we have already spoken when treating in a previous chapter of the fiords and submerged channels which characterise northern europe and both the eastern and the western coasts of north america. but in working out the problem the solution is only half reached when we have got the gulf stream into the pacific ocean, and the land in the northern part of the continents elevated to some distance above its present level. there is still the difficulty of getting the moisture-laden currents from the pacific ocean to carry their burdens over the crest of the sierra nevada and rocky mountains and to deposit them in snow upon the laurentian highlands. an ingenious supplement to the theory, therefore, has been brought forward by professor carpenter, who suggests that the immense tertiary and post-tertiary lava-flows which cover so much of the area west of the rocky mountains were the cause of the accumulations of snow which formed the laurentide glacier. this statement, which at first seems so paradoxical as to be absurd, appears less so upon close examination. the extent of the outflows of lava west of the rocky mountains is almost beyond comprehension. literally, hundreds of thousands of square miles have been covered by them to a depth in many places of thousands of feet. these volcanic eruptions are mostly of late date, beginning in the middle of the tertiary and culminating probably about the time of the maximum extent of the laurentide glacier. indeed, so nearly contemporaneous was the growth of the laurentide glacier with these outflows that professor alexander winchell had, with a good deal of plausibility, suggested that the outflows of the eruptions of lava were caused by the accumulation of ice over eastern british america. his theory was that the three million cubic miles of ice which is proved to have been abstracted from the ocean and piled up over that area was so serious a disturbance of the equilibrium of the earth's crust that it caused great fissures to be opened along the lines of weakness west of the rocky mountains, and pressed the liquid lava out, as the juice is pressed out of an orange in one place by pressing upon the rind in another. professor carpenter's view is the exact reverse of professor winchell's. going back to those orographic changes which produced the lava-flows and the elevation of the northern part of british america, he thinks the problem of getting the moisture transferred from the pacific ocean to the canadian highlands is solved by the lava-flows west of the rocky mountains. this immense exudation of molten matter was accompanied by an enormous liberation of heat, which must have produced significant changes in the meteorological conditions. the moisture of the atmosphere is precipitated by means of the condensation connected with a lowering of its temperature. ordinarily, therefore, when moist winds from an oceanic area pass directly over a lofty mountain-chain, the precipitation takes place immediately, and the water finds its way back by a short course to the sea. this is what now actually occurs on the pacific coast. the sierra nevada condense nearly all the moisture; so that very little falls on the vast area extending from their summits eastward to the rocky mountains. all that region is now practically a desert land, where the evaporation exceeds the precipitation. in professor carpenter's view the heat radiated from the freshly exuded lava is supposed to have prevented the precipitation near the coast-line, and to have helped the winds in carrying it farther onward to the northeast, where it would be condensed upon the elevated highlands, upon which the snows of the great laurentide glacier were collected. it is not necessary for us to attempt to measure the amount of truth in this subsidiary hypothesis of professor carpenter, but it illustrates how complicated are the conditions which have to be considered before we rest securely upon any particular hypothesis. the unknown elements of the problem are so numerous, and so far-reaching in their possible scope, that a cautious attitude of agnosticism, with respect to the cause of the glacial period, is most scientific and becoming. still, we are ready to go so far as to say that mr. upham's theory comes nearest to giving a satisfactory account of all the phenomena, and it is to this that professor joseph le conte gives his cautious approval. summarily stated, this theory is, that the passage from the tertiary to the quaternary or glacial period was characterised by remarkable oscillations of land-level, and by corresponding changes of climate, and of ice-accumulation in northern regions; that the northern elevation was connected with subsidence in the equatorial regions; that these changes of land-level were both initiated and, in the main, continued by the interior geological forces of the globe; but that the very continental elevation which mainly brought on the glacial period added at length, in the weight of the ice which accumulated over the elevated region, a new force to hasten and increase the subsidence, which would have taken place in due time in the natural progress of the orographic oscillations already begun. professor le conte illustrates the subject by the following diagram, which, for simplicity's sake, treats the glacial epoch as one; the horizontal line, a b, represents time from the later pliocene until now; but it also represents the present condition of things both as to land-level and as to ice-accumulation. the full line, c d e, represents the oscillations of land (and presumably of temperature) above and below the present condition. the broken line represents the rise, culmination, and decline of ice-accumulation. the dotted line represents the crust-movement as it would have been if there had been no ice-accumulation. [illustration: fig. .] _succession of epochs, glacial and fluvial deposits, and_ eastern provinces and middle and southern epochs. new england. atlantic states. recent or rise of the land to its continued subsidence of terrace. present height, or coast at new york and (mostly within somewhat higher, soon southward, and rise of the period of after the departure of the mountainous belt, by traditional the ice. rivers eroding displacement along the and written their glacial fall line of the rivers. history.) flood-plains, leaving much erosion of the remnants as terraces. columbia formation since warmer climate than now, culmination of second probably due to greater glacial epoch; gulf stream, formerly sedimentation in bays, permitted southern sounds, and estuaries. mollusks to extend to gulf of st. lawrence, now represented by isolated colonies. glacial period of ice age. pleistocene period. champlain. land depressed under less subsidence in ice-weight; glacial latitude of new york and (close of the recession; continued southward than at north; second glacial deposition of upper till lower hudson valley, and epoch.) and deep flood-plains of part of its present gravel, sand and clay submarine continuation, (modified drift). above sea-level. gravel terminal moraines marking and sand deposits from pauses or readvance englacial drift in during general retreat of delaware and susquehanna ice. marine submergence. valleys, inclosing to feet on coast abundant human implements of maine, to feet in at trenton, n.j. gulf and valley of st. lawrence. second glacial. second great uplift of renewal of great the land, . to , continental elevation feet higher than now; ( . feet in latitude snow-fall again all the of new york and year; ice probably two philadelphia), of miles thick on laurentide excessive snow-fall and highlands, and extending rains, and of wide-spread somewhat farther south fluvial deposits, the here than in first columbia formation, on glaciation. lower till the coastal plain, during (ground moraine), and early part of this epoch. upper till (englacial implements of man at drift). terminal claymont, del. moraines, kames, osars, valley drift. inter-glacial. ice-sheet melted here; depression, but generally probably not more ice in not to the present level. (longest epoch arctic regions than now. deep channels cut in the of this era.) bed-rocks by the fluvial and lacustrine delaware, susquehanna, deposits of this time, potomac, and other with those of the first rivers. the appomattox glacial epoch, were deposits much eroded. eroded by the second glaciation. relative length of this epoch made known by mcgee from study of this region. first glacial. begun by high continental continental elevation; uplift, cool climate and erosion of delaware and snow-fall throughout the chesapeake bays, and of year, producing albemarle and pamlico ice-sheet. much glacial sounds. plentiful erosion and snow-fall on the southern transportation; till and appalachian mountains; stratified deposits. snows melted in summer, ended by depression of and heavy rains, land; return of warm producing broad climate, with rain; final river-floods, with melting of the ice. deposition of the isthmus of panama appomattox formation. probably submerged (gulf stream smaller), and again in second glacial epoch. _changes in altitude and climate, during the quaternary era._ mississippi basin and cordilleran region. europe and asia. northward. terracing of river including a stage of erosion and terracing valleys. northward rise considerable uplift, of stratified drift in of area of lake agassiz with return of humid river valleys. land nearly complete before conditions, alpine passage of european the ice was melted on glaciation (third flora to greenland; the country crossed by glacial epoch), and succeeded by subsidence nelson river; but rise the second great rise there, admitting warm about hudson bay is still of lakes bonneville currents to arctic sea. going on; , to , and lahontan. very minor climatic changes, years since ice-melting recent subsidence including a warmer uncovered niagara and and change to present stage than now. upper falls of st. anthony. aridity. and outer portions of indo-gangetic alluvial plain; extensive deposits of hwang ho, and destructive changes of its course. abundant deposition of depression probably final departure of the englacial drift. stone almost to the present ice-sheets; glacial implements in river level. restoration of rivers forming eskers gravels of ohio, ind., arid climate; nearly or and kames. loess and minn. laurentian quite complete deposited while the lakes held at higher evaporation of lakes region of the alps was levels, and lake bonneville and lahontan.depressed lower than agassiz formed in red formation of the "adobe"now. upper (englacial) river basin, by continuing through the till, and asar, of barrier of retreating second glacial, sweden. marine ice, with outlets over champlain, and recent submergence to lowest points of their epochs. feet in scotland, present southern scandinavia, and water-shed. marine spitzbergen. submergence to feet on southwest side of hudson bay. ice-sheet here less probable uplift , second elevation and extensive than in the feet, shown by general glaciation of first glacial epoch, and submerged valleys near northwestern europe; not generally bordered cape mendocino. second the ice-sheets of great as then by lakes in ice-sheet on british britain probably more valleys which now drain columbia and vancouver extensive than in first southward. island; local glacial epoch. glaciation of rocky oscillations of terminal moraines at mountains, cascade and ice-front; british extreme limit of the sierra range, nevada, lower and upper ice-advance, and at ten south to latitude °. the chalky, purple, and or more stages of halt or first great rise of bowlder-clays, hessle readvance in its retreat. lakes bonneville bowlder-clays. terminal and lahontan. moraines in germany. depression nearly to continental depression. recession, or probably present level southward; arid climate. long- complete departure, of more northward, but continued denudation of the ice-sheets. followed there, by the mountains: differential uplift of resulting very thick land connection between or , feet. subaërial deposits of europe and africa, great erosion of loess the "adobe." permitting southern and other modified animals to extend far drift, and of "orange intermittent volcanic northward. sand." valleys of this action in various parts epoch, partly filled of this region, erosion of the somme with later till, are throughout the valley below its oldest marked by chains of quaternary era to very implement-bearing lakes in southern recent times, and gravels. minnesota. liable to break forth again. pliocene elevation of latest rise ( . uplift and glaciation continent brought to feet) of the colorado of northwestern europe: culmination at cañon district. sierra maximum elevation. beginning of nevada and other great , feet or more quaternary era; this basin mountain-ranges (depth of the skager whole basin probably formed by immense rack); france and then uplifted . uplifts, with faulting. britain united with the feet; excessive california river- färöe islands, iceland, snow-fall and rain; courses changed; human and greenland. uplifts deposition of the bones and implements in of the himalayas and "orange sand." ice- the old river gravels, other mountain-ranges sheet south to lava-covered. ice-sheet attendant on both cincinnati and st. on british columbia; glacial epochs. louis, at length local glaciers depressing the earth's southward. crust beneath it; slackened river floods and shallow lakes, forming the loess. it is seen from the diagram that the ice-accumulation culminated at a time when the land, under the pressure of the ice-load, had already commenced to subside; and that the subsidence was greatest at a time when the pressure had already begun to diminish. but the fact that the land, after the removal of the ice-load, did not return again to its former height in the pliocene, is proof positive that there were other and more fundamental causes of crust-movement at work besides weighting and lightening. the land did not again return to its former level because the cycle of elevation, whatever its cause, which commenced in the pliocene and culminated in the early quaternary, had exhausted itself. if it had not been for the ice-load interfering with and modifying the natural course of the crust-movement determined previously and primarily by other and probably internal causes, the latter would probably have taken the course represented by the dotted line. it would have risen higher and culminated later, and its curve would have been of simpler form. we append a carefully prepared table by mr. warren upham, showing the probable changes in altitude and climate during the quaternary era.[dx] [footnote dx: on page and sequel i have summarised the reasons which lead me to discard the inter-glacial epoch, and to look upon the whole glacial period as constituting a grand unity with minor episodes. it does not yet seem to me that the duality of the period is proved. on the contrary, mr. kendall's chapter on the glacial phenomena of great britain strongly confirms my view.] on the part of many the theory here provisionally adopted will be regarded with disfavour by reason of a disinclination to supposing any great recent changes of level in the continental areas. so firmly established do the continents appear to be, that it seems like invoking an inordinate display of power to have them exalted for the sake of producing a glacial period. due reflection, however, will make it evident that within certain limits the continents are exceedingly unstable, and that they have displayed this instability to as great an extent in recent geological times as they have done in any previous geological periods. when one reflects, also, upon the size of the earth, a continental elevation of , or , feet upon a globe whose diameter is more than , , feet is an insignificant trifle. on a globe one foot in diameter it would be represented by a protuberance of barely one thousandth of an inch. a corresponding wrinkle upon a large apple would require a magnifying-glass for its detection. moreover, the activity of existing volcanoes, the immense outflows of lava which have taken place in the later geological periods, together with the uniform increase of heat as we penetrate to deeper strata in the crust of the earth--all point to a condition of the earth's interior that would make the elevations of land which we have invoked for the production of the glacial period easily credible. physicists do not, indeed, now hold to the entire fluidity of the earth's interior, but rather to a solid centre, where gravity overcomes the expansive power of heat, and maintains solidity even when the heat is intense. but between the cooling crust of the earth's exterior and a central solid core there is now believed to be a film where the influences of heat and of the pressure of gravity are approximately balanced, and the space is occupied by a half-melted or viscous magma, capable of yielding to a slow pressure, and of moving in response to it from one portion of the enclosed space to another where the pressure is for any cause relieved. as a result of prolonged enquiries respecting the nature of the forces at work both in the interior and upon the exterior of the earth, and of a careful study of the successive changes marking the geological period, we are led to believe that the continental elevations necessary to produce the phenomena of the glacial period are not only entirely possible but easily credible, and in analogy with the natural progress of geological history. in the first place, it is easy to see that two causes are in operation to produce a contraction of the earth's volume and a shortening of its diameter. heat is constantly being abstracted from the earth by conduction and radiation, but perhaps to a greater extent through ceaseless volcanic eruptions which at times are of enormous extent. it requires but a moment's thought to see that contraction of the volume of the earth's interior means that the hardened exterior crust must adjust itself by wrinkles and folds. for a long period this adjustment might show itself principally in gentle swells, lifting portions of the continents to a higher level, accompanied by corresponding subsidence in other places. this gradually accumulating strain would at length be relieved along some line of special weakness in the crust by that folding process which has pushed up the great mountain systems of the world. careful study of the principal mountain systems shows that all the highest of them are of late geological origin. indeed, the latter part of the tertiary period has been the great mountain-building epoch in the earth's history. the principal part of the elevation of the andes and the rocky mountains has taken place since the middle of the tertiary period. in europe there is indubitable evidence that the pyrenees have been elevated eleven thousand feet during the same period, and that the western alps have been elevated thirteen thousand feet in the same time. the carpathians, the western caucasus, and the himalayas likewise bear explicit evidence to the fact that a very considerable portion of their elevation, amounting to many thousand feet, has been effected since the middle of the tertiary period, while a considerable portion of this elevation of the chiefest mountain systems of the world has occurred in what would be called post-tertiary time--that is, has been coincident with a portion of the glacial period. the glacial period, however, we suppose to have been brought about, not by the specific plications in the earth's crust which have produced the mountain-chains, but by the gentler swells of larger continental areas whose strain was at last relieved by the folding and mashing together of the strata along the lines of weakness now occupied by the mountain systems. the formation of the mountains seems to have relieved the accumulating strain connected with the continental elevations, and to have brought about a subsequent subsidence. doubtless, also, correlated subsidences and elevations of the earth's crust have been aided by the transfer of the sediment from continental to oceanic areas, and, as already suggested, during the glacial period by the transfer of water evaporated from the surface of the ocean to the ice-fields of the glaciated area. for example, present erosive agencies are lowering the level of the whole mississippi basin from the alleghanies to the rocky mountains at the rate of a foot in five thousand years. all this sediment removed is being transferred to the ocean-bed. present agencies, therefore, if not counteracted, would remove the whole continent of america (whose average elevation above the sea is only feet) in less than four million years; while the great rivers which descend in all directions from the central plateau of asia are transferring sediment to the ocean from two to four times as fast as the mississippi is, and the po is transferring it from the alps to the adriatic fully seven times as fast as the mississippi is from its basin to the gulf of mexico. this rapid transfer of sediment from the continents to the ocean is producing effects in disturbing the present equilibrium of the earth's crust, which are too complicated for us fully to calculate; but it is by no means improbable that when accumulating for a considerable length of time, the ultimate results may be very marked and perhaps sudden in their appearance. the same may also be said of the accumulation of ice during the glacial period. the glaciated areas of north america and europe combined comprise about six million square miles. at a moderate estimate, the ice was three-quarters of a mile deep. here, therefore, there would be between four and five million cubic miles of water, which had first relieved the ocean-beds of the pressure of its weight, and then concentrated its force over the elevated areas of the northern hemisphere. this disturbance of the equilibrium, by the known transfer of force from one part of the earth's crust to another, certainly gives much plausibility to the theory of jamieson, winchell, le conte, and upham, that the glacial period partly contained in itself its own cure, and by the weight of its accumulated weight of ice helped to produce that depression over the glaciated area which at length rendered the accumulation of ice there impossible. this general view of the known causes in operation during the glacial period will go far towards answering an objection that has probably before this presented itself to the reader's mind. it seems clear that the glacial period in the southern hemisphere has been nearly contemporaneous with that of the northern. the glacial period proper of the southern hemisphere is long since passed. the existing glaciers of new zealand, of the southern portion of the andes mountains, and of the himalaya mountains are but remnants of those of former days. in the light of the considerations just presented, it would not seem improbable that the same causes should produce these similar effects in the northern and the southern hemisphere contemporaneously. at any rate, it would not seem altogether unlikely that the pressure of ice during the climax of the glacial period upon the northern hemisphere (which, as we have seen, there is reason to believe aided in the depression of the continent to below its present level in the latter part of the glacial period) should have contributed towards the elevation of mountains in other parts of the world, and so to the temporary enlargement of the glaciers about their summits. nor are we wholly without evidence that these readjustments of land-level which have been carried on so vigorously since the middle of the tertiary period are still going on with considerable though doubtless with diminished rapidity. there has been a re-elevation of the land in north america since the glacial period amounting to feet upon the coast of maine, feet in the vicinity of montreal, from , to , feet in the extreme northern part of the continent, and in scandinavia to the extent of feet. in portions of scandinavia the land is now rising at the rate of three feet in a century. other indications of even the present instability of the earth's surface occur in numbers too numerous to mention.[dy] [footnote dy: for a convincing presentation of the views here outlined, together with abundant references to literature, see mr. warren upham's appendix to the author's ice age in north america.] but, while we are increasingly confident that the main causes of the glacial period have been changes in the relative relation of land-levels connected with diversion of oceanic currents, it is by no means impossible, as wallace[dz] and others have suggested, that these were combined with the astronomical causes urged by drs. croll and geikie. by some this combination is thought to be the more probable, because of the extreme recentness of the close of the glacial period, as shown by the evidence which will be presented in the following chapter. the continuance of glaciers in the highlands of canada, down to within a few thousand years of the present time, coincides in a remarkable manner with the last occurrence of the conditions favourable to glaciation upon mr. croll's theory, which took place about eleven thousand years ago. [footnote dz: see island life, chapters viii and ix.] chapter x. the date of the glacial period. in approaching the subject of glacial chronology, we are compelled to recognise at the outset the approximate character of all our calculations. still, we shall find that there are pretty well-defined limits of time beyond which it is not reasonable to place the date of the close of the glacial period; and, where exact figures cannot be determined, it may yet be of great interest and importance to know something near the limits within which our speculations must range. for many years past mr. croll's astronomical theory as to the cause of the glacial period has been considered in certain circles as so nearly established that it has been adopted by them as a chronological table in which to insert a series of supposed successive glacial epochs which are thought to have characterised not merely the quaternary epoch but all preceding geological eras. what we have already said, however, respecting the weakness of mr. croll's theory is probably sufficient to discredit it as a chronological apparatus. we will therefore turn immediately to the more tangible evidences bearing upon the subject. the data directly relating to the length of time which separates the present from the glacial period are mainly connected with two classes of facts: . the amount of erosion which has been accomplished by the river systems since the glacial period; and . the amount of sedimentation which has taken place in lakes and kettle-holes. we will consider first the evidence from erosion. [illustration: fig. .--diagram of eccentricity and precession: abscissa represents time and ordinates, degrees of eccentricity and also of cold. the dark and light shades show the warmer and colder winters, and therefore indicate each , years, the whole representing a period of , years.] the gorge below niagara falls affords an important chronometer for measuring the time which has elapsed since a certain stage in the recession of the great north american ice-sheet. as already shown, the present niagara river is purely a post-glacial line of drainage;[ea] the preglacial outlet to lake erie having been filled up by glacial deposits, so that, on the recession of the ice, the lowest level between lake erie and lake ontario was in the line of the trough of the present outlet. but, from what has already been said, it also appears that the niagara river did not begin to flow until considerably after the ice-front had withdrawn from the escarpment at queenston, where the river now emerges from its cañon to the low shelf which borders lake ontario. for a considerable period afterwards the ice continued to block up the easterly and northerly outlets through the valleys of the mohawk and of the st. lawrence, and held the water in front of the ice up to the level of the passes leading into the mississippi valley. niagara river, of course, was not born until these ice-barriers on the east and northeast melted away sufficiently to allow the drainage to take its natural course. [footnote ea: see above, p. _et seq._] [illustration: fig. .--map of the niagara river below the falls, showing the buried channel from the whirlpool to st. davids. small streams, _a_, _b_, _c_, fall into the main gorge over a rocky escarpment. no rock appears in the channel at _d_, but the rocky escarpment reappears at _e_.] of these barriers, that across the mohawk valley doubtless gave way first. this would allow the confluent waters of this great glacial lake to fall down to the level of the old outlet from the basin of lake ontario into the mohawk valley, in the vicinity of home, n. y. the moment, however, that the water had fallen to this level, the plunging torrents of niagara would begin their work; and the gorge extending from queenston up to the present falls is the work done by this great river since that point of time in the glacial period when the ice-barrier across the mohawk valley broke away. the problem is therefore a simple one. considering the length of this gorge as the dividend, the object is to find the rate of annual recession; this will be the divisor. the quotient will be the number of years which have elapsed since the ice first melted away from the mohawk valley. we are favoured in our calculation by the simplicity of the geologic arrangement. the strata at niagara dip slightly to the south, but not enough to make any serious disturbance in the problem. that at the surface, over which the water now plunges, consists of hard limestone, seventy or eighty feet in thickness, and this is continuous from the falls to the face of the escarpment at queenston, where the river emerges from the gorge. immediately underneath this hard superficial stratum there is a stratum of soft rock, of about the same thickness, which disintegrates readily. as a consequence, the plunging water continually undermines the hard stratum at the surface, and prepares the way for it to fall down, from time to time, in huge blocks, which are, in turn, ground to powder by the constant commotion in which they are kept, and thus the channel is cleared of _débris_. [illustration: fig. .--section of strata along the niagara gorge from the falls to the lake: , , strata of hard rock; , , of soft rock.] below these two main strata there is considerable variation in the hardness of the rock, as shown in the accompanying diagram, where and are hard strata separated by a soft stratum. in view of this fact it seems probable that, for a considerable period in the early part of the recession, instead of there being simply one, there was a succession of cataracts, as the water unequally wore back through the harder strata, numbered , , and ; but, after having receded half the distance, these would cease to be disturbing influences, and the problem is thus really the simple one of the recession through the strata numbered and , which are continuous. so uniform in consistency are these throughout the whole distance, that the rate of recession could never have been less than it is now. we come, therefore, to the question of the rapidity with which the falls are now receding. in sir charles lyell and professor james hall (the state geologist of new york) visited the falls together, and estimated that the rate of recession could not be greater than one foot a year, which would make the time required about thirty-five thousand years. but lyell thought this rate was probably three times too large; so that he favoured extending the time to one hundred thousand years. before this the eminent french geologist desor had estimated that the recession could not have been more than a foot in a century, which would throw the beginning of the gorge back more than three million years. but these were mere guesses of eminent men, based on no well-ascertained facts; while mr. bakewell, an eminent english geologist, trusting to the data furnished him by the guides and the old residents of niagara, had, even then, estimated that the rate of recession was as much as three feet a year, which would reduce the whole time required to about ten thousand years. but the visit of lyell and hall in led to the beginning of more accurate calculations. professor hall soon after had a trigonometrical survey of the falls made, from which a map was published in the state geological report. from this and from the monuments erected, we have had since that time a basis of comparison in which we could place absolute confidence. in recent years three surveys have been made: the first by the new york state geologists, in ; and the third by mr. r. s. woodward, the mathematician of the united states geological survey, in . the accompanying map shows the outlines of the falls at the time of these three measurements, from to . according to mr. woodward, "the length of the front of the horseshoe fall is twenty-three hundred feet. between and four and a quarter acres of rock were worn away by the recession of the falls. between and a little over one acre and a third disappeared in a similar manner, making in all, from to , about five and a half acres removed, and giving an annual rate of recession of about two feet and a half per year for the last forty-five years. but in the central parts of the curve, where the water is deepest, the horseshoe fall retreated between two hundred and two hundred and seventy-five feet in the eleven years between and ." [illustration: fig. .--map showing the recession of the horseshoe falls since , as by survey mentioned in the text (pohlman). (by courtesy of the american institute of mining engineers.)] it will be perceived that the recession in the centre of the horseshoe is very much more rapid than that nearer the margin; yet this rate at the centre is more nearly the standard of calculation than is that near the margin, for the gorge constantly tends to enlarge itself below the falls, and so gradually to bring itself into line with the full-formed channel. taking all things into account, mr. woodward and the other members of the geological survey thought it not improbable that the average rate of actual recession in the horseshoe fall was as great as five feet per annum; and that, if we can rely upon the uniformity of the conditions in the past, seven thousand years is as long a period as can be assigned to its commencement. the only condition in the problem about which there can be much chance of question relates to the constancy of the volume of water flowing in the niagara channel. mr. gilbert had suggested that, as a consequence of the subsidence connected with the closing portions of the glacial period, the water of the great lakes may have been largely diverted from its present outlet in niagara river and turned northeastward, through georgian bay, french river, and lake nipissing, into a tributary of the ottawa river, and so carried into the st. lawrence below lake ontario. of this theory there is also much direct evidence. a well-defined shore line of rounded pebbles extends, at an elevation of about fifty feet, across the col from lake nipissing to the head-waters of the mattawa, a tributary of the ottawa; while at the junction with the ottawa there is an enormous delta terrace of boulders, forming a bar across the main stream just such as would result from mr. gilbert's supposed outlet. but this outlet was doubtless limited to a comparatively few centuries, and dr. robert bell thinks the evidence still inconclusive.[eb] [footnote eb: see bul. geol. soc. am., vol. iv, pp. - , vol. v, pp. - .] a second noteworthy glacial chronometer is found in the gorge of the mississippi river, extending from the falls of st. anthony, at minneapolis, to its junction with the preglacial trough of the old mississippi, at fort snelling, a distance likewise of about seven miles. above fort snelling the preglacial gorge is occupied by the minnesota river, and, as we have before stated, extends to the very sources of this river, and is continuous with the southern portion of the valley of the trough of the red river of the north. before the glacial period the drainage of the present basin of the upper mississippi joined this main preglacial valley, not at fort snelling, but some little distance above, as shown upon our map.[ec] this part of the preglacial gorge became partially filled up with glacial deposits, but it can be still traced by the lakelets occupying portions of the old depression, and by the records of wells which have been sunk along the line. when the ice-front had receded beyond the site of minneapolis, the only line of drainage left open for the water was along the course of the present gorge from minneapolis to fort snelling. [footnote ec: see above, p. .] here, as at niagara, the problem is comparatively simple. the upper strata of rock consist of hard limestone, which is underlaid by a soft sandstone, which, like the underlying shale at niagara, is eroded faster than the upper strata, and so a perpendicular fall is maintained. the strata are so uniform in texture and thickness that, with the present amount of water in the river, the rate of recession of the falls must have been, from the beginning, very constant. if, therefore, the rate can be determined, the problem can be solved with a good degree of confidence. fortunately, the first discoverer of the cataract--the catholic missionary hennepin--was an accurate observer, and was given to recording his observations for the instruction of the outside world and of future generations. from his description, printed in amsterdam in , professor n. h. winchell is able to determine the precise locality of the cataract when discovered in . again, in the catholic missionary carver visited the falls, and not only wrote a description, but made a sketch (found in an account of his travels, published in london in ) which confirms the inferences drawn from hennepin's narrative. the actual period of recession, however (which professor winchell duly takes into account), extends only to the year , at which time such artificial changes were introduced as to modify the rate of recession and disturb further calculations. but between and the falls had evidently receded about feet. between and the recession had been feet. the average rate is estimated by professor winchell to be about five feet per year, and the total length of time required for the formation of the gorge above fort snelling is a little less than eight thousand years, or about the same as that calculated by messrs. woodward and gilbert for the niagara gorge. to these calculations of professor winchell it does not seem possible to urge any valid objection. it does not seem credible that the amount of water in the mississippi should ever have been less than now, while during the continuance of the ice in the upper portion of the mississippi basin the flow of water was certainly far greater than now. if any one is inclined to challenge professor winchell's interpretation of the facts, even a hasty visit to the locality will suffice to produce conviction. the comparative youth of the gorge from fort snelling up to minneapolis is evident: . from its relative narrowness, when compared with the main valley below. this is represented by the shading upon the map. the gorge from fort snelling up is not old enough to have permitted much enlargement by the gradual undermining of the superficial strata on either side, which slowly but constantly goes on. . from the abruptness with which it merges into the preglacial valley of the minnesota-mississippi. the opening at fort snelling is not y-shaped, as in gorges where there has been indefinite time for the operation of erosive agencies. . furthermore, the precipices lining the post-glacial gorge above fort snelling are far more abrupt than those in the preglacial valley below, and they give far less evidence of weathering. . still, again, the tributary streams, like the minnehaha river, which empty into the mississippi between fort snelling and minneapolis, flow upon the surface, and have eroded gorges of very limited extent; whereas, below fort snelling, the small streams have usually either found underground access to the river or occupy gorges of indefinite extent. the above estimates, setting such narrow limits to post-glacial time in america, will seem surprising only to those who have not carefully considered the glacial phenomena of various kinds to be observed all over the glaciated area. as already said, the glaciated portion of north america is a region of waterfalls, caused by the filling up of old channels with glacial _débris_, and the consequent diversion of the water-courses. by this means the streams in countless places have been forced to fall over precipices, and to begin anew their work of erosion. waterfalls abound in the glaciated region because post-glacial time is so short. give these streams time enough, and they will wear their way back to their sources, as the preglacial streams had done over the same area, and as similar streams have done outside the glaciated region. upon close observation, it will be found that the waterfalls in america are nearly all post-glacial, and that their work of erosion has been confined to a very limited time. a fair example is to be seen at elyria, ohio, in the falls of black river, one of the small streams which empty into lake erie from the south. its post-glacial gorge, worn in sandstone which overlies soft shale, is only about two thousand feet in length, and it has as yet made no approach toward a v-shaped outlet. the same impression of recent age is made by examining the outlets of almost any of the lakes which dot the glaciated area. the very reason of the continued existence of these lakes is that they have not had time enough to lower their outlets sufficiently to drain the water off, as has been done in all the unglaciated region. in many cases it is easy to see that the time during which this process of lowering the outlets has been going on cannot have been many thousand years. the same impression is made upon studying the evidences of post-glacial valley erosion. ordinary streams constantly enlarge their troughs by impinging against the banks now upon one side and now upon the other, and transporting the material towards the sea. it is estimated by wallace that nine-tenths of the sedimentary material borne along by rivers is gathered from the immediate vicinity of its current, and goes to enlarge the trough of the stream. upon measuring the cubical contents of many eroded troughs of streams in the glaciated region, and applying the tables giving the average amount of annual transportation of sediment by streams, we arrive at nearly the same results as by the study of the recession of post-glacial waterfalls. professor l. e. hicks, of granville, ohio, has published the results of careful calculations made by him, concerning the valley of raccoon creek in licking county, ohio.[ed] these show that fifteen thousand years would be more than abundant time for the erosion of the immediate valley adjoining that small stream. i have made and published similar calculations concerning plum creek, at oberlin, in lorain county, ohio.[ee] like raccoon creek, this has its entire bed in glacial deposits, and has had nothing else to do since its birth but to enlarge its borders. the drainage basin of the creek covers an area of about twenty-five square miles. its main trough averages about twenty feet in depth by five hundred in width, along a distance of about ten miles. from the rate at which the stream is transporting sediment, it is incredible that it could have been at work at this process more than ten thousand years without producing greater results. [footnote ed: see baptist quarterly for july. .] [footnote ee: see ice age in north america, p. .] calculations based upon the amount of sediment deposited since the retreat of the ice-sheet point to a like moderate conclusion. when one looks upon the turbid water of a raging stream in time of flood, and considers that all the sediment borne along will soon settle down upon the bottom of the lake into which the stream empties, he can but feel surprised that the "wash" of the hills has not already filled up the depression of the lake. it certainly would have done so had the present condition of things existed for an indefinite period of time. naturally, while prosecuting the survey of the superficial geology of minnesota, mr. upham was greatly impressed by the continued existence of the innumerable lakelets that give such a charm to the scenery of that state. every day's investigations added to the evidence that the lapse of time since the ice age must have been comparatively brief, since, otherwise, the rains and streams would have filled these basins with sediment, and cut outlets low enough to drain them dry, for in many instances he could see such changes slowly going forward.[ef] [footnote ef: minnesota geological report for , p. .] [illustration: fig. .--section of kettle-hole near pomp's pond, andover, massachusetts (see text). (for general view of the situation, see fig. , p. .)] some years ago i myself made a careful estimate of the amount of deposition and vegetable accumulation which had taken place in a kettle-hole near pomp's pond, in andover, mass. the diameter of the depression at the rim was feet. the inclination of the sides was such that the extreme depression of the apex of the inverted cone could not have been more than seventy feet; yet the accumulation of peat and sediment only amounted to a depth of seventeen feet. the total amount of material which had accumulated would be represented by a cone ninety-six feet in diameter at the base and seventeen feet at the apex, which would equal only a deposit of about five feet over the present surface of the bottom. it is easy to see that ten thousand years is a liberal allowance of time for the accumulation of five feet of sediment in the bottom of an enclosure like a kettle-hole, for upon examination it is clear that whatever insoluble material gets into a kettle-hole must remain there, since there is no possible way by which it can get out. now five feet is sixty inches, and if this amount has been six thousand years in accumulating, that would represent a rate of an inch in one hundred years, while, if it has been twelve thousand years in accumulation, the rate will be only one two-hundredth of an inch per year, a film so small as to be almost inappreciable. if we may judge from appearance, the result would not be much different in the case of the tens of thousands of kettle-holes and lakelets which dot the surface of the glaciated region. in the year dr. e. andrews, of chicago, made an important series of calculations concerning the rate at which the waters of lake michigan are eating into the shores and washing the sediment into deeper water or towards the southern end of the lake. with reference to the erosion of the shores, it appears from the work of the united states coast survey that a shoulder, covered with sixty feet of water, representing the depth at which wave-action is efficient in erosion, extends outward from the west shore a distance of about three miles, where the sounding line reveals the shore of the deeper original lake as it appeared upon the first withdrawal of the ice. from a variety of observations the average rate at which the erosion of the bluffs is proceeding is found to be such that the post-glacial time cannot be more than ten thousand years, and probably not more than seven thousand. an independent mode of calculating this period is afforded by the accumulations of sand at the south end of the lake, to which it is constantly drifting by the currents of water propelled against the shores by the wind; for the body of water in the lake is moving southward along the shores towards the closed end in that direction, there being a returning current along the middle of the lake. all the railroads approaching chicago from the east pass through these sand deposits, and few of the observant travellers passing over the routes can have failed to notice the dunes into which the sand has been drifted by the wind. now, all the material of these dunes and sand-beaches has been washed out of the bluffs to the northward by the process already mentioned, and has been slowly transferred by wave-action to its present position. it is estimated that south of chicago and grand haven, this wave-transported sand amounts to , , , cubic yards. this occupies a belt curving around the south end about ten miles wide and one hundred miles long. the rate at which the sand is moving southward along the shore is found by observing the amount annually arrested by the piers at chicago, grand haven, and michigan city. this equals , cubic yards for a year, which can scarcely be more than one quarter or one fifth of the total amount in motion. at this rate, the sand accumulations at the southern end of the lake would have been produced in a little less than seven thousand years. "if," says dr. andrews, "we estimate the total annual sand-drift at only twice the amount actually stopped by the very imperfect piers built--which, in the opinion of the engineers, is setting it far too low--and compare it with the capacity of the clay-basin of lake michigan, we shall find that, had this process continued one hundred thousand years the whole south end of lake michigan, up to the line connecting chicago and michigan city, would have been full and converted into dry land twenty-five thousand years ago, and the coast-line would now be found many miles north of chicago."[eg] [footnote eg: southall's recent origin of man, p. .] it is proper to add a word in answer co an objection which may arise in the reader's mind, for it will doubtless occur to some to ask why this sand which is washed out by the waves from the bluffs is not carried inward towards the deeper portion of the trough of the lake, thus producing a waste which would partly counteract the forces of accumulation at the south end. the answer is found in the fact that the south end of lake michigan is closed, and that the currents set in motion by the wind are such that there is no off-shore motion sufficient to move sand, and, as a matter of fact, dredgings show that the sand is limited to the vicinity of the shore. by comparing the eroded cliffs upon michigan and the other great lakes with what occurs in similar situations about the glacial lake agassiz, we obtain an interesting means of estimating the comparative length of time occupied by the ice-front in receding from the canadian border to hudson bay. as we have seen, lake agassiz occupied a position quite similar in most respects to lake michigan. its longest diameter was north and south, and the same forces which have eroded the cliffs of lake michigan and piled up sand-dunes at its southern end would have produced similar effects upon the shores of lake agassiz, had its continuance been anywhere near as long as that of the present lake michigan has been. but, according to mr. upham, who has most carefully surveyed the whole region, there are nowhere on the shores of the old lake agassiz any evidence of eroded cliffs at all to be compared with those found upon the present great lakes, while there is almost an entire lack of sand deposits about the south end such as characterise the shore of lake michigan. "the great tracts of dunes about the south end of lake michigan belong," as upham well observes, "wholly to beach accumulations, being sand derived from erosion of the western and eastern shores of the lake.... but none of the beaches of our glacial lakes are large enough to make dunes like those on lake michigan, though the size and depth of lake agassiz, its great extent from north to south, and the character of its shores, seem equally favorable for their accumulation. it is thus again indicated that the time occupied by the recession of the ice-sheet was comparatively brief."[eh] [footnote eh: proceedings of the boston society of natural history, vol. xxiv, p. ; upham's glacial lakes in canada, in bulletin of the geological society of america, vol. ii, p. .] from mr. upham's conclusions it would seem that if ten thousand years be allowed for the post-glacial existence of lake michigan, one tenth of that period would be more than sufficient to account for the cliffs, deltas, beaches, and other analogous phenomena about lake agassiz. in other words, the duration of lake agassiz could not have been more than a thousand years, which gives us a measure of the rate at which the recession of the ice-front went on after it had withdrawn to the international boundary. the distance from there to the mouth of nelson river is about miles. the recession of the ice-front over that area proceeded, therefore, at the average rate of about half a mile per year. there are many evidences that the main period of glaciation west of the rocky mountains was considerably later than that in the eastern part of the continent. a portion of the facts pointing to this conclusion have been well stated by mr. george f. becker, of the united states geological survey. "no one," he says, "who has examined the glaciated regions of the sierra can doubt that the great mass of the ice disappeared at a very recent period. the immense areas of polished surfaces fully exposed to the severe climate of say from , to , feet altitude, the insensible erosion of streams running over glaciated rocks, and the freshness of erratic boulders are sufficient evidence of this. there is also evidence that the glaciation began at no very distant geologic date. as professor whitney pointed out, glaciation is the last important geological phenomenon and succeeded the great lava flows. there is also much evidence that erosion has been trifling since the commencement of glaciation, excepting under peculiar circumstances. east of the range, for example, at virginia city, andesites which there is every reason to suppose preglacial have scarcely suffered at all from erosion, so that depressions down which water runs at every shower are not yet marked with water-courses, while older rocks, even of tertiary age and close by, are deeply carved. the rainfall at virginia city is, to be sure, only about ten inches, so that rock would erode only say one third as fast as on the california coast; but even when full allowance is made for this difference, it is clear that these andesites must be much younger than the commencement of glaciation in the northeastern portion of the continent as usually estimated. so, too, the andesites near clear lake, in california, though beyond a doubt preglacial, have suffered little erosion, and one of the masses, mount konocti (or uncle sam), has nearly as characteristic a volcanic form as mount vesuvius."[ei] [footnote ei: bulletin of the geological society of america, vol. ii, pp. , .] this view of mr. becker is amply sustained by many other obvious facts, some of which may be easily observed by tourists who visit the yosemite park. the freedom of the abutting walls of this cañon from talus, as well as the freshness of the glacial scratches upon both the walls and the floor of the tributary cañons, all indicate a lapse of centuries only, rather than of thousands of years, since their occupation by glacial ice. the freshness of the high-level terraces surrounding the valleys of great salt lake, in utah, and of pyramid and north carson lakes, in nevada, and the small amount of erosion which has taken place since the formation of these terraces, point in the same direction--namely, to a very recent date for the glaciation of the pacific coast. we have already detailed the facts concerning the formation of these terraces and the evidence of their probable connection with the glacial period. it is sufficient, therefore, here to add that, according to mr. russell and mr. gilbert (two of the most eminent members of the united states geological survey, who have each published monographs minutely embodying the results of their extensive observations in this region), the erosion of present streams in the beds which were deposited during the enlargement of the lakes is very slight, and the modification of the shores since the formation of the high terraces has been insignificant. according to mr. gilbert: "the bonneville shores are almost unmodified. intersecting streams, it is true, have scored them and interrupted their continuity for brief spaces; but the beating of the rain has hardly left a trace. the sea-cliffs still stand as they first stood, except that frost has wrought upon their faces so as to crumble away a portion and make a low talus at the base. the embankments and beaches and bars are almost as perfect as though the lake had left them yesterday, and many of them rival in the symmetry and perfection of their contours the most elaborate work of the engineer. there are places where boulders of quartzite or other enduring rock still retain the smooth, glistening surfaces which the waves scoured upon them by clashing against them the sands of the beach. "when this preservation is compared with that of the lowest tertiary rocks of the region--the pliocene beds to which king has given the name humboldt--the difference is most impressive. the pliocene shore-lines have disappeared. "the deposits are so indurated as to serve for building-stone. they have been upturned in many places by the uplifting of mountains. elsewhere they have been divided by faults, and the fragments, dissevered from their continuation in the valley, have been carried high up on the mountain-flanks, where erosion has carved them in typical mountain forms.... the date of the bonneville flood is the geologic yesterday, and, calling it yesterday, we may without exaggeration refer the pliocene of utah to the last decade; the eocene of the colorado basin to the last century, and relegate the laying of the potsdam sandstone to prehistoric times."[ej] [footnote ej: second annual report of the united states geological survey, p. .] mr. russell adds to this class of evidence that of the small extent to which the glacial striæ have been effaced since the withdrawal of the ice from the borders of these old lakes: "the smooth surfaces are still scored with fine, hair-like lines, and the eye fails to detect more than a trace of disintegration that has taken place since the surfaces received their polish and striation.... it seems reasonable to conclude that in a severe climate like that of the high sierra it" (the polish) "could not remain unimpaired for more than a few centuries at the most."[ek] [footnote ek: see also mr. upham in american journal of science, vol. xli, pp. , .] europe does not seem to furnish so favourable opportunities as america for estimating the date of the glacial period; still it is not altogether wanting in data bearing upon the subject. some of the caves in which palæolithic implements were found associated with the bones of extinct animals in southern england contain floors of stalagmite which have been thought by some to furnish a measure of the time separating the deposits underneath from those above. this is specially true in the case of kent's cavern, near torquay, which contains two floors of stalagmite, the upper one almost continuous and varying in thickness from sixteen inches to five feet, the lower one being in places twelve feet thick, underneath which human implements were found. but it is difficult to determine the rate at which stalagmite accumulates. as is well known, this deposit is a form of carbonate of lime, and accumulates when water holding the substance in solution drops down upon the surface, where it is partially evaporated. it then leaves a thin film of the substance upon the floor. the rate of the accumulation will depend upon both the degree to which the water is saturated with the carbonate and upon the quantity of the water which percolates through the roof of the cavern. these factors are so variable, and so dependent upon unknown conditions in the past, that it is very difficult to estimate the result for any long period of time. occasionally a quarter of an inch of stalagmite accretion has been known to take place in a cavern in a single year, while in kent's cavern, over a visitor's name inscribed in the year , a film of stalagmite only a twentieth of an inch in thickness has accumulated. if, therefore, we could reckon upon a uniformity of conditions stretching indefinitely back into the past, we could determine the age of these oldest remains of man in kent's hole by a simple sum in arithmetic, and should infer that the upper layer of stalagmite required , years, and the lower , years, for their growth, which would carry us back more than , years, and some have not hesitated to affix as early a date as this to these lowest implement-bearing gravels. but other portions of the cave show an actual rate of accretion very much larger. six inches of stalagmite is there found overlying some remains of romano-saxon times which cannot be more than , years old. assuming this as the uniform rate, the total time required for the deposit of the stalagmitic floors would still be about , years. but, as we have seen, the present rates of deposition are probably considerably less than those which took place during the moister climate of the glacial epoch. still, even by supposing the rate to be increased fourfold, the age of this lower stratum would be reduced to only , years. so that, as mr. james geikie well maintains, "even on the most extravagant assumption as to the former rate of stalagmitic accretion, we shall yet be compelled to admit a period of many thousands of years for the formation of the stalagmitic pavements in kent's cavern."[el] we should add, however, that there is much well-founded doubt whether the implements found in the lowest stratum were really in place, since, according to dr. evans, "owing to previous excavations and to the presence of burrowing animals, the remains from above and below the stalagmite have become intermingled."[em] [footnote el: prehistoric europe, p. .] [footnote em: stone and flint implements, p. .] an attempt was made by m. morlot in switzerland to obtain the chronology of the glacial period by studying the deltas of the streams descending the glaciated valleys. he paid special attention to that of the tinière, a stream which flows into lake geneva near villeneuve. the modern delta of this stream consists of gravel and sand deposited in the shape of a flattened cone, and investigations upon it were facilitated by a long railroad cutting through it. "three layers of vegetable soil, each of which must at one time have formed the surface of the cone, have been cut through at different depths."[en] in the upper stratum roman tiles and a coin were found; in the second stratum, unvarnished pottery and implements of bronze; while in the lower stratum, at a depth of nineteen feet from the surface, a human skull was found, to which morlot assigned an age of from , to , years. [footnote en: lyell's antiquity of man, p. .] but dr. andrews, after carefully revising the data, felt confident that the time required for the whole deposit of this lower delta was not more than , years, and that the oldest human remains in it, which were about half way from between the base and the surface of the cone, were probably not more than , years old. still, the significance of this estimate principally arises from the relation of the modern delta to older deltas connected with the glacial period. above this modern delta, formed by the river in its present proportions, there is another, more ancient, about ten times as large, whose accumulation doubtless took place upon the final retreat of the ice from lake geneva. no remains of man have been found in this, but it doubtless corresponds in age with the high-level gravels in the valley of the somme, in which the remains of man and the mammoth, together with other extinct animals, have been found. we do not see, however, that any very definite calculation can be made concerning the time required for its deposition. lyell was inclined to consider it ten times as old as the modern delta, simply upon the ground of its being ten times as large. on morlot's estimate of the age of the modern delta, therefore, the retreat of the ice whose melting torrents deposited the upper delta would be fixed at , years ago, and upon dr. andrews's calculation, at about , . but it is evident that the problem is not one of simple multiplication. the floods of water which accompanied the melting back of the ice from the upper portions of this valley must have been immensely larger than those of the present streams, and their transporting power immensely greater still. hence we do not see that any conclusions can be drawn from the deltas of the tinière to give countenance to extreme views concerning the date of the close of the glacial period.[eo] [footnote eo: lyell's antiquity of man, p. .] in the valley of the somme the chronological data relating to the glacial period, and indicating a great antiquity for man, have been thought to be more distinct than anywhere else in europe. as already stated, it is the prevalent opinion that since man first entered the valley, in connection with the mammoth and the other extinct animals characteristic of the glacial period, the trough of the somme, about a mile in width and a hundred feet in depth, has been eroded by the drainage of its present valley. an extensive accumulation of peat also has taken place along the bottom of the trough of the river since it was originally eroded to its present level. this substance occurs all along the bottom of the valley from far above amiens to the sea, and is in some places more than thirty feet in depth. the animal and vegetable remains in it all belong to species now inhabiting europe. the depth of the peat indicates that when it was formed the land stood at a slightly higher elevation than now, for the base of the stratum is now below the sea-level, while the peat is of fresh-water origin, and, according to dr. andrews,[ep] is formed from the vegetable accumulations connected with forest growths. when, therefore, the country was covered with forests, as it was in prehistoric times, the accumulation must have proceeded with considerable rapidity. this inference is confirmed by the occurrence in the peat of prostrate trunks of oak, four feet in diameter, so sound that they were manufactured into furniture. the stumps of trees, especially of the birch and alder, were also found in considerable number, standing erect where they grew, sometimes to a height of three feet. now, as dr. andrews well remarks, it is evident that, in order to prevent these stumps and prostrate trunks from complete decay, the accumulation of peat must have been rapid. from certain roman remains found six feet and more beneath the surface, he estimates that the accumulation since the roman occupation has been as much as six inches a century, at which rate the whole would take place in somewhat over , years. [footnote ep: american journal of science, october, .] still, if we accept this estimate, we have obtained but a starting-point from which to estimate the age of the high-level gravels in which palæolithic implements were found; for, if we accept the ordinary theory, we must add to this the time required for the river to lower its bed from eighty to a hundred feet, and to carry out to the sea the contents of its wide trough. but, as already shown, the glacial period was, even in the north of france, a time of great precipitation and of a considerable degree of cold, when ice formed to a much greater extent than now upon the surface of the somme. the direct evidence of this consists in the boulders mingled with the high-level gravel which are of such size as to require floating ice for their transportation. in addition to the natural increase in the eroding power of the somme brought about by the increase in its volume, on account of the greater precipitation in the glacial age, there would also be, as prestwich has well shown, a great increase in rate through the action of ground-ice, which plays a very important part in the river erosion of arctic countries, and in all probability did so during the glacial period in the valley of the somme. "when the water is reduced to and below ° fahr., although the rapid motion may prevent freezing on the surface for a time, any pointed surfaces at the bottom of the river, such as stones and boulders, will determine (as is the case with a saturated saline solution) a sort of crystallisation, needles of ice being formed, which gradually extend from stone to stone and envelop the bodies with which they are in contact. by this means the whole surface of a gravelly river-bed may become coated with ice, which, on a change of temperature, or of atmospheric pressure, or on acquiring certain dimensions and buoyancy, rises to the surface, bringing with it the loose materials to which it adhered. colonel jackson remarks, in speaking of this bottom-ice, that 'it frequently happens that these pieces, in rising from the bottom, bring up with them sand and stones, which are thus transported by the current.... when the thaw sets in the ice, becoming rotten, lets fall the gravel and stones in places far distant from those whence they came.' "again, baron wrangell remarks that, 'in all the more rapid and rocky streams of this district [northern siberia] the formation of ice takes place in two different manners; a thin crust spreads itself along the banks and over the smaller bays where the current is least rapid; but the greater part is formed in the bed of the river, in the hollows among the stones, where the weeds give it the appearance of a greenish mud. as soon as a piece of ice of this kind attains a certain size, it is detached from the ground and raised to the surface by the greater specific gravity of the water; these masses, containing a quantity of gravel and weeds, unite and consolidate, and in a few hours the river becomes passable in sledges instead of in boats.' similar observations have been made in america; but instances need not be multiplied, as it is a common phenomenon in all arctic countries, and is not uncommon on a small scale even in our latitudes. "the two causes combined--torrential river-floods and rafts of ground-ice, together with the rapid wear of the river cliffs by frost--constituted elements of destruction and erosion of which our present rivers can give a very inadequate conception; and the excavations of the valleys must have proceeded with a rapidity with which the present rate of erosion cannot be compared; and estimates of time founded on this, like those before mentioned on surface denudation, are therefore not to be relied upon."[eq] [footnote eq: prestwich's geology, vol. ii, pp. , .] speaking a little later of taking the present rates of river erosion as a standard to estimate the chronology of the glacial period, the same high authority remarks: "it no more affords a true and sufficient guide than it would be to take the tottering paces and weakened force of an old man as the measure of what that individual was, and what he could do, in his robust and active youth. it may be right to take the effects at present produced by a given power as the known quantity, a, but it is equally indispensable, in all calculations relative to the degree of those forces in past times, to take notice of the unknown quantity, x, although this, in the absence of actual experience, which cannot be had, can only be estimated by the results and by a knowledge of the contemporaneous physical conditions. it may be a complicated equation, but it is not to be avoided.[er] [footnote er: prestwich's geology, vol. ii, pp. , .] "in this country and in the north of france broad valleys have been excavated to the depth of from about eighty to a hundred and fifty feet in glacial and post-glacial times. difficult as it is by our present experience to conceive this to have been effected in a comparatively short geological term, it is equally, and to my mind more, difficult to suppose that man could have existed eighty thousand years or more, and that existing forms of our fauna and flora should have survived during two hundred and forty thousand years without modification or change."[es] [footnote es: ibid., p. .] the discussion of the age of the high-level river gravels of the somme and other streams in northwestern europe is not complete, however, without considering another possibility as to the mode of their deposition. the conclusion to which mr. alfred tylor arrived, after a prolonged and careful study of the subject, was that the main valleys of the somme and other streams in northern france and southern england were preglacial in their origin, and that the accumulations of gravel at high levels along their margin were due to enormous floods which characterised the closing portion of the great ice age, which he denominated the pluvial period.[et] the credibility of floods large enough to accomplish the results manifest in the valley of the somme is supported by reference to a flood which occurred on the mulleer river, in india, in , when a stream, which is usually insignificant, was so swollen by a rainfall of a single day that it rose high enough to sweep away an iron bridge the bottoms of whose girders were sixty-five feet above high-water mark. one iron girder weighing eighty tons was carried two miles down the river, and nearly buried in sand. the significance of these facts is enhanced by observing also that for fifteen miles above the bridge the fall of the river only averaged ten feet per mile. floods to this extent are not uncommon in india. during the glacial period spring freshets, must have been greatly increased by the melting of a large amount of snow and ice which had accumulated during the winter, and also by the formation of ice-gorges near the mouths of many of the streams. it is probable, also, that the accumulation of ice across the northern part of the german ocean may have permanently flooded the streams entering that body of water; for it is by no means improbable that there was a land connection between england and france across the straits of dover until after the climax of the glacial period. in support of his theory, mr. tylor points to the fact "that the gravel in the valley of the somme at amiens is partly derived from _débris_ brought down by the river somme and by the two rivers the celle and the arve, and partly consists of material from the adjoining higher grounds washed in by land floods," and that the "quaternary gravels of the somme are not separated into two divisions by an escarpment of chalk parallel to the river," but "thin out gradually as they slope from the high land down to the somme." mr. tylor's reasoning seems especially cogent to one who stands on the ground where he can observe the size of the valley and the diminutive proportions of the present stream. even if we do not grant all that is claimed by mr. tylor, it is difficult to resist the main force of his argument, and to avoid the conclusion that the valley of the somme is largely the work of preglacial erosion, and has been, at any rate, only in slight degree deepened and enlarged during post-tertiary time. [footnote et: proceedings of the geological society, london, november , , pp. - : quarterly journal of the geological society, february , , pp. - .] summary. in briefly summarising our conclusions concerning the question of man's antiquity as affected by his known relations to the glacial period, it is important, first, to remark upon the changes of opinion which have taken place with respect to geological time within the past generation. under the sway of sir charles lyell's uniformitarian ideas, geologists felt themselves at liberty to regard geological time as practically unlimited, and did not hesitate to refer the origin of life upon the globe back to a period of , , years. in the first edition of his origin of species charles darwin estimated that the time required for the erosion of the wealden deposits in england was , , years, which he spoke of as "a mere trifle" of that at command for establishing his theory of the origin of species through natural selection. in his second edition, however, he confesses that his original statement concerning the length of geological time was rash; while in later editions he quietly omitted it. meanwhile astronomers and physicists have been gradually setting limits to geological time until they have now reached conclusions strikingly in contrast with those held by the mass of english geologists forty years ago. mr. george h. darwin, professor of mathematics at cambridge university, has from a series of intricate calculations shown that between fifty and one hundred million years ago the earth was revolving from six to eight times faster than now, and that the moon then almost touched the earth, and revolved about it once every three or four hours. from this proximity of the moon to the earth, it would result that if the oceans had been then in existence the tides would have been two hundred times as great as now, creating a wave six hundred feet in height, which would sweep around the world every four hours. such a condition of things would evidently be incompatible with geological life, and geology must limit itself to a period which is inside of , , years. sir william thomson and professor tait, of great britain, and professor newcomb, of the united states naval observatory, approaching the question from another point of view, seem to demonstrate that the radiation of heat from the sun is diminishing at a rate such that ten or twelve million years ago it must have been so hot upon the earth's surface as to vaporise all the water, and thus render impossible the beginning of geological life until later than that period. indeed, they seem to prove by rigorous mathematical calculations that the total amount of heat originally possessed by the nebula out of which the sun has been condensed would only be sufficient to keep up the present amount of radiation for , , years. the late dr. croll, feeling the force of these astronomical conclusions, thought it possible to add sufficiently to the sun's heat to extend its rule backwards approximately , , years by the supposition of a collision with it of another moving body of near its own size. professor young and others have thought that possibly the heat of the sun might have been kept up by the aid of the impact of asteroids and meteorites for a period of , , years. mr. wallace obtains similar figures by estimating the time required for the deposition of the stratified rocks open to examination upon the land surface of the globe. as a result of his estimates, it would appear that , , years is all the time required for the formation of the geological strata. from all this it is evident that geologists are much more restricted in their speculations involving time than they thought themselves to be a half-century ago. taking as our standard the medium results attained by wallace, we shall find it profitable to see how this time can be portioned out to the geological periods, that we may ascertain how much approximately can be left for the glacial epoch. on all hands it is agreed that the geological periods decrease in length as they approach the present time. according to dana's estimates,[eu] the "ratio for the palæozoic, mesozoic, and cenozoic periods would be : : "--that is, cenozoic time is but one sixteenth of the whole. this embraces the whole of the tertiary period, during which placental mammals have been in existence, together with the post-tertiary or glacial period, extending down to the present time; that is, the time since the beginning of the tertiary period and the existence of the higher animals is considerably less than two million years, even upon mr. wallace's basis of calculation. but if we should be compelled to accept the calculations of sir william thomson, professor tait, and professor newcomb, the cenozoic period would be reduced to considerably less than one million years. it is difficult to tell how much of cenozoic time is to be assigned to the glacial period, since there is, in fact, no sharply drawn line between the two periods. the climax of the glacial period represented a condition of things slowly attained by the changes of level which took place during the latter part of the tertiary epoch. [footnote eu: see revised edition of his geology, p. .] in order to estimate the degree of credibility with which we may at the outset regard the theory of mr. prestwich and others, that all the phenomena of the glacial period can be brought within the limits of thirty or forty thousand years, it is important to fix our minds upon the significance of the large numbers with which we are accustomed to multiply and divide geological quantities.[ev] [footnote ev: see croll's climate and time, chap. xx.] few people realise either the rapidity with which geological changes are now proceeding or the small amount of change which might produce a glacial period, and fewer still have an adequate conception of how long a period a million years is, and how much present geological agencies would accomplish in that time. at the present rate at which erosive agencies are now acting upon the alps, their dimensions would be reduced one half in a million years. at the present rate of the recession of the falls of st. anthony, the whole gorge from st. louis to minneapolis would have been produced in a million years. a river lowering its bed a foot in a thousand years would produce a cañon a thousand feet deep in a million years. if we suppose the glacial period to have been brought about by an elevation of land in northern america and northern europe, proceeding at the rate of three feet a century, which is that now taking place in some portions of scandinavia, this would amount to three thousand feet in one hundred thousand years, and that is probably all, and even more than all, which is needed. one hundred thousand years, therefore, or even less, might easily include both the slow coming on of the glacial period and its rapid close. prestwich estimates that the ice now floating away from greenland as icebergs is sufficient if accumulating on a land-surface to extend the borders of a continental glacier about four hundred and fifty feet a year, or one mile in twelve years, one hundred miles in twelve hundred years, and seven hundred miles (about the limit of glacial transportation in america) in less than ten thousand years. after making all reasonable allowances, therefore, prestwich's conclusion that twenty-five thousand years is ample time to allow to the reign of the ice of the glacial period cannot be regarded as by any means incredible or, on _a priori_ grounds, improbable. appendix. the tertiary man. by professor henry w. haynes. "it must not be imagined that it is in any way proved that the palæolithic man was the first human being that existed. we must be prepared to wait, however, for further and better authenticated discoveries before carrying his existence back in time further than the pleistocene or post-tertiary period."[ew] this was the position assumed more than twelve years ago by the eminent english geologist and archæologist, dr. john evans, and it was still maintained in his address before the anthropological section of the british association on september , . i believe that the study of all the evidence in favor of the existence of the tertiary man that has been brought forward down to the present time will leave the question in precisely the same state of uncertainty. [footnote ew: _a few words on tertiary man_, trans, of hertfordshire nat. hist. soc, vol. i, p. .] "in order to establish the existence of man at such a remote period the proofs must be convincing. it must be shown, first, that the objects found are of human workmanship; secondly, that they are really found as stated; and, thirdly, the age of the beds in which they are found must be clearly ascertained and determined."[ex] these tests i propose to apply to the evidence for the tertiary man recently brought forward in europe, and then to consider the significance of certain discoveries on the pacific coast of our own continent. [footnote ex: ibid., p. .] tertiary deposits in europe are alleged to have supplied three sorts of evidence of this fact: _first_, the bones of man himself; _second_, bones of animals showing incisions or fractures supposed to have been produced by human agency; _third_, chipped flints believed to exhibit marks of design in their production. a very complete survey of the question of the antiquity of man was published in by m. gabriel de mortillet, one of its most eminent investigators, under the title of le préhistorique. in that work he subjected to a most rigid examination all the evidence for tertiary man, coming under either of these three heads, that had been brought forward up to that date. the instances of the discovery of human bones in europe were two--at colle del vento, in savona, and castenedolo, near brescia, both in italy. at the former site, in a pliocene marine deposit abounding in fossil oysters and containing some _scattered_ bones of fossil mammals, a human skeleton was found _with the bones lying in their natural connection_. mortillet, however, and many others regard this as an instance of a subsequent interment rather than as proof that the man lived in pliocene times.[ey] at castenedolo, in a similar marine pliocene formation, on three different occasions human skeletons have been discovered, but in different strata. one investigator has accounted for these as the result of a shipwreck in the pliocene period. this bold hypothesis not only requires that man should have been sufficiently advanced at that very remote period to have navigated the sea, but it calls for two shipwrecks, at different times, at the same point. it has, however, since been abandoned by its author in favor of the presumption of subsequent interments, as in the previous instance.[ez] [footnote ey: this is also the opinion of hamy, _précis de paléontologie humaine_, p. . professor le conte, _elements of geology_ (third edition, ), p. , is wrong in attributing the opposite conclusion to hamy, on the evidence of "flint implements found in this locality."] [footnote ez: bullettino di paletnologia italiana, tome xv, p. (august , ).] animal bones showing cuts or breaks supposed to be the work of man have been found in seventeen different localities in europe. they can all, however, be accounted for as the result of natural movements or pressure of the soil acting in connection with sharp substances, like fractured flints, or else as having been made by the teeth of sharks, whose fossil remains are found in great abundance in the same formation. all the discoveries of flints supposed to show traces of intentional chipping are pronounced to be unsatisfactory, with the exception of those found in three localities--thenay (near tours) and puy-courny (near aurillac), in france, and otta, in the valley of the tagus, in portugal. as european archæologists at the present time are substantially in accord with mortillet in restricting the discussion to these three places, i will follow their example. but although mortillet believes that flints found at all these localities exhibit marks of intelligent action, he will not admit that they are the work of man. he attributes them to an intelligent ancestor of man, whom he calls by the name of anthropopithecus, or the precursor of man. of this creature he distinguishes three different species, named respectively after the discoverers of the flints in the three localities just mentioned. the precursor, however, has found up to this time only a very limited acceptance among men of science, although a few believe in him on purely theoretical grounds. the discussion generally turns upon the question whether these flints were chipped intentionally or are the result of natural causes; and also upon the determination of the geological age of the formations in which they are found. [illustration: fig. .--flint flakes collected by abbé bourgeois from miocene strata at thenay (after gaudry). natural size.] i visited thenay, the most celebrated of these three localities, in , and had the advantage of studying the question there under the guidance of the late abbé bourgeois, the discoverer of the flints, and one of the most prominent advocates of the tertiary man. this was the year before he died, and he showed me at the time his complete collection, and gave me several of the objects he had discovered. geologists are agreed in assigning the deposits in which they occur to the lower miocene or middle tertiary period, which restricts the discussion to the character of the flints themselves. the accompanying woodcut[fa] gives some indication of their appearance, although it is misleading, because the long figure resembling a flint knife is intended to represent a solid nucleus. none of these objects, however, ought to be called "flints flakes," as very few, if any, flakes showing the "bulb of percussion," always seen upon them, have been discovered in the tertiary deposits at thenay,[fb] although i have found them there myself _upon the surface_. the three other figures would be classed by archæologists as "piercers," as bourgeois has himself designated them, and are also solid objects. many of the thenay flints exhibit a "crackled" appearance, due to the action of heat. on this account mortillet maintains that they were splintered by fire, and not formed by percussion, the usual method by which flint implements were fabricated in the stone age. the thenay objects are all of very small dimensions, and are so absolutely unlike the large, rudely-chipped axes of the chellean type, found in so many different parts of the world, and generally accepted as the implement used by palæolithic man, that the question naturally suggests itself, what could have been the purpose for which these little implements were employed? no better answer has been suggested than the ludicrous one that they were used by the hairy anthropopithecus to rid himself of the vermin with which he was infested. [footnote fa: from le conte, _op. cit._, p. . the figures are copied from gaudry, who borrowed them from the article by bourgeois, _congrès internat. de bruxelles_, , p. , pl. ii; and from his _la question de l'homme tertiare_. revue des questions scientifiques, , p. .] [footnote fb: le préhistorique, p. .] but, leaving aside the question of their purpose, let us consider the evidence presented by the flints themselves. do they exhibit the unmistakable traces of intentional chipping produced by a series of slight blows or thrusts, delivered in regular succession and in the same direction, with the result of forming a distinctly marked edge? and does the appearance of the action of fire upon their surface imply the intervention of intelligence? to both questions m. adrien arcelin, the well-known geologist of mâcon, has given very sufficient replies in the negative. he has discovered numerous objects of precisely similar appearance in eocene deposits in the neighborhood of mâcon.[fc] but, instead of pushing man back on this account so much further into the past, he accounts for the marks of chipping to be seen on many of these objects as the result of the accidental shocks of one stone against another in the countless overturnings and movements to which the strata have been subjected during the long ages of geological time. he gives photographs of some of these objects, which are to me entirely convincing, and describes how he has surprised nature in the very act of fabricating them in an abandoned quarry worked in an eocene deposit. he thinks the "crackled" surfaces can be readily explained as the result of atmospheric action, or of hot springs charged with silex. numerous examples of similar changes in the surface of flint, that have been noticed by himself and others in different localities, are instanced. even if some have been caused by fire, this does not necessarily imply the intervention of man to have produced it. similar discoveries have also been made by m. d'ault de mesnil, at thenay, in eocene deposits,[fd] and by m. paul cabanne, in the gironde.[fe] my own opinion, based upon the experience of many years spent in the study of flints broken naturally as well as artificially, and upon a careful examination of bourgeois's collections, is that the so-called thenay flints are the result of natural causes. [footnote fc: matériaux pour l'histoire prim, et nat. de l'homme, tome xix, p. .] [footnote fd: matériaux, ibid., p. .] [footnote fe: id., tome xxii, p. .] the second locality where flints alleged to display marks of human action have been found is the vicinity of aurillac, in the auvergne, especially on the flanks of a hill called puy-courny. they occur in a conglomerate of the upper miocene period, and are consequently much later than the thenay flints. in this conglomerate, in , m. tardy discovered a worked flint flake which has every appearance of being artificial.[ff] mortillet, however, says that it was found in the upper surface of the deposit, where there may easily have been a mingling with the quaternary formation; and it certainly resembles worked flakes, which are not uncommon in the quaternary. the geological determination of the find may consequently be regarded as uncertain. [footnote ff: see matériaux, tome vi, p. . s. reinach, however, _description raison. du musée de saint-germain-en-laye_, i, p. , n. , calls it "gravure inexacte."] the flints discovered at puy-courny by m. barnes are of small dimensions, and have all been produced by percussion. many of them are said to bear some resemblance to pointed flakes of artificial origin, and one has been figured, probably selected for its excellence.[fg] it is by no means convincing to me, and i am not at all surprised that so many archæologists question the artificial character of these objects, which exhibit a great variety of forms. upon this point rames does not profess to be qualified to pronounce judgment, limiting himself solely to the geological questions. he argues, however, that the fact that all the objects supposed to be artificial are made of the best qualities of flint, of which implements are ordinarily made, although fragments of inferior quality are abundant in the same formation, implies the intervention of man's judgment in making the selection. but m. boule shows that this is merely the result of the erosion of an ancient river, which operated only upon the upper beds, in which alone the better qualities of flint are to be found; and rames has accepted this explanation.[fh] the flints of puy-courny seem to fall within the same category as those of thenay. they are the product of denudation, have travelled long distances, and have been subjected to the action of powerful agents. these causes are sufficient to account for the shocks of which they show the traces, and to explain the production of splinters arising therefrom. [footnote fg: matériaux, tome xviii, p. .] [footnote fh: revue d'anthropologie (third series), tome iv, p. .] the last locality in which flints claimed to have been manufactured by the tertiary man are supposed to have been discovered is the so-called desert of otta, in the valley of the tagus, not far from lisbon. the formation there is a lacustrine deposit of great thickness, belonging to the upper miocene, and abounding in flint. here, during the course of twenty years, m. ribeiro discovered, but mostly upon the surface, a large number of flakes of flint and quartzite. after much debate in regard to them, ninety-five of them were finally sent by him to paris, in , and placed in the archæological department of the great exposition. there they were to be submitted to the judgment of the assembled prehistoric archæologists of all nationalities, many of whom, including the writer, availed themselves of the opportunity of carefully studying them. the judgment of mortillet is that twenty-two specimens exhibited unmistakable traces of intentional chipping, in which opinion i entirely concur. only nine, however, were represented as coming from the miocene, some of which showed on their surface an incrustation of grit, which was claimed as proof of their origin. but the opinion was freely expressed that, even if they really came from the miocene deposits, they might have penetrated into them from the surface, through cracks, and thus have become so incrusted. it was accordingly resolved to hold the next international congress of prehistoric archæologists at lisbon, in , mainly for the purpose of settling this question, if possible, by an investigation conducted upon the spot. in the course of a visit made at that time to otta, several artificial specimens were found on the surface by different searchers, but professor bellucci, of perugia, was fortunate enough to discover a flint flake _in situ_, still so closely imbedded in the deposit that it required to be detached by a hammer. there is no question that this object was actually found in a miocene deposit, but unfortunately it belongs to the doubtful category of external flakes, which, although they exhibit the "bulb of percussion," have no other sure indication that they are the work of man.[fi] as such bulbs can be produced by natural causes, some stronger proof than this of the existence of tertiary man is demanded. [footnote fi: it has been figured by bellucci, _archivio per l'anthropologia e la etnologia di firenze_, tome xi, p. , tav. iv, fig. . to me it possesses no value as evidence.] these are all the localities in europe claimed by mortillet to have furnished such evidence, but he thinks a strong confirmation of it is afforded by certain discoveries made in the auriferous gravels of california. i will not occupy space here in repeating arguments i have brought forward elsewhere to show the utter insufficiency of this evidence to prove the existence of man on the pacific coast of our continent during the pliocene period,[fj] they may all be summed up in the words of le conte: "the doubts in regard to this extreme antiquity of man are of three kinds, viz.: . doubts as to the pliocene age of the gravels--they may be early quaternary. . doubts as to the authenticity of the finds--no scientist having seen any of them in situ. . doubts as to the undisturbed conditions of the gravels, for auriferous gravels are especially liable to disturbance. the character of the implements said to have been found gives peculiar emphasis to this last doubt, _for they are not paleolithic_, but neolithic."[fk] the question has been raised whether this archæological objection is applicable to the stone mortars, numerous examples of which have been found in the gravels, some of them quite recently.[fl] if the evidence brought forward by professor whitney and others were limited to these mortars, it might very well be claimed that they are neither palæolithic nor neolithic; that the smoothness of their surface is owing to their having been hollowed out of pebbles that have been polished and worn by natural forces. but professor whitney has cited numberless instances of "spear-heads," "arrow-heads," "discoidal stones," "stone beads," and "a hatchet" that have been found under precisely similar conditions as the mortars. so mr. becker has recently produced an affidavit of a certain mr. neale that in a tunnel run into the gravel in "between two hundred and three hundred feet beyond the edge of the solid lava, he saw several spear-heads nearly one foot in length."[fm] now it cannot be questioned that such objects as these clearly belong to the neolithic period, which does not imply that all the objects used at that time were polished, but that together with chipped implements "polished stone implements were also used."[fn] no archæologist will believe that, while palæolithic man has not yet been discovered in the tertiary deposits of western europe, the works of neolithic man have been found in similar deposits in western america. peculiar difficulties seem to surround the evidence brought forward in support of such an assumption. we are told by professor whitney that a stone mortar was "found standing upright, and the pestle was in it, in its proper place, just as it had been left by the owner." he fails, however, to explain how this was brought about in a gravel deposit supposed to have been laid down by great floods of water. so, when mr. neale swears that he saw fifteen years ago in the same gravels spear-heads a great deal larger than those known to archæologists, may we not ask whether reliance can be placed on the memory of witnesses who testify to impossibilities to justify conclusions that rest upon such testimony? i think we shall have to wait for further and better evidence than this before we are called upon to admit that the existence of the tertiary man upon our pacific coast has been established. [footnote fj: _the prehistoric archæology of north america_, narrative and critical history of america, vol. i, pp. - .] [footnote fk: le conte, _op. cit._, p. .] [footnote fl: professor george frederick wright, _prehistoric man on the pacific coast_, atlantic monthly, april, , p. ; _table mountain archæology_, nation, may , , p. .] [footnote fm: _antiquities from under tuolome table mountain in california_, bulletin of the geological society of america, vol. ii, p. .] [footnote fn: le conte, _op. cit._, p. .] index. aar glacier, , , . abbeville, france, , . abbott, c. c, cited, , . adams, charles francis, cited, . adhémar, cited, , . africa, ancient glaciers of, . agassiz, louis, cited, , , , , . ailsa crag, , . akron. ohio, , . alaska, , , _et seq._, , , ; climate of, , . aletsch glacier, , , . alleghany valley, , ; terraces in, . alpine glaciers, existing, - , _et seq._; size and number of, ; depth of, ; velocity of, _et seq._; ancient, - , - ; advance and retreat of, . alps, , - , _et seq._, _et seq._, , _et seq._, ; age of, . altaville, cal, . amazon valley, temperature of, . amherst, ohio, glacial marks near, . amiens, france, implements from, , _et seq._; terraces at, . andes, , ; age of, . andover, mass., _et seq._, . andrews, cited, , , , . animals, extinct, associated with man in eastern america, ; in france, ; in england, _et seq._; in wales, ; in belgium, _et seq._; summary concerning, - . animals, relics of, in loess, . antarctic continent, existing glaciers of, , _et seq._ arcy, belgium, grotto at, . arenig mawr, wales, , , . argillite implement, face and side view of, , . arnhem, holland, moraine at, . asia, existing glaciers in, _et seq._; ancient glaciers of, . assiniboine river, . astronomical theories of the glacial period, _et seq._ atlantic ocean, . aurillac, supposed flint-chips near, , . australia, ancient glaciers of, , . austria, existing glaciers of, . auvergne, . babbitt, miss f. e., cited, , , . bakewell on age of niagara gorge, . baldwin, c. c, . baldwin, p., . ball, cited, , . baltic sea, . barnsley, england, . bates, cited, . bear, , , . bear, grizzly, , . beaver, . beaver creek, pa., , , . becker, cited, , , . bedford, england, . beech flats, ohio, terrace at, . belgium, human relics in glacial terraces in, ; caverns of, . bell, cited, , ; on unity of the glacial period, . bellevue, pa., glacial terrace on the ohio at, . bellucci, cited, . ben nevis, . bernese oberland, , , , . big stone lake, , . birmingham. england, . bishop, cited. . bison, , , , , . black forest, the, . black river, ohio, . black sea, . blanc, mont, , - , , . blandford, cited, . boone county, ky., glacial deposits in, . boston, scratched stone from till of, ; drumlins in the vicinity of, . boston society of natural history, . boulder-clay. (see till.) boulders, disintegrated, , . boulders, distribution of, in new-england, , , , _et seq._; in switzerland, _et seq._, . boulders, transportation of, in pennsylvania, , , ; in new hampshire, , ; in kentucky, , ; in ohio, , ; in rhode island, ; in massachusetts, _et seq._; in connecticut, , ; in new jersey, ; in illinois, . bourgeois, abbé, cited, . bridgenorth, england, . bridlington, england, , . bristol channel, , . british columbia, , , _et seq._, , . british isles, ancient glaciers of, - ; preglacial level of land in, - ; preglacial climate in , ; great glacial centres-- wales, ; ireland, ; galloway, ; lake district, ; pennine chain, ; confluent glaciers-- irish sea glacier, - ; solway glacier, - ; east anglian glacier, ; isle of man, - ; the so-called great submergence, - ; dispersion of erratics of shap granite, , ; drainage of, ; caverns of, ; climate of, . brixham cave, _et seq._ bromsgrove, england, . brooklyn, n. y., , . brown, on glaciers of greenland, , . brown's valley, . bruce, skull of, . buried forests in america, _et seq._ buried outlets and channels, - ; of lake erie, , ; of lake huron, ; of lake ontario, ; of lake superior, ; of lake michigan, ; in southwestern ohio, ; near cincinnati, ; near louisville, ky., ; in the tuscarawas valley, ; in the valley of the beaver, ; of oil creek, ; in the valley of the alleghany, ; of chautauqua lake, ; near minneapolis, . burton, england, . busk, cited, . buttermere, england, , . cache valley, utah, . cae gwyn cave, , _et seq._, . caithness, scotland, . calaveras skull, , . california, , , , , , , . cambridgeshire, england, . canada, , . canstadt, man of, . canton, ohio, . cape st. roque, . caribbean sea, . caribou, . carll, cited, , . carpathian mountains, , . carpenter, f. r., cited, , . cascade range, . caspian sea, . cattaraugus creek, n. y., . caucasus mountains, ; age of, . cave-bear, - , , ; hyena, , , ; lion, - , . caverns, british, - ; on the continent, - . cefn cave, , . cenis, mont, . centres of glacial dispersion, _et seq._, _et seq._, ; in america, , ; in europe, _et seq._; in the british isles, _et seq._ cevennes, . chamberlin, t. c, terminal moraine of second glacial epoch, , _et seq._; on driftless area, , ; cited, , , , ; on cincinnati ice-dam, . chamois, , . chamouni, . charpentier, , . chasseron, , . chautauqua lake, buried outlet of, . chenango river, . cheshire, england, , , , . cheyenne river, . chicago, ill., . chimpanzee, skull of, . chur, . cincinnati, buried channels near, _et seq._; glacial dam at, _et seq._; terraces at, . clarksburg, w. va., . claymont, del., _et seq._; view of implement found near, . claypole, cited, , , . climate of glacial period, . clwyd, vale of, _et seq._. _et seq._ clyde, the, . collett, cited, . colorado, , . columbia deposit, , _et seq._ columbiana county, ohio, . comstock, cited, . conewango creek, ; ancient depth of, . connecticut, , , , . conyers, cited, . cook on subsidence in new jersey, . cope, cited, . cordilleran glacier, _et seq._ corswall, england, . cows, . cresson, cited, , _et seq._ crevasses. (see fissures.) croll, cited, , _et seq._, , . cro-magnon, rock shelter of, . cromer, england, . crosby, on composition of till, _et seq._ cross fell escarpment, , . culoz, . cumberland, england, , , , . gumming, quoted, . gushing, h., cuyahoga river, , ; buried channel of, . dana, professor j. d., on depth of ice, ; on driftless area, ; cited, , . danube, ancient glaciers of the, , , . darent, valley of, . darrtown, ohio, . darwin, charles, cited, , , , , . darwin, george g., cited, . darwin, mrs. m. j., mortar owned by, . date of glacial period, chapter on, - . davidson glacier, . davis on drumlins, . dawkins, cited, , , , . dawson, g. m., cited, ; on ice-movements, ; on oscillation of land-level, , . dawson, sir william, on the fiord of the saguenay, ; cited, . dee, the river, . deeley, quoted, . delaware river, , _et seq._, , ; section across the, . delta terrace at trenton, n. j., _et seq._; at beaver, pa., . de ranee, cited, . derbyshire, england, . desor on age of niagara gorge, . diore, glaciers of the, . disintegration, amount of, near glacial margin, , . diss, england, . dnieper, the, , . don, the, , . dora baltea, . dover, n. h., section of kame near, . dover, straits of, . drave, glaciers in the, . drainage systems in the glacial period, , , , , ; chapter on, - . drayson, cited, . driftless area in the mississippi valley, , . drumlins, description of, _et seq._; view of, ; occurrence of, in massachusetts, ; in new hampshire, ; in connecticut, ; in new york, , ; in the british isles, , , . dunbar, scotland, . dupont, cited, . du quoin, ill., , . d'urville, . düsseldorf, . eagle, wis., view of kettle-moraine near, . east anglian glacier, - . eccentricity of the earth's orbit, . eden valley, . eggischorn, , . eguisheim, skull found at, . elephant, , , , , . elevation, preglacial, , , ; the cause of the glacial period, , - ; about the great lakes, ; in the latitude of new york, . elyria, ohio, . engis skull, view of, . england. (see british isles.) enville, england, . erosion, preglacial, _et seq._ erosion in river valleys, , , . erzgebirge, , . europe, existing glaciers in, , _et seq._, _et seq._; ancient glaciers of, - ; former elevation of, ; ice-dams in, . evans, cited, , , , . falconer, cited, . falls of st anthony, . faudel, cited, . fiesch, switzerland, , . filey brigs;, eng., . finchley, eng., , . finger lakes, . finsteraarhorn, . fiords, _et seq._; of greenland, . fissures in glacial ice, , , . flamborough, , , , . florida, . flower, cited . forbes, , , , , . forel, m., cited, . fort snelling, mississippi gorge at, , _et seq._ fort wayne, incl., , . foshay, cited, . fox, , , . fraipont, cited, _et seq._ france, existing glaciers of, ; ancient glaciers of, ; glacial gravels of, _et seq._ frankley hill, england, . franklin, pa., , . franz-josef land, . frederickshaab glacier, , . frere, cited, . frickthal, . frondeg, wales, , . gabb, cited, . galloway, ancient glaciers of, , , , , , , . garda, lake, moraine in front of, . garonne, the, , . gaudry, cited, . geikie, archibald, cited, , . geikie, james, on kames, ; on loess, , ; cited, _et seq._, , . genesee river, . geological time, _et seq._ georgian bay, . german ocean, . germantown, ohio, , . germany, north, moraine in, , ; glacial lakes in, ; quaternary animals in, . gietroz glacier, . gilbert, cited, _et seq._, _et seq._; on age of niagara gorge, . glacial dispersion. (see centres of glacial dispersion.) glacial boundary in new england, ; in new jersey, ; in pennsylvania, _et seq._; in new york, ; in ohio, , , ; in kentucky, ; in indiana, ; in illinois, , ; in kansas, nebraska, missouri, montana, south dakota, ; in minnesota, ; in british isles, , , , , , ; in holland, ; in germany, , ; in russia, , . glacial erosion, , , . glacial ice, depth of, in pennsylvania, _et seq._; in connecticut, ; in new york. ; in greenland, ; in the alps, , , , ; in germany, ; in norway, ; amount of, . glacial lakes in germany, . glacial motion, limit of, ; chapter on, - ; plastic theory of, . glacial outlets of the great lakes, - . glacial periods, cause of, ; chapter on, - ; date of, chapter on, - . glacial periods, supposed succession of, _et seq._, , - , ; criticisms of the theory, _et seq._ glacial striæ. (see rock-scoring.) glacial terraces, - ; in pennsylvania, _et seq._, , , , ; in new york, ; at beech flats, ohio, ; at granville, ohio, ; on the minnesota river, ; around great salt lake, _et seq._; on delaware river, _et seq._; in europe, - ; in ohio, _et seq._; human relics in, - ; on delaware river, ; of the mississippi river, ; in france, _et seq._, ; in england, _et seq._; in belgium, ; in spain, ; in portugal, ; in italy, ; in greece, . glacial theory, crucial tests of, , , , _et seq._ glaciation, signs of past, chapter on, _et seq._ glacier bay, ; map of, . glacier, denned, ; formation of, ; characterised by veins and fissures, ; advance and retreat of, ; velocity of, in the alps, _et seq._; in greenland, , - ; in alaska, . glaciers, ancient, in north america, - ; in central and northern europe, - , - ; in the british isles, - ; in northern europe, - ; in australia, , ; in asia, , ; in africa. , . glaciers, existing, in the alps, _et seq._, _et seq._; in scandinavia, ; in spitzbergen, nova zembla, and franz-josef land, ; in iceland, ; in asia, _et seq._; in oceanica, ; in south america, ; in antarctic continent, _et seq._; in north america, _et seq._; in greenland, _et seq._, , , . glen roy, parallel roads of, . glutton, . goat, . goffstown, n. h., . grafton, w. va., . grand haven, mich., . granville, ohio, terrace at, , . grape creek, col., view of moraines of, . great bend, pa., depth of river-channel at, . great lakes, depth of, ; formation of, _et seq._; glacial outlets of, - ; elevation about, . great salt lake, utah, _et seq._, . greece, human relics in glacial terraces of, . greenland, existing glaciers of, , _et seq._, , , ; map of, ; climate of, . gross glockner, , . ground ice, . gulf of mexico, , . gulf stream, , , , _et seq._ guyot, , , . haas, . hall, on the age of niagara, . hare, . harrison, quoted, . harte, bret, cited, . hartz mountains, , . hayes, . haynes on tertiary man, - . heald moor, england, . hebrides, the, . heim, . helland, , - . hennepin, cited, . heme bay, england, . herschel, cited, . hertfordshire, england, . hicks, dr. ii., cited, . hicks, l. e., cited, . himalayas, , , , ; age of, . hingham, mass., section of kame near, . hippopotamus, , , , , , , , . hitchcock, c. ii., discovery of boulders on mount washington, ; on drumlins, ; cited, , . hitchcock, e., on kames, . holland, terminal moraine in, . holderness, . hooker, cited, . horse, , , - , , , , , . horseheads, n. y., . horseshoe fall, _et seq._ hottentot skull, . hoxney, england, . hudson river, preglacial channel of, _et seq._ hugi, , . hungary, quaternary animals in, . huxley, cited, , . hyena, , , , , . ibex, . icebergs, , ; formation of, . ice, characteristics of, , _et seq._, _et seq._; transporting power of moving, . ice-dams, - ; in the alps, ; in the himalayas, ; in greenland, ; in alaska, ; at cincinnati, _et seq._; across the mohawk, , , , ; in the red river of the north, ; in europe, . iceland, existing glaciers of, , . ice-pillars, , . ice-sheet, retreat of, _et seq._ idaho, ; lava-beds of, . illicilliwaet glacier, . illinois, - , , , , _et seq._ indiana, , , , , . indian ridge, . iowa, , . ireland, ancient glaciers of, . irish elk, , , . irish sea glacier, , - , , . irthing, valley of the, . isère, glaciers of the, . isle of man, - . isle of wight, . italy, existing glaciers of, ; ancient glaciers of, ; human relics in glacial terraces of, ; supposed tertiary man in, . ivrea, . jackson, cited, . jackson's lake, . jakobshavn glacier, velocity of, , ; depth of, ; ice-dams of, . james, cited, . james river, dak., . james river, va., . jamieson, cited, . jensen, . judge's cave, . jura mountains, ancient glaciers of, - , . kames, formation of, , , ; of muir glacier, , ; in massachusetts, _et seq._; in new hampshire, ; map of, in maine, ; in pennsylvania, . kanawha river, . kane, - . kansas, . kelly's island, view of grooves on, , . kendall, chapter by. - ; cited, . kent, england, . kent's hole, _et seq._, _et seq._ kentucky, , , , ; view of boulder in, . kentucky river, . kettle-holes, formation of, , ; of muir glacier, , ; in new england, _et seq._, , ; in pennsylvania, ; sedimentation of, , _et seq._ kettle-moraine in wisconsin, . king, , ; implement discovered by, . knox county, ohio, . kurtz, nam pa image discovered by, . lake agassiz, , , ; continuance of, _et seq._ lake bonneville, _et seq._, , _et seq._ lake constance, , . lake erie, origin of, _et seq._; ridges around, ; preglacial outlet of, , . lake geneva during the glacial period, , . lake huron, preglacial outlet of, ; ridges around, . lake itasca, . lake lahontan, , . lake michigan, age of, _et seq._ lake nipissing, . lake ontario, origin of, _et seq._ lake traverse, , . lake district, england, the, . lake dwellings in switzerland, . lake ridges, _et seq._ lakes, sedimentation of, , _et seq._ lamplugh, glacial observations of, , . lancashire, , , . lancaster, ohio, . lang, cited, . lark, england, valley of the, . lateral moraines, . laurentide glacier, _et seq._, , . lava on the pacific coast of north america, , , , , . lawrence, mass., . lawrenceburg, ind., , . le conte, cited, , _et seq._, , . leicestershire, england, . lehigh river, . lemming, . lenticular hills, . leopard, . lesley, cited, . lesse, belgium, valley of the, . leverett, cited, , . lewis, on transported boulders, , ; work of, in pennsylvania, , ; in great britain, ; cited, _et seq._, . lickey hills, . licking river, . liége, belgium, . lincolnshire, england, . lindenkohl on old channel of the hudson, _et seq._ lion, , . little beaver creek, , . little falls, minn., , , , . little falls, n. y., buried channel near, . livingston, mont., . llangollen, vale of, . loess in the mississippi valley, , , ; in europe, _et seq._ lohest, cited, _et seq._ lombardy, . london, , , ; glacial terrace in, . long island, , . louisville, ky., buried channel near, . loveland, ohio, , . lubbock, cited, . lucerne, . lyell, on richmond train of boulders, ; cited, , , , , , , , ; on the age of niagara, . lyons, . maack, cited, . macclesfield, england, . macenery, cited, . machairodus, , . mackintosh, quoted, , , . mâcon, france, . mctarnahan, mortar discovered, by . madison boulder, . madisonville, ohio, , , . magdalena bay, . mahoning river, . maine, ; re-elevation of, . malaspina glacier, map of, . mammoth, , , , , - , , , - , , , . man, relics of, in the glacial period, chapter on, - ; in glacial terraces of the united states, - ; of europe, - ; in cave deposits of british isles, , - ; of the continent, - ; under lava-beds of the pacific coast of north america, - ; extinct animals associated with, - . manitoba, . mankato, minn., . marcilly, skull at, . marietta, ohio, . marmot, , . marsh creek valley, utah, . martigny, ancient glaciers near, , , , . massachusetts, _et seq._, , _et seq._, , , . mastodon, , , , . mattmark see, . maumee river, . mcgee, cited, , _et seq._ medial moraines, formation of, ; of muir glacier, ; in ohio, . medlicott, cited, . medora, ind., , , . menai straits, . mentone, skeleton of, . mer de glace, , . merjelen see, , . mersey, the, . meteorites, . metz, cited, . meuse, valley of, _et seq._ miami, the great, , . miami, the little, , . millersburg, ohio, . mills, cited, . minneapolis, ; buried outlet near, ; recession of falls at, , _et seq._, . minnehaha, falls of, . minnesota, , , _et seq._; lakes of, . minnesota river, a glacial outlet, , , , . miocene epoch, animals of the, . mississippi river, gorge of, at fort snelling, , ; terraces on, ; erosion by, ; glacial drainage of, , . missouri coteau, , , . missouri, , , . moel tryfaen, , _et seq._, , . mohawk river, glacial drainage of, , , ; ice-dam across, , , . mohegan bock, ; view of, . monongahela river, _et seq._ montaigle, valley of the, . montana, . montreal, re-elevation of, . moose, . moraines, formation of, ; in wisconsin, - ; in italy, , ; between speeton and flamborough, ; in germany, . morecambe bay, , . morgantown, w. va., . morlot, cited, . mortillet, cited, , , . morvan, the, . moulins, formation of, . mount shasta, . mount washington, . mueller glacier, . muir glacier, _et seq._. , , ; view of front of, . muir, john, . muskingum river, , . musk ox, , . musk sheep, , , . nampa image, _et seq._ nansen, , . naulette, jaw found at, , . neale, implements discovered by, , . neanderthal skull, _et seq._ nebraska, . nelson river, . neufchâtel, . nevada, ; lakes of, . névé-field defined, . newark, ohio, . newberry on the preglacial drainage of the hudson, _et seq._; on the formation of the great lakes, _et seq._; cited, . newburg, n. y., . new comerstown, implement from, , , _et seq._, . new england, , , , ; ancient glaciers in, - . new hampshire, , , , . new harmony, ind., . new jersey, . new lisbon, ohio, . new york, , , , , _et seq._ new york bay, , , . new zealand, , , , . niagara gorge, age of, _et seq._; section of strata along the, . nile river, . nordenskiöld, , . norfolk, england, . north america, existing glaciers in, _et seq._ north sea, . norway, climate of, . nottingham, england, . nova zembla, . oberlin, ohio, , . oceanica, existing glaciers of, , . ohio river, glacial terrace, , . ohio, , , , , , , , - , , , _et seq._, , . oil creek, , . olmo, skull at, . oregon, , . orme's head, little, . orton, cited, , . oscillations of land-level in america, _et seq._ oswestry. england, . ottawa river, . otter, . ouse, valley of the, . ox, , . pacific coast of america, . pacific ocean, , . panama, isthmus of, , , , . parsimony, law of, . pasterzen glacier, . patagonia, . patton, . payer, , . peat-beds, , ; in ohio, ; in minnesota, ; in valley of the somme, _et seq._ pembina river, . pengelly, cited, , . pennine chain, glaciation of, , , , , , . pennsylvania, , , _et seq._, , . perry county, ohio, . perthes, boucher de, _et seq._ philadelphia academy of sciences, . philadelphia, red gravel of, _et seq._ phillips, cited, . picardy, glacial gravels of, . pittsburg, pa., submergence of, , , . plum creek, ohio, . po, valley of the, ; erosion by, . pocatello, idaho, , . pocono mountain, . poland, . polynesian skull, . pomp's pond, section of kettle-hole near, . portageville, n. y., . port neuf river, idaho, . portsmouth, ohio, . portugal, human relics in glacial terraces of, ; supposed tertiary man in, , _et seq._ post-glacial erosion, _et seq._; in ohio, , ; in illinois, _et seq._ potomac river, _et seq._ pot-holes in lucerne, . pouchet, cited, . precession of equinoxes, . preglacial climate in england, , . preglacial levels in england, - . prestwich, cited, , , _et seq._, ; on date of glacial period, , , , . provo shore-line, . putnam, cited, . puy-courny, france, supposed tertiary man at, , , . pyramid lake, . pyrenees, glaciers of the, , ; quaternary animals of, , ; age of, . quaternary animals of california, , ; in germany, ; in hungary, . quatrefages, cited, . queenston, canada, _et seq._ rabbit, . raccoon creek, ; view of glacial terrace near, . rames, cited, , . ramsay, cited, . rappahannock river, . rawhide gulch, cal., . recession, rate of, of falls of niagara, _et seq._; of falls of st. anthony, _et seq._, ; of black river, , . red deer, . red river of the north, , , ; ice-dam in, . regillout, . reid, clement, quoted, . reid, h. f., , . reindeer, , , , , , , , , , . rhine, ancient glaciers of the, , . rhinoceros, , , , , , , , , , , ; woolly, , , , , . rhode island, . rhône, ancient glaciers of, - , , , , ; map of, . richmond, mass., train of boulders in, , . rink, dr., . roanoke river, . rocky mountains, , ; age of the, . rock-scorings, cause of, _et seq._; in new england, ; on islands of lake erie, , ; in pennsylvania, ; in ohio, , ; in indiana, ; in illinois, ; in missouri, . roman remains, . rome, n. y., . rosa, mount, , , . ross, sir j. c, , , . royston, england, . runaway pond, . russell, i. c, exploration of mount st. elias by, , ; cited, , _et seq._ russia, glacial boundary in, , ; glacial drainage of, . saguenay, fiord of the, . salamanca, n. y., buried channels near, . salisbury, cited, , . salt lake city, . sandusky, ohio, section of the lake ridges near, . sandusky river, . sanford, cited, . saskatchewan river, . saxony, . scandinavia, existing glaciers of, , ; ancient glaciers of, , , , - ; re-elevation of, . scioto river, . scotland. (see british isles.) seattle, section of till in, . second glacial period, _et seq._ section, ideal, across river bed in drift region, . sedimentation of lakes, . seine, terraces of the, , , . seracs, , . settle, england, . severn, the, - , . shaler, , . shap granite, , , . ship rock, . shone, cited, . shoshone falls, . shrewsbury, england, . shropshire, england, , . siberia, ; quaternary animals in, , , , ; climate of, , . sierra nevada mountains, , , , , , , . skertchly, quoted, . skipton, , . skull, comparative study of, . slickenside, . smock on depth of glacial ice, . snake river valley, _et seq._, . snowdon, , . snowy vole, . soleure, . solferino, . solway glacier, , , . somme, terraces of the, , _et seq._, , , , _et seq._ sonora, cal., _et seq._ south america, existing glaciers of, ; ancient glaciers in, . southampton, england, . south dakota, , . spain, ancient glaciers of, ; human relics in glacial terraces of, ; quaternary animals of, . speeton, , , . spencer, cited, . spencer, n. y., . spitsbergen, . spy, man of, , . st. acheul, . stag, . stainmoor, england, , , . stalagmite, rate of accumulation of, _et seq._ stanislaus river, cal., . st. anthony, falls of, _et seq._, . steamburg, n. y., buried channel at, . st. elias, _et seq._, . st. lawrence river, glacial drainage of, , . st. louis, mo., , . st. paul, minn., . stone on kames in maine, . straits of dover, . straits of gibraltar, . striæ, direction of, in new hampshire, ; in lake erie, ; presence of, in pennsylvania, , ; in ohio, indiana, illinois, and missouri, ; in stuttgart, . subglacial streams, , , . submerged channels on the coasts of america, - . submergence theory, - , . subsidence of the isthmus of panama, , ; in mississippi valley, , , , ; on east coast of north america, _et seq._; about the great lakes, , ; in great britain, - . susquehanna river, glacial drainage of, , , . svartisen glacier, . svenonius, dr., . sweden, . switzerland, existing glaciers of, - ; ancient glaciers of, - ; lake-dwellings in, . table mountain, cal., _et seq._, . table of changes during the glacial epochs, , . tagus, valley of the, , _et seq._ tait, cited, . tardy, cited, . tasman glacier, . teesdale, england, , . terminal moraines, formation of, ; in pennsylvania, , , _et seq._; on the southern coast of new england, _et seq._; in ohio, ; in puget sound, ; in tyghee pass, ; in italy, . terminal moraines of the second glacial epoch, , , , . terraces. (see glacial terraces.) tertiary animals, . tertiary man, - . tertiary period, climate of, , , , , . teton mountains, . texas, pleistocene animals of, . thames, england, , , . thenay, france, supposed tertiary man in, , ; view of flint-flakes collected at, . thompson, . thomson, cited, . till, description of, ; composition of, in massachusetts, _et seq._; section of, in ohio, ; depth of, in germany, scandinavia, and russia, . tinière river, . titusville, pa., . todd, on forest beds and old soils, _et seq._; cited, . torquay, england, . trade-winds of the atlantic, , . tremeirchon, wales, . trenton, n. j., , , _et seq._, , ; view of implement found at, . trenton gravel, section of the, . trent, valley of the, , . trimmer, quoted, . trimingham, england, . trogen, switzerland, . trons, switzerland, . tuolumne county, cal., , . turin, . tuscarawas valley, , , , ; buried channel in, . tylor, cited, _et seq._ tyndall, - , . tynemouth, england, , . tyrol, , , . tyrrell, cited, . ulm, . upham, on drumlins, ; on two ice-movements, ; cited, , _et seq._, , , _et seq._, , ; on the columbia gravel, ; on date of the glacial period, . ural mountains, , . utah, ; lakes of, . utica, n. y., . utrecht, moraine near, . valais, the, . vegetable remains in glacial deposits, , ; in ohio, , ; in indiana, ; in minnesota, , ; in iowa, ; in british america, . veins in glacial ice, . vermont, runaway pond in, . vernagt glacier, . vessel rock, view of, . vezère, valley of, . victoria cave, england, , . virginia city, . vivian, cited, . volga, the, . vosges mountains, . wabash river, , , . wahsatch mountains, . wales, ancient glaciers of, , _et seq._; caverns of, . wallace, cited, , , . walrus, , . warren, pa., buried channel near, . warren river, . washington, , , . washington, d. c., gravel deposit of, . water, transporting power of running, , - . waveney, england, valley of the, . wealden formation, . weasel, . wells, england, . western reserve historical society, . weston, w. va., . west virginia, _et seq._; glacial terrace in, . wey, valley of the, . whitby, england, . white, cited, _et seq._ white river, ind., , . white sea, . whitney, , , , , . whittlesey, . wild-boar, . wild-cat, . winchell, alexander, cited, , . winchell, n. h., cited, , , ; on the falls of st. anthony, _et seq._ wisconsin, , , , . woeikoff, cited, . wolf, , . wolverine, . wood, cited, . woodward, quoted, ; on age of niagara, _et seq._ wookey hole, england, . wrangell, cited, . wright, . yankton, . yellowstone park, . yorkshire, , , , , , , , . yosemite park, , . young, rev. mr., . young, professor, cited, . younglove, . zermatt glacier, view of, . zuyder zee, . the end. * * * * * d. appleton & co.'s publications. _the ice age in north america, and its bearings upon the antiquity of man._ by g. frederick wright, d. d., ll. d., f. g. s. a., professor in oberlin theological seminary; assistant on the united states geological survey. with an appendix on "the probable cause of glaciation," by warren upham, f. g. s. a., assistant on the geological surveys of new hampshire, minnesota, and the united states. new and enlarged edition. with maps and illustrations. vo, pages, and index. cloth, $ . . 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"from the acorn to the timber which has figured so gloriously in english ships and houses, the tree is fully described, and all its living and preserved beauties and virtues, in nature and in construction, are recounted and pictured."--_brooklyn eagle_. _ethnology in folk lore._ by george l. gomme, f. s. a., president of the folklore society, etc. "the author puts forward no extravagant assumptions, and the method he points out for the comparative study of folk-lore seems to promise a considerable extension of knowledge as to prehistoric times."--_independent_. _the laws and properties of matter._ by r. t. glazebrook, f. r. s., fellow of trinity college, cambridge. "it is astonishing how interesting such a took can be made when the author has a perfect mastery of his subject, as mr. glazebrook has. one knows nothing of the world in which he lives until he has obtained some insight of the properties of matter as explained in this excellent work."--_chicago herald_. _the fauna of the deep sea._ by sydney j. j. hickson, m. a., fellow of downing college, cambridge. with illustrations. "that realm of mystery and wonders at the bottom of the great waters is gradually being mapped and explored and studied until its secrets seem no longer secrets. . . . this excellent book has a score of illustrations and a careful index to add to its value, and in every way is to be commended for its interest and its scientific merit."--_chicago times_. each, mo, cloth, $ . . new york: d. appleton & co., fifth avenue. * * * * * transcriber note figure captions were standardized. all figures were moved to avoid splitting paragraphs. any minor typos were corrected. the cambridge manuals of science and literature prehistoric man cambridge university press london: fetter lane, e.c. c. f. clay, manager [illustration] edinburgh: , princes street london: h. k. lewis, , gower street, w.c. william wesley & son, , essex street, strand berlin: a. asher and co. leipzig: f. a. brockhaus new york: g. p. putnam's sons bombay and calcutta: macmillan and co., ltd. _all rights reserved_ [illustration] prehistoric man by w. l. h. duckworth m.a., m.d., sc.d. university lecturer in physical anthropology, cambridge cambridge: at the university press _first edition_, _second edition_, _with the exception of the coat of arms at the foot, the design on the title page is a reproduction of one used by the earliest known cambridge printer, john siberch, _ preface this book deals with the earliest phases in the past history of mankind: the selected period ends at the aurignacian division of the palaeolithic age. i regret to be unable to affix definite dates in years to the several divisions of time now recognised. to illustrate the difficulty of forming conclusions on this subject, it should be noted that in professor rutot (p. ) assigned a duration of , years to the pleistocene period, while in dr sturge claimed , years for a portion only of the same period. evidently the present tendency is to increase enormously the drafts on geological time, and to measure in millions the years that have elapsed since the first traces of human existence were deposited. but in the face of estimates which differ so widely, it seemed preferable to distinguish subdivisions of time by reference to animal-types or the forms of stone-implements, rather than by the lapse of years. in the attempt to summarise a considerable amount of evidence, i have tried to select the facts most relevant to the subject in hand. and where an opinion is expressed i have endeavoured to indicate the reasons for the decision that is adopted. additional evidence is pouring in at the present time, and there is no doubt but that the next few years will witness great extensions of knowledge. in this connection, i take the opportunity of mentioning the discovery made a few weeks ago by m. henri martin at la quina, of a human skeleton resembling the neanderthal type but presenting (it is said) definite features of inferiority to that type. another subject of vast importance is mr moir's recent demonstration (p. ) of elaborately worked implements resting beneath strata referred to the pliocene period. for the loan of blocks, or for permission to reproduce illustrations, my cordial thanks are due to the editors and publishers of the journals mentioned in the following list. the authors' names are appended to the several illustrations. anatomischer anzeiger, archiv für anthropologie, archivio per l'antropologia e la etnologia, beiträge zur urgeschichte bayerns, korrespondenzblatt der deutschen anthropologischen gesellschaft, l'anthropologie, royal dublin society, royal society of edinburgh, zeitschrift für ethnologie. w. l. h. duckworth _december_ , contents chap. 	 page i. the precursors of palaeolithic man ii. palaeolithic man iii. alluvial deposits and caves iv. associated animals and implements v. human fossils and geological chronology vi. human evolution in the light of recent research	 table a _to face p._ " b _to " "_ list of illustrations fig. 	 page . outline tracings of skulls of pithecanthropus etc. (from dubois) . outline tracings of jawbones, (a) mauer (b) ancient briton . tooth from taubach: surface of crown. (from nehring) . tooth of chimpanzee. (from nehring) , . tooth from taubach: inner and outer sides. (from nehring) . human skull from krapina. (from birkner) . tracings of teeth from krapina and mauer. (from kramberger) . human skull from la chapelle-aux-saints. (from birkner) . outline tracings of skull from la chapelle-aux-saints etc. (from boule) . contours of skulls, (a) new guinea man (b) european woman . outline tracing of human skull from le moustier . outline tracings of jawbones from mauer and le moustier . outline tracings of jawbones from mauer, la naulette, etc. (from frizzi) . outline tracings of jawbones, (a) ancient briton (b) le moustier (c) mauer . outline tracings of the forbes quarry (gibraltar) skull. (from sera) . human skull of the grimaldi-type. (from birkner) . outline tracings of skulls from galley hill etc. (from klaatsch) . section of the strata at trinil in java. (from dubois) . view of the mauer sand-pit. (from birkner) . section of the krapina rock-shelter. (from birkner) . plan of the cave at la chapelle-aux-saints. (from boule) . two sections of the grotte des enfants, mentone. (from boule) . chart of the relative duration of miocene, pliocene, and pleistocene time. (from penck) . chart of oscillations of snow-level in the glacial period. (from penck) . outline tracings of skulls of pithecanthropus etc. (from dubois) . position of palaeolithic man in the scale of evolution. (from cross) . thigh-bones arranged to illustrate klaatsch's theory. . the human skeleton found beneath the boulder-clay at ipswich. (from a drawing by dr keith, reproduced with permission) chapter i the precursors of palaeolithic man our knowledge of prehistoric man is based naturally upon the study of certain parts of the human skeleton preserved in a fossil state. in addition to these materials, other evidence is available in the form of certain products of human industry. these include such objects as implements of various kinds, owing their preservation to the almost indestructible nature of their material, or again artistic representations, whether pictorial or glyptic. the evidence of the bones themselves will be considered first, partly for convenience and partly in view of the cogency possessed by actual remains of the human frame. other branches of the subject will come under review afterwards. of all the discoveries of ancient remains, whether possibly or certainly human, two in particular stand out pre-eminently in marked relief. the specimens thus distinguished are known as the remains of _pithecanthropus erectus_, on the one hand, and on the other a jaw-bone which is attributed to a human type described (from the locality of the discovery) as _homo heidelbergensis_. the geological antiquity assigned in each instance is greater than that claimed for any bones acknowledged unreservedly to be human. it is thus clear that a high value attaches to these specimens if they be regarded as documents testifying to the course of human evolution. when the bones are examined, the contrast they provide with all human remains is so marked as to emphasise at once the necessity for a thorough and critical examination of their structure. _pithecanthropus erectus._ in the case of these bones, the facts are now so widely known and so easily accessible as to render unnecessary any detailed exposition here. the discoveries were made in the years and by professor dubois[ ], who was engaged at the time on an investigation of the remains of various animals found embedded in a river-bank in java. as is well known, the actual remains are scanty. they comprise the upper part of a skull, part of a lower jaw (which has never been described), three teeth, and a left thigh-bone. [ ] the numbers refer to the bibliography at the end of the volume. before entering upon any criticism of the results of professor dubois' studies, it is convenient to give a general statement of his conclusions. here we find described a creature of pliocene age, presenting a form so extraordinary as hardly to be considered human, placed so it seems between the human and simian tribes. it is caliban, a missing link,--in fact a pithecanthropus. with the erect attitude and a stature surpassing that of many modern men were combined the heavy brows and narrow forehead of a flattened skull, containing little more than half the weight of brain possessed by an average european. the molar teeth were large with stout and divergent roots. the arguments founded upon the joint consideration of the length of the thigh-bone and the capacity of the skull are of the highest interest. for the former dimension provides a means of estimating approximately the body-weight, while the capacity gives an indication of the brain-weight. the body-weight is asserted to have been about kgm. (eleven stone) and the brain-weight about gm. and the ratio of the two weights is approximately / . the corresponding ratios for a large anthropoid ape (orang-utan) and for man are given in the table following, thus: orang-utan / _pithecanthropus erectus_ / man / the intermediate position of the javanese fossil is clearly revealed. the same sequence is shewn by a series of tracings representative of the cranial arc in the middle line of the head (fig. ). and the results of many tests of this kind, applied not only by professor dubois but also by professor schwalbe, are confirmatory of the 'intermediate' position claimed for _pithecanthropus erectus_. the molar teeth are of inadequate size if the skull-cap is that of an ape, whereas they are slightly larger than the corresponding teeth furnished by primitive existing human types. and now some of the objections to this account may be taken. in the first place, the claim to pliocene antiquity is contested. so keen an interest was excited by professor dubois' discovery that more than one expedition has been dispatched to survey and review the ground. it is now declared in certain quarters that the horizon is lower quaternary: i do not know that any attempt has been made to reduce the age of the strata further. as the matter stands, the difference is not very material, but professor dubois refuses to accept the revised estimate and still adheres to his own determination. incidentally the more recent work (blanckenhorn[ ], ) has resulted in the discovery of a tooth claimed as definitely human (this is not the case with the teeth of _pithecanthropus erectus_), and yet of an antiquity surpassing that of the remains found by professor dubois. the latter appears unconvinced as to the genuineness of the find, but no doubt the case will be fully discussed in publications now in the course of preparation. [illustration: fig. . outline tracings of skulls reduced in size to a common dimension, viz. the line _gl--op_, representing a base-line of the brain-case. _pe_, pithecanthropus. _papua_, a new guinea native. _hl_, _sm_, _at_ are from skulls of monkeys. (after dubois.)] professor dubois assigned the bones to one and the same skeleton, and for this he has been severely criticised. apart from arguments affecting the geological age of the specimens, the question of their forming part of a single individual is very momentous. for if two skeletons are represented, one may be human, while the other is that of an ape. it is admitted that the larger bones were separated by a distance of forty-six feet. by way of meeting this criticism, it is submitted that the distance is by no means so great as to preclude the possibility of the common and identical origin of the various bones. moreover it is at least curious that if two skeletons are here represented, no further remains should have been detected in the immediate vicinity. the fact that the thigh-bone might easily have passed as that of a man, while the skull-fragment is so divergent from all modern forms as to be scarcely human, is of great interest. the contrast between the indications provided by the two bones was remarked at once. some writers, rejecting certain other evidence on the point, then drew the inference that the human thigh-bone had been evolved and had arrived at the distinctive human condition in advance of the skull. the importance of this conclusion lies in the fact that the human thigh-bone bears indications of an erect attitude, while the form of the skull gives guidance as to the size of the brain, and consequently to some extent provides a clue to the mental endowment of the individual. whether the erect attitude or the characteristic brain-development was first obtained by man has been debated for many years. in this case, the evidence was taken to shew that the assumption of the erect attitude came as a means of surmounting the crux of the situation. thenceforth the upper limb was emancipated entirely from its locomotor functions. upon this emancipation followed the liberation of jaws and mouth from their use as organs of prehension. simultaneously the mechanism whereby the head is attached to the neck and trunk became profoundly modified. this alteration gave to the brain an opportunity of growth and increase previously denied, but now seized, with the consequent accession of intellectual activity so characteristic of the hominidae. the story thus expounded is attractive from several points of view. but while possessing the support of the javan fossil remains, it is not confirmed in the embryonic history of man, for there the growth of the brain is by far the most distinctive feature. nor did those who adopted this opinion (in ), take into account all the characters of the ancient human remains even then available. for the evidence of those remains points to an order exactly the reverse of that just stated, and it indicates the early acquisition of a large and presumably active brain. and now that additions have been lately made to those older remains (other than the javan bones), the same 'reversed' order seems to be confirmed. on the whole therefore, the soundest conclusion is that following a preliminary increment of brain-material, the erect attitude came as a further evolutionary advance. but to return from this digression to the objections against the _pithecanthropus erectus_, it must now be explained that the very contrast between the thigh-bone and the skull-cap in respect of these inferences, has been used as an argument against the association of these bones as part of one skeleton. the objection may be met in two ways at least. for instance, the thigh-bone may yet possess characters which lessen its resemblance to those of recent men, but are not recognised on a superficial inspection. careful investigation of the thigh-bone seems to shew that such indeed is the case (indeed the human characters are by some absolutely denied). but together with this result comes the discovery that the characters of straightness and slenderness in the shaft of the bone from which the inference as to the erect attitude was largely drawn, do not give trustworthy evidence upon this point. in fact, a human thigh-bone may be much less straight and less slender than that of arboreal animals such as the gibbon, the cebus monkey, or the lemurs (especially nycticebus). the famous eppelsheim femur is straighter than, and as slender as that of pithecanthropus. it was regarded at first as that of a young woman, but is now ascribed to an anthropoid ape. and in fact, even if the skull-cap and thigh-bone of pithecanthropus should be retained in association, it seems that the title 'erectus' is not fully justified. another method of rebutting the objection is based on the suggestion that pithecanthropus is not a human ancestor in the direct line. thus to describe an uncle as a parent is an error not uncommon in palaeontology, and it was treated leniently by huxley. to my mind this position can be adopted without materially depreciating the value of the evidence yielded by the conjoint remains, provided only that their original association be acknowledged. should this assumption be granted, the claims put forward on behalf of his discovery by professor dubois seem to be justified. on the other hand, should the association of skull-cap and thigh-bone be rejected, the former has not lost all claim to the same position. for the most recent researches of professor schwalbe[ ] of strassburg, and the further elaboration of these by professor berry[ ] and mr cross[ ] of melbourne, support professor dubois' view. and though the objections may not have been finally disposed of, a review of the literature called forth by professor dubois' publications will shew a slight margin of evidence for, rather than against his view. _the heidelberg or mauer jaw_[ ]. professor dubois' javanese researches were carried out in the years and . fifteen years separate the discovery of the _pithecanthropus erectus_ from that of the second great find mentioned in the introductory paragraph of this chapter. this period was by no means barren in respect of other additions to the list of human fossils. but the other results (including even the finds at taubach) are regarded as of subsidiary importance, so that their consideration will be deferred for the present. in a lower jaw, known now as the heidelberg or mauer jaw, was discovered by workmen in the sand-pit of mauer near heidelberg. the mauer jaw is indeed a most remarkable specimen. the first general outcome of an inspection of the photographs or of the excellent casts (which may now be seen in many museums) is a profound impression of its enormous strength (figs. , , and _c_). by every part of the specimen save one, this impression is confirmed. this massiveness, together with the complete absence of any prominence at the chin, would have caused great hesitation in regard to the pronouncement of a decision as to the probable nature of the fossil. the one paradoxical feature is the relatively small size of the teeth. all of these have been preserved, though on the left side the crowns of four have been removed by accident in the process of clearing away some adherent earth and pebbles. the net result shews that the teeth are actually within the range of variation provided by human beings of races still extant, though commonly regarded as 'primitive,' if not pithecoid (such as the aboriginal race of australia). yet these teeth are implanted in a jaw of such size and strength as render difficult the reference of the specimen to a human being. [illustration: fig. . _a_ outline tracing of a cast of the mauer jawbone. _b_ a similar tracing from an unusually large jaw of an ancient briton. (from specimens in the cambridge museum.)] the most striking features of the mauer jaw have been mentioned already. before entering upon a further discussion of its probable nature, it will be well to note some of the other distinctive characters. thus the portion fig. (_a_) known technically as the ascending ramus is of great size, and particularly wide, surpassing all known human specimens in this respect. the upper margin of this part is very slightly excavated, a slight depression (_b_) replacing the very definite 'sigmoid' notch found in almost all human jaws (though the relative shallowness of this notch has been long recognised as distinctive of the lowest human types). the difference in vertical height between the uppermost points of the condyle (_c_) and the coronoid process (_d_) is therefore unusually small. on the other hand, the lower margin of the bone is undulating, so that it presents a hollow on each side, as well as one near the middle line in front. the two halves of the bone are definitely inclined to one another and this convergence is faintly marked in the two rows of teeth behind the canines. the latter teeth do not project markedly above the level of those adjacent to them. the incisor teeth are remarkably curved in their long axes, with a convexity in front. the prominences called 'genial tubercles' behind the chin are replaced by a shallow pit or fossa. in one sense the reception accorded by palaeontologists to the fossil jaw of mauer differs remarkably from most of the comparable instances. that difference consists in the comparative absence of controversy excited by its discovery. this must not be ascribed to any lack of ardour on the part of archaeologists. more probable is it that with the lapse of time, the acceptance of an evolutionary interpretation of the origin of man has gained a wider circle of adherents, so that the claims of even so sensational a specimen as this, are sifted and investigated with a judicial calm much more appropriate and certainly more dignified than the fierce outbursts occasioned by some of the earlier discoveries. it remains to institute brief anatomical comparisons between the mauer jaw and those of the highest apes on the one hand, and of the most primitive of human beings on the other. (_a_) of the three larger anthropoid apes available for comparison, it is hard to say which presents the closest similarity. the gibbons do not appear to approach so nearly as these larger forms. among the latter, no small range of individual variations occurs. my own comparisons shew that of the material at my disposal the mandible of an orang-utan comes nearest to the mauer jaw. but other mandibles of the same kind of ape (orang-utan) are very different. the chief difficulty in assigning the possessor of the mauer jaw to a pithecoid stock has been mentioned already. it consists in the inadequate size of the teeth. in addition to this, other evidence comes from the results of an examination of the grinding surfaces (crowns) of the molar teeth. these resemble teeth of the more primitive human types rather than those of apes. finally the convergence of the two rows when traced towards the canine or eye-tooth of each side, points in the same direction. (_b_) if the apes be thus rejected, the next question is, would the mauer jaw be appropriate to such a cranium as that of pithecanthropus? i believe an affirmative answer is justifiable. it is true that an excellent authority (keith[ ]) hesitates on the ground that the mandible seems too massive for the skull, though the same writer recognises that, in regard to the teeth, the comparison is apt. this is a difficult point. for instance the _h. moust. hauseri_ (cf. chapter ii) has a mandible which is far 'lower' than the capacity of the brain-case would lead one to expect. therefore it seems that the degree of correlation between mandible and capacity is small, and to predict the size of the brain from evidence given by the jaw is not always safe. it is to be remembered that special stress was laid by professor dubois (cf. p. ) on the fact that the teeth of pithecanthropus when compared with the skull-cap are inadequately small, if judged by the ape-standard of proportion. the characters of the teeth, in so far as upper and lower molars can be compared, present no obstacle to such an association, and in fact provide some additional evidence in its favour. the crucial point seems therefore to be the massiveness of the jaw. with regard to this, the following remarks may be made. first, that the skull-cap of pithecanthropus is on all sides admitted to shew provision for powerful jaw-muscles. and further, in respect of actual measurements, the comparison of the transverse width of the javanese skull-cap with that of the mauer jaw is instructive. for the skull-cap measures mm. in extreme width, the jaw mm. the association of the two does not, in my opinion, make an extravagant demand on the variability in size of either part. a curious comparison may be instituted between the mauer jaw and the corresponding bone as represented by professor manouvrier (cf. dubois[ ], ) in an attempted reconstruction of the whole skull of pithecanthropus. professor manouvrier's forecast of the jaw differs from the mauer specimen chiefly in regard to the size of the teeth, and the stoutness of the ascending ramus. the teeth are larger and the ascending ramus is more slender in the reconstruction than in the mauer specimen. (_c_) passing from the consideration of pithecanthropus to that of human beings, the general results of the comparisons that can be made will shew that the gap separating the jaw of mauer from all modern human representatives is filled by human jaws of great prehistoric antiquity. the progress of an evolutionary development is accordingly well-illustrated by these specimens. and although _homo heidelbergensis_ is seen to be separated from his modern successors by great differences in form as well as a vast lapse of time, still the intervening period does provide intermediate forms to bridge the gulf. not the least interesting of many reflections conjured up by the mauer jaw, is that this extraordinary form should be met with in a latitude so far north of that corresponding to the javanese discoveries. this difference, together with that of longitude, suggests an immense range of distribution of these ancestral types. some of their successors are considered in the next chapter. chapter ii palaeolithic man the fossil remains described in the preceding chapter possess good claims to that most interesting position, viz. an intermediate one between mankind and the more highly-developed of the apes. from such remarkable claimants we turn to consider fossil bones of undoubted human nature. of such examples some have been regarded as differing from all other human types to such an extent as to justify their segregation in a distinct species or even genus. yet even were such separation fully justified, they are still indubitably human. in the early phases of the study of prehistoric archaeology, the distinction of a 'stone age' from those of metals was soon realised. credit is due to the present lord avebury[ ] for the subdivision of that period into the earlier and later parts known as the palaeolithic and neolithic stages. at first, those subdivisions possessed no connotation of anatomical or ethnical significance. but as research progressed, the existence of a representative human type specially characteristic of the palaeolithic period passed from the stage of surmise to that of certainty. yet, although characteristic, this type is not the only one recognisable in those early days. in the following pages, some account is given of the most recent discoveries of human remains to which palaeolithic antiquity can undoubtedly be assigned. the very numerous works relating to prehistoric man are full of discussions of such specimens as those found in the neanderthal, at spy, engis, malarnaud, la naulette or denise. that some of these examples are of great antiquity is inferred from the circumstances under which they were discovered. the evidence relates either to their association with extinct animals such as the mammoth, or again the bones may have been found at great depths from the surface, in strata judged to have been undisturbed since the remains were deposited. one of the earliest discoveries was that of the engis skull; the differences separating this skull from those of modern europeans are so extraordinarily slight that doubt has been expressed as to the antiquity assigned to the specimen, and indeed this doubt has not been finally dispelled. the bones from denise (now rehabilitated in respect of their antiquity by professor boule) present similar features. but on the other hand the jaws found at la naulette and malarnaud suggest the former existence of a lowlier and more bestial form of humanity. support is provided by the famous skull of the neanderthal, but in regard to the latter, conclusive evidence (as distinct from presumption) is unfortunately lacking. further confirmation is given by the forbes quarry skull from gibraltar, but although its resemblance to that of the neanderthal was clearly noted by dr busk and sir william turner[ ] as long ago as , the specimen was long neglected. in this case, as in that of the neanderthal, corroborative evidence as to the geological or archaeological horizon is lamentably defective. after a lapse of some twenty years, the discoveries of human skeletons at spy in belgium, undoubtedly associated as they were with remains of mammoth, threw a flood of light on the subject, and enormously enhanced the significance of the earlier discoveries. the former existence in europe of a human type, different from all other known inhabitants of that continent, and presenting no small resemblance to the lowliest modern representatives of mankind, may be said to have been finally established by the results of the excavations at spy. moreover the differences thus recognised are such as to lend strong support to the evolutionary view as to the origin of the more recent human stocks from an ancestral series including representatives of a simian phase. yet the co-existence of a higher type represented by the engis skull must not be overlooked, nor indeed has this been the case. the significance of so remarkable a phenomenon is more fully discussed in the sequel; but no detailed account of the earlier discoveries need be given. a bibliography is appended and here references (h[oe]rnes[ ], ; schwalbe[ ]) will be found to the more important sources of information upon those specimens. _locality_ | _date_ | _literary reference_ | _synonyms_ | | | taubach | | nehring[ ] | krapina | | kramberger[ ] | s. brélade | - | marett[ ] | la chapelle aux | | boule[ ] | "corrèze" saints | | | le moustier | | klaatsch[ ] | "homo mousterensis | | | hauseri" la ferrassie | | peyrony[ ] | pech de l'aze | | peyrony[ ] | forbes quarry | - | sollas[ ] sera[ ] | "gibraltar" andalusia | | verner[ ] | grotte des | - | verneau[ ] | "grimaldi" enfants | | | baradero | | (s. roth) lehmann- | | | nitsche ( )[ ] | monte hermoso | ? | lehmann-nitsche | "homo neogaeus" | | ( )[ ] | combe capelle | | klaatsch[ ] | "homo aurignacensis | | | hauseri" galley hill | | newton[ ] | "homo fossilis" in the present instance, an attempt will be made to provide some account of the most recent advances gained through the results of excavations carried out in late years. and herein, prominence will be given in the first place to such human remains as are assignable to the lowlier human type represented previously by the spy skeletons. following upon these, come examples possessing other characters and therefore not referable to the same type. the discoveries are commonly designated by the name of the locality in which they were made. those selected for particular mention are enumerated in the list on p. . _taubach in saxe-weimar._ certain specimens discovered at taubach and first described in possess an importance second only to that of the mauer jaw and of the javan bones found by professor dubois. indeed there would be justification for associating the three localities in the present series of descriptions. but upon consideration, it was decided to bring the taubach finds into the present place and group. it may be added that they are assigned to an epoch not very different from that represented by the mauer strata whence the mandible was obtained. [illustration: fig. . the grinding surface of the first right lower molar tooth from taubach. the letters denote several small prominences called cusps.] [illustration: fig. . the grinding surface of the corresponding tooth (cf. fig. ) of a chimpanzee. (figs. , , , and are much enlarged.)] the actual material consists only of two human teeth of the molar series. one is the first lower 'milk' molar of the left side. this tooth exceeds most corresponding modern examples in its dimensions. in a large collection of modern teeth from berlin no example provided dimensions so large. the surface is more worn than is usual in modern milk teeth of this kind. the second tooth (fig. ) is the first lower 'permanent' molar of the left side. it bears five cusps. neither this number of cusps, nor its absolute dimensions, confer distinction upon the tooth. its chief claim to notice is based upon its relative narrowness from side to side. that narrowness (proportion of transverse to anteroposterior diameter), represented by the ratio . : , is present in a distinctly unusual and almost simian degree. in this character the taubach tooth resembles the same tooth of the chimpanzee (fig. ), to which it stands nearer than does the corresponding tooth of the mauer jaw. the manner in which the worn surface of the tooth slopes downwards and forwards has been claimed as another simian character. in these respects, the taubach tooth is among the most ape-like of human teeth (whether prehistoric or recent) as yet recorded, and in my opinion there is some difficulty in deciding whether this is the tooth of a human being or of a pithecoid human precursor. there is a very slight tendency (figs. , ) to concrescence of the roots, and these are curiously parallel in direction, when viewed from the side. in the latter respect no similarity to the teeth of apes can be recognised. [illustration: fig. . inner side of the taubach tooth.] [illustration: fig. . outer side of the same. (from nehring.)] _krapina in croatia._ next in order to the discovery of human teeth at taubach, the results of excavations in a so-called 'rock-shelter' on the bank of the river krapini[vc]a in croatia, call for consideration. immense numbers of bones were obtained, and the remains of a large number of human beings were found to be mingled with those of various animals. apart from their abundance, the fragmentary character of the human bones is very remarkable. the discovery that one particular stratum in the cave consisted mainly of burnt human bones has suggested that some of the early inhabitants of the krapina shelter practised cannibalism. indeed this view is definitely adopted by professor kramberger, and he makes the suggestion that the remains include representatives of those who practised as well as those who suffered from this custom. both young individuals and those of mature age are represented, but very aged persons have not been recognised. turning to the details of the actual bones, the conclusion of outstanding interest is the recognition of further instances of the type of the neanderthal and of spy, the latter discovery being separated by a lapse of twenty years and more from that at krapina. an attempt has been made to reconstruct one skull, and the result is shewn in fig. , which provides a view of the specimen in profile. viewed from above, the chief character is the width of the cranial portion, which exceeds very distinctly in this respect the corresponding diameter in the more classic examples from the neanderthal and spy. it is very important to note that the brain-case is thus shewn to be remarkably capacious, and this is all the more remarkable since the limb-bones do not denote a very great stature or bulk. [illustration: fig. . profile view of a reconstructed human skull from krapina. (from birkner, after kramberger.)] having recently examined the specimens now in the museum of palaeontology at agram in croatia, i venture to add some notes made on that occasion. the krapina skull-fragments and the head of a femur are certainly most impressive. it is shewn that early palaeolithic man presents examples of skulls both of brachy-cephalic and dolicho-cephalic proportions. variations in the form and arrangement of the facial bones also occur. the form and proportions of the brain-case have been noted already. the profile view (cf. fig. ) shews the distinctive features of the brow region. the brow-ridges are very large, but they do not absolutely conform to the conditions presented by the corresponding parts in the skulls of aboriginal australian or tasmanian natives. the region of the forehead above the brows is in some instances (but not in all) flattened or retreating, and this feature is indicated even in some small fragments by the oblique direction of the lamina cribrosa of the ethmoid bone. two types of upper jaw are distinguishable: no specimen projects forwards so far as might be expected, but the teeth are curiously curved downwards (as in some crania of aboriginal australians). the facial surface of the jaw is not depressed to form a 'canine fossa.' the nasal bones are flattened. the mandibles present further remarkable characters. by these again, two types have been rendered capable of distinction. in their massiveness they are unsurpassed save by the mandible from mauer. in absolute width one specimen actually surpasses the mauer jaw, but yet fails to rival that bone in respect of the great width found to characterise the ascending ramus in that example. in the krapina jaws, the chin is absent or at best feebly developed. in one specimen the body of the jaw is bent at an angle between the canine and first premolar tooth, and is thus reminiscent of the simian jaw. behind the incisor teeth the conformation is peculiar, again suggestive of the arrangement seen in the mauer jaw, and differing from that found in more recent human specimens. the distinction of two types of lower jaw was made in the following manner. the bone was placed on a flat surface. the vertical height of the tooth-bearing part was measured in two regions, (_a_) near the front, (_b_) further back, and close to the second molar tooth (cf. fig. _f_, _g_). in some of the bones these measurements are nearly equal, but the hinder one is always the less. in the instances in which the two measurements approximate to one another, the proportion is as : . in other instances the corresponding proportion differed, the ratio being about : or less. the former type is considered by professor kramberger to indicate a special variety (krapinensis) of the neanderthal or _homo primigenius_ type. the second type is that of the spy mandible no. . professor schwalbe[ ] ( ) objects to the distinction, urging that the indices ( and ) are not sufficiently contrasted. however this may be, it is noteworthy that other bones shew differences. thus the curvature of the forehead is a variable feature, some skulls having had foreheads much flatter and more retreating than others. the limb bones are also called upon to provide evidence. some of the arm-bones and thigh-bones are longer and more slender than others. how far these differences really penetrated and whether the thesis of two types can be fully sustained, does not appear to admit of a final answer. the view here adopted is that, on the whole, the distinction will be confirmed. but nevertheless i am far from supporting in all respects the view of professor klaatsch to whose imagination we owe the suggestion of realistic tableaux depicting the murderous conflict of the two tribes at krapina, the butchery of one act culminating suitably in a scene of cannibalism. nor am i persuaded that either variety or type found at krapina can be reasonably identified with that of the galley hill skeleton. but of these matters further discussion is reserved for the sequel. * * * * * [illustration: fig. . tracings (from skiagrams) of various molar teeth. the specimen _k.o._ from krapina shews the conjoined roots characteristic of teeth found at krapina, and in jersey at s. brélade's bay. the large pulp-cavity of the krapina teeth should be noted. _k.o._, _k.c._, _k.e._, _k.g._, from krapina; _h._ mauer. (from kramberger.)] this brief sketch of the cranial characters of the krapina remains must be supplemented by a note on the teeth. great numbers were found, and some of them are of enormous dimensions, surpassing those of the mauer jaw. but some of the molar teeth are further distinguished in a very remarkable way, for the roots supporting the crown of the tooth are conjoined or fused: they are not distinct or divergent as is usual. the contrast thus provided by these anomalous teeth is well illustrated in the accompanying figure ( , _ko_). now such fusion of roots is not absolutely unknown at the present day; but the third molar or wisdom tooth is most frequently affected. the occurrence is extremely unusual in the other molar teeth of modern men. yet among the krapina teeth, such fusion is striking both in its degree and in its frequency. so marked a characteristic has attracted much attention. professor kramberger holds the view that it constituted a feature of adaptation peculiar to the palaeolithic men of krapina. in opposition to this, professor adloff holds that the character is so definite and marked as to enter into the category of distinctive and specific conformations. the discussion of these views was carried on somewhat warmly, but yet to some extent fruitlessly so long as the only known examples were those from krapina. dr laloy supported professor kramberger, and on the other side may be ranged the support of professor walkhoff. but a recent discovery has very substantially fortified the view adopted by professor adloff and his supporters. for in a cave near s. brélade's bay in jersey, the explorations of messrs nicolle, sinel and marett ( - ) have brought to light palaeolithic human teeth of very similar form. they are said indeed by dr keith to be precisely comparable to those from krapina. the conjoined roots of such teeth should be regarded therefore as more than a peculiarity of the palaeolithic men of croatia, and rather as a very definite means of assigning to a particular palaeolithic epoch any other instances of a similar nature. space will not admit of more than a simple record of two other features of the krapina teeth. they are (_a_) the curvature of the canine teeth and (_b_) the remarkable size and extent of the 'pulp-cavity' (cf. fig. , _ko_) of the molar teeth. in entering upon so protracted a discussion of this part of the evidence, the excuse is proffered that, as may be noted in the instances at trinil and taubach, teeth are remarkably well-fitted for preservation in the fossil state, since they may be preserved in circumstances leading to the complete destruction of other parts of the skeleton. the limb bones of the krapina skeletons are chiefly remarkable for the variety they present. some are short and stout, of almost pygmy proportions: others are long and slender, inappropriate in these respects to the massive skull fragments which predominate. the distinction of two human types upon evidence furnished by the limb bones has already been mentioned. _s. brélade's bay, jersey._ a cave in this locality has been explored during the last two years ( , ). human remains are represented by the teeth already mentioned on account of their resemblance to those found at krapina. the resemblance depends primarily upon the curious fusion of the roots in the molar teeth. moreover, the circumference of the combined and thickened roots is so great as to confer a most remarkable 'columnar' appearance on the affected teeth (cf. fig. , _k.o._). the teeth from krapina and jersey while thus associated must be contrasted with some specimens which they resemble in other respects. the corresponding teeth in the mauer jaw have been described as similar to those from krapina, but i cannot confirm this from dr schoetensack's illustrations, of which fig. (_h_) is a fair representation. the teeth of the forbes quarry and le moustier specimens do not conform to the precise requirements of the test. the spy teeth are said to have three distinct roots save in two cases, where the numbers are four and two respectively. the test of combined molar roots therefore provides a means of subdividing a group of examples otherwise similar, rather than a mark of recognition applicable to all alike. the s. brélade teeth also resemble those from krapina in the proportions of their crowns and the unusually large size of the pulp-cavity. the latter character may prove more important than the fusion of the roots. but the evidence of their surroundings assigns the teeth from jersey to an epoch less ancient than that of the krapina men. _la chapelle-aux-saints (corrèze)._ [illustration: fig. . profile view of the skull from la chapelle-aux-saints (corrèze). (from birkner, after boule.)] the human skeleton from la chapelle-aux-saints holds a very distinguished position among its congeners. in the first place, the discovery was not haphazard, but made by two very competent observers during their excavations. again, the remains comprise not only the nearly intact brain-case, but much of the facial part of the skull, together with the lower jaw and many bones of the trunk and limbs. the individual was a male of mature age, but not senile (manouvrier). for these reasons, the value of this skeleton in evidence is singularly great. speaking generally, the specimen is found to resemble very closely the neanderthal skeleton in practically every structure and feature common to the two individuals. this correspondence is confirmatory therefore of the view which assigns great antiquity to the neanderthal man, and in addition to this, further support is given to the recognition of these examples (together with those from spy and krapina) as representatives of a widely distributed type. it is increasingly difficult to claim them as individual variations which have been preserved fortuitously. beyond these inferences, the skeleton from la chapelle adds very greatly to the sum total of our knowledge of the structural details of these skeletons. for here the facial bones are well preserved. before proceeding to their consideration reference should be made to the side view of the skull (fig. ), as well as to the tracings of the brain-case brought into comparison with those provided by the neanderthal and spy crania. in the case of one illustration of those tracings (fig. ) it must be remarked that objection is taken by professor klaatsch to the base-line selected, though in this particular instance, that objection has less weight than in others. [illustration: fig. . outline tracings (cf. fig. ) of various human skulls of the palaeolithic age. (from boule.)] turning to the facial parts of the skull, the brows will be seen to overhang the face less than in many crania of aboriginal australians. prognathism, _i.e._ projection of the jaws (fig. ), though distinct, is less pronounced than might be expected. hereby the reconstruction of the facial parts of the neanderthal skull, as prepared by professor klaatsch, is shewn to be much exaggerated. the skeleton of the nose reveals some simian traits, and on either side, the canine fossa (below the eye) is shallow or non-existent. a good deal of stress has been laid on this character, perhaps more than is justifiable. yet it is quite uncommon in this degree among modern european crania, though alleged by giuffrida ruggeri to characterise certain skulls from the far east. the reconstructed skull contains teeth which are large and in the incisor region (_i.e._ in front) are much curved downwards in the direction of their length. but this, though probably correct, is yet a matter of inference, for only a couple of teeth (the second premolars of the left side) were found _in situ_. and so far no detailed description of these teeth has appeared. the mandible is of extraordinary dimensions; very widely separated 'ascending rami' converge to the massive body of the jaw. the sigmoid notch is almost as shallow as in the mauer jaw. the chin is retreating or absent. [illustration: fig. . contours of two skulls, _a_ of a new guinea man; _b_ of an european woman. the angle _b.pr.p_ measures the degree of prognathism, and in this respect, the two specimens are strongly contrasted. (from specimens in the cambridge museum.)] such are the more easily recognisable features of the skull. it will be understood that many more details remain for discussion. but within the allotted space, two only can be dealt with. the capacity of the brain-case is surprisingly large, for it is estimated at cubic centimetres: from this figure (which will be the subject of further discussion in the sequel) it appears that the man of la chapelle was amply provided with cerebral material for all ordinary needs as judged even by modern standards. in the second place, mm. boule and anthony, not content with a mere estimate of capacity, have published an elaborate account of the form of the brain as revealed by a cast of the interior of the brain-case. as the main result of their investigations, they are enabled to record a list of characters indicative of a comparatively lowly status as regards the form of the brain, although in actual size it leaves little to be desired. the principal points of interest in the remainder of the skeleton refer in the first instance to the estimate of stature and the evidence provided as to the natural pose and attitude of the individual. using professor pearson's table, i estimate the stature as being from to mm. ( ft. in. or ft. in.), a result almost identical with the estimate given for the neanderthal man. in both, the limb bones are relatively thick and massive, and by the curvature of the thigh-bones and of the upper parts of the shin-bones, a suggestion is given of the peculiar gait described by professor manouvrier as 'la marche en flexion'; the distinctive feature consists in an incompleteness of the straightening of the knee-joint as the limb is swung forwards between successive steps. the bones of the foot are not lacking in interest, and, in particular, that called astragalus is provided with an unusually extensive joint-surface on its outer aspect. in this respect it becomes liable to comparison with the corresponding bone in the feet of climbing animals, whether simian or other. that these features of the bone in question are not peculiar to the skeleton from la chapelle, is shewn by their occurrence in bones of corresponding antiquity from la quina (martin, ) and (it is also said) from la ferrassie (boule, l'anthropologie, mai-juin, ). _homo mousterensis hauseri_ (_dordogne_) this skeleton was discovered in the lower rock-shelter of le moustier (dordogne, france) in the course of excavations carried out by professor hauser (of swiss nationality) during the year . the final removal of the bones was conducted in the presence of a number of german archaeologists expressly invited to attend. the omission to inform or invite any french archaeologists, and the immediate removal of the bones to breslau, are regrettable incidents which cast a shadow quite unnecessarily on an event of great archaeological interest. by a curious coincidence this took place a few days after the discovery of the human skeleton of la chapelle (_v. supra_). the two finds are very fortunately complementary to each other in several respects, for the dordogne skeleton is that of a youth, whereas the individual of la chapelle was fully mature. in their main characters, the two skeletons are very similar, so that in the present account it will be necessary only to mention the more important features revealed by the study of the dordogne specimen. outline drawings of the two skulls are compared with the corresponding contour of the neanderthal calvaria by klaatsch. [illustration: fig. . outline tracing of a cast of the moustier skull (dordogne). (from a specimen in the cambridge museum.)] [illustration: fig. . tracings from casts (in the cambridge museum) of the jaw-bone from mauer and of that of the moustier skeleton. the mauer jaw is indicated by the continuous line.] in the dordogne youth the bones were far more fragile than in the older man from la chapelle. nevertheless, photographs taken while the bones were still _in situ_ but uncovered, provide a means of realising many features of interest. moreover although the face in particular was greatly damaged, yet the teeth are perfectly preserved, and were replaced in the reconstructed skull of which a representation is shewn in fig. . this reconstruction cannot however be described as a happy result of the great labour bestowed upon it. in particular it is almost certain that the skull is now more prognathous than in its natural state. apart from such drawbacks the value of the specimen is very great, and this is especially the case in regard to the teeth and the lower jaw. the former are remarkably large, and they agree herein with the teeth from krapina (though their roots are distinct and not conjoined as in the krapina examples). in respect of size, the teeth of the dordogne individual surpass those of the mauer jaw, but the first lower molar has proportions similar to the corresponding tooth of that specimen. but, large as they are, the lower teeth are implanted in a mandible falling far short of the mauer jaw in respect of size and weight (fig. ). in fact one of the great characteristics of the dordogne skeleton is the inadequacy of the mandible when compared to the remainder of the skull, even though allowance is made for the youth of the individual. were it not that the facts are beyond dispute, it is difficult to imagine that such a mandible could be associated with so large and capacious a cranium. and yet the jaw is not devoid of points in which it resembles the mauer bone, in spite of its much smaller bulk. thus the chin is defective, the lower border undulating, and the ascending branch is wide in proportion to its height. a good idea of these features is provided by the illustration of the side-view (cf. fig. ) given by professor frizzi. seen from above, the contour is in close agreement with that of several well-known examples, such as the jaws from spy (cf. fig. ) and krapina. [illustration: fig. . outline tracings of jaw-bones. in the lower row, sections are represented as made vertically in the median plane through the chin, which is either receding or prominent. in this series, the numbers refer to those given in the upper set. (from frizzi.)] [illustration: fig. . outline tracings of jaw-bones viewed from above. _a_ an ancient briton (cf. fig. , _b_). _b_ moustier. _c_ mauer. (_b_ and _c_ are from casts in the cambridge museum.)] the limb bones agree in general appearance with those of the skeletons of the neanderthal and la chapelle. though absolutely smaller than in those examples, they are yet similar in regard to their stoutness. the femur is short and curved, and the articular ends are disproportionately large as judged by modern standards. the tibia is prismatic, resembling herein the corresponding bone in the spy skeleton. it is not flattened or sabre-like, as in certain other prehistoric skeletons. another point of interest derived from the study of the limb bones is the stature they indicate. having regard to all the bones available, a mean value of about mm. (about ft. in.) is thus inferred. yet the youth was certainly years of age and might have been as much as years. the comparison of stature with that of the other examples described is given in a later chapter. at present, it is important to remark that in view of this determination (of ft. in.) and even when allowance is made for further growth in stature the large size of the skull must be regarded as very extraordinary indeed. a similar remark applies to the estimate of the capacity of the brain-case. a moderate estimate gives c.c. as the capacity of the brain-case (practically identical with that of the la chapelle skull). in modern europeans of about ft. in., this high figure would not cause surprise. in a modern european of the same stature as the dordogne man ( ft. in.), so capacious a brain-case would be regarded if not as a pathological anomaly, yet certainly as the extreme upper limit of normal variation. without insisting further on this paradoxical result (which is partly due to defective observations), it will suffice to remark that early palaeolithic man was furnished with a very adequate quantity of brain-material, whatever its quality may have been. in regard to the amount, no symptom or sign of an inferior evolutionary status can be detected. _la ferrassie_ (_dordogne, france_). this discovery was made in a rock-shelter during its excavation in the autumn of by m. peyrony. a human skeleton was found in the floor of the grotto, and below strata characterised by mousterian implements. the bones were excessively fragile, and though the greatest care was taken in their removal, the skull on arrival at paris was in a condition described by professor boule (l'anthropologie, , p. ) as 'très brisée.' no detailed account has yet appeared, though even in its fragmentary condition, the specimen is sure to provide valuable information. from the photographs taken while the skeleton lay _in situ_ after its exposure, it is difficult to arrive at a definite conclusion as to its characters. but in regard to these, some resemblance at least (in the jaws) to the neanderthal type can be detected. m. peyrony found also in the same year and in the same region (at le pech de l'aze) the cranium of a child, assignable to the same epoch as the skeleton of la ferrassie. but so far no further details have been published. _forbes quarry_ (_gibraltar_). the human skull thus designated was found in the year . it was, so to speak, rediscovered by messrs busk and falconer. the former authority described the specimen in , but this description is only known from an abstract in the reports of the british association. broca published an account of the osteological characters a few years later. after , the skull again fell into obscurity for some twenty years: thereafter it attracted the attention of dr macnamara, professor schwalbe, and above all of professor sollas, who published the first detailed and critical account in . this has stimulated yet other researches, particularly those of professor sera (of florence) in , and the literature thus growing up bids fair to rival that of the neanderthal skeleton. a most important feature of the specimen consists in the fact that the bones of the face have remained intact and in connection with the skull. but the mandible is wanting, and the molar teeth of the upper set are absent. as may be gathered from the tracing published by dr sera (cf. fig. ) the upper part of the brain-case is imperfect. nevertheless the contour has been restored, and the neanderthal-like features of distinct brow-ridges, followed by a low flattened cranial curve, are recognisable at once. the facial profile is almost complete, and in this respect the forbes quarry skull stood alone until the discovery of the specimen from la chapelle. since that incident, this distinction is not absolute, but the forbes quarry skull is still unique amidst the other fossils in respect of the bones forming what is called the cranial base. in no other specimen hitherto found, are these bones so complete, or so well preserved in their natural position. [illustration: fig. . outline tracing and sectional view of the gibraltar (forbes quarry) skull. the various angles are used for comparative purposes. (from sera.)] the forbes quarry skull is clearly of neanderthaloid type as regards the formation of the brain-case; in respect of the face it resembles in general the skull from la chapelle. but in respect of the estimated capacity of the brain-case (estimated at c.c.), the forbes quarry skull falls far short of both those other examples. moreover the cranial base assigns to it an extremely lowly position. the individual is supposed by some to have been of the female sex, but there is no great certainty about this surmise. the enormous size of the eye-cavities and of the opening of the nose confer a very peculiar appearance upon the face, and are best seen in the full-face view. some other features of the skull will be considered in the concluding chapter, when its relation to skulls of the neanderthal type will be discussed in detail. _andalusia, spain._ in , colonel willoughby verner discovered several fragments of a human skeleton in a cave in the serranía de ronda. these fragments have been presented to the hunterian museum. they seem to be absolutely mineralised. though imperfect, they indicate that their possessor was adult and of pygmy stature. the thigh-bone in particular is of interest, for an upper fragment presents a curious conformation of the rounded prominence called the greater trochanter. in this feature, and in regard to the small size of the head of the bone, the femur is found to differ from most other ancient fossil thigh-bones, and from those of modern human beings, with the exception of some pygmy types, viz. the dwarf-like cave-dwellers of aurignac (compared by pruner-bey in to the bushmen), the aborigines of the andaman islands, and the aboriginal bushmen of south africa. a full description of the bones has not been published, but will probably appear very shortly. _grimaldi_ (_mentone caves_). among the numerous human skeletons yielded by the caves of mentone, two were discovered at a great depth in a cave known as the 'grotte des enfants.' the excavations were set on foot by the prince of monaco, and these particular skeletons have been designated the 'grimaldi' remains. their chief interest (apart from the evidence as to a definite interment having taken place) consists in the alleged presence of 'negroid' characters. the skeletons are those of a young man (cf. fig. ), and an aged woman. the late professor gaudry examined the jaw of the male skeleton. he noted the large dimensions of the teeth, the prognathism, the feeble development of the chin, and upon such grounds pointed out the similarity of this jaw to those of aboriginal natives of australia. some years later dr verneau, in describing the same remains, based a claim to (african) negroid affinity on those characters, adding thereto evidence drawn from a study of the limb bones. in both male and female alike, the lower limbs are long and slender, while the forearm and shin-bones are relatively long when compared respectively with the arm and the thigh-bones. [illustration: fig. . profile view of young male skull of the type designated that of 'grimaldi,' and alleged to present 'negroid' features. _locality._ deeper strata in the grotte des enfants, mentone. (from birkner, after verneau, modified.)] from a review of the evidence it seems that the term 'negroid' is scarcely justified, and there is no doubt that the grimaldi skeletons could be matched without difficulty by skeletons of even recent date. herein they are strongly contrasted with skeletons of the neanderthal group. and although modern europeans undoubtedly may possess any of the osteological characters claimed as 'negroid' by dr verneau, nevertheless the african negro races possess those characters more frequently and more markedly. caution in accepting the designation 'negroid' is therefore based upon reluctance to allow positive evidence from two or three characters to outweigh numerous negative indications; and besides this consideration, it will be admitted that two specimens provide but a feeble basis for supporting the superstructure thus laid on their characters. lastly dr verneau has been at some pains to shew that skulls of the 'grimaldi-negroid' type persist in modern times. yet the possessors of many and probably most such modern crania were white men and not negroes. enough has however been related to shew how widely the skeletons from the 'grotte des enfants' differ from the palaeolithic remains associated as the neanderthal type. * * * * * _south america._ with the exception of pithecanthropus, all the discoveries mentioned in the foregoing paragraphs were made in europe. from other parts of the world, actual human remains referable to earlier geological epochs are scanty save in south america. the discoveries made in this part of the new world have been described at great length. in many instances, claims to extraordinary antiquity have been made on their behalf. it is necessary therefore to examine the credentials of such specimens. upon an examination of the evidence, i have come to the conclusion that two instances only deserve serious attention and criticism. _baradero._ fragmentary remains of a human skeleton: the mandible is the best preserved portion; unfortunately the front part has been broken off so that no conclusion can be formed as to the characters of the chin. otherwise in regard to its proportions, some resemblance is found with the mandible of the spy skull (no. ). more important and definite is the direction of the grinding surfaces of the molar teeth. in the lower jaw, this surface is said to look forwards. the interest of this observation consists in the fact that the tooth from taubach presents the same feature, which is unusual. beyond these, the skeleton from the löss of baradero presents no distinctive features save the remarkable length of the upper limbs. _monte hermoso._ from this region two bones were obtained at different dates. these are an atlas vertebra (the vertebra next to the skull) and a thigh-bone. the latter is of less than pygmy dimensions. both are from fully adult skeletons. an attempt has been made to reconstruct an individual (the tetraprothomo of ameghino) to which the two bones should be referred. it will be noticed that the circumstances bear some, although a very faint, analogy to those in which the remains of pithecanthropus were found. the results are however extraordinarily different. professor branco has ably shewn that in the case of the bones from monte hermoso, the association in one and the same skeleton would provide so large a skull in proportion to the rest of the body, that the result becomes not only improbable, but impossible. it is therefore necessary to treat the bones separately. if this is done, there is no reason to regard the thigh-bone as other than that of a large monkey of one of the varieties known to have inhabited south america in prehistoric as well as in recent times. the vertebra is more interesting. it is small but thick and strong in a degree out of proportion to its linear dimensions. professor lehmann-nitsche supposes that it may have formed part of a skeleton like that of pithecanthropus, that is to say that it is not part of a pygmy skeleton. on the other hand, dr rivet considers that the monte hermoso vertebra could be matched exactly by several specimens in the large collection of exotic human skeletons in the national museum, paris. be this as it may, there is no doubt that the atlas vertebra in question constitutes the most interesting discovery of its kind made so far in south america. it is important to notice that time after time the attempts made to demonstrate the early origin of man in the american continent have resulted in failure, which in some instances has been regrettably ignominious. _combe capelle_ (_h. aurignacensis hauseri_). returning to europe, it is to be noted that in a rock-shelter near combe-capelle (dordogne), the excavations of dr hauser led to the discovery in of an entire human skeleton of the male sex. the interment (for such it was) had taken place in the aurignacian period. the skeleton presents a very striking appearance. in stature, no important divergence from the neanderthal type can be noted. but the more vertical forehead, more boldly-curved arc of the brain-case, the diminished brow-ridges, large mastoid processes and distinct canine fossae provide a complete contrast between the aurignac man and those of the neanderthal group. moreover the aurignac jaw has a slight projection at the chin, where an 'internal process' is now distinct. the brain-case has dolicho-cephalic proportions in a marked degree. the limb bones are straight and slender, and not so much enlarged in the regions of the several joints. the aurignac skeleton of combe capelle has been associated with several others by professor klaatsch. by some authorities they are considered as transitional forms bridging the gap between the early palaeolithic types and those of the existing hominidae. but professor klaatsch evidently regards them as intruders and invaders of the territory previously occupied by the more lowly neanderthaloid type. _galley hill._ among the skeletons which have been thus associated with the aurignac man, are three which have for many years attracted the attention of anthropologists. for this reason, no detailed account of their characters will be given here. of the three instances referred to, two are the fragmentary skull-caps of the skeletons found at brüx and at brünn in moravia. the latter specimen is generally described as brünn ( ) to distinguish it from brünn ( ), a different and earlier find of less interest. it will suffice to mention here that both specimens agree in possessing what may be described as a distinctly mitigated form of the characters so strongly developed in the neanderthal skull and its allies. the aurignac and brüx skulls are distinctly longer and narrower than that of brünn ( ). the limb bones are not available for the purposes of evidence. the third specimen possesses a very much greater interest. it is known as the galley hill skeleton from the site of its discovery near northfleet in kent. since it was first described by mr e. t. newton (in ), much literature has accumulated about the difficult problems presented by the galley hill skeleton. by some authors it is regarded as clearly associated with the other examples just mentioned (brüx, brünn, and aurignac). others reject its claims to high antiquity; of the latter some are courteous, others are scornful, but all are absolutely decided. having investigated the literature as well as i could, and having seen the cranium, i decided that the claims to great antiquity made on its behalf do really justify its inclusion. but i am quite convinced that the skeleton will give no more than very general indications. thus the bones are fragile in the extreme. and besides this, the skull is so contorted that measurements made in the usual way must be extraordinarily misleading and the possible error is too great to be successfully allowed for (cf. fig. ). [illustration: fig. . outline tracing of the galley hill skull, viewed from above. (from klaatsch.) --- galley hill. =---= ancient german. ... neanderthal. =...= modern south german.] to insist upon these points is the more important since nowadays various indices based on such measurements of the galley hill cranium will be found tabulated with data yielded by other skulls, and yet no mark of qualification distinguishes the former figures. the description of the skeleton may be given in a very few words. in the great majority of its characters, it is not seen to differ from modern human beings (though the stature is small, viz. mm., ft. in.). and so far as i am able to judge, the characters claimed as distinctive (separating the galley hill skull from modern dolichocephalic european skulls) are based upon observations containing a very large possibility of error. having regard to such statements, the inference is that the galley hill skull does not in fact differ essentially from its modern european counterparts. similar conclusions have been formed in regard to the other parts of this skeleton. it is important to note that the specimen does not lose its interest on this account. _summary._ from the foregoing descriptions, it follows that of the most ancient remains considered, at least three divisions can be recognised. in the first place, come the examples described as pithecanthropus and _homo heidelbergensis_ (mauer). in the second category come instances as to which no reasonable doubt as to their definitely human characters now exists (save possibly in the case of the taubach tooth and the hermoso atlas). of the members of this second series, two sub-divisions here designated (_a_) and (_b_) can be demonstrated; these with the first examples complete the threefold grouping set out in the table following, with which table a, p. , should be compared. group i. early ancestral forms. _ex. gr. h. heidelbergensis._ group ii. _subdivision a. homo primigenius. ex. gr. la chapelle._ {h. fossilis. _ex. _subdivision b. h. recens_; with varieties {gr. galley hill._ {h. sapiens. taking the first group (pithecanthropus and _homo heidelbergensis_) it is to be noticed that close correlation is quite possible. besides this, evidence exists in each case to the effect that far-distant human ancestors are hereby revealed to their modern representatives. of their physical characters, distinct indications are given of the possession of a small brain in a flattened brain-case associated with powerful jaws; the lower part of the face being distinguished by the absence of any projection of the chin. the teeth indicate with some degree of probability that their diet was of a mixed nature, resembling in this respect the condition of many modern savage tribes. beyond this, the evidence is weak and indefinite. it is highly probable that these men were not arboreal: though whether they habitually assumed the distinctive erect attitude is a point still in doubt. and yet again, while the indications are not clear, it is probable that in stature they were comparable, if not superior, to the average man of to-day. passing from this division to the second, a region of much greater certainty is entered. of the second group, one subdivision (_a_) retains certain characters of the earlier forms. thus the massive continuous brow-ridge persists, as do also the flattened brain-case with a large mass of jaw-muscle, and a ponderous chinless lower jaw. for the rest, the points of contrast are much more prominent than those of similarity. the brain has increased in size. this increase is very considerable in absolute amount. but relatively also to the size of the possessor, the increase in brain-material is even more striking, for the stature and consequently bulk and weight are less. the thigh-bone offers important points of difference, the earlier long slender form (in _p. erectus_) being now replaced by a shorter, curved, thick substitute. if there has been inheritance here, marked and aberrant variation is also observed. the second subdivision (_b_) remains for consideration. here the stature has not appreciably changed. the limb bones are long, slender, and less curved than those of the other associated human beings (_a_), and herein the earliest type is suggested once more. but the differences occur now in the skull. the brain is as large as in the other subdivision (_a_) and in modern men. the brain-case is becoming elevated: the brow-ridges are undergoing reduction; this process, commencing at their outer ends, expresses to some extent the degree of reduction in the muscles and bone of the lower jaw. the teeth are smaller and the chin becomes more prominent. the distinction from modern types of humanity is often impossible. in the next chapter some account is given of the circumstances under which the bones were discovered, and of the nature of their surroundings. chapter iii alluvial deposits and caves the principal characters of the oldest known human remains having been thus set forth, the circumstances of their surroundings next demand attention. a brief indication of these will be given with the aid of the illustrations provided in the original memoirs in each case, and the order of descriptions followed in the preceding chapter will be observed. _pithecanthropus._ the remains of pithecanthropus were recovered from an alluvial deposit at trinil. a section of this is shewn in fig. . an idea may thus be gained of the very considerable amount of superincumbent materials. the associated fauna cannot be compared directly to that of any western european locality. but in comparison with the modern fauna of java, the strata in which the pithecanthropus was found shew a predominance of extinct species, though not of genera. elephants and hippopotami were present: they point to a close relation between the fauna of trinil and that of certain siwalik strata in india, referred to a late pliocene age. the difference of opinion upon this point has been mentioned in the preceding chapter: here it will suffice to repeat that a final conclusion does not appear to have been reached, and that the experts who have examined the strata in situ still differ from each other. [illustration: fig. . section of the strata at trinil in java. _a_ vegetable soil. _b_ sand-rock. _c_ lapilli-rock. _d_ level at which the bones were found. _e_ conglomerate. _f_ clay. _h_ rainy-season level of river. _i_ dry-season level of river. (from dubois.)] _mauer._ impressed by the similarity of the conditions at mauer to those of the fossiliferous tufa-beds near taubach and weimar, dr schoetensack had anticipated the possibility of obtaining valuable fossil relics from the former locality. for some twenty years, dr schoetensack kept in touch with the workmen of mauer, and thus when the jawbone was found, he was summoned at once. even so, the jaw had been removed from its resting-place, and broken in two fragments. yet there is no doubt as to the exact position in which it was found. sand and löss (a fine earthy deposit) had accumulated above it to a thickness of seventy feet. the nature of the surroundings may be estimated by reference to the illustration (fig. ) reproducing dr schoetensack's photograph of the sand-pit. the sands which contained the mandible represent an alluvial deposit, and so far resemble the trinil beds in java. the attempt to institute an exact comparison would be unprofitable, but on the whole it would seem that, of the two, the mauer sands represent the later stage. the fauna associated with the mauer jaw includes such forms as _elephas antiquus_, _rhinoceros etruscus_, _ursus arvernensis_, _u. deningeri_ (an ancestral form of _u. spelaeus_), together with a species of horse intermediate between _equus stenonis_, and the fossil horse found at taubach. the cave-lion, bison, and various deer have also been recognised. [illustration: fig. . view of the mauer sand-pit. x (in white) position of jawbone when found. (from birkner, after schoetensack.)] the aspect of this collection shews a marked similarity to that of the so-called forest-bed of cromer, though at the same time indicating a later age. the mauer jaw must therefore be assigned to the very earliest part of the pleistocene epoch. in his original memoir, dr schoetensack gave no account of any associated 'industry,' in the form of stone implements. but now ( ) professor rutot unhesitatingly (though the reasons are not stated) ascribes to the horizon of the mauer jaw, that division of the eolithic industries termed by him the "mafflien." upon the correctness of such a view judgment may well be reserved for the present. _taubach_. the bone-bed (_knochenschicht_) of taubach whence the two human teeth were recovered, lies at a depth of some feet ( · m.) from the adjacent surface-soil. no fewer than eleven distinct horizons have been recognised in the superincumbent strata. palaeoliths had often been obtained from the same stratum as that which yielded the human teeth. dr weiss referred it to the first, i.e. the earlier of two inter-glacial periods judged to have occurred in this region. the associated fauna includes _elephas antiquus_, _rhinoceros merckii_, _bison priscus_, with cervidae and representatives of swine, beaver and a bear. the similarity of this assemblage to that of the mauer sands has been noted already. the hippopotamus however does not seem to have been recorded in either locality. nevertheless, the general aspect of the mammalian fauna is 'southern' (_faune chaude_ of french writers). upon this conclusion, much depends, for the palaeolithic implements (claimed as contemporaneous with the extinct 'southern' mammals recorded in the foregoing paragraphs) are said to correspond to the type of le moustier. but mousterian implements are (it is alleged) practically never associated with 'southern' animals, so that in this respect the taubach bone-bed provides a paradox. without discussing this paradox at length, it may be stated that the implements just described as 'mousterian' are not recognised as such by all the experts. thus obermaier identifies them with those of levallois, _i.e._ a late s. acheul type (cf. obermaier, ). others declare that the type is not that of le moustier, but of chelles. the latter type of implement is found habitually in association with the southern fauna, and thus the paradox described above may prove to be apparent only and not real. but the unravelling of the different opinions relating to the taubach finds is among the easier tasks presented to anyone desirous of furnishing a clear statement of the actual state of our knowledge on these matters. the difficulties with which the whole subject bristles may thus be realised. _krapina._ researches productive of evidence as to the existence of palaeolithic man in croatia, were commenced at krapina so long ago as august, , by professor kramberger. a preliminary report was published in december, . until the year these researches passed almost unnoticed in this country. the site was not exhausted until . the actual excavations were made in a rock-shelter on the right bank of the krapini[vc]a river, near the village of krapina. the rock-shelter had been to some extent invaded not long before the archaeological work commenced, and evidence of early human occupation of the site was revealed in the form of dark bands of earth, containing much charcoal. these bands were seen as lines in the lower parts of the exposed section of the cave contents. fragments of human and other bones to the number of several thousands were removed. in one season's work six hundred stone implements were found. a section of the several strata has been published and is reproduced in fig. . human bones or artefacts were found throughout a wide series of strata, in which no variations of a cultural nature were detected. throughout the period of human occupation, the palaeolithic inmates of the cave remained on an unaltered and rather lowly level of culture. this is described by some authorities as mousterian, by others as aurignacian; in either case as of an early palaeolithic aspect. [illustration: fig. . section of the krapina rock-shelter. , strata with human remains. _b_ former level of river-bed. (from birkner, after kramberger.)] but when the animal remains are considered, krapina seems to present the difficulty already encountered in the case of taubach. for there is no doubt but that the 'southern' fauna is to some extent represented at krapina. this qualified form of statement is employed because one representative only, viz. _rhinoceros merckii_, has been discovered, whereas its habitual companions, _elephas antiquus_ and hippopotamus, have left no traces at krapina. other animals associated with the cave-men of krapina are not so commonly found in the presence of the _rhinoceros merckii_. thus the _ursus spelaeus_, _u. arctos_, _bos primigenius_, and the arctomys (marmot) are suggestive of a more northern fauna. but the presence of even a possibly stray _rhinoceros merckii_ is sufficient to confer an aspect of great antiquity on this early croatian settlement. no evidence of formal interments has come to light, and as regards the cannibalistic habits of the human cave-dwellers, no more than the merest surmise exists. _s. brélade's bay, jersey._ in the cave thus designated, old hearths were met with at a depth of twenty-five feet below the surface. human beings are represented by teeth only. no evidence of interments has been recorded. the implements are of mousterian type. associated with the hearths and implements were many fragmentary remains of animals. up to the present time, the following forms have been identified: _rhinoceros tichorhinus_ (the hairy rhinoceros), the reindeer, and two varieties of horse. so far as this evidence goes, the age assigned to the implements is supported, or at least not contra-indicated. it is most improbable that the period represented can be really earlier than the mousterian, though it might be somewhat later. that the krapina teeth (which so curiously resemble those of s. brélade's bay in respect of the fusion of their roots) should be assigned to the same (mousterian) epoch is perhaps significant. _la chapelle-aux-saints_ (_corrèze_). this is the best example of an interment referable to the early palaeolithic age (fig. ). two reasons for this statement may be given. in the first place, the skeleton lay in a distinctly excavated depression, beneath which no signs of an earlier settlement are recorded. secondly, the superincumbent strata can be assigned to one period only of the archaeological series, viz. that of le moustier. indications of the preceding period (s. acheul) as well as of the subsequent one (aurignac) are practically negligible. moreover the surroundings had not been disturbed since the interment: this is shewn by the leg-bones of a large bovine animal (bison or bos) found in their natural relations just above the head of the human skeleton. [illustration: fig. . plan of the cave at la chapelle-aux-saints (corrèze). (from boule.)] the latter lay on the back, the right arm bent, the left extended; both legs were contracted and to the right. in general, this attitude recalls that of the skeletons of la ferrassie and the grotte des enfants (grimaldi). at le moustier too, the skeleton was found in a somewhat similar position. at la chapelle-aux-saints, the associated fauna includes the reindeer, horse, a large bovine form (? bison), _rhinoceros tichorhinus_, the ibex, wolf, marmot, badger and boar. it would seem that this particular cave had served only as a tomb. for other purposes its vertical extent is too small. the stone artefacts are all perfect tools: no flakes or splinters being found as in habitations. the animal remains are supposed to be relics of a funeral feast (or feasts). but the presence of the rhinoceros is perhaps antagonistic to such an explanation. _le moustier_ (_dordogne_). the skeleton lay on its right side, the right arm bent and supporting the head; the left arm was extended. the stratum upon which the body rested consisted largely of worked flint implements. these are assigned to the later acheulean and earlier mousterian epochs. two features in contrast with the conditions at la chapelle are to be noticed. it is doubtful whether the skeleton at le moustier had been literally interred. it seems rather to have been placed on what was at the time the floor of the grotto, and then covered partly with earth on which implements were scattered. indications of a definite grave were found at la chapelle. again at le moustier, other parts of the same grotto had been occupied as habitations of the living. at la chapelle this seems not to have been the case. the evidence of the accompanying animal remains also differs in the two cases. at le moustier, only small and very fragmentary animal bones with the tooth of an ox were found in the immediate vicinity of the human skeleton. an extended search revealed bones of _bos primigenius_ in the cave. no bones of the reindeer were found and their absence is specially remarked by professor klaatsch, as evidence that the skeleton at le moustier is of greater antiquity than the skeleton accompanied by reindeer bones at la chapelle. in any case, it would seem that no great lapse of time separates the two strata. _la ferrassie._ the skeleton was found in the same attitude as those of la chapelle and le moustier, viz. in the dorsal position, the right arm bent, the left extended, both legs being strongly flexed at the knee and turned to the right side. the bones were covered by some · m. of _débris_: stone implements were yielded by strata above and below the body respectively. beneath the skeleton, the implements are of acheulean type, while above and around it the type of le moustier was encountered. aurignacian implements occurred still nearer the surface. in regard to the evidence of interment the conditions here resemble those at le moustier rather than those of la chapelle. the human skeleton did not appear to have been deposited in a grave, but simply laid on the ground, covered no doubt by earth upon which flint implements were scattered. but the cave continued to be occupied until at the close of the aurignacian period a fall of rock sealed up the entrance. it is difficult to realise the conditions of life in such a cave, after the death of a member of the community, unless, as among the cave-dwelling veddas of ceylon, the cave were temporarily abandoned (seligmann, ). it is possible that the normal accumulation of animal remains created such an atmosphere as would not be greatly altered by the addition of a human corpse, for professor tylor has recorded instances of such interments among certain south american tribes. but it is also conceivable that the enormously important change in custom from inhumation to cremation, may owe an origin to some comparatively simple circumstance of this kind. the animal remains at la ferrassie include bison, stag, and horse, with a few reindeer. the general aspect is thus concordant with that at la chapelle. _pech de l'aze._ it is impossible to decide whether the child's skull had been buried intentionally or not. the associated fauna is apparently identical with that of la ferrassie and la chapelle. _forbes quarry_ (_gibraltar_). of the surroundings of the forbes quarry skull at the time of its discovery nothing is known. in the present writer explored forbes quarry and a small cave opening into it. but no evidence of the presence of prehistoric man was obtained. bones of recent mammalia and certain molluscs found during the excavations, throw no light on this subject. _andalusia._ at the time of writing, only the following information is available as to the surroundings of these human cave-bones. they were discovered on or near the floor of a deep fissure leading to a series of labyrinthine passages. the walls of the fissure or cave were decorated with drawings of animals resembling those at cretas in aragon. besides the mineralised bones, other fragments of less antiquated aspect were found. potsherds were also obtained, but i have no information as to the occurrence of implements. _grotte des enfants_ (_mentone_). with regard to the two 'negroid' skeletons of this cave, the first important point is the enormous thickness of accumulated _débris_ by which the bones were covered. a depth of some twenty-four feet had been reached before the discovery was made (fig. ). [illustration: fig. . two sections of the grotte des enfants, mentone. _i._ stratum in which the "grimaldi" skeletons were found. (from boule.)] the bodies had been definitely interred, large stones being found in position, adjusted so as to protect the heads particularly. the bodies had been placed on the right side. of the woman, both arms were bent as were the lower limbs. the male skeleton has the right arm flexed, but the left extended (as in the cases of la chapelle, le moustier, and la ferrassie). it is practically certain that the skeletons do not belong to an epoch represented, as regards its culture or fauna, by strata lower than that which supported the human remains. this conclusion is very important here. for the evidence of the stone implements accompanying the human bones is fairly definite: it points to the mousterian age. the animal bones are those of the reindeer and cave hyaena. the presence of the former animal supports the conclusion arrived at on the evidence of the human artefacts. the presence of the cave hyaena does not controvert that conclusion. but an interesting fact remains to be considered. below the two human skeletons, the animal remains are those of the 'southern' fauna. all the characteristic representatives were found, viz. _elephas antiquus_, _rhinoceros merckii_, and hippopotamus. the hyaena was also associated with these large animals. it is not clearly stated whether implements of mousterian type occurred in these, the deepest strata of the cave-floor. were this so, the contention made in respect of the taubach implements (cf. _supra_, p. ) would be remarkably corroborated, as would also the somewhat similar suggestion made in regard to krapina. for the moment, however, it must suffice to attribute these human remains of negroid aspect to the mousterian period at mentone. inasmuch as the reindeer appears in several strata overlying the remains of the grimaldi race (for so it has been named by dr verneau), it is certainly conceivable that the two individuals are aurignacian or even later. but this is to enter a wilderness of surmise. human skeletons were actually found in those more superficial strata and also were associated with the reindeer. but their cranial features are of a higher type (cro-magnon) and contrast very clearly with those of the more deeply buried individuals. _south america._ the two discoveries mentioned in the preceding chapter were made in the so-called pampas formation of argentina. this formation has been subdivided by geologists into three successive portions, viz. upper, middle and lower. the distinction is based partly upon evidence derived from the actual characters of deposits which differ according to their level. but the molluscan fauna has also been used as a means of distinction. the whole formation is stated by some to be fluviatile. other observers speak of it as löss. this need not necessarily exclude a fluviatile origin, but speaking generally that term now suggests an aerial rather than a subaqueous deposit. the upper subdivision is designated the yellow löss in contrast to the brown löss forming the middle layer. opinion is much divided as to the exact geological age of the pampas formation. ameghino refers it to the pliocene period, excepting the lower divisions which he regards as upper miocene. professor lehmann-nitsche assigns pliocene antiquity to the lowest subdivision only. dr steinmann regards the middle and lower subdivisions as equivalents of the 'older' löss of european pleistocene deposits. the latter determinations are more probably correct than is the first. _baradero._ the baradero skeleton was obtained from the middle formation or brown löss, in a locality marked by the presence of mollusca corresponding with modern forms, and contrasted with the tertiary argentine mollusca. the skeleton was in a 'natural' (_i.e._ not a contracted) position, the head being depressed on the front of the chest. no associated implements or remains of mammalian skeletons are recorded. _monte hermoso._ the vertebra and femur were found in the lower subdivision of the pampas formation. we have seen that ameghino refers this to the miocene epoch: lehmann-nitsche speaks of it as pliocene, steinmann's opinion suggests a still later date, while scott also declares that no greater age than that of the pleistocene period can be assigned. the two specimens were obtained at very different times, an interval of many years separating the dates of the respective discoveries. so far as is known, no mammalian or other animal remains have been yielded by the strata in question, so that the whole case in regard to evidence is one of the most unsatisfactory on record. indeed the whole question of 'dating' the argentine discoveries, whether absolutely or relatively, must be regarded as an unsolved problem. _combe capelle_ (_dordogne_). the circumstances of this discovery were as follows. the skeleton lay in an extended position, and it had been placed in an excavation made for the purpose of interment. this excavation entered a stratum distinguished as mousterian. but the interment is considered to be later, and of aurignacian antiquity. stone implements of aurignacian type were disposed around the skeleton: in addition to these, a number of molluscan shells were arranged about the skull. this suggestion of ornament would of itself suggest the later period to which the skeleton is assigned. no remains of animals are mentioned in the accounts accessible to me. _brüx_ (_bohemia_). the brüx skeleton was discovered in . it lay some five feet beneath the surface in a deposit which seems to be an ancient one of fluviatile origin. the biela river is not far from the spot. the bones were very fragmentary, and in particular the skull-cap has been reconstructed from no less than a dozen fragments. the limb bones were also fractured. near the skeleton, some remains of an ox were found on the same level. two feet above the skeleton, a stone implement, seemingly a neolithic axe, was brought to light. the information is thus meagre in the extreme, and when the condition of the skull is taken into account, it is evident that the brüx skeleton is not one upon which far-reaching arguments can be successfully based. the interest of the specimen depends above all upon the results of the careful analysis of its characters made by professor schwalbe[ ] ( ). _brünn_ ( ). this discovery was made at a depth of · metres in red löss. close to the human bones lay the tusk and the shoulder-blade of a mammoth. the same stratum subsequently yielded the skull of a young rhinoceros (_r. tichorhinus_): some ribs of a rhinoceros are scored or marked in a way suggestive of human activity: other ribs of the same kind were artificially perforated. more noteworthy, however, is a human figurine carved in ivory of a mammoth tusk. several hundreds of the shell of _dentalium badense_ lying close to the human remains were truncated in such a way as to suggest that they had once formed a necklace. _galley hill_ (_kent_). the gravel-pit whence the skeleton was obtained invades the 'high-level terrace-gravel' of the thames valley. such is the opinion of expert geologists (hinton[ ]). in the gravel-pit a section through ten feet of gravel is exposed above the chalk. the bones were eight feet from the top of the gravel. palaeolithic implements of a primitive type have been obtained from the same deposit at galley hill. no precise designation seems to have been assigned to them. from the published figures, they seem to correspond to the earlier acheulean or to the chellean type. one in particular, resembles the implements found at reculver, and i have recently seen similar specimens which had been obtained by dredging off the kentish coast near whitstable. some of the galley hill implements are compared to the high plateau forms from ightham. these must be of great antiquity. professor rutot in assigned the galley hill skeleton to a period by him named mafflian. this diagnosis seems to have been based upon the characters of the implements. recently however ( ) professor rutot has brought the skeleton down into the strépyan epoch, which is much less ancient than that of maffle. the associated fauna comes now into consideration. from the galley hill gravel-pit no mammalian remains other than the human skeleton have been reported, but the fauna of the 'high-level terrace' has been ascertained by observations in the vicinity of galley hill as well as in other parts of the thames basin. the mollusc _cyrena fluminalis_, indicative of a sub-tropical climate, has been found in these strata. as regards the mammalian fauna, it is interesting to compare the list given by mr e. t. newton in , with that published by mr m. a. c. hinton in on the basis of independent observations. _mr newton's list_, . . elephas primigenius. . hippopotamus. . rhinoceros: species uncertain. . bos. " " . equus. " " . cervus. " " . felis leo. " " _mr hinton's list_, . . elephas antiquus (a more primitive form than e. primigenius). . no hippopotamus (this occurs later, in the middle terrace). . rhinoceros megarhinus. . bos: species uncertain. . equus: species similar to the pliocene e. stenonis. . cervus: species: one resembles the fallow-deer (c. dama), a 'southern' form. . felis leo. . sus: species uncertain: bones of limbs shew primitive features. . canis: species uncertain. . delphinus: species uncertain. . trogontherium: species differing from the pliocene form. . various smaller rodents, such as voles. no definitely 'arctic' mammals are recorded: the general aspect of the above fauna shews a strong similarity to the pliocene fauna, which appears to have persisted to this epoch without much alteration of the various types represented. table a table headings: col i: classification by characters of human bones[ ] col ii: example col iii: circumstances and surroundings - immediate surroundings (ims) col iv: circumstances and surroundings - associated animals (asa) col v: circumstances and surroundings - name of types of associated implements (nai) i ii iii, iv, v vi division ii subdivision ( ) combe capelle ims cave interment _b_ asa reindeer nai aurignacian " ( ) galley hill ims alluvial drift of ? high terrace[ ] no asa {elephas antiquus interment {rhinoceros megarhinus[ ] {trogontherium (rodent) {mimomys (rodent) nai acheulean to ?strépyan " ( ) grimaldi ims cave interment (mentone) asa {reindeer {hyaena spelaea {felis spelaea {(marmot in higher strata) nai mousterian ? also aurignacian subdivision ( ) la ferrassie ims cave interment _a_ asa {reindeer {bison priscus nai mousterian " ( ) pech de l'aze ims cave (head asa {reindeer only {bison priscus found?) nai mousterian " ( ) le moustier ims cave interment asa {bos primigenius {_no reindeer_ nai mousterian " ( ) la chapelle ims cave interment asa {reindeer (_scarce_) {bison priscus nai mousterian " ( ) s. brélade ims cave ? asa {reindeer {bos ? sp. {rhinoceros tichorhinus nai mousterian " ( ) krapina ims cave (rock-shelter) asa {rhinoceros merckii {cave bear {bos primigenius {marmot (arctomys) nai mousterian " ( ) taubach ims alluvial deposit[ ] no asa {elephas antiquus interment {rhinoceros merckii {felis leo {no hippopotamus nai {? mousterian {? upper acheulean { = levallois {? chellean division i ( ) mauer ims alluvial deposit no asa {elephas antiquus interment {rhinoceros etruscus( ) {ursus arvernensis {no hippopotamus nai none found " ( ) trinil ims alluvial deposit no asa {hippopotamus? interment {rhinoceros sivasoudaicus {other sivalik types nai none found by dubois [ ] south american remains and some others are omitted owing to insufficiency of data relating to their surroundings. [ ] names of fossil varieties of rhinoceros. these are very confused. the term r. _leptorhinus_ should be avoided altogether. r. _megarhinus_ represents the r. _leptorhinus_ of falconer and cuvier. r. _merckii_ represents r. _hemitoechus_ of falconer, which is the r. _leptorhinus_ of owen and boyd dawkins. r. _tichorhinus_ is r. _antiquitatis_ of falconer and some german writers. [ ] the formation of the high terrace drift is earlier than the date of arrival of the 'siberian' invasion of britain by certain voles. already in pliocene times, some voles had come into britain from the south-east of europe. but the galley hill man, if contemporary with the high terrace drift, had arrived in britain ages before the appearance of _homo aurignacensis_ supposed by klaatsch to be closely allied, and to have come into europe through central if not northern asia. the 'high terrace' mammals have a 'pliocene' facies. [ ] the upper strata at taubach yielded reindeer and mammoth. near weimar, wüst says the stratigraphical positions of _r. merckii_ and _r. antiquitatis_ have been found inverted. [ ] typical val d'arno (pliocene) form. chapter iv associated animals and implements the most important of recent discoveries of the remains of early prehistoric man have now been considered. not only the evidence of the actual remains, but also that furnished by their surroundings has been called upon. it is evident that the last decade has been remarkably productive of additions to the stock of information on these subjects. in the next place, enquiry has to be made whether any relation exists between the two methods of grouping, viz. ( ) that in which the characters of the skeletons are taken as the test, and ( ) that dependent upon the nature of the surroundings. a first attempt to elucidate the matter can be made by means of a tabulated statement, such as that which follows. in constructing this table, the various finds have been ordinated according to the degree of resemblance to modern europeans presented by the respective skeletons. thus division ii with subdivision _b_ heads the list. then follows subdivision _a_, and finally division i will be found in the lowest place. this order having been adopted, the remaining data were added in the sequence necessarily imposed upon them thereby. (_a_) in an analysis of this table the several columns should be considered in order. taking that headed 'immediate surroundings,' it is evident that whereas most of the members of division ii were 'cave-men,' two exceptions occur. of these, the galley hill skeleton is by far the most remarkable. the taubach remains represent, it will be remembered, a form almost on the extreme confines of humanity. that it should resemble the members of division i, themselves in a similar position, is not very remarkable. and indeed it is perhaps in accordance with expectation, that remains of the more remote and primitive examples should be discovered, so to speak, 'in the open.' all the more noteworthy therefore is the position of the galley hill man, whose place according to his surroundings is at the end of the list opposite to that assigned to him by his physical conformation. (_b_) passing to the 'associated animals,' similar conclusions will be formed again. thus in the first place, most of the 'cave-men' were accompanied by remains of the reindeer. le moustier and krapina are exceptions but provide bison or urus which are elsewhere associated with the reindeer. otherwise galley hill and taubach again stand out as exceptions. moreover they have again some features in common, just as has been noted in respect of their alluvial surroundings. for the elephant (_e. antiquus_) is identical in both instances. but the rhinoceros of the 'high level' terrace gravel is not the same as that found at taubach, and though the succession is discussed later, it may be stated at once that the _rhinoceros megarhinus_ has been considered to stand in what may be termed a grand-parental relation to that of taubach (_r. merckii_), the _rhinoceros etruscus_ of the mauer sands representing the intervening generation (gaudry[ ], ). for the various names, reference should be made to the list of synonyms appended to table a. should further evidence of the relative isolation of the galley hill skeleton be required, the gigantic beaver (trogontherium) is there to provide it, since nowhere else in this list does this rodent appear. the paradoxical position of the galley hill skeleton having been indicated, it is convenient to deal with all the examples of skeletons from alluvial deposits taken as a single group, irrespective of their actual characters. (i) the study of the animals found in the corresponding or identical _alluvial deposits_, leads to inferences which may be stated as follows. the trinil (java) fauna will not be included, since the javanese and european animals are not directly comparable. if attention is confined to the remaining instances, viz. galley hill, taubach and mauer, agreement is shewn in respect of the presence of _elephas antiquus_, and this is absent from all the cave-deposits considered here [_v. infra_ (ii) p. ]. a rhinoceros appears in all three localities, but is different in each. finally, two (viz. galley hill and mauer) of the three, provide at least one very remarkable mammalian form, viz. trogontherium (_mimomys cantianus_ is equally suggestive) of the high-level gravels, and the _ursus arvernensis_ of the mauer sands. the significance of these animals may be indicated more clearly by the following statement. if the history of _elephas antiquus_ be critically traced, this animal appears first in a somewhat hazy atmosphere, viz. that of the transition period between pliocene and pleistocene times. it is a more primitive form of elephant than the mammoth. indeed, gaudry[ ] ( ) placed it in a directly ancestral relation to the last-mentioned elephant. and though the two were contemporary for a space, yet _elephas antiquus_ was the first to disappear. moreover this elephant has much more definite associations with the southern group of mammals than has the mammoth. its presence is therefore indicative of the considerable antiquity of the surrounding deposits, provided always that the latter be contemporaneous with it. with regard to the rhinoceros, the species _r. megarhinus_ and _r. etruscus_ have been found in definitely pliocene strata. the former (_r. megarhinus_) seems to have appeared earliest (at montpellier), whereas the etruscan form owes its name to the late pliocene formations of the val d'arno, in which it was originally discovered. the third species (_r. merckii_) is somewhat later, but of similar age to _elephas antiquus_, with which it constantly appears. it is remarkable that the _r. etruscus_, though not the earliest to appear, seems yet to have become extinct before the older _r. megarhinus_. the latter was contemporary with _r. merckii_, though it did not persist so long as that species. with regard to the three alluvial deposits, the rhinoceros provides a means of distinction not indicated by the elephantine representative, and the presence of _r. etruscus_ is a test for very ancient deposits. from what has been stated above, it follows that of the three localities the mauer sands have the more ancient facies, and it is significant that here also the human form proves to be furthest removed from modern men. but the other localities are not clearly differentiated, save that the taubach strata are perhaps the more recent of the two. coming next to the 'peculiar' animals; the _ursus arvernensis_ of mauer is almost as distinctively 'pliocene' as its associate, _rhinoceros etruscus_. the taubach strata have yielded nothing comparable to these, nor to the trogontherium (or mimomys) of the high-level terrace gravel. these animals are also strongly suggestive of the pliocene fauna. to sum up, it will be found that the evidence of the elephant is to the effect that these alluvial deposits are of early pleistocene age. it leads to the expectation that the fauna in general will have a 'southern,' as contrasted with an 'arctic' aspect. from the study of the rhinoceros it appears that the mauer sands are probably the most ancient in order of time, that the strata of taubach are the latest of the three and that _elephas antiquus_ will occur there (as indeed it does). the other animals mentioned clinch the evidence for the pliocene resemblance, and (at latest) the early pleistocene antiquity of the mauer sands and the high-level terrace gravels. within the limits thus indicated, the deposit of mauer is again shewn to be the oldest, followed by the terrace-gravels, while taubach is the latest and youngest of the three. all the characteristic animals are now entirely extinct. for the reasons stated above, the fossil javanese mammals of trinil have not been discussed. it will suffice to note that on the whole they indicate a still earlier period than those of the european deposits in question. (ii) the animals associated with the _cave-men_ now call for consideration. the great outstanding feature is the constancy with which the reindeer is found. this leads to a presumption that the climate was at least temperate rather than 'southern.' beyond this, it will be noted that in general the cave-fauna is more familiar in aspect, the reindeer having survived up to the present day, though not in the same area. again, save in one locality, not a single animal out of those discussed in connection with the alluvial deposits appears here. the exception is the krapina rock-shelter. the surviving animal is _rhinoceros merckii_, described above as one of the later arrivals in the epochs represented by the alluvial deposits. krapina does not provide the reindeer, and in this respect is contrasted again with the remaining localities. yet the presence of the marmot at krapina may be nearly as significant as that of the reindeer would be. another cave, viz. the grotte des enfants, may also need reconsideration. for instance, the _rhinoceros merckii_ was found in the deepest strata of this cave: but i do not consider that adequate evidence is given of its contemporaneity with the two human skeletons here considered. but the reindeer is found in the same cave, as indicated in the table. with the exception of krapina therefore, the conditions are remarkably uniform. this conclusion is confirmed by the evidence from many caves not described in detail here because of the lack of human bones therein or the imperfection of such as were found. such caves have yielded abundant evidence in regard to the 'associated fauna.' a few of the more important results of the investigation of the mammals may be given. thus the distribution of the reindeer is so constant that except in regard to its abundance or rarity when compared with the remains of the horse in the same cave, it is of little or no use as a discriminating agency. the mammoth (_e. primigenius_) was contemporaneous with the reindeer, but was plentiful while the reindeer was still rare. a similar remark applies to the hairy rhinoceros (_r. tichorhinus_), and also to the cave-bear. the cervidae (other than the reindeer), the equidae, the suidae (swine) and the smaller rodentia (especially voles) are under investigation, but the results are not applicable to the finer distinctions envisaged here. to sum up the outcome of this criticism; it appears that of the cave-finds, krapina stands out in contrast with the remainder, in the sense that its fauna is more ancient, and is indicative of a southern rather than a temperate environment. the latitude of krapina has been invoked by way of explaining this difference, upon the supposition that the _rhinoceros merckii_ survived longer in the south. yet krapina does not differ in respect of latitude from the caves of le moustier and la chapelle, while it is rather to the north of the mentone caves. lastly, some weight must be attached to the alleged discovery at pont newydd in wales, of mousterian implements with remains of _r. merckii_. the fauna of the other caves suggests temperate, if not sub-arctic conditions of climate. in all cases, the cave-finds are assignable to a period later in time than that in which the fluviatile deposits (previously discussed) were formed. the cave-men thus come within the later subdivisions of the pleistocene period. (_c_) the fifth column of the table gives the types of stone implements found in association with the respective remains. as is well known, and as was stated in the introductory sentences of this book, stone artefacts constitute the second great class of evidence on the subject of human antiquity. as such they might appropriately have been accorded a separate chapter or even a volume. here a brief sketch only of their significance in evidence will be attempted. the value of stone implements in deciding upon the age of deposits (whether in caves or elsewhere) depends upon the intimacy of the relation existing between various forms of implement and strata of different age. how close that intimacy really is, has been debated often and at great length. opinions are still at variance in regard to details, but as to certain main points, no doubt remains. yet the study is one in which even greater specialisation is needed than in respect of comparative osteology. the descriptions following these preliminary remarks are based upon as extensive an examination as possible, both of the literature, and of the materials. to discuss the validity of the claims made in favour of or against the recognition of certain individual types will be impossible, save in the very briefest form. the better-known varieties have received names corresponding to the localities where they were first discovered, or where by reason of their abundance they led to the recognition of their special value as a means of classification. these designations will be employed without further definition or explanation, save in a few instances. commencing again with the fifth column of the table, the first point to notice is that no implements at all have been discovered in immediate association with the fossil remains at mauer and trinil (java). yet in the absence of evidence, it must not be concluded that the contemporary representatives of mankind were incapable of providing such testimony. evidence will be adduced presently to show the incorrectness of such a conclusion. in the next place, the great majority of the cave-men are associated with implements of one and the same type, viz. the mousterian, so called from the locality (le moustier) which has furnished so complete an example of ancient prehistoric man. lastly, the galley hill skeleton maintains the distinctive position assigned to it, for as in the previous columns, it disagrees also here with the majority of the examples ranged near it. if enquiry be made as to the significance, _i.e._ the sequence in point of time and the general status of the various types of implements mentioned in the table, it will be found that all without exception are described as of palaeolithic type. indeed they furnish largely the justification for the application of that term (employed so often in chapter ii) to the various skeletons described there. to these palaeolithic implements, others of the neolithic types succeeded in europe. [it is necessary to insist upon this succession as european, since palaeoliths are still in use among savage tribes, such as the aboriginal (bush) natives of south africa.] confining attention to palaeoliths and their varieties, the discovery of a form alleged to fill the gap separating the most ancient neolithic from the least ancient palaeolithic types may be mentioned. the implements were obtained from the cave known as le mas d'azil in the south of france. in germany, the researches of professor schmidt[ ] in the caverns of württemburg have revealed a series of strata distinguished not only in position and sequence but also by the successive types of stone implements related to the several horizons. the sequence may be shewn most concisely if the deposits are compared in a tabular form as follows (table i). these caves give the information necessary for a correct appreciation of the position of all the cave-implements in table a. reverting to the latter, and having regard to the cave-men, both subdivisions of division ii (cf. table a) appear, but no example or representative of the earliest form (designated by division i). the fauna is entirely pleistocene, if we except such a trifling claim to pliocene antiquity as may be based upon the presence of _rhinoceros merckii_ at krapina. the results of this enquiry shew therefore that genuine mousterian implements are of pleistocene age, that they were fabricated by human beings of a comparatively low type, who lived in caves and were by occupation hunters of deer and other large ungulate animals. so much has long been known, but the extraordinary distinctness of the evidence of superposition shewn in professor schmidt's work at sirgenstein, furnishes the final proof of results arrived at in earlier days by the slow comparison of several sites representing single epochs. that work also helps to re-establish the aurignacian horizon and period as distinctive. table i. +-------------------+-----------------------+-------------------------+ | | type of implement | | | levels +-----------+-----------+ fauna | | | ofnet |sirgenstein| | +-------------------+-----------+-----------+-------------------------+ |a. most superficial| -- | bronze | | | | | | | | | neolithic | -- | | | | | | | |b. . intermediate | azilian | -- | | | | | | | | palaeolithic | | | | | | | . deepest |magdalenian|magdalenian|} myodes torquatus (the | | stratum at | | |} banded lemming) | | ofnet | | |} | | | | |} | | . | -- | solutréan |} fauna of a northern | | | | |} character throughout: | | | | |} with reindeer, | | . | -- |aurignacian|} mammoth, rhinoceros | | | | |} tichorhinus and horse | | | | |} | | . deepest | -- |mousterian |} myodes obensis (a | | stratum at | | | siberian lemming) | | sirgenstein | | | | +-------------------+-----------+-----------+-------------------------+ when attention is turned from the cave-finds to those in alluvial deposits, names more numerous but less familiar meet the view. as the animals have been shewn to differ, so the types of implements provide a marked contrast. yet a transition is suggested by the claim made on behalf of mousterian implements for the taubach deposits, a claim which (it will be remembered) is absolutely rejected by some experts of high authority. in pursuing the sequence of implements from the mousterian back to still earlier types, cave-hunting will as a rule provide one step only, though this is of the greatest value. in a few caves, implements of the type made famous by discoveries in alluvial gravels at s. acheul in france (and designated the acheulean type) have been found in the deeper levels. such a cave is that of la ferrassie (cf. p. ); another is that of la chapelle, in which (it will be remembered) the acheulean implements underlay the human interment. kent's hole in devonshire is even more remarkable. for the lowest strata in this cavern yielded implements of the earliest chellean form, though this important fact is not commonly recognised. such caves are of the greatest interest, for they provide direct evidence of the succession of types, within certain limits. but the indefatigable labours of m. commont[ ] of amiens have finally welded the two series, viz. the cave-implements and the river-drift implements, into continuity, by demonstrating in the alluvial deposits of the river somme, a succession of types, from the mousterian backwards to much more primitive forms. these newly-published results have been appropriately supplemented by discoveries in the alluvial strata of the danube. combining these results from the river deposits, and for the sake of comparison, adding those from the caves at ofnet and sirgenstein, a tabulated statement (table ii) has been drawn up. the two examples of human skeletons from alluvial deposits given in table a are thus assigned to epochs distinguished by forms of implement more primitive than those found usually in caves; and moreover the more primitive implements are actually shewn to occur in deeper (_i.e._ more ancient) horizons where superposition has been observed. the greater antiquity of the two river-drift men (as contrasted with the cave-men) has been indicated already by the associated animals, and this evidence is now confirmed by the characters of the implements. it may be remarked again that the details of stratigraphical succession have but recently received complete demonstration, mainly through the researches of messrs commont, obermaier[ ], and bayer[ ]. the importance of such results is extraordinarily far-reaching, since a means is provided hereby of correlating archaeological with geological evidence to an extent previously unattained. (_d_) it will be noted that this advance has taken little or no account of actual human remains. for in the nature of things, implements will be preserved in river deposits, where skeletons would quickly disintegrate and vanish. table ii. +---------------------------------------------+ | a. caves[ ] | +-----------------+-------------+-------------+ | type of | ofnet[ ] | sirgenstein | | implement | | [ ] | | | | | +-----------------+-------------+-------------+ | .| | bronze | | | | | | neolithic .| neolithic | -- | | | | | | intermediate .| azilian | -- | | | | | | palaeolithic .| magdalenian | magdalenian | | | | | | .| -- | solutréan | | | | | | .| -- | aurignacian | | | | | | .| -- | mousterian | | | | | | .| -- | -- | | | | | | .| -- | -- | | | | | | .| -- | -- | | | | | +-----------------+-------------+-------------+ +-----------------------------------------+ | b. alluvial deposits | +-------------+-------------+-------------+ | s. acheul | willendorf | s. acheul | | (tellier) | (austria) | (tellier, | | [ ] | [ ] | etc.)[ ] | +-------------+-------------+-------------+ | -- | -- | -- | | | | | | -- | -- | -- | | | | | | -- | -- | -- | | | | | | magdalenian | -- | -- | | | | | | -- | solutréan | -- | | | | | | -- | aurignacian | -- | | | | | | -- | -- | mousterian | | | | | | -- | -- | acheulean | | | | | | -- | -- | chellean | | | | | | -- | -- | "industrie | | | | grossière" | +-------------+-------------+-------------+ [ ] for the occurrence of acheulean and chellean implements in caves, v. page . [ ] schmidt, . [ ] commont, . [ ] obermaier and bayer, . the next subject of enquiry is therefore that of the antiquity of man as indicated by the occurrence of his artefacts. the succession of palaeolithic implements has just been given and discussed, as far back as the period marked by the chellean implements of the lower river gravels (not necessarily the lower terrace) of s. acheul. for up to this point the testimony of human remains can be called in evidence. and as regards the associated animals, the chellean implements (taubach) have been shewn to accompany a group of animals suggestive of the pliocene fauna which they followed. but implements of the type of chelles have been found with a more definitely 'pliocene' form of elephant than those already mentioned. at s. prest and at tilloux in france, chellean implements are associated with _elephas meridionalis_, a species destined to become extinct in very early pleistocene times. near the jalón river in aragon, similar implements accompany remains of an elephant described as a variety of _e. antiquus_ distinctly approaching _e. meridionalis_. in pursuing the evidence of human antiquity furnished by implements, a start may be made from the data corresponding to the galley hill skeleton in column of table a. two divergent views are expressed here, since the alternatives "acheulean" or "strépyan" are offered in the table. in the former instance (acheulean) a recent writer (mr hinton, ) insists on the pliocene affinities of the high-level terrace mammals. but as a paradox, he states that the high-level terrace deposits provide implements of the acheulean type, whereas the chellean type would be expected, since on the continent implements associated with a fauna of pliocene aspect, are of chellean type. to follow mr hinton in his able discussion of this paradox is tempting, but not permissible here; it must suffice to state that the difficulty is reduced if professor rutot's[ ] view be accepted. for the strépyan form of implement (which m. rutot recognises in this horizon) is older than the others mentioned and resembles the chellean type. to appreciate this, the sequence which professor rutot claims to have established is here appended. a. _pleistocene period._ (all palaeolithic types except no. .) . azilian } } . magdalenian } } . solutréan } types found in caves as well as in alluvial deposits. } . aurignacian } } . mousterian } . acheulean. fauna of s.-e. britain has a pliocene aspect. high-level terrace of thames valley (hinton, ). . chellean. fauna of continent has pliocene affinities (hinton, ). . strépyan. galley hill skeleton. high-level terrace, thames basin (rutot, ). . mesvinian. implements on surface of chalk-plateau, ightham, kent (rutot, ). . mafflian. galley hill skeleton (rutot, ). mauer jaw (rutot, ). . reutelian. high-level terrace of thames basin, rutot, . the reutelian implement is "eolithic," and is found unchanged in stages assigned to the pliocene, miocene and oligocene periods (rutot, ). the duration of the pleistocene period is estimated at about , years (rutot, ). b. _pliocene period._ . kentian (reutelian). c. _miocene period._ . cantalian (reutelian). d. _oligocene period._ . fagnian (reutelian). e. _eocene period._ . [eoliths of duan and other french sites: not definitely recognised in by rutot.] several results of vast importance would follow, should the tabulated suggestions be accepted unreservedly in their entirety. an inference of immediate interest is to the effect that if professor rutot's view be adopted, the high-level terrace of the thames valley is not contrasted so strongly with continental deposits containing the same mammals, as mr hinton suggests. for professor rutot's strépyan period is earlier than the chellean. it may be questioned whether mr hinton is right in assigning only acheulean implements to the high-terrace gravels. indeed mr e. t. newton ( ) expressly records the occurrence at galley hill, of implements more primitive than those of acheulean form, and 'similar to those found by mr b. harrison on the high plateau near ightham,'--_i.e._ the mesvinian type of professor rutot. a final decision is perhaps unattainable at present. but on the whole, the balance of evidence seems to go against mr hinton; though _per contra_ it will not escape notice that since , professor rutot has 'reduced' the galley hill skeleton from the mafflian to the strépyan stage, and it is therefore possible that further reduction may follow. leaving these problems of the galley hill implements and the strépyan period, the mesvinian and mafflian types are described by professor rutot as representatives of yet older and more primitive stages in the evolution of these objects. as remarked above (chapter iii), the mauer jaw is referred by professor rutot to the mafflian (implement) period of the early pleistocene age, though the grounds for so definite a statement are uncertain. more primitive, and less shapely therefore, than the mafflian implements, are the forms designated 'reutelian.' they are referred to the dawn of the quaternary or pleistocene period. but with these the initial stage of evolution seems to be reached. such 'eoliths,' as they have been termed, are only to be distinguished by experts, and even these are by no means agreed in regarding them as products of human industry. if judgment on this vital point be suspended for the moment, it will be seen that professor rutot's scheme carries this evidence of human existence far back into the antiquity denoted by the lapse of the pliocene and miocene periods of geological chronology. but let it be remarked that when the names kentian, cantalian and fagnian are employed, no claim is made or implied that three distinctive types of implement are distinguished, for in respect of form they are all reutelian. herein the work of m. commont must be contrasted with that of professor rutot. for the gist of m. commont's researches lies in the demonstration of a succession of types from the more perfect to the less finished, arranged in correspondence with the superimposed strata of a single locality. a vertical succession of implements accompanies a similar sequence of strata. professor rutot examines the pliocene deposits in england, miocene in france and oligocene in belgium, and finds the same reutelian type in all. the names kentian, cantalian, and fagnian should therefore be abandoned, for they are only synonyms for pliocene-reutelian, etc. it is hard to gain an idea of the enormous duration of human existence thus suggested. but a diagram (fig. ) constructed by professor penck[ ] is appended with a view to the graphic illustration of this subject. the years that have elapsed since the commencement of the oligocene period must be numbered by millions. the human type would be shewn thus not merely to have survived the hipparion, mastodon and deinotherium but to have witnessed their evolution and the parental forms whence they arose. [illustration: fig. . chart of the relative duration of miocene, pliocene and pleistocene time: (from penck.) . line of oscillation of level of lowest snow-line. (central europe.) . localities where 'eolithic implements' occur. . names of representatives of ancestral forms of the modern horse. the claim of anchitherium to occupy the position it holds here, is strongly criticised by depèret. . names of representatives of ancestral forms of modern elephants. the chart is to be read from right to left. the gradual sinking of the snow-line is to be noticed, and the oscillations of the same line during the glacial period are also shewn (cf. fig. ).] such is the principal outcome of the opinions embodied in the tabulation of professor rutot. that observer is not isolated in his views, though doubtless their most energetic advocate at the present day. we must admire the industry which has conferred upon this subject the support of evidence neither scanty in amount, nor negligible in weight. but the court is still sitting, no final verdict being yet within sight. while the so-called eocene eoliths of duan (eure-et-loire) fail to receive acceptance (laville[ ], ), even at professor rutot's hands ( ), it is otherwise with those ascribed to the oligocene period. mr moir[ ] of ipswich has lately recognised prepalaeoliths beneath the suffolk crag (newbourn) at ipswich resting the underlying london clay. some objections to the recognition of the so-called 'eoliths' as artefacts may now be considered. ( ) the case of the opponents rests mainly on a fourfold basis of argument. thus the nature of the splintering or chipping is called in question. some writers appeal to weathering, others to movements in the deposits ('earth-creep,' and 'foundering of drifts,' warren[ ] . and breuil, ), and others again to the concussions experienced by flints in a torrential rush of water. the last explanation is supported by observations on the forms of flints removed from certain rotary machines used in cement-factories (boule[ ], ). ( ) a second line of opposition impugns the association of the flints with the strata wherein they were found, or the geological age of those strata may be called in question as having been assigned to too early a period. ( ) then (in the third place) comes the objection that the eoliths carry man's existence too far back; having regard to the general development of the larger mammals, pliocene man might be accepted, but 'oligocene' man is considered incredible. moreover the period of time which has elapsed since the oligocene period must be of enormous length. ( ) in the last place will be mentioned criticism of the distribution of the eolithic type (obermaier[ ], ). ( ) having regard to the first of these arguments, the balance of evidence appears so even and level that it is hardly possible to enter judgment on this alone. but experiments recently carried out by mr moir, and in belgium by munck and ghilain ( ; cf. grist[ ], ) should do much to settle this point. moreover the 'wash-tub' observations in cement-factories (boule, ) prove too much, for it is alleged that among the flint-refuse, fragments resembling magdalenian or even neolithic implements were found. yet such forms are not recorded in association with the comparatively shapeless eoliths. further experiments are desirable, but so far they support professor rutot and his school rather than their opponents. ( ) the position of the eoliths and the accuracy with which their immediate surroundings are determined may be impugned in some instances, but this does not apply to mr moir's finds at ipswich, nor to the pliocene eoliths found by mr grist[ ] at dewlish ( ). ( ) while the general evidence of palaeontology may be admitted as adverse to the existence of so highly-evolved a mammal as man in the earlier tertiary epochs, yet the objection is of the negative order and for this reason it must be discounted to some extent. if the lapse of time be objected to, dr sturge[ ] ( ) is ready to adduce evidence of glacial action upon even neolithic flints, and to propose a base-line for the commencement of the neolithic phase no less than , years ago. ( ) the distribution of the implements finds a weak spot in the defences of the eolithic partisans. it is alleged that eoliths are almost always flints: and that they occur with and among other flints, and but rarely elsewhere. palaeoliths (of flint) also occur among other flints, but they are not thus limited in their association. this distinction is admitted by some at least of the supporters of the 'artefact' nature of the eoliths, and the admission certainly weakens their case. the question is thus far from the point of settlement, and it may well continue to induce research and discussion for years to come. that a final settlement for the very earliest stages is practically unattainable will be conceded, when the earliest conditions are recalled in imagination. for when a human being first employed stones as implements, natural forms with sharp points or edges would be probably selected. the first early attempts to improvise these or to restore a blunted point or edge would be so erratic as to be indistinguishable (in the result) from the effects of fortuitous collisions. while such considerations are legitimately applicable to human artefacts of oligocene or miocene antiquity, they might well appear to be less effective when directed to the pleistocene representatives where signs of progress might be expected. yet professor rutot ( ) does not distinguish even the pleistocene reutelian from the oligocene (eolithic) forms. if, on such evidence as this, early pleistocene man be recognised, oligocene man must needs be accepted likewise. professor rutot's mode of escape from this difficult position is interesting and instructive, if not convincing. it is effected by way of the assumption that in regard to his handiwork, man (some say a tool-making precursor of man) was in a state of stagnation throughout the ages which witnessed the rise and fall of whole genera of other mammals. that this proposition is untrue, can never be demonstrated. on the other hand, the proposition may be true, and therefore the unprejudiced will maintain an open mind, pending the advent of more conclusive evidence than has been adduced hitherto. chapter v human fossils and geological chronology in the preceding chapter, the remains of palaeolithic man were studied in relation to the associated animals (especially mammals), and again (so far as possible) in connection with the accompanying implements. in the comparison of the different types of implement, evidence was adduced to shew that certain forms of these are distinctive of corresponding geological horizons. of the three series, ( ) human remains, ( ) mammalian remains, ( ) stone implements, the first two, ( ) and ( ), have been compared as well as ( ) and ( ). a comparison between ( ) and ( ) has now to be instituted. and this is of interest, for mammalian remains have been found in the presence of implements where no human bones could be discovered. moreover the expectation is well founded, whereby the mammalian fauna will prove to supply information unobtainable from either human skeletons or implements by themselves. that information will bear upon the climatic conditions of the different phases which mark the geological history of man. and in this way, a more perfect correlation of the past history of man with the later geological history of the earth may be fairly anticipated. in chapter iv, use was frequently made of the expression 'southern,' 'temperate' or 'sub-arctic,' in connection with the various groups of mammals mentioned in table a. and while the geological period is limited, during which these investigations are profitably applicable, yet the matter is one of no small importance. for the very fact that the fauna can be described in one case as 'southern' in character, in another as 'temperate,' suggests some variation of climate. and the relation of the history of man to the great variation of climate implied in the expression 'glacial period,' may be reasonably expected to receive some elucidation from this branch of study. it will be noticed that man himself is at present comparatively independent of climate, and even in earlier times he was probably less affected than some other animals. but while the importance of these studies must be recognised, it is also very necessary to notice that as elsewhere so here the difficulties are great, and pitfalls numerous. it is no part of the present work to attempt a history of the stages through which opinion passed in developing the conception embodied in the phrase 'ice-age.' long before that idea had been formulated, the presence of animal remains both in cave and alluvial deposits was a matter of common knowledge. the late professor phillips is believed to have been the first to make definite use of the terms 'pre-glacial' and 'post-glacial' in reference to the later geological formations ( ). and to the pre-glacial era that geologist referred most of the ossiferous caves and fissures. but in , this, the accepted view, was overthrown by the late dr falconer[ ] at least so far as the caves (with the exception of the victoria cave) then explored in britain were concerned. in the same year, the post-glacial position and antiquity of various brick-earths and gravels of the thames valley were considered to have been definitely established by the late professor prestwich. it is very important to note in this connection, that the palaeontological evidence of those brick-earths was nevertheless held to indicate pre-glacial antiquity and thus to contradict the evidence of stratigraphy. the method employed in the latter mode of enquiry consisted in ascertaining the relation of the boulder-clay to certain deposits distinguished by their fauna, the mollusca being especially employed in the identifications. boulder-clay seems, in this country, to have been taken as the premier indication of the glacial period; it was supposed to be a submarine deposit formed during a submergence of large parts of these islands in the course of that period. that the late sir charles lyell dwelt upon the problems of the boulder clay should also be recalled, for he expressly recounts how constantly it proved a barrier marking the extreme limit to which the works of man could be traced. implements or even bones had been found in the drift and above the boulder-clay, but not below. for a while no attempt seems to have been made to subdivide the boulder-clay or to question its exact identity over all the area occupied by it. yet such a subdivision might have resulted in explaining the contradiction or paradox (curiously analogous to that propounded by mr hinton in , cf. p. supra) just mentioned as existing between the age to be assigned to the thames river-drift upon (_a_) stratigraphical evidence ('post-glacial'), and (_b_) palaeontological evidence ('pre-glacial'). that there might be several deposits of the boulder-clay with intervening strata, does not appear to have been suggested. the glacial period was long regarded as one and indivisible. by some able geologists that view is still held. yet even in those comparatively early days, some succession of glaciations was suspected. in , ramsay recognised three phases of ice-action in north wales. in , morlot took in hand the work of charting the extent of several swiss glaciations. at last the possibility of a subdivision of the boulder-clay was realised, and it was demonstrated by the researches of sir a. geikie[ ] ( ). but such division of the boulder-clay leads directly to an inference of successive periods of deposition--and when the earlier opinion (whereby the boulder-clay was regarded as a submarine deposit) was partly abandoned in favour of its origin as a 'ground-moraine,' the plurality of glaciations was still more strongly supported. the work of julien (auvergne, ) and professor james geikie ( ) carries the story on to the year which is marked by a very memorable contribution from professor skertchley[ ], by whom account was taken of the stratigraphical position of stone implements. the names of these pioneers (and that of croll should be added to the list) may be fittingly recalled now that the names of later continental observers figure so largely. but the work of professors penck, brückner, boule and obermaier, admirable as it is, may be regarded justly as an extension or amplification of pre-existing research. a multiplicity of glaciations demonstrated whether by successive 'end-moraines,' or by a series of boulder-clays or 'tills,' implies intervening 'inter-glacial' epochs. to the earlier-recognised pre-glacial and post-glacial periods, one or more inter-glacial phases must therefore be added. consequently the absence of evidence (indicative of man's existence) from the boulder-clay need not exclude his presence in the inter-glacial deposits; and in fact the appearance of strongly-supported evidence that some implements of only neolithic antiquity occur in inter-glacial surroundings, has been mentioned already (chapter iv, sturge, ). and thus, whether the series be one of grand oscillations constituting as many periods, or on the other hand a sequence of variations too slight to deserve distinctive terms, the fact of alternations prolonged over a considerable time seems to be established. attempts to correlate various phases in the history of the animal and particularly of the human inhabitants of the affected area with these changes, still remained to be made. of such attempts, an early one, if not absolutely the earliest, stands to the credit of dr skertchley ( ). but in a much more definite advance was made by professor boule[ ]. still later came the suggestions of professors mortillet, hoernes[ ] ( ), penck, obermaier[ ] ( ) and tornqvist. and the employment of implements in evidence was found practicable by them. ample compensation is thus provided for the lack of human bones, a deficiency almost as deplorable in as it was when lyell called attention to it in . but the literature on this subject is so controversial and has attained such proportions, that the attempt to present current views will be limited to the discussion of the appended table (b). here an endeavour has been made to submit the views expressed by the most competent observers of the day. the first point to which attention is directed consists in the manner in which the several glacial periods are distributed over the geological time-table. boule claims one glaciation of pliocene antiquity, followed by two pleistocene glaciations. the remaining authors agree in ascribing all the glaciations to the pleistocene period. herein they follow the lead of professor penck, whose diagram of the oscillations in level of the snow-line in central europe is reproduced in fig. . in the next place, the fact that professor penck's scheme was primarily intended to serve for the swiss alps must not be overlooked. that this system should leave traces everywhere else in europe is not necessarily implied in accepting the scheme just mentioned. table b. _list of types of associated implements._ +------------------------+-------------+-------------+--------------+ | | | | | | penck's scheme[ ] +-------------+-------------+--------------+ | | boule[ ] | penck | hoernes | +------------------------+---- -------+-------------+--------------+ | postglacial = = = with | magdalenian | magdalenian | -- | | achen and other | solutréan( )| | | | oscillations (penck) | | | | | |=============++ | | | =glacial iv= nd | mousterian || solutréan | -- | | pleistocene( ) | || [ ] | | | glaciation of boule. | ++============++ | | "würmian" of penck | | || | | | | || | | _interglacial_ = = | acheulean | mousterian || magdalenian | | = riss-würm interval | (obermaier) | (warm phase)|| | | (penck) | chellean | || | | | | || | | =glacial iii= st | chellean | mousterian || -- | | pleistocene glaciation | | (cold phase)|| | | of boule. "rissian" | | || | | of penck | | || | | | | || | | _interglacial_ = = | ? | acheulean || solutréan | | = mindel-riss interval | | chellean ++=============| | (penck) | | | | | | | | | | =glacial ii= | ? | ? | -- | | "mindelian" of penck | | | | | | | | | | _interglacial_ = = | ? | ? | mousterian | | = günz-mindel interval | | | chellean | | (penck) | | | | | | | | | | =glacial i= "günzian" | ? | ? | -- | | of penck | | | | | | | | | +------------------------+-------------+-------------+--------------+ +------------------------+--------------+------------+-----------------+ | | | | | | penck's scheme[ ] +--------------+------------+-----------------+ | | rutot | sollas | skertchley[ ] | +------------------------+--------------+------------+-----------------+ | postglacial = = = with | neolithic | ? | neolithic | | achen and other | period | | period | | oscillations (penck) | | | | | | | | | | =glacial iv= nd | lower | ? | hessle | | pleistocene( ) | magdalenian | | boulder-clay | | glaciation of boule. | solutréan | | | | "würmian" of penck | aurignacian | | | | | | | | | _interglacial_ = = | mousterian | acheulean | palaeoliths | | = riss-würm interval | upper | | of the | | (penck) | acheulean | | "modern-valley" | | | | | type. | | | | | valley-gravels | | | | | of present | | | | | ouse, cam, etc. | | | | | | | =glacial iii= st | lower | [chalky | purple | | pleistocene glaciation | acheulean |boulder-clay| boulder-clay | | of boule. "rissian" | chellean | of hoxne] | | | of penck | | | | | | | | | | _interglacial_ = = | strépyan | ? | palaeoliths of | | = mindel-riss interval | mesvinian | |"ancient-valley" | | (penck) | mafflean | | type. | | | | | ?flood-gravels. | | | | | valleys do not | | | | | correspond to | | | | | modern river | | | | | | | =glacial ii= | -- | ? | chalky | | "mindelian" of penck | | | boulder-clay | | | | | | | _interglacial_ = = | -- | ? | brandon beds | | = günz-mindel interval | | | with implements | | (penck) | | | | | | | | | | =glacial i= "günzian" | -- | ? | cromer till. | | of penck | | | later than | | | | | forest-bed | +------------------------+--------------+------------+-----------------+ [ ] penck postulates four glaciations, all "pleistocene." [ ] boule recognises two pleistocene glaciations (seemingly nos. iii and iv of penck), and one pliocene glaciation. the latter is not indicated in the table. [ ] skertchley's scheme is now ignored, if not abandoned, by the best authorities. it has been introduced here on account of its historical interest only. its correlation with the other schemes is speculative. [ ] the differences between the rival schemes of boule, penck and hoernes are best realised by comparing the position assigned to the solutréan industry by each in turn. the löss and its divisions are not indicated in this table. [illustration: fig. . chart of the oscillations of the snow-level in central europe during the pleistocene period. (from penck.) in the uppermost space. _n_ neolithic age. _ma_ magdalenian. _sol_ solutréan. _günz_, _mindel_, _riss_, _würm_, denote the several glacial phases. this chart is to be read from right to left; on the extreme right the snow-line is first shewn m. above its present level. then it falls to nearly m. below the present level, the fall corresponding to the günzian glaciation. after this it nearly attains its former level, but does not quite reach the line marked + . this chart represents the part marked glacial epoch in fig. , with which it should be compared.] in attempting to adjust the scale of glacial periods to that provided by the succession of implement-forms, it is suggested that a commencement should be made by considering the period designated mousterian. if the position of the mousterian period can be correlated with a definite subdivision of the ice age, then other periods will fall into line almost mechanically. the first enquiry to make is that indicated in the introductory paragraphs of this chapter, viz. what is the general nature of the fauna accompanying mousterian implements? investigation of the records shews that this is characteristically of a northern or a temperate, but not a southern type. for the combination commonly regarded as indicative of the southern type (viz. _elephas antiquus_, _rhinoceros merckii_, and _hippopotamus major_) is very doubtfully demonstrable in this association, save in the very remarkable instance of the grotte du prince, mentone, and boule ( ) makes somewhat laboured efforts to explain this example, which is exceptional in his opinion. on the other hand, that combination does occur in well-recognised inter-glacial deposits, _e.g._ the swiss lignites of dürnten, etc. the mousterian implements commonly accompany much more definitely northern animal forms, so that a glacial rather than an inter-glacial age is indicated. but there are four such glacial phases from which to choose in professor penck's scheme, and in professor boule's scheme there are two (for the 'pliocene glaciation,' appearing in the latter, is hardly in question). it will be seen (by reference to table b) that professor boule assigns typical mousterian implements to the most recent glacial period (boule's no. iii = penck's no. iv = würm), whereas professor penck places them in his penultimate grand period (riss), carrying them down into the succeeding (riss-würmian) inter-glacial period. much diligence has been shewn in the various attempts to decide between these, the two great alternatives. (the view of professor hoernes, who assigns the mousterian types to the first inter-glacial period of penck, has received so little support as to render it negligible here.) upon an examination of the controversial literature, the award here given is in favour of professor boule's scheme. the following reasons for this decision deserve mention. ( ) almost the only point of accord between the rival schools of thought, consists in the recognition by each side that the magdalenian culture is post-glacial. but beyond this, the two factions seem to agree that the mousterian culture is 'centred' on a glacial period but that it probably began somewhat earlier and lasted rather longer than that glacial period, whichever it might be. ( ) the chellean implements, which precede those of mousterian type, are commonly associated with a fauna of southern affinities. this denotes an inter-glacial period. therefore an inter-glacial period is indicated as having preceded the mousterian age. but after the mousterian age, none of the subsequent types are associated with a 'southern fauna.' indications are thus given, to the following effect. the mousterian position is such that a distinct inter-glacial period should precede it, and no such definite inter-glacial period should follow it. the last glacial period alone satisfies these requirements. the mousterian position therefore coincides with the last great glaciation, whether we term this the fourth (with professor penck), or the third, with professor boule. ( ) the mousterian industry characterises a palaeolithic settlement at wildkirchli in switzerland: the position of this is indicated with great accuracy to be just within the zone limited by the moraine of the last great glacial period (penck's no. iv or würmian). the associated fauna is alleged to indicate that the age is not post-würmian, as might be supposed. this station at wildkirchli probably represents the very earliest mousterian culture, and its history dates from the last phase of the preceding (_i.e._ the riss-würm) inter-glacial period. but it belongs to penck's glaciation no. iv, not to no. iii. ( ) discoveries of implements of pre-mousterian (acheulean) form in the neighbourhood of the château de bohun (ain, rhone basin, france, ), and conliège (jura, ) are accompanied by stratigraphical evidence whereby they are referred to an inter-glacial period later than the riss glaciation (penck's no. iv, boule's no. iii). the remaining arguments are directed against the position assigned by professor penck to the mousterian implements. ( ) professor penck admits that the epoch of the mousterian type was glacial, and he recognises that it was preceded by a definitely inter-glacial epoch, with a southern fauna. but by selecting his no. iii as the glacial period in question he is led to postulate a subsequent but warmer inter-glacial subdivision of the mousterian period. the difficulty is to find convincing evidence of this post-mousterian inter-glacial period, and of the corresponding 'southern' fauna. professor penck believes that the 'southern' animals returned. professor boule can find no post-mousterian evidence of such a fauna. the constituent forms became extinct or migrated southwards, never to return. if this contention be true, and there is much in its favour, professor boule's view must be adopted. to shew how far-reaching some of the discussions are, attention may be directed to the fact that in this particular argument, much turns upon the nature of the implements found with the 'southern fauna' at taubach (_v. ante_ chapters ii and iii). if the implements are of mousterian type, they support professor penck's view, for the 'warm mousterian' sought by him will thus be found: but if the type is chellean, the arguments of professor boule are notably reinforced. ( ) the position assigned to one stage in the series of implements will affect all the rest. professor penck's view has been attacked with vigour and also with great effect, on account of the position he allots to the type of solutré. the consensus of opinion regarding the position of solutré (_i.e._ its typical implements) is very extensive and quite definite. in effect, the type of solutré is assigned to the newer (_jüngerer_) löss deposits. but these are also widely recognised as entirely post-glacial. moreover in the last few years, the excavations in these particular löss-deposits in lower austria have not only confirmed that opinion, but have also revealed there the presence of aurignacian implements, which closely follow those of mousterian type. professor penck's scheme seems therefore to carry the solutréan implements too far back. the attempt to overcome this objection by attributing an earlier (? inter-glacial) age to the special variety of löss in question, has not been attended with conspicuous success. such are the main considerations upon which the decision has been taken in favour of professor boule's chronological scale. but when such an authority as professor sollas[ ] ( ) is undecided, an amateur must not attempt to ignore the difficulties to be met. and while it is expedient to arrive at a final judgment, yet, in these controversies, the tendency is very marked to allow theory to run too far ahead of fact. facts of the following kind are hard to reconcile with the schemes just described. (i) a mousterian type of implement is recorded by commont from the later (younger) löss of the third terrace at s. acheul. according to the theory, the type of solutré, and not of le moustier, should have occurred, (ii) in this country at least, an admixture of 'northern' and 'southern' animals in a single deposit, has been demonstrated not infrequently, as in italy also (torre della scalea, cosenza). (iii) professor boyd dawkins[ ] ( ) insists upon the occurrence of chellean, acheulean, and mousterian implements in one and the same british river deposit. consequently the distinction of a northern from a southern fauna may yet prove to be destitute of sound foundations. many years ago, saporta pointed out instances of regions with a sub-tropical climate actually adjacent to glacial areas. this subject has fortunately now the advantage of the attention and criticism provided by such talented observers as mr hinton, professor laville, and professor schmidt. a trustworthy scheme of the relative chronology of culture (as denoted by the forms of implements), of mammalian variation and evolution (as shewn by the fauna), and of great climatic oscillations has not yet been obtained, but it has not been shewn to be unattainable. meanwhile the schemes outlined in table b mark a very great advance upon their predecessors. it may be of interest to note that professor penck believes that the several periods varied both in duration and in intensity. their relative proportions are shewn in professor penck's diagram (fig. ). the smaller oscillations, following the close of the last great glaciation (würmian), should be noticed. chapter vi human evolution in the light of recent discoveries in this, the concluding chapter, account is taken of the bearing of the foregoing discoveries and discussions, in relation with the light which they throw on the story of human development. a. up to a certain point, the evidence is strikingly favourable to the hypothesis of human evolution. by this is meant the gradual development of the modern type of skeleton found in association with a large and active brain, capable of manifesting its activity in a great variety of ways. most of the oldest human skeletons just described, differ from this type. although a difference cannot be demonstrated in respect of cranial capacity, yet those older skeletons are usually distinguished by the heavier jaw and by stout curved limb-bones of such length as to indicate an almost dwarf stature. still these indications, even though marking a more primitive status, point undeniably to human beings. passing beyond these, a few fragments remain to suggest a still earlier stage in evolution. and with these at least we find ourselves definitely on the neutral ground between the territories of man and ape, though even here on the human side of that zone. in the same way, and again up to a certain point, the characters of human implements confirm the inferences drawn from the skeleton. for the older implements are re-gressively more and more crude, and an increasing amount of skill is needed to distinguish artefact from natural object. again, the associated animals seem to become less familiar, and the percentage of extinct species increases the further we peer into the stages of the past. one of the most remarkable researches ever published upon these subjects is due to a group of scientists associated with professor berry of melbourne university. in this place, only the most important of their memoirs ( ) can be called in evidence. in those particular publications, the initial objective was an attempt to measure the degree of resemblance between different types of skull. that endeavour may be roughly illustrated by reference to fig. , in which tracings of various skull-outlines are adjusted to a conventional base-line. should a vertical line be drawn from the mid-point of the base-line so as to cut the several contours, the vertical distances between the successive curves could be measured. the distance separating pithecanthropus (_p.e._ of the figure) from that of the corresponding curve for the spy skull no. (spy of the figure) is clearly less than the distance between the curves for the second spy skull (spy ) and the papuan native. [illustration: fig. . outline tracings of skulls reduced in size to a common dimension, viz. the line _gl_--_op_, representing a base-line of the brain-case. _pe_, pithecanthropus. _papua_, a new guinea native. _hl_, _sm_, _at_ are from skulls of monkeys. (after dubois.)] but mr cross used a much more delicate method, and arrived at results embodied in the figure ( ) reproduced from his memoir. a most graphic demonstration of those results is provided in this chart. yet it must be added, that the galley hill skull, although shewn in an intermediate position, should almost certainly be nearer the upper limit. this criticism is based upon the conviction that many of the measurements upon which the results are dependent, assign to the galley hill skull a lowlier status than it originally possessed before it became distorted (posthumously). again the pithecanthropus is apparently nearer to the anthropoid apes than to mankind of to-day. let it be noticed however that this is not necessarily in contradiction with the opinion expressed above (p. line ). for mr cross' diagram is based upon cranial measurements, whereas the characters of the thigh-bone of pithecanthropus tend to raise it in the general scale of appreciation. on the whole then, the evolutionary hypothesis seems to receive support from three independent sources of evidence. [illustration: fig. . (from cross.)] b. but if in one of the very earliest of those stages, a human form is discovered wherein the characters of the modern higher type are almost if not completely realised, the story of evolution thus set forth receives a tremendous blow. such has been the effect of the discovery of the galley hill skeleton. time after time its position has been called 'abnormal' or 'isolated,' because it provides so many contrasts with the skeletons found in deposits regarded perhaps as leading towards but admittedly more recent than the galley hill gravel. and the juncture is long past at which its exact relation to that gravel could be so demonstrated as to satisfy the demands raised in a connection so vital to an important theory. some authors of great experience have refused to recognise in evidence any claim made on behalf of the galley hill skeleton. yet it is at least pardonable to consider some of the aspects of the situation created by its acceptance. (i) for instance, the argument is reasonable, which urges that if men of the galley hill type preceded in point of time the men of the lower neanderthal type, the ancestry of the former (galley hill) must be sought at a far earlier period than that represented by the galley hill gravels. as to this, it may be noted that the extension of the 'human period,' suggested by eoliths for which pliocene, miocene, and even oligocene antiquity is claimed, will provide more than this argument demands. the suggestion that a flint-chipping precursor of man existed in miocene time was made as long ago as by gaudry[ ]. (ii) but if this be so, the significance of the neanderthal type of skeleton is profoundly altered. it is no longer possible to claim only an 'ancestral' position for that type in its relation to modern men. it may be regarded as a degenerate form. should it be regarded as such, a probability exists that it ultimately became extinct, so that we should not expect to identify its descendants through many succeeding stages. that it did become extinct is a view to which the present writer inclines. attempts have been made to associate with it the aborigines of australia. but an examination of the evidence will lead (it is believed) to the inference that the appeal to the characters of those aborigines is of an illustrative nature only. difficulties of a similar kind prevent its recognition either in the eskimo, or in certain european types, although advocates of such claims are neither absent nor obscure. again, it is well to enquire whether any other evidence of degeneration exists in association with the men of the neanderthal type. the only other possible source is that provided by the implements. this is dangerous ground, but the opinion must be expressed that there is some reason to believe that mousterian implements (which rather than any other mark the presence of the neanderthal type of skeleton) do present forms breaking the sequence of implement-evolution. one has but to examine the material, to become impressed with the inferiority of workmanship displayed in some mousterian implements to that of the earlier acheulean types. in any case, a line of evidence is indicated here, which is not to be overlooked in such discussions. (iii) the galley hill skeleton has been described as comparatively isolated. yet if it be accepted as a genuine representative of man in the age of the gravel-deposits of the high-level terrace, it helps towards an understanding of the characters of some other examples. thus a number of specimens (rejected by many authors as lacking adequate evidence of such vast antiquity as is here postulated) appear now, in this new light, as so many sign-posts pointing to a greater antiquity of that higher type of human skeleton than is usually recognised. above all (to mention but a few examples), the cranium of engis, with those from s. acheul (discovered in by mr h. duckworth), and tilbury, the fragment of a human skull from gravel at bury st edmunds, and a skeleton discovered near ipswich beneath the boulder-clay in october , seem to find their claims enhanced by the admission of those proffered on behalf of the galley hill specimen. and since huxley wrote his memoir on the skulls from engis and the neanderthal, the significance of the former (engis), fortified by the characters of the galley hill skeleton, has been greatly increased. consequently it is not surprising to find confident appeals to the characters of a galley hill race or stock, near associates being the specimens mentioned in a preceding chapter as brünn ( ) and the aurignac man next to be considered. the relations of these to the well-known cro-magnon type will be mentioned in the next paragraph. c. the appearance of the higher type of humanity in the period next following the mousterian, viz. that distinguished by the aurignacian type of implement, has now to be discussed. as already remarked, the man of aurignac, as compared with him of the neanderthal, has less protruding jaws, the lower jaw in particular being provided with the rudiment of a chin, while the limb bones are slender and altogether of the modern type. upon such contrasts a remarkable theory has been based by professor klaatsch[ ]. he made a comparison between the anthropoid apes on the one hand, and the two human types on the other (fig. ). as a result, he pointed out that the orang-utan differs from the gorilla much as the aurignac does from the neanderthal man. assuming this statement to be correct, a hypothesis is elaborated to the effect that two lines of human descent are here in evidence. of these one includes an ancestor common to the orang-utan (an asiatic anthropoid ape) and the aurignac man; the other is supposed to contain an ancestor common to the gorilla (of african habitat), and the neanderthal man. [illustration: fig. . various thigh-bones arranged to shew the alleged similarity between _a_ orang-utan and _b_ aurignac man, as also between _c_ neanderthal and _d_ gorilla. _a_ and _b_, while resembling each other, are to be contrasted with _c_ and _d_. they are referred to as the a/o and n/g groups. (from klaatsch.)] the further development of the story includes the following propositions. the more primitive and gorilla-like neanderthal type is introduced into europe as an invader from africa. then (at a subsequent epoch probably) an asiatic invasion followed. the new-comers owning descent from an orang-utan-like forerunner are represented by the aurignac skeleton and its congeners. in various respects they represented a higher type not only in conformation but in other directions. having mingled with the neanderthal tribes, whether by way of conquest or pacific penetration, a hybrid type resulted. such was the origin of the cro-magnon race. the hypothesis has been severely handled, by none more trenchantly than by professor keith[ ]. a notable weakness is exposed in the attribution to the ancestors of the orang-utan so close an association to any human ancestral forms, as professor klaatsch demands. to those familiar with the general anatomy of the orang-utan (_i.e._ the anatomy of parts other than the skeleton) the difficulties are very apparent. another effect of the hypothesis is that the so-called neanderthaloid resemblances of the aborigines of australia are very largely if not entirely subverted. this would not matter so much, but for the very decided stress laid by professor klaatsch upon the significance of those resemblances (cf. klaatsch, , p. , 'die neanderthalrasse besitzt zahlreiche australoide anklänge'). again in earlier days, professor klaatsch supported a view whereby the australian continent was claimed as the scene of initial stages in man's evolution. finally, up to the year , professor klaatsch was amongst the foremost of those who demand absolute exclusion of the orang-utan and the gorilla from any participation in the scheme of human ancestry. having regard to such facts and to such oscillations of opinion, it is not surprising that this recent attempt to demonstrate a 'diphyletic' or 'polyphyletic' mode of human descent should fail to convince most of those competent to pronounce upon its merits. yet with all its defects, this attempt must not be ignored. crude as the present demonstration may be, the possibility of its survival in a modified form should be taken into account. these reflections (but not necessarily the theory) may be supported in various ways. by a curious coincidence, professor keith, in rebutting the whole hypothesis, makes a statement not irrelevant in this connexion. for he opines that 'the characters which separate these two types of men (viz. the aurignac and neanderthal types) are exactly of the same character and of the same degree as separate a blood-horse from a shire-stallion.' now some zoologists have paid special attention to such differences, when engaged in attempts to elucidate the ancestry of the modern types of horse. as a result of their studies, professors cossar ewart and osborn (and professor ridgeway's name should be added to theirs) agree that proofs have been obtained of the 'multiple nature of horse evolution' (osborn). if we pass to other but allied animals, we may notice that coarser and finer types of hipparion (_h. crassum_ and _h. gracile)_ have been contrasted with each other. a step further brings us to the peat-hog problem (_torf-schwein frage_ of german writers), and in the discussion of this the more leggy types of swine are contrasted with the more stocky forms. owen (in ) relied on similar points for distinguishing the extinct species of bovidae (oxen) from one another. the contrast maybe extended even to the proboscidea, for dr leith adams believed that the surest test of the limb bones of _e. antiquus_ was their stoutness in comparison with those of _e. primigenius_. this is the very character relied upon by professor klaatsch in contrasting the corresponding parts of the human and ape skeletons concerned. but such analogies must not be pressed too far. they have been adduced only with a view to justifying the contention that the diphyletic scheme of professor klaatsch may yet be modified to such an extent as to receive support denied to it in its present form. d. in commenting upon the hypothesis expounded by professor klaatsch, mention was made of its bearing upon the status of the cro-magnon race. this is but part of a wide subject, viz. the attempt to trace in descent certain modern european types. it is necessary to mention the elaborate series of memoirs now proceeding from the pen of dr schliz[ ], who postulates four stocks at least as the parent forms of the mass of european populations of to-day. of these four, the neanderthal type is regarded as the most ancient. but it is not believed to have been extirpated. on the contrary its impress in modern europe is still recognisable, veiled though it may be in combination with any of the remaining three. the latter are designated the cro-magnon, engis, and truchère-grenelle types, the last-mentioned being broad-headed as contrasted with all the rest. of professor schliz' work it is hard to express a final opinion, save that while its comprehensive scope (without excessive regard to craniometry as such) is a feature of great value, yet it appears to lack the force of criticism based upon extensive anatomical, _i.e._ osteological study. e. the remarkable change in professor klaatsch's views on the part played by the anthropoid apes in human ancestral history has been already mentioned. in earlier days the simiidae were literally set aside by professor klaatsch. but although the anthropoid monkeys have gained an adherent, they still find their claim to distinction most energetically combated by professor giuffrida-ruggeri[ ]. the latter declares that though he now ( ) repeats his views, it is but a repetition of such as he, following de quatrefages, has long maintained. in this matter also, the last word will not be said for some time to come. f. the significance of the peculiar characters of massiveness and cranial flattening as presented by the neanderthal type of skeleton continues to stimulate research. in addition to the scattered remarks already made on these subjects, two recently-published views demand special notice. (i) professor keith has ( ) been much impressed with the exuberance of bone-formation, and the parts it affects in the disease known as acromegaly. the disease seems dependent upon an excessive activity of processes regulated by a glandular body in the floor of the brain-case (the pituitary gland). the suggestion is now advanced that a comparatively slight increase in activity might result in the production of such 'neanderthaloid' characters as massive brow-ridges and limb bones. (of existing races, some of the aborigines of australia would appear to exemplify this process, but to a lesser degree than the extinct type, since the aboriginal limb bones are exempt.) professor keith adopts the view that the neanderthal type is ancestral to the modern types. and his argument seems to run further to the following effect: that the evolution of the modern from the neanderthal type of man was consequent on a change in the activity of the pituitary gland. it is quite possible that the agency to be considered in the next paragraph, viz. climatic environment, may play a part in influencing pituitary and other secretions. but heavy-browed skulls (and heavy brows are distinctive tests of the glandular activity under discussion) are not confined to particular latitudes, so that there are preliminary difficulties to be overcome in the further investigation of this point. it is possible that the glandular activity occasionally assumed pathological intensity even in prehistoric times. thus a human skull with leontiasis ossea was discovered near rheims at a depth of fifteen feet below the level of the surrounding surface. (ii) dr sera[ ] ( ) has been led to pay particular attention to the remarkably flattened cranial vaulting so often mentioned in the preceding paragraphs. as a rule, this flattening has been regarded as representative of a stage in the evolution of a highly-developed type of human skull from a more lowly, in fact a more simian one. this conclusion is challenged by dr sera. the position adopted is that a flattened skull need not in every case owe its presence to such a condition as an early stage in evolution assigns to it. environment, for which we may here read climatic conditions, is a possible and alternative influence. if sufficient evidence can be adduced to shew that the flattened cranial arc in the neanderthal skull does actually owe its origin to physiological factors through which environment acts, the status of that type of skull in the evolutionary sequence will be materially affected. a successful issue of the investigation will necessitate a thorough revision of all the results of professor schwalbe's work[ ], which established the neanderthal type as a distinct species (_homo primigenius_) followed closely and not preceded by a type represented by the gibraltar skull. dr sera commenced with a very minute examination of the gibraltar (forbes quarry) skull. in particular, the characters of the face and the basal parts of the cranium were subjected to numerous and well-considered tests. as a first result of the comparison of the parts common to both crania, dr sera believes that he is in a position to draw correct inferences for the neanderthal skull-cap in regard to portions absent from it but present in the forbes quarry skull. but in the second place, dr sera concludes that the characters in question reveal the fact that of the two, the gibraltar skull is quite distinctly the lowlier form. and the very important opinion is expressed that the gibraltar skull offers the real characters of a human being caught as it were in a lowly stage of evolution beyond which the neanderthal skull together with all others of its class have already passed. the final extension of these arguments is also of remarkable import. the gibraltar skull is flattened owing to its low place in evolution. but as regards the flatness of the brain-case (called the platycephalic character) of the neanderthal calvaria and its congeners (as contrasted with the gibraltar specimen), dr sera suggests dependence upon the particular environment created by glacial conditions. the effect is almost pathological, at least the boundary-line between such physiological flattening and that due to pathological processes is hard to draw. upon this account therefore, dr sera's researches have been considered here in close association with the doctrines of professor keith. dr sera supports his argument by an appeal to existing conditions: he claims demonstration of the association (regarded by him as one of cause and effect) between arctic latitudes or climate on the one hand, and the flattening of the cranial vault on the other. passing lightly over the eskimo, although they stand in glaring contradiction to his view, he instances above all the ostiak tribe of hyperborean asia. the platycephalic character has a geographical distribution. thus the skull is well arched in northern australia, but towards the south, in south australia and tasmania, the aboriginal skull is much less arched. it is thus shewn to become more distinctly platycephalic towards the antarctic regions, or at least in the regions of the australian continent considered by professor penck to have been glaciated. so too among the bush natives of south africa as contrasted with less southern types. the demonstration of a latitudinal distribution in the new world is complicated by the presence of the great cordillera of the rocky mountains and andes. great altitudes are held by dr sera to possess close analogy with arctic or antarctic latitudes. therefore the presence of flat heads (artificial deformation being excluded) in equatorial venezuela is not surprising. it is felt that the foregoing statement, though made with every endeavour to secure accuracy, gives but an imperfect idea of the extent of dr sera's work. yet in this place, nothing beyond the briefest summary is permissible. by way of criticism, it cannot be too strongly urged that the eskimo provide a head-form exactly the converse of that postulated by dr sera as the outcome of 'glacial conditions.' not that dr sera ignores this difficulty, but he brushes it aside with treatment which is inadequate. moreover, the presence of the aurignac man with a comparatively well-arched skull, following him of the mousterian period, is also a difficulty. for the climate did not become suddenly cold at the end of the mousterian period, and so far as evidence of arctic human surroundings goes, the fauna did not become less arctic in the aurignac phase. _conclusion._ in section a of this chapter, an outline was given of the mode in which the evolution of the human form appears to be traceable backwards through the neanderthal type to still earlier stages in which the human characters are so elementary as to be recognisable only with difficulty. then (b) the considerations militating against unquestioning acquiescence in that view were grouped in sequence, commencing with the difficulties introduced by the acceptance (in all its significance) of the galley hill skeleton. from an entirely different point of view (c), it was shewn that many difficulties may be solved by the recognition of more than one primordial stock of human ancestors. lastly (f) came the modifications of theory necessitated by appeals to the powerful influence of physiological factors, acting in some cases quite obscurely, in others having relation to climate and food. the impossibility of summing up in favour of one comprehensive scheme will be acknowledged. more research is needed; the flatness of a cranial arc is but one of many characters awaiting research. at the present time a commencement is being made with regard to the shape and proportions of the cavity bounded by the skull. from such characters we may aspire to learn something of the brain which was once active within those walls. yet to-day the researches of professors keith and anthony provide little more than the outlines of a sketch to which the necessary details can only be added after protracted investigation. it is tempting to look back to the time of the publication of sir charles lyell's 'antiquity of man.' there we may find the author's vindication of his claims (made fifty years ago) for the greater antiquity of man. in comparison with that antiquity, lyell believed the historical period 'would appear quite insignificant in duration.' as to the course of human evolution, it was possible even at that early date to quote huxley's opinion 'that the primordial stock whence man has proceeded need no longer be sought ... in the newer tertiaries, but that they may be looked for in an epoch more distant from the age of the elephas primigenius than that is from us.' the human fossils at the disposal of those authors included the neanderthal, the engis, and the denise bones. with the neanderthal specimen we have (as already seen) to associate now a continually increasing number of examples. and (to mention the most recent discovery only) the ipswich skeleton (p. ) provides in its early surroundings a problem as hard to solve as those of the engis skull and the 'fossil man of denise.' but we have far more valuable evidence than lyell and huxley possessed, since the incomparable remains from mauer and trinil provide an interest as superior on the anatomical side as that claimed in archaeology by the sub-crag implements. turning once more to the subject of human remains, the evolution of educated opinion and the oscillations of the latter deserve a word of notice. for instance, in , the engis skull received its full and due share of attention. then in a period marked by the discoveries at spy and trinil, the claims of the engis fossil fell somewhat into abeyance. to-day we see them again and even more in evidence. so it has been with regard to details. at one period, the amount of brain contained within the skull of the neanderthal man was underestimated. then that opinion was exchanged for wonder at the disproportionately large amount of space provided for the brain in the man of la chapelle. the tableau is changed again, and we think less of the neanderthal type and of its lowly position (in evolutionary history). our thoughts are turned to a much more extended period to be allotted to the evolution of the higher types. adaptations to climatic influences, the possibilities of degeneracy, of varying degrees of physiological activity, of successful (though at first aberrant) mutations all demand attention in the present state of knowledge. if progress since the foundations were laid by the giant workers of half a century ago appears slow and the advance negligible, let the extension of our recognition of such influences and possibilities be taken into account. the extraordinarily fruitful results of excavations during the last ten years may challenge comparison with those of any other period of similar duration. appendix the forecast, made when the manuscript of the first impression of this little book was completed, and in reference to the rapid accumulation of evidence, has been justified. while it would be impossible to provide a review of all the additional literature of the last few months, it is thought reasonable to append notes on two subjects mentioned previously only in the preface. (a) a short account of the 'la quina' skeleton has now appeared (in 'l'anthropologie,' , no. , p. ). the skull is of the form described so often above, as distinctive of the neanderthaloid type, but the brow-ridges seem even more massive than in the other examples of that race. the cranial sutures are unclosed, so that the individual is shewn to be of mature age, or at any rate, not senile. the teeth are, however, much worn down. nearly all the teeth have been preserved in situ, and they present certain features which have been observed in the teeth found in jersey (s. brélade's cave). the skeleton lay in a horizontal position, but no evidence of an interment has been adduced. the bones were less than a metre below the present surface, and in a fine mud-like deposit, apparently ancient, and of a river-bed type. implements were also found, and are referred unhesitatingly to the same horizon as the bones. the mousterian period is thus indicated, but no absolutely distinctive implements were found. the general stratigraphical conditions are considered to assign the deposit to the base of what is termed the 'inferior mousterian' level. (b) the 'sub-boulder-clay' skeleton, discovered near ipswich in , was in an extraordinarily contracted attitude. many parts are absent or imperfect, owing to the solvent action of the surroundings, but what remains is sufficient to reveal several features of importance (cf. fig. ). save in one respect, the skeleton is not essentially different from those of the existing representatives of humanity. the exception is provided by the shin-bone. that of the right limb has been preserved, and it presents an anomaly unique in degree, if not in kind, viz.: the substitution of a rounded for a sharp or keel-like edge to the front of the bone. it can hardly be other than an individual peculiarity, though the spy tibia (no. ) suggests (by its sectional contour) the same conformation. so far as the skeleton is concerned, even having regard to the anomaly just mentioned, there is no good reason for assigning the ipswich specimen to a separate racial type. its interest depends largely upon the circumstances of its surroundings. it was placed beneath about four feet of 'boulder-clay,' embedded partly in this and, to a much smaller extent, in the underlying middle-glacial sand which the bones just entered. there is some evidence that the surface on which the bones lay was at one time exposed as an old 'land-surface.' a thin band of carbonised vegetable matter (not far beneath the bones) contains the remains of land plants. on this surface the individual whose remains have been preserved is supposed to have met with his end, and to have been overwhelmed in a sand drift. the latter it must be supposed was then removed, to be replaced by the boulder-clay. several alternatives to this rather problematical interpretation could be suggested. the most obvious of these is that we have to deal here with a neolithic interment, in a grave of which the floor just reached the middle-glacial sand of the locality. if we enquire what assumptions are requisite for the adoption of this particular alternative, we shall find, i think, that they are not very different in degree from those which are entailed by the supposition that the skeleton is really that of 'sub-boulder-clay' man. the contracted attitude of the skeleton, and our familiarity of this as a feature of neolithic interments, taken together with the fact that the skeleton does not differ essentially from such as occur in interments of that antiquity, are points in favour of the neolithic age of the specimen. on the other hand, mr moir would urge that man certainly existed in an age previous to the deposition of the boulder-clay; that the implements discovered in that stratum support this claim; that the recent discovery of the bones of a mammoth on the same horizon (though not in the immediate vicinity) provides further support; that the state of mineralisation of the bones was the same in both cases, and that it is at least significant that they should be found on strata shewn (by other evidence) to have once formed a 'land-surface.' on the whole then, the view adopted here is, that the onus of proof rests at present rather with those who, rejecting these claims to the greater antiquity of this skeleton, assign it to a far later date than that to which even the overlying boulder-clay is referred. and, so far as the literature is at present available, the rejection does not seem to have been achieved with a convincing amount of certainty. it is to be remarked, finally, that this discovery is entirely distinct from those made previously by mr moir in the deposits beneath the red crag of suffolk, with which his name has become associated. [illustration: fig. . human skeleton found beneath boulder-clay near ipswich in . (from the drawing prepared by professor keith, and published in the _east anglian daily times_. reproduced with permission.)] references to literature chapter i [ ] dubois, . pithecanthropus, ein Übergangsform, &c. [ ] blanckenhorn, . zeitschrift für ethnologie. band , s. . [ ] schwalbe, . zeitschrift für morphologie und anthropologie. from onwards. [ ] berry, . proceedings of the royal society of edinburgh, xxxi. part . . [ ] cross, . proceedings of the royal society of edinburgh, xxxi. part . . [ ] schoetensack, . der unterkiefer des homo heidelbergensis. [ ] keith, . lancet, march , , abstract of the hunterian lectures. [ ] dubois, . anatomischer anzeiger. band xii. s. . chapters ii and iii [ ] avebury (lubbock), . international congress for prehistoric archaeology. [ ] turner, (quoting busk). quarterly journal of science, oct. , p. . [ ] nehring, . zeitschrift für ethnologie, , s. . [ ] kramberger, . mittheilungen der anthropologischen gesellschaft zu wien. "der mensch von krapina." wiesbaden, . [ ] marett, archaeologia, ; also keith, . nature, may , . keith and knowles, journal of anatomy, . [ ] boule, . l'anthropologie. tome xix. p. . [ ] klaatsch and hauser, . archiv für anthropologie. band , , p. . [ ] peyrony (and capitan), - . bulletins de la société d'anthropologie de paris, jan. , . [ ] sollas, . philosophical transactions of the royal society. vol. b. [ ] sera, . atti della società romana di antropologia, xv. fasc. ii. [ ] verner, . ann. rep. hunterian museum. r.c.s. london. saturday review, sep. , , and five following numbers. [ ] verneau, . l'anthropologie. tome xvii. [ ] lehmann-nitsche, . rivista del museo de la plata, xiv. . [ ] lehmann-nitsche, . naturwissenschaftliche wochenschrift, jena, viii. . [ ] klaatsch, . prähistorische zeitschrift, i. [ ] newton, . quarterly journal of the geological society, august, . [ ] schwalbe, . "der schädel von brüx." zeitsch. für morphologie und anthropologie. [ ] hinton, . proceedings of the geologists' association. vol. xxi. part . . chapter iv [ ] gaudry, . les ancêtres de nos animaux. [ ] schmidt, . archiv für anthropologie. band , s. , . [ ] commont, . l'anthropologie. tome xix. p. . [ ] obermaier and bayer, . korrespondenzblatt der wiener anthropologischen gesellschaft, xl. / . [ ] rutot, . congrès international d'archéologie préhistorique. paris, . [ ] rutot, , ? . quoted in schwalbe . "vorgeschichte, usw." zeitschrift für morphologie und anthropologie. [ ] rutot, . revue de l'université. brussels, . [ ] penck, . zeitschrift für ethnologie. band xl. s. . [ ] laville, . bulletin de la société d'anthropologie de paris, . [ ] moir, . proceedings of the geologists' association, july , . prehistoric society of east anglia, . [ ] warren, . journal of the royal anthropological institute. vol. xxxv., , p. . [ ] boule, . l'anthropologie. tome xvi. "sur l'origine des eolithes." [ ] obermaier, . l'anthropologie. tome xix. p. (abstract), also p. (abstract). [ ] grist, . journal of the royal anthropological institute. vol. xl. , p. . [ ] sturge, . prehistoric society of east anglia, january (published in ). chapter v [ ] falconer. . collected memoirs. vol. ii. p. . [ ] geikie, a. . text-book of geology, , p. and footnote _ibidem_. [ ] skertchley, . the fenland, p. . [ ] boule, . revue d'anthropologie, "essai de stratigraphie humaine." [ ] hoernes, . urgeschichte des menschen. ( nd edn., .) [ ] obermaier, . l'anthropologie. tome xx. p. . [ ] sollas, . science progress in the xxth century, "palaeolithic man." (reprinted in book-form, .) [ ] boyd dawkins, . huxley lecture. royal anthropological institute, . chapter vi [ ] gaudry, . mammifères tertiaires. [ ] klaatsch, . prähistorische zeitschrift. band i. [ ] keith, . nature, feb. , ... also dec. , . [ ] schliz, . archiv für anthropologie. band , ss. et seq. "die vorgeschichtlichen schädeltypen der deutschen länder." [ ] giuffrida-ruggeri, . archivio per l'antropologia e per la etnologia, xl. . [ ] sera, . archivio per l'antropologia e per la etnologia, xl. fasc. / . [ ] schwalbe, . "vorgeschichte des menschen," zeitschrift für morphologie und anthropologie. _recent publications containing a summary of the latest discoveries._ birkner. beiträge zur urgeschichte bayerns. bd xvii. / . . branco. der stand unserer kenntnisse vom fossilen menschen, . buttel-reepen. aus dem werdegang der menschheit. . giuffrida-ruggeri. "applicazioni, &c." monitore zoologico italiano. no. . . rivista d'italia. agosto, . keith. hunterian lectures, . ancient types of mankind, . kohlbrugge. die morphologische abstammung des menschen, . lankester. the kingdom of man. . leche. der mensch. . mccurdy. "the antiquity of man in europe." smithsonian report ( ), p. . . read and smith, r. a. guide to the antiquities of the stone age. british museum, . rutot. revue de l'université. bruxelles, january . schwalbe. darwin and modern science (centenary volume), cambridge, . sollas. palaeolithic man. (cf. no. supra.) . spulski. zentralblatt für zoologie. band . nos. / . . wright. hunterian lectures, royal college of surgeons, . index acheulean type of implement, ; _v. also_ s. acheul acromegaly, adloff, ameghino, , andalusia, , andaman islands, aborigines of, anthony, , anthropoid ape (_v. also_ gorilla _and_ orang-utan), , , , , arctomys, , atlas vertebra, , aurignac, ; implements of the type of, , , ; skeleton from, - , ; _v. also_ _homo aurignacensis hauseri_ australian aborigines, avebury, badger, baradero, , , bayer, berry, , bison _priscus_, ; (species unknown), , , blanckenhorn (on trinil strata), bos (? species), ; _primigenius_ (_v. also_ urus), , , , boulder-clay, , boule, , , , , , , , , brain, , , , , - brain-case (as distinct from the face), , , , , - branco, breuil, brow-ridges, , , brückner, brünn, , , brüx, , ; strata, bury s. edmunds, bush race (south african aborigines), , busk, , canine fossa (of face), , , cave bear, _v._ ursus cave hyaena, cervidae (_v. also_ stag), , chelles, implements, , , classification of human fossil remains, ; also table a combe-capelle (dordogne), , , commont, , , , corrèze (_v. also_ la chapelle), cranial base, croll, cro-magnon, , cromer, forest-bed fauna, cross, , - (diagram, p. ) cyrena _fluminalis_, dawkins, boyd, de bohun, château, dénise, , , dewlish, eoliths from, dolichocephalic proportions of skull, , dordogne, , : _v. also_ _h. mousteriensis hauseri_ duan, eocene eoliths, dubois, references under _pithecanthropus erectus_ elephas _antiquus_, , , , , , - , , ; _meridionalis_, , ; _primigenius_, _v._ mammoth engis, , , , , eocene period, eoliths, - erect attitude, , , falconer, , forbes quarry (_v. also_ gibraltar), , , , - , forest-bed, _v._ cromer frizzi, galley hill, ; gravel pit, , ; skeleton, - , , , - , gaudry, geikie, sir a., geikie, j., germany, caves in, - , ghilain, gibraltar (_v. also_ forbes quarry), , - , , - giuffrida-ruggeri, gorilla (_v._ anthropoid ape), - grimaldi (_v. also_ grotte des enfants), - grotte des enfants, , - grotte du prince, günz, glacial phase of, hauser, , : _v._ homo heidelberg, _v. homo heidelbergensis_ high-level terrace gravels (of thames), hinton, , - , , hippopotamus, , , hoernes, , , homo _aurignacensis hauseri_, , , , - ; _fossilis_, , ; _heidelbergensis_, , - , , , , , , - ; _mousteriensis hauseri_, , , , - , ; _neogaeus_, , - ; _primigenius_, , horse, , , huxley, , , , ibex, implements, sequence of, , interglacial phases, , , table b ipswich skeleton, , - jalón river (aragon) implements, jawbone, - , , , - , , , - , , , , jersey, _v._ s. brélade julien, keith, , , , , , , klaatsch, , , , ; _diphyletic theory_, , , kramberger, , , , krapina, , - , , , , - ; _fauna_, , la chapelle-aux-saints, , - , , la ferrassie, , , , , , laloy, la naulette, , and fig. la quina, preface, vi, , laville, , lehmann-nitsche, , , le mas d'azil, , le moustier, , ; _cave_, - : _v. also_ mousterian leontiasis _ossea_, levallois, limb bones, , löss, , ; in lower austria, lyell, , , , macnamara, maffle, implements of, , , magdalenian period, malarnaud, mammoth, , , manouvrier, , , marett, , marmot, , mastoid process, mauer, _v. also_ _h. heidelbergensis_, - , , , mentone, _v._ grimaldi _and_ grotte des enfants mimomys, , mindel, glacial phase of, miocene period, moir, , monte hermoso, , , , morlot, mortillet, mousterian period, - ; _types of implement of_, , , , , , - , , munck, mural decorative art in caves, neanderthal, , , , , - , , , , - , , negroid characters, , nehring, neolithic implements, newton, , new world, _v._ s. america nicolle, northfleet, : _v._ galley hill obermaier, , , , , ofnet, - , oligocene period, implements in, orang-utan, - : _v. also_ anthropoid ape ostiaks, cranial form, pech de l'aze, , , penck, , , - , peyrony, , _pithecanthropus erectus_, - , , , , , - , pituitary gland and secretion, , pleistocene mammals and period, , pliocene strata, , prestwich, prince of monaco, prognathism, , pruner-bey, pygmy types of mankind, , ramsay, reindeer, , - , , , , , rhinoceros _etruscus_, , - ; _megarhinus_, - ; _merckii_, , , , , , , , , , ; _tichorhinus_, , , , riss, glacial phase of, river-drift, ronda, roth, rutot, , - , s. acheul, , , s. brélade, , , , , , table a saporta, schliz, schmidt, , schoetensack, , schwalbe, , , , , , scott, sera, , - , - sinel, sirgenstein, - , skeletons, contracted position of, , , skertchley, , sollas, , , solutré-period and implements of, south america, , - , - southern fauna, spy cave-men, , , , , , , , , stag, : _v. also_ cervidae stature, , , , , steinmann, stone implements, value in evidence, strépy, implements of, , , sturge, , suidae, _v._ swine swine, , , taubach, , , - , , , , , ; _fauna_, ; _implements_, , , teeth, , , , , , - , , , - , , , , , , tertiary mollusca, tetraprothomo, thames gravels, tilloux, implements and fauna of, tornqvist, trinil, , _v. also_ _p. erectus_ trogontherium, , turner, ursus _arctos_, ; _arvernensis_, , , ; _deningeri_, ; _spelaeus_, , , urus, _v. bos primigenius_ venezuela, verneau, , , verner, , voles, ; _v._ mimomys walkhoff, warren, weiss, wildkirchli, wolf, würm: glacial phase of, württemburg, caverns of, - , * * * * * cambridge: printed by john clay, m.a. at the university press. * * * * * the cambridge manuals of science and literature published by the cambridge university press under the general editorship of p. giles, litt.d., master of emmanuel college, and a. c. seward, f.r.s., professor of botany in the university of cambridge. a series of handy volumes dealing with a wide range of subjects and bringing the results of modern research and intellectual activity within the reach both of the student and of the ordinary reader. volumes now ready _history and archaeology_ ancient assyria. by rev. c. h. w. johns, litt.d. ancient babylonia. by rev. c. h. w. johns, litt.d. a history of civilization in palestine. by prof. r. a. s. macalister, m.a., f.s.a. the peoples of india. by j. d. anderson, m.a. china and the manchus. by prof. h. a. giles, ll.d. the evolution of modern japan. by j. h. longford. the civilization of ancient mexico. by lewis spence. the vikings. by prof. allen mawer, m.a. new zealand. by the hon. sir robert stout, k.c.m.g., ll.d., and j. logan stout, ll.b. 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[from boule.] -> (from boule.) p. : (dordogne) -> (_dordogne_) p. : implements were scattered -> scattered. p. : in the preceding chapter, -> chapter p. : from the effects of fortuitious -> fortuitous p. : as also between _n_ -> _c_ p. : band xii, s. . -> band xii. s. . p. : für ethnologie, , s. . -> s. . p. : für anthropologie. band , s. -> s. p. : für ethnologie. band xl. s. -> s. p. : nd edn -> edn. p. : sollas -> sollas, p. : die morphologische abstämmung -> abstammung p. : v. also -> _v. also_ p. : v. also -> _v. also_ p. : heidelberg, v. -> heidelberg, _v._ p. : v. also -> _v. also_ p. : v. also -> _v. also_ p. : urus, v. -> urus, _v._ p. : by a. wood, m.a -> m.a. primitive man. [illustration: a family of the stone age (frontispiece).] primitive man. by louis figuier. revised translation. illustrated with thirty scenes of primitive life, and two hundred and thirty-three figures of objects belonging to pre-historic ages. "arma antiqua manus, ungues, dentesque fuerunt. et lapides, et item silvarum fragmina rami. et flamma atque ignes, postquam sunt cognita primum. posterius ferri vis est ærisque reperta; et prior æris erat quam ferri cognitus usus." _lucretius, de rerum natura, lib. v., v. - ._ london: chapman and hall, , piccadilly. . preface to the english edition. [illustration] the editor of the english translation of 'l'homme primitif,' has not deemed it necessary to reproduce the original preface, in which m. figuier states his purpose in offering a new work on pre-historic archæology to the french public, already acquainted in translation with the works on the subject by sir charles lyell and sir john lubbock. now that the book has taken its position in france, it is only needful to point out its claims to the attention of english readers. the important art of placing scientific knowledge, and especially new discoveries and topics of present controversy, within easy reach of educated readers not versed in their strictly technical details, is one which has for years been carried to remarkable perfection in france, in no small measure through the labours and example of m. figuier himself. the present volume, one of his series, takes up the subject of pre-historic man, beginning with the remotely ancient stages of human life belonging to the drift-beds, bone-caves, and shell-heaps, passing on through the higher levels of the stone age, through the succeeding bronze age, and into those lower ranges of the iron age in which civilisation, raised to a comparatively high development, passes from the hands of the antiquary into those of the historian. the author's object has been to give within the limits of a volume, and dispensing with the fatiguing enumeration of details required in special memoirs, an outline sufficient to afford a reasonable working acquaintance with the facts and arguments of the science to such as cannot pursue it further, and to serve as a starting-ground for those who will follow it up in the more minute researches of nilsson, keller, lartet, christy, lubbock, mortillet, desor, troyon, gastaldi, and others. the value of the work to english archæologists, however, is not merely that of a clear popular manual; pre-historic archæology, worked as it has been in several countries, takes in each its proper local colour, and brings forward its proper local evidence. it is true that much of its material is used as common property by scientific men at large. but, for instance, where an english writer in describing the ancient cave-men would dwell especially on the relics from the caves of devon and somerset as worked by falconer and pengelly, a french writer would take his data more amply from the explorations of caves of the south of france by de vibraye, garrigou, and filhol--where the english teacher would select his specimens from the christy or the blackmore museum, the french teacher would have recourse to the musée de saint-germain. thus far, the english student has in figuier's 'primitive man' not a work simply incorporated from familiar materials, but to a great extent bringing forward evidence not readily accessible, or quite new to him. some corrections and alterations have been made in the english edition. the illustrations are those of the original work; the facsimiles of pre-historic objects have been in great part drawn expressly for it, and contribute to its strictly scientific value; the page illustrations representing scenes of primitive life, which are by another hand, may seem somewhat fanciful, yet, setting aside the raffaelesque idealism of their style, it will be found on examination that they are in the main justified by that soundest evidence, the actual discovery of the objects of which they represent the use. the solid distinctness of this evidence from actual relics of pre-historic life is one of the reasons which have contributed to the extraordinary interest which pre-historic archæology has excited in an age averse to vague speculation, but singularly appreciative of arguments conducted by strict reasoning on facts. the study of this modern science has supplied a fundamental element to the general theory of civilisation, while, as has been the case with geology, its bearing on various points of theological criticism has at once conduced to its active investigation, and drawn to it the most eager popular attention. thus, in bringing forward a new work on 'primitive man,' there is happily no need of insisting on the importance of its subject-matter, or of attempting to force unappreciated knowledge on an unwilling public. it is only necessary to attest its filling an open place in the literature of pre-historic archæology. e. b. t. contents. page introduction the stone age. i. the epoch of extinct species of animals; or, of the great bear and mammoth. chapter i. the earliest men--the type of man in the epoch of animals of extinct species--origin of man--refutation of the theory which derives the human species from the ape chapter ii. man in the condition of savage life during the quaternary epoch--the glacial period, and its ravages on the primitive inhabitants of the globe--man in conflict with the animals of the quaternary epoch--the discovery of fire--the weapons of primitive man--varieties of flint hatchets--manufacture of the earliest pottery--ornamental objects at the epoch of the great bear and the mammoth chapter iii. the man of the great bear and mammoth epoch lived in caverns-- bone caverns in the quaternary rock during the great bear and mammoth epoch--mode of formation of these caverns--their division into several classes--implements of flint, bone, and reindeer-horn, found in these caverns--the burial place at aurignac--its probable age--customs which it reveals--funeral banquets during the great bear and mammoth epoch chapter iv. other caves of the epoch of the great bear and mammoth--type of the human race during the epochs of the great bear and the reindeer--the skulls from the caves of engis and neanderthal ii. epoch of the reindeer; or, of migrated animals. chapter i. mankind during the epoch of the reindeer--their manners and customs--food--garments--weapons, utensils, and implements-- pottery--ornaments--primitive arts--the principal caverns-- type of the human race during the epoch of the reindeer iii. the polished-stone epoch; or, the epoch of tamed animals. chapter i. the european deluge--the dwelling-place of man during the polished-stone epoch--the caves and rock-shelters still used as dwelling-places--principal caves belonging to the polished-stone epoch which have been explored up to the present time--the food of man during this period chapter ii. the _kjoekken-moeddings_ or "_kitchen-middens_" of denmark--mode of life of the men living in denmark during the polished-stone epoch--the domestication of the dog--the art of fishing during the polished-stone epoch--fishing nets--weapons and instruments of war--type of the human race; the borreby skull chapter iii. tombs and mode of interment during the polished-stone epoch-- _tumuli_ and other sepulchral monuments formerly called _celtic_--labours of mm. alexander bertrand and bonstetten-- funeral customs the age of metals. i. the bronze epoch. chapter i. the discovery of metals--various reasons suggested for explaining the origin of bronze in the west--the invention of bronze--a foundry during the bronze epoch--permanent and itinerant foundries existing during the bronze epoch--did the knowledge of metals take its rise in europe owing to the progress of civilisation, or was it a foreign importation? chapter ii. the sources of information at our disposal for reconstructing the history of the bronze epoch--the lacustrine settlements of switzerland--enumeration and classification of them--their mode of construction--workmanship and position of the piles--shape and size of the huts--population--instruments of stone, bone, and stag's horn--pottery--clothing--food--_fauna_--domestic animals chapter iii. lacustrine habitations of upper italy, bavaria, carinthia and carniola, pomerania, france, and england--the _crannoges_ of ireland chapter iv. palustrine habitations or marsh-villages--surveys made by mm. strobel and pigorini of the _terramares_ of tuscany--the _terramares_ of brazil chapter v. weapons, instruments, and utensils contained in the various lacustrine settlements in europe, enabling us to become acquainted with the manners and customs of man during the bronze epoch chapter vi. industrial skill and agriculture during the bronze epoch--the invention of glass--invention of weaving chapter vii. the art of war during the bronze epoch--swords, spears and daggers--the bronze epoch in scandinavia, in the british isles, france, switzerland and italy--did the man of the bronze epoch entertain any religious or superstitious belief? chapter viii. mode of interment and burial-places of the bronze epoch-- characteristics of the human race during the same period ii. the iron epoch. chapter i. essential characteristics of the iron epoch--preparation of iron in pre-historic times--discovery of silver and lead--earthenware made on the potter's wheel--invention of coined money chapter ii. weapons--tools, instruments, utensils, and pottery--the tombs of hallstadt and the plateau of la somma--the lake-settlements of switzerland--human sacrifices--type of man during the iron epoch--commencement of the historic era primitive man in america conclusion list of plates. fig. page a family of the stone age (frontispiece). . human jaw-bone found at moulin-quignon, near abbeville, in . skull of a man belonging to the stone age (the _borreby skull_) . skull of the gorilla . skull of the orang-outang _ib._ . skull of the cynocephalus ape . skull of the _macacus_ baboon _ib._ . the production of fire (whole page engraving). . _dendrites_ or crystallisations found on the surface of wrought flints . section of a gravel quarry at saint-acheul, which contained the wrought flints found by boucher de perthes . hatchet of the _almond-shaped_ type from the valley of the somme . flint hatchet from saint-acheul of the so-called _almond-shaped_ type . wrought flint (_moustier_ type) _ib._ . flint scraper . flint knife, found at menchecourt, near abbeville _ib._ . flint core or nucleus . man in the great bear and mammoth epoch (whole page engraving). . the first potter (whole page engraving). . fossil shells used as ornaments, and found in the gravel at amiens . theoretical section of a vein of clay in the carboniferous limestone, _before_ the hollowing out of valleys by diluvial waters . theoretical section of the same vein of clay converted into a cavern, _after_ the hollowing out of valleys by diluvial waters . the cave of galeinreuth, in bavaria . section of the sepulchral cave at aurignac . flint knife, found in the sepulchral cave at aurignac . implement made of reindeer's or stag's horn, found in the sepulchral cave at aurignac _ib._ . series of perforated discs of the _cardium_ shell, found in the sepulchral cave at aurignac . fragment of the lower jaw of a cave-bear found in the sepulchral cave at aurignac _ib._ . upper molar of a bison found in the ashes of the fire-hearth of the sepulchral cave at aurignac . arrow-head made of reindeer's horn, found in the sepulchral cave of aurignac . bodkin made of roebuck's horn, found in the sepulchral cave of aurignac _ib._ . truncated blade in reindeer's horn bearing two series of transversal lines and notches, probably used for numeration . funeral feast during the great bear and mammoth epoch (whole page engraving). . carved and perforated canine tooth of a young cave-bear . head of a cave-bear found in the cave of aurignac . head of the _rhinoceros tichorhinus_, found in the cave of aurignac _ib._ . head of a great stag (_megaceros hibernicus_), found in the cave of aurignac . sketch of the great bear on a stone, found in the cave of massat . portion of the skull of an individual belonging to the epoch of the great bear and the mammoth, found in the cave of engis . portion of the so-called neanderthal skull _ib._ . man of the reindeer epoch (whole page engraving). . rock-shelter at bruniquel, a supposed habitation of man during the reindeer epoch (whole page engraving). . a feast during the reindeer epoch (whole page engraving). . flint bodkin or stiletto for sewing reindeer skins, found in the cave of les eyzies (périgord) . bone needle for sewing _ib._ . the canine tooth of a wolf, bored so as to be used as an ornament . ornament made of the bony part of a horse's ear _ib._ . spear-head, found in the cave of laugerie-basse (périgord) . worked flint from périgord (knife) . worked flint from périgord (hatchet) _ib._ . chipped flint from périgord (knife) . chipped flint from périgord (scraper) _ib._ . small flint saw, found in the rock-shelter at bruniquel . the chase during the reindeer epoch (whole page engraving). . barbed arrow of reindeer horn . arrow of reindeer horn with double barbs _ib._ . animal bone, pierced by an arrow of reindeer horn . tool made of reindeer horn, found in the cave of laugerie-basse (stiletto?) _ib._ . tool made of reindeer horn, found in the cave of laugerie-basse (needle?) _ib._ . spoon of reindeer horn . knuckle-bone of a reindeer's foot, bored with a hole and used as a whistle . staff of authority, in reindeer's horn, found in the cave of périgord _ib._ . another staff of authority in reindeer's horn _ib._ . a geode, used as a cooking vessel(?), found in the cave of la madelaine (périgord) . earthen vase, found in the cave of furfooz (belgium) . sketch of a mammoth graven on a slab of ivory . hilt of a dagger carved in the shape of a reindeer . representation of a stag drawn on a stag's horn . representation of some large herbivorous animal on a fragment of reindeer's horn _ib._ . arts of drawing and sculpture during the reindeer epoch (whole page engraving). . representation of an animal sketched on a fragment of reindeer's horn . fragment of a slab of schist bearing the representation of some animal, and found in the cave of les eyzies _ib._ . a kind of harpoon of reindeer's horn carved in the shape of an animal's head . staff of authority, on which are graven representations of a man, two horses, and a fish . skull, found at furfooz by m. Édouard dupont . skull of an old man, found in a _rock-shelter_ at bruniquel . a funeral ceremony during the reindeer epoch (whole page engraving). . man of the polished-stone epoch (whole page engraving). . bone skewers used as fish-hooks . fishing-net with wide meshes . stone weight used for sinking the fishing-nets _ib._ . fishing during the polished-stone epoch (whole page engraving). . flint knife from one of the danish beds . nucleus off which knives are flaked _ib._ . flint hatchet from one of the danish beds _ib._ . flint scraper from one of the danish beds _ib._ . refuse from the manufacture of wrought flints . weight to sink fishing-nets _ib._ . danish axe of the polished-stone epoch . double-edged axe _ib._ . danish axe-hammer drilled for handle . ditto _ib._ . spear-head from denmark . ditto _ib._ . toothed spear-head of flint . flint poniard from denmark _ib._ . type of the danish arrow-head _ib._ . another type of arrow-head _ib._ . arrow-head . arrow-head from denmark _ib._ . flint chisel from denmark _ib._ . small stone saw from the danish deposits . another stone saw from denmark _ib._ . bone harpoon of the stone age, from denmark _ib._ . bone comb from denmark . necklace and various ornaments of amber _ib._ . nucleus in the museum of saint-germain, from the workshop of grand-pressigny . polisher from grand-pressigny, both faces being shown . the earliest manufacture and polishing of flints (whole page engraving). . polisher found by m. leguay . spear-head from spiennes . polished jade hatchet in the museum of saint-germain . polished flint hatchet with a sheath of stag's horn fitted for a handle . flint hatchet fitted into a stag's-horn sheath having an oak handle, from boucher de perthes' illustration . hatchet handle made of oak . stag's-horn sheath open at each end, so as to receive two hatchets _ib._ . polished flint hatchet, from belgium, fitted into a stag's-horn sheath _ib._ . gardening tool made of stag's horn (after boucher de perthes) . ditto _ib._ . ditto . flint tool in a bone handle . flint tool with bone handle _ib._ . ornamented bone handle _ib._ . necklace made of boars' tusks longitudinally divided . flint knife from the peat bogs near antwerp . primitive corn-mill . the art of bread making in the stone age (whole page engraving). . the earliest navigators (whole page engraving). . the earliest regular conflicts between men of the stone age; or, the entrenched camp of furfooz (whole page engraving). . flint arrow-head from civita-nova (italy) . the borreby skull . danish _dolmen_ . _dolmen_ at assies (department of lot) _ib._ . _dolmen_ at connéré (marne) . vertical section of the _dolmen_ of lockmariaker, in brittany. in the museum of saint-germain _ib._ . _tumulus-dolmen_ at gavr'inis (morbihan) . a portion of the _dolmen_ of gavr'inis _ib._ . general form of a covered passage-tomb . passage-tomb at bagneux, near saumur _ib._ . passage-tomb at plauharmel (morbihan) . passage-tomb, the so-called _table de césar_, at lockmariaker (morbihan) _ib._ . a danish _tumulus_ or chambered sepulchre . usual shape of a _menhir_ . the rows of _menhirs_ at carnac _ib._ . _dolmen_ with a circuit of stones (_cromlech_), in the province of constantine . group of danish _cromlechs_ _ib._ . position of skeletons in a swedish tomb of the stone age . a _tumulus_ of the polished stone epoch (whole page engraving). . a founder's workshop during the bronze epoch (whole page engraving). . section of the _ténevière_ of hauterive . a swiss lake village of the bronze epoch (whole page engraving). . vertical section of a _crannoge_ in the ardakillin lake . vertical section of the _marniera_ of castione . floor of the _marniera_ of castione . plan of the piles and cross-beams in the _marniera_ of castione _ib._ . the chase during the bronze epoch (whole page engraving). . stone hatchet from the lacustrine habitations of switzerland . stone chisel with stag's-horn handle, from the lacustrine habitations of switzerland . flint hammer fitted with a stag's-horn handle . stone hatchet with double handle of wood and stag's horn _ib._ , . serpentine hatchet-hammers from the lacustrine habitations of switzerland . another hatchet-hammer from the lacustrine habitations of switzerland _ib._ . flint saw fitted into a piece of stag's horn . flint spear-head from the lacustrine settlements of switzerland _ib._ . various shapes of flint arrow-heads from the lacustrine settlements of switzerland _ib._ . arrow-head of bone fixed on the shaft by means of bitumen . stone arrow-head fixed on the shaft by means of bitumen _ib._ . arrow-head fixed on the shaft by a ligature of string _ib._ . bone bodkin, from the lacustrine habitations of switzerland . ditto _ib._ . carpenter's chisel, from the lacustrine habitations of switzerland _ib._ . bone needle _ib._ . pick-axe of stag's horn . harpoon made of stag's horn, from the lacustrine habitations of switzerland _ib._ . ditto _ib._ . vessel made of stag's horn _ib._ . bronze winged hatchet, from the lacustrine habitations of switzerland . winged hatchet (front and side view), from the lacustrine habitations of switzerland _ib._ . socketed hatchet, from the lacustrine habitations _ib._ . knife hatchet (front and side view) from the lacustrine habitations _ib._ . carpenter's chisel, in bronze . hexagonal hammer _ib._ . knife with a tang to fit into a handle, from the lacustrine settlements of switzerland _ib._ . socketed knife, from the lacustrine settlements of switzerland . bronze sickle, found by m. desor at chevroux _ib._ . bronze fish-hook, from the lacustrine settlements of switzerland . double fish-hook, from the lacustrine settlements of switzerland _ib._ . hair-pin, found by m. desor in one of the swiss lakes . ditto _ib._ . hair-pin with cylindrical head _ib._ . hair-pin with curled head _ib._ . bronze bracelet, found in one of the swiss lakes . another bronze bracelet . bronze ring _ib._ . bronze pendant, from the lacustrine habitations of switzerland . another bronze pendant, from the lacustrine habitations of switzerland _ib._ . bronze ring, from the lacustrine habitations of switzerland _ib._ . another ornamental ring _ib._ . earthenware vessel with conical bottom, from the lacustrine habitations of switzerland . earthen vessel placed on its support _ib._ . fragment of an earthen vessel with a handle . vessel of baked clay, from the lacustrine settlements of switzerland . ditto _ib._ . cloth of the bronze age, found in the lacustrine settlements of switzerland . the first weaver (whole page engraving). . spindle-whorls, made of baked clay, found in the lacustrine settlements of switzerland . principal designs for the ornamentation of pottery during the bronze epoch . the cultivation of gardens during the bronze epoch (whole page engraving). . a feast during the bronze epoch (whole page engraving). . bronze sword in the museum of neuchâtel . bronze dagger, found in one of the swiss lakes _ib._ . bronze spear-head, found in one of the swiss lakes . bronze arrow-head, found in a lacustrine settlement of switzerland _ib._ . scandinavian sword . hilt of a scandinavian sword _ib._ . mode of fixing the handle to a scandinavian hatchet _ib._ . another mode of fixing the handle to a scandinavian hatchet _ib._ . danish bronze knife of the bronze epoch . ditto _ib._ . blade of a danish razor of the bronze epoch . woollen cloak of the bronze epoch, found in , in a tomb in denmark . woollen shawl, found in the same tomb _ib._ . woollen shirt, taken from the same tomb . first woollen cap, found in the same tomb _ib._ . second woollen cap, found in the same tomb _ib._ . bronze comb, found in the same tomb _ib._ . warriors during the bronze epoch (whole page engraving). . bronze hatchet mould, found in ireland . stone crescent, found in one of the swiss lakes . skull found at meilen, front view . skull found at meilen, profile view _ib._ . primitive furnace for smelting iron (whole page engraving). . bronze coin, from the lake of neuchâtel . sword, from the tombs of hallstadt (with a bronze hilt and iron blade) . ditto _ib._ . dagger, from the tombs of hallstadt (bronze handle and iron blade) . ditto _ib._ . funeral ceremonies during the iron epoch (whole page engraving). . a skeleton, portions of which have been burnt, from the tombs of hallstadt . a necklace with pendants, from the tombs of hallstadt . bracelet, from the tombs of hallstadt . ditto _ib._ . bronze vase, from the tombs of hallstadt _ib._ . bronze vase, from the tombs of hallstadt . warriors of the iron epoch (whole page engraving). , . fore-arm encircled with bracelets, found in the tombs of belleville (savoy) . iron sword, found in one of the swiss lakes . sword with damascened blade, found in one of the swiss lakes _ib._ . sheath of a sword, found in one of the swiss lakes . lance-head, found in one of the swiss lakes . head of a javelin, found in the lacustrine settlement of la tène (neuchâtel) . the chase during the iron epoch (whole page engraving). . square-socketed iron hatchet, found in one of the lakes of switzerland . sickle _ib._ . scythe, from the lacustrine settlements of switzerland . iron point of boat-hook, used by the swiss boatmen during the iron epoch _ib._ . horse's bit, found in the lake of neuchâtel _ib._ . _fibula_, or iron brooch, found in the lake of neuchâtel . iron buckle for a sword-belt, found in the lake of neuchâtel . iron pincers, found in the lake of neuchâtel _ib._ . iron spring-scissors, found in the lake of neuchâtel _ib._ . razor . agriculture during the iron epoch (whole page engraving). primitive man. introduction. forty years have scarcely elapsed since scientific men first began to attribute to the human race an antiquity more remote than that which is assigned to them by history and tradition. down to a comparatively recent time, the appearance of primitive man was not dated back beyond a period of to years. this historical chronology was a little unsettled by the researches made among various eastern nations--the chinese, the egyptians, and the indians. the _savants_ who studied these ancient systems of civilisation found themselves unable to limit them to the years of the standard chronology, and extended back for some thousands of years the antiquity of the eastern races. this idea, however, never made its way beyond the narrow circle of oriental scholars, and did nothing towards any alteration in the general opinion, which allowed only years since the creation of the human species. this opinion was confirmed, and, to some extent, rendered sacred by an erroneous interpretation of holy writ. it was thought that the old testament stated that man was created years ago. now, the fact is, nothing of the kind can be found in the book of genesis. it is only the commentators and the compilers of chronological systems who have put forward this date as that of the first appearance of the human race. m. Édouard lartet, who was called, in , to the chair of palæontology in the museum of natural history of paris, reminds us, in the following passage taken from one of his elegant dissertations, that it is the chronologists alone who have propounded this idea, and that they have, in this respect, very wrongly interpreted the statements of the bible: "in _genesis_," says m. lartet, "no date can be found which sets a limit to the time at which primitive mankind may have made its first appearance. chronologists, however, for fifteen centuries have been endeavouring to make biblical facts fall in with the preconcerted arrangements of their systems. thus, we find that more than opinions have been brought forward as to the date of the creation alone, and that, between the varying extremes, there is a difference of years--a difference which only applies to the period between the commencement of the world and the birth of jesus christ. this disagreement turns chiefly on those portions of the interval which are in closest proximity to the creation. "from the moment when it becomes a recognised fact that the origin of mankind is a question independent of all subordination to dogma, this question will assume its proper position as a scientific thesis, and will be accessible to any kind of discussion, and capable, in every point of view, of receiving the solution which best harmonises with the known facts and experimental demonstrations."[ ] thus, we must not assume that the authority of holy writ is in any way questioned by those labours which aim at seeking the real epoch of man's first appearance on the earth. in corroboration of m. lartet's statement, we must call to mind that the catholic church, which has raised to the rank of dogma so many unimportant facts, has never desired to treat in this way the idea that man was created only years ago. there is, therefore, no need for surprise when we learn that certain members of the catholic clergy have devoted themselves with energy to the study of pre-historic man. mgr. meignan, bishop of châlons-sur-marne, is one of the best-informed men in france as respects this new science; he cultivates it with the utmost zeal, and his personal researches have added much to the sum of our knowledge of this question. under the title of 'le monde et l'homme primitif selon la bible,'[ ] the learned bishop of châlons-sur-marne published, in , a voluminous work, in which, taking up the subjects discussed by marcel de serres in his "cosmogonie de moïse, comparée aux faits géologiques,"[ ] and enlarging upon the facts which science has recently acquired as to the subject of primitive man, he seeks to establish the coincidence of all these data with the records of revelation. m. l'abbé lambert has recently published a work on 'l'homme primitif et la bible,'[ ] in which he proves that the discoveries of modern science concerning the antiquity of man are in no way opposed to the records of revelation in the book of moses. lastly, it is a member of the clerical body, m. l'abbé bourgeois, who, more a royalist than the king--that is, more advanced in his views than most contemporary geologists--is in favour of tracing back to the tertiary epoch the earliest date of the existence of man. we shall have to impugn this somewhat exaggerated opinion, which, indeed, we only quote here for the sake of proving that the theological scruples which so long arrested the progress of inquiry with regard to primitive man, have now disappeared, in consequence of the perfect independence of this question in relation to catholic dogma being evidently shown. thanks to the mutual support which has been afforded by the three sister-sciences--geology, palæontology, and archæology,--thanks to the happy combinations which these sciences have presented to the efforts of men animated with an ardent zeal for the investigation of the truth;--and thanks, lastly, to the unbounded interest which attaches to this subject, the result has been that the limits which had been so long attributed to the existence of the human species have been extraordinarily extended, and the date of the first appearance of man has been carried back to the night of the darkest ages. the mind, it may well be said, recoils dismayed when it undertakes the computation of the thousands of years which have elapsed since the creation of man. but, it will naturally be asked, on what grounds do you base this assertion? what evidence do you bring forward, and what are the elements of your proof? in the following paragraphs we give some of the principal means of examination and study which have directed the efforts of _savants_ in this class of investigation, and have enabled them to create a science of the antiquity of the human species. if man existed at any very remote epoch, he must have left traces of his presence in the spots which he inhabited and on the soil which he trod under his feet. however savage his state may be assumed to have been, primitive man must have possessed some implements of fishing and hunting--some weapons wherewith to strike down any prey which was stronger or more agile than himself. all human beings have been in possession of some scrap of clothing; and they have had at their command certain implements more or less rough in their character, be they only a shell in which to draw water or a tool for cleaving wood and constructing some place of shelter, a knife to cut their food, and a lump of stone to break the bones of the animals which served for their nutriment. never has man existed who was not in possession of some kind of defensive weapon. these implements and these weapons have been patiently sought for, and they have also been found. they have been found in certain strata of the earth, the age of which is known by geologists; some of these strata precede and others are subsequent to the cataclysm of the european deluge of the quaternary epoch. the fact has thus been proved that a race of men lived upon the earth at the epoch settled by the geological age of these strata--that is, during the quaternary epoch. when this class of evidence of man's presence--that is, the vestiges of his primitive industry--fails us, a state of things, however, which comparatively seldom occurs, his existence is sometimes revealed by the presence of human bones buried in the earth and preserved through long ages by means of the deposits of calcareous salts which have petrified or rather _fossilised_ them. sometimes, in fact, the remains of human bones have been found in quaternary rocks, which are, consequently, considerably anterior to those of the present geological epoch. this means of proof is, however, more difficult to bring forward than the preceding class of evidence; because human bones are very liable to decay when they are buried at shallow depths, and require for any length of preservation a concurrence of circumstances which is but rarely met with; because also the tribes of primitive man often burnt their dead bodies; and, lastly, because the human race then formed but a very scanty population. another excellent proof, which demonstrates the existence of man at a geological epoch anterior to the present era, is to be deduced from the intermixture of human bones with those of antediluvian animals. it is evident that if we meet with the bones of the mammoth, the cave-bear, the cave-tiger, &c.,--animals which lived only in the quaternary epoch and are now extinct--in conjunction with the bones of man or the relics of his industry, such as weapons, implements, utensils, &c., we can assert with some degree of certainty that our species was contemporaneous with the above-named animals. now this intermixture has often been met with under the ground in caves, or deeply buried in the earth. these form the various kinds of proof which have been made use of to establish the fact of man's presence upon the earth during the quaternary epoch. we will now give a brief recital of the principal investigations which have contributed to the knowledge on which is based the newly-formed science which treats of the practical starting-point of mankind. palæontology, as a science, does not count more than half a century of existence. we scarcely seem, indeed, to have raised more than one corner of the veil which covers the relics of an extinct world; as yet, for instance, we know absolutely nothing of all that sleeps buried in the depths of the earth lying under the basin of the sea. it need not, therefore, afford any great ground for surprise that so long a time elapsed before human bones or the vestiges of the primitive industry of man were discovered in the quaternary rocks. this negative result, however, always constituted the chief objection against the very early origin of our species. the errors and deceptions which were at first encountered tended perhaps to cool down the zeal of the earlier naturalists, and thus retarded the solution of the problem. it is a well-known story about the fossil salamander of the oeningen quarries, which, on the testimony of scheuchzer, was styled in , the "human witness of the deluge" (_homo diluvii testis_). in , peter camper recognised the fact that this pretended _pre-adamite_ was nothing but a reptile; this discomfiture, which was a source of amusement to the whole of scientific europe, was a real injury to the cause of antediluvian man. by the sovereign ascendancy of ridicule, his existence was henceforth relegated to the domain of fable. the first step in advance was, however, taken in . some human bones, mingled with remains of the great bear and other species then unknown, were discovered by j. f. esper, in the celebrated cavern of gailenreuth, in bavaria. even before this date, in the early part of the eighteenth century, kemp, an englishman, had found in london, by the side of elephants' teeth, a stone hatchet, similar to those which have been subsequently found in great numbers in various parts of the world. this hatchet was roughly sketched, and the design published in . the original still exists in the collection at the british museum. in , john frere, an english archæologist, discovered at hoxne, in suffolk, under strata of quaternary rocks, some flint weapons, intermingled with bones of animals belonging to extinct species. esper concluded that these weapons and the men who made them were anterior to the formation of the beds in which they were found. according to m. lartet, the honour of having been the first to proclaim the high antiquity of the human species must be attributed to aimé boué, a french geologist residing in germany. in , he found in the quaternary loam (loess) of the valley of the rhine some human bones which he presented to cuvier and brongniart as those of men who lived in the quaternary epoch. in , dr. buckland, the english geologist, published his 'reliquiæ diluvianæ,' a work which was principally devoted to a description of the kirkdale cave, in which the author combined all the facts then known which tended in favour of the co-existence of man and the antediluvian animals. cuvier, too, was not so indisposed as he is generally said to have been, to admit the existence of man in the quaternary epoch. in his work on 'ossements fossiles,' and his 'discours sur les révolutions du globe,' the immortal naturalist discusses the pros and cons with regard to this question, and, notwithstanding the insufficiency of the data which were then forthcoming, he felt warranted in saying:-- "i am not inclined to conclude that man had no existence at all before the epoch of the great revolutions of the earth.... he might have inhabited certain districts of no great extent, whence, after these terrible events, he repeopled the world; perhaps, also, the spots where he abode were swallowed up, and his bones lie buried under the beds of the present seas." the confident appeals which have been made to cuvier's authority against the high antiquity of man are, therefore, not justified by the facts. a second and more decisive step in advance was taken by the discovery of shaped flints and other implements belonging to primitive man, existing in diluvial beds. in , m. tournal, of narbonne, a french archæologist and geologist, published an account of the discoveries which he had made in a cave in the department of aude, in which he found bones of the bison and reindeer fashioned by the hand of man, accompanied by the remains of edible shell-fish, which must have been brought there by men who had made their residence in this cave. three years afterwards, m. de christol, of montpellier, subsequently professor in the university of science of grenoble, found human bones intimately mixed up with remains of the great bear, hyæna, rhinoceros, &c., in the caverns of pondres and souvignargues (hérault). in the last of these caverns fragments of pottery formed a part of the relics. all these striking facts were put together and discussed by marcel de serres, professor in the university of science at montpellier, in his 'essai sur les cavernes.' the two bone-caverns of engis and enghihoul (belgium) have furnished proofs of the same kind. in , schmerling, a learned belgian geologist, discovered in these caverns two human skulls, mixed with the teeth of the rhinoceros, elephant, bear, hyæna, &c. the human bones were rubbed and worn away like those of the animals. the bones of the latter presented, besides, traces of human workmanship. lastly, as if no evidence should be wanting, flints chipped to form knives and arrow-heads were found in the same spot. in connection with his laborious investigations, schmerling published a work which is now much esteemed, and proves that the belgian geologist well merited the title of being the founder of the science of the antiquity of man. in this work schmerling describes and represents a vast quantity of objects which had been discovered in the caverns of belgium, and introduced to notice the human skull which has since become so famous under the name of the _engis skull_. but at that time scientific men of all countries were opposed to this class of ideas, and thus the discoveries of the belgian geologist attracted no more attention than those of his french brethren who had brought forward facts of a similar nature. in , m. joly, at that time professor at the lyceum of montpellier--where i (the author) attended on his course of natural history--now professor in the faculty of sciences at toulouse, found in the cave of nabrigas (lozère) the skull of a cave-bear, on which an arrow had left its evident traces. close by was a fragment of pottery bearing the imprints of the fingers of the man who moulded it. we may well be surprised that, in the face of all these previous discoveries, boucher de perthes, the ardent apostle in proclaiming the high antiquity of our species, should have met with so much opposition and incredulity; or that he should have had to strive against so much indifference, when, beginning with the year , he began to maintain this idea in a series of communications addressed to the société d'emulation of abbeville. the horizontal strata of the quarternary beds, known under the name of _diluvial_, form banks of different shades and material, which place before our eyes in indelible characters the ancient history of our globe. the organic remains which are found in them are those of beings who were witnesses to the diluvial cataclysm, and perhaps preceded it by many ages. "therefore," says the prophet of abbeville, "it is in these ruins of the old world, and in the deposits which have become his sole archives, that we must seek out the traditions of primitive man; and in default of coins and inscriptions we must rely on the rough stones which, in all their imperfection, prove the existence of man no less surely than all the glory of a louvre." strong in this conviction, m. boucher de perthes devoted himself ardently to the search in the diluvial beds, either for the bony relics of man, or, at all events, for the material indications of his primitive industry. in the year he had the honour of submitting to the société d'emulation, at abbeville, his first specimens of the antediluvian hatchet. in the course of the year , boucher de perthes took these hatchets to paris and showed them to several members of the institute. mm. alexandre brongniart, flourens, elie de beaumont, cordier, and jomard, gave at first some encouragement to researches which promised to be so fruitful in results; but this favourable feeling was not destined to last long. these rough specimens of wrought flint, in which boucher de perthes already recognised a kind of hatchet, presented very indistinct traces of chipping, and the angles were blunted; their flattened shape, too, differed from that of the polished hatchets, the only kind that were then known. it was certainly necessary to see with the eyes of faith in order to discern the traces of man's work. "i," says the abbeville archæologist, "had these 'eyes of faith,' but no one shared them with me." he then made up his mind to seek for help in his labour, and trained workmen to dig in the diluvial beds. before long he was able to collect, in the quarternary beds at abbeville, twenty specimens of flint evidently wrought by the hand of man. in , the geological society of london received a communication from mr. godwin austen, who had found in kent's hole various wrought objects, accompanied by animal remains, which must have remained there since the deluge. in , appeared lund's observations on the caverns of brazil. lund explored as many as caves. in one of them, situated not far from the lake of semidouro, he found the bones of no less than thirty individuals of the human species, showing a similar state of decomposition to that of the bones of animals which were along with them. among these animals were an ape, various carnivora, rodents, pachyderms, sloths, &c. from these facts, lund inferred that man must have been contemporaneous with the megatherium, the mylodon, &c., animals which characterised the quarternary epoch. nevertheless, m. desnoyers, librarian of the museum of natural history at paris, in a very learned article on 'grottos and caverns,' published in in the 'dictionnaire universel d'histoire naturelle,' still energetically expressed himself in opposition to the hypothesis of the high antiquity of man. but the discoveries continued to go on; and, at the present time, m. desnoyers himself figures among the partisans of the antediluvian man. he has even gone beyond their opinions, as he forms one among those who would carry back to the tertiary epoch the earliest date of the appearance of our species. in , m'enery found in kent's hole, a cavern in england, under a layer of stalagmite, the remains of men and antediluvian animals mingled together. the year was also marked by the appearance of the first volume of the 'antiquités celtiques et antédiluviennes,' by boucher de perthes; this contained about plates of the objects which had been discovered in the excavations which the author had caused to be made since the year . the strata at abbeville, where boucher de perthes carried out his researches, belong to the quaternary epoch. dr. rigollot, who had been for ten years one of the most decided opponents of the opinions of boucher de perthes, actually himself discovered in some wrought flints in the quaternary deposits at saint acheul, near amiens, and it was not long before he took his stand under the banner of the abbeville archæologist. the _fauna_ of the amiens deposits is similar to that of the abbeville beds. the lower deposits of gravel, in which the wrought flints are met with, have been formed by fresh water, and have not undergone either alteration or disturbance. the flints wrought by the hand of man which have been found in them, have in all probability lain there since the epoch of the formation of these deposits--an epoch a little later than the diluvial period. the number of wrought flints which have been taken out of the abbeville beds is really immense. at menchecourt, in twenty years, about well-characterised hatchets have been collected; at saint gilles twenty very rough, and as many well-made ones; at moulin-quignon to well-formed hatchets. similar relics of primitive industry have been found also in other localities. in , m. noulet discovered some in the infernat valley (haute-garonne); in , the english geologists, messrs. prestwich, falconer, pengelly, &c., also found some in the lower strata of the baumann cavern in the hartz. to the english geologists whose names we have just mentioned must be attributed the merit of having been the first to bring before the scientific world the due value of the labours of boucher de perthes, who had as yet been unsuccessful in obtaining any acceptation of his ideas in france. dr. falconer, vice-president of the geological society in london, visited the department of the somme, in order to study the beds and the objects found in them. after him, messrs. prestwich and evans came three times to abbeville in the year . they all brought back to england a full conviction of the antiquity and intact state of the beds explored, and also of the existence of man before the deluge of the quaternary epoch. in another journey, made in company with messrs. flower, mylne, and godwin austen, messrs. prestwich, falconer, and evans were present at the digging out of human bones and flint hatchets from the quarries of st. acheul. lastly, sir c. lyell visited the spot, and the english geologist, who, up to that time, had opposed the idea of the existence of antediluvian man, was able to say, _veni, vidi, victus fui!_ at the meeting of the british association, at aberdeen, september the th, , sir c. lyell declared himself to be in favour of the existence of quaternary man; and this declaration, made by the president of the geological society of london, added considerable weight to the new ideas. m. hébert, professor of geology at the sorbonne, next took his stand under the same banner. m. albert gaudry, another french geologist, made a statement to the academy of sciences, that he, too, had found flint hatchets, together with the teeth of horses and fossil oxen, in the beds of the parisian _diluvium_. during the same year, m. gosse, the younger, explored the sand-pits of grenelle and the avenue of la mothe-piquet in paris, and obtained from them various flint implements, mingled with the bones of the mammoth, fossil ox, &c. facts of a similar character were established at précy-sur-oise, and in the diluvial deposits at givry. the marquis de vibraye, also, found in the cave of arcy, various human bones, especially a piece of a jaw-bone, mixed with the bones of animals of extinct species. in , m. a. fontan found in the cave of massat (department of ariége), not only utensils testifying to the former presence of man, but also human teeth mixed up with the remains of the great bear (_ursus spelæus_), the fossil hyæna (_hyæna spelæa_), and the cave-lion (_felis spelæa_). in , m. a. milne edwards found in the cave of lourdes (tarn), certain relics of human industry by the side of the bones of fossil animals. the valleys of the oise and the seine have also added their contingent to the supply of antediluvian remains. in the sand-pits in the environs of paris, at grenelle, levallois-perret, and neuilly, several naturalists, including mm. gosse, martin, and reboux, found numerous flint implements, associated, in certain cases, with the bones of the elephant and hippopotamus. in the valley of the oise, at précy, near creil, mm. peigné delacour and robert likewise collected a few hatchets. lastly, a considerable number of french departments, especially those of the north and centre, have been successfully explored. we may mention the departments of pas-de-calais, aisne, loire-et-cher, indre-et-loire, vienne, allier, yonne, saône-et-loire, hérault, tarn-et-garonne, &c. in england, too, discoveries were made of an equally valuable character. the movement which was commenced in france by boucher de perthes, spread in england with remarkable rapidity. in many directions excavations were made which produced excellent results. in the gravel beds which lie near bedford, mr. wyatt met with flints resembling the principal types of those of amiens and abbeville; they were found in company with the remains of the mammoth, rhinoceros, hippopotamus, ox, horse, and deer. similar discoveries were made in suffolk, kent, hertfordshire, hampshire, wiltshire, &c. some time after his return from abbeville, mr. evans, going round the museum of the society of antiquaries in london, found in their rooms some specimens exactly similar to those in the collection of boucher de perthes. on making inquiries as to their origin, he found that they had been obtained from the gravel at hoxne by mr. frere, who had collected them there, together with the bones of extinct animals, all of which he had presented to the museum, after having given a description of them in the 'archæologia' of , with this remark: ... "fabricated and used by a people who had not the use of metals.... the situation in which these weapons were found may tempt us to refer them to a very remote period indeed, even beyond that of the present world." thus, even at the commencement of the present century, they were in possession, in england, of proofs of the co-existence of man with the great extinct pachyderms; but, owing to neglect of the subject, scarcely any attention had been paid to them. we now come to the most remarkable and most characteristic discoveries of this class which have ever been made. we allude to the explorations made by m. Édouard lartet, during the year , in the curious pre-historic human burial-place at aurignac (haute-garonne). going down the hill on the road leading from aurignac, after proceeding about a mile, we come to the point where, on the other side of the dale, the ridge of the hill called _fajoles_ rises, not more than feet above a rivulet. we then may notice, on the northern slope of this eminence, an escarpment of the rock, by the side of which there is a kind of niche about six feet deep, the arched opening of it facing towards the north-west. this little cave is situated forty-two feet above the rivulet. below, the calcareous soil slopes down towards the stream. the discovery of this hollow, which is now cleared out, was made entirely by chance. it was hidden by a mass of _débris_ of rock and vegetable-earth which had crumbled down; it had, in fact, only been known as a rabbits' hole. in , an excavating labourer, named bonnemaison, took it into his head one day to thrust his arm into this hole, and out of it he drew forth a large bone. being rather curious to search into the mystery, he made an excavation in the slope below the hole, and, after some hours' labour, came upon a slab of sandstone which closed up an arched opening. behind the slab of stone, he discovered a hollow in which a quantity of human bones were stored up. it was not long before the news of this discovery was spread far and wide. crowds of curious visitors flocked to the spot, and many endeavoured to explain the origin of these human remains, the immense antiquity of which was attested by their excessive fragility. the old inhabitants of the locality took it into their heads to recall to recollection a band of coiners and robbers who, half a century before, had infested the country. this decidedly popular inquest and decision was judged perfectly satisfactory, and everyone agreed in declaring that the cavern which had just been brought to light was nothing but the retreat of these malefactors, who concealed all the traces of their crimes by hiding the bodies of their victims in this cave, which was known to these criminals only. doctor amiel, mayor of aurignac, caused all these bones to be collected together, and they were buried in the parish cemetery. nevertheless, before the re-inhumation was proceeded with, he recorded the fact that the skeletons were those of seventeen individuals of both sexes. in addition to these skeletons, there were also found in the cave a number of little discs, or flat rings, formed of the shell of a species of cockle (_cardium_). flat rings altogether similar to these are not at all unfrequent in the necklaces and other ornanments of assyrian antiquity found in nineveh. eighteen years after this event, that is in , m. Édouard lartet paid a visit to aurignac. all the details of the above-named discovery were related to him. after the long interval which had elapsed, no one, not even the grave-digger himself, could recollect the precise spot where these human remains had been buried in the village cemetery. these precious relics were therefore lost to science. m. lartet resolved, however, to set on foot some excavations in the cave from which they had been taken, and he soon found himself in possession of unhoped-for treasures. the floor of the cavern itself had remained intact, and was covered with a layer of "made ground" mixed with fragments of stone. outside this same cave m. lartet discovered a bed of ashes and charcoal, which, however, did not extend to the interior. this bed was covered with "made ground" of an ossiferous and vegetable character. inside the cave, the ground contained bones of the bear, the fox, the reindeer, the bison, the horse, &c., all intermingled with numerous relics of human industry, such as implements made of stag or reindeer's-horn, carefully pointed at one end and bevelled off at the other--a pierced handle of reindeer's-horn--flint knives and weapons of different kinds; lastly, a canine-tooth of a bear, roughly carved in the shape of a bird's head and pierced with a hole, &c. the excavations, having been carried to a lower level, brought to light the remains of the bear, the wild-cat, the cave-hyæna, the wolf, the mammoth, the horse, the stag, the reindeer, the ox, the rhinoceros, &c., &c. it was, in fact, a complete noah's ark. these bones were all broken lengthwise, and some of them were carbonised. _striæ_ and notches were found on them, which could only have been made by cutting instruments. m. lartet, after long and patient investigations, came to the conclusion that the cave of aurignac was a human burial-place, contemporary with the mammoth, the _rhinocerus tichorhinus_, and other great mammals of the quarternary epoch. the mode in which the long bones were broken shows that they had been cracked with a view of extracting the marrow; and the notches on them prove that the flesh had been cut off them with sharp instruments. the ashes point to the existence of a fire, in which some of these bones had been burnt. men must have resorted to this cavern in order to fulfil certain funereal rites. the weapons and animals' bones must have been deposited there in virtue of some funereal dedication, of which numerous instances are found in druidical or celtic monuments and in gallic tombs. such are the valuable discoveries, and such the new facts which were the result of the investigations made by m. Édouard lartet in the cave of aurignac. in point of fact, they left no doubt whatever as to the co-existence of man with the great antediluvian animals. in , doctor felix garrigou, of tarrascon, a distinguished geologist, published the results of the researches which he, in conjunction with mm. rames and filhol, had made in the caverns of ariége. these explorers found the lower jaw-bones of the great bear, which, with their sharp and projecting canine-tooth, had been employed by man as an offensive weapon, almost in the same way as samson used the jaw-bone of an ass in fighting with the philistines. "it was principally," says m. garrigou, "in the caves of lombrives, lherm, bouicheta, and maz-d'azil that we found the jaw-bones of the great bear and the cave-lion, which were acknowledged to have been wrought by the hand of man, not only by us, but also by the numerous french and english _savants_ who examined them and asked for some of them to place in their collections. the number of these jaw-bones now reaches to more than a hundred. furnished, as they are, with an immense canine-tooth, and carved so as to give greater facility for grasping them, they must have formed, when in a fresh state, formidable weapons in the hands of primitive man.... "these animals belong to species which are now extinct, and if their bones while still in a fresh state (since they were gnawed by hyænas) were used as weapons, man must have been contemporary with them." in the cave of bruniquel (tarn-et-garonne), which was visited in by mm. garrigou and filhol, and other _savants_, there were found, under a very hard osseous _breccia_, an ancient fire-hearth with ashes and charcoal, the broken and calcined bones of ruminants of various extinct species, flint flakes used as knives, facetted nuclei, and both triangular and quadrangular arrow-heads of great distinctness, utensils in stags' horn and bone--in short, everything which could prove the former presence of primitive man. about three-quarters of a mile below the cave there was subsequently found, at a depth of about twenty feet, an osseous _breccia_ similar to the first, and likewise containing broken bones and a series of ancient fire-hearths filled with ashes and objects of antediluvian industry. bones, teeth, and flints were to be collected in bushels. at the commencement of , m. garrigou presented to the geological society of france the objects which had been found in the caves of lherm and bouicheta, and the abbé bourgeois published some remarks on the wrought flints from the _diluvium_ of pont-levoy. this, therefore, was the position of the question in respect to fossil man, when in , the scientific world were made acquainted with the fact of the discovery of a human jaw-bone in the diluvial beds of moulin-quignon, near abbeville. we will relate the circumstances attending this memorable discovery. on the rd of march, , an excavator who was working in the sand-quarries at moulin-quignon brought to boucher de perthes at abbeville, a flint hatchet and a small fragment of bone which he had just picked up. having cleaned off the earthy coat which covered it, boucher de perthes recognised this bone to be a human molar. he immediately visited the spot, and assured himself that the locality where these objects had been found was an argilo-ferruginous vein, impregnated with some colouring matter which appeared to contain organic remains. this layer formed a portion of a _virgin_ bed, as it is called by geologists, that is, without any infiltration or secondary introduction. on the th of march another excavator brought to boucher de perthes a second human tooth, remarking at the same time, "that something resembling a bone was just then to be seen in the sand." boucher de perthes immediately repaired to the spot, and in the presence of mm. dimpré the elder and younger, and several members of the abbeville _société d'emulation_, he personally extracted from the soil the half of a human lower jaw-bone, covered with an earthy crust. a few inches from this, a flint hatchet was discovered, covered with the same black patina as the jaw-bone. the level where it was found was about fifteen feet below the surface of the ground. after this event was duly announced, a considerable number of geologists flocked to abbeville, about the middle of the month of april. the abbé bourgeois, mm. brady-buteux, carpenter, falconer, &c., came one after the other, to verify the locality from which the human jaw-bone had been extracted. all were fully convinced of the intact state of the bed and the high antiquity of the bone which had been found. boucher de perthes also discovered in the same bed of gravel two mammoth's teeth, and a certain number of wrought hatchets. finally, he found among the bones which had been taken from the menchecourt quarries in the early part of april, a fragment of another jaw-bone and six separate teeth, which were recognised by dr. falconer to be also human. the jaw-bone found at moulin-quignon is very well preserved. it is rather small in size, and appears to have belonged to an aged individual of small stature. it does not possess that ferocious aspect which is noticed in the jaw-bones of certain of the existing human races. the obliquity of the molar-tooth may be explained by supposing some accident, for the molar which stood next had fallen out during the lifetime of the individual, leaving a gap which favoured the obliquity of the tooth which remained in the jaw. this peculiarity is found also in several of the human heads in the collection of the museum of natural history in paris. [illustration: fig. .--human jaw-bone found at moulin-quignon, near abbeville, in .] the jaw-bone of the man of moulin-quignon, which is represented here (fig. ) in its natural size, and drawn from the object itself, which is preserved in the anthropological gallery of the museum of natural history of paris, does not show any decided points of difference when compared with those of individuals of existing races. the same conclusion was arrived at as the result of the comparative examination which was made of the jaw-bones found by mm. lartet and de vibraye in the caves of aurignac and arcy; the latter remains were studied by m. quatrefages in conjunction with pruner-bey, formerly physician to the viceroy of egypt, and one of the most distinguished french anthropologists. on the th of april, , m. de quatrefages announced to the institute the discovery which had been made by boucher de perthes, and he presented to the above-named learned body the interesting object itself, which had been sent from abbeville. when the news of this discovery arrived in england it produced no slight sensation. some of the english _savants_ who had more specially devoted their attention to the study of this question, such as messrs. christy, falconer, carpenter, and busk, went over to france, and in conjunction with boucher de perthes and several members of the académie des sciences of paris, examined the exact locality in which the hatchets and the human jaw-bone had been found; they unanimously agreed in recognising the correctness of the conclusions arrived at by the indefatigable geologist of abbeville.[ ] this discovery of the hatchets and the human jaw-bone in the quaternary beds of moulin-quignon completed the demonstration of an idea already supported by an important mass of evidence. setting aside its own special value, this discovery, added to so many others, could not fail to carry conviction into most minds. from this time forth the doctrine of the high antiquity of the human race became an acknowledged idea in the scientific world. before closing our historical sketch, we shall have to ask, what was the precise geological epoch to which we shall have to carry back the date of man's first appearance on this our earth. the beds which are anterior to the present period, the series of which forms the solid crust of our globe, have been divided, as is well known, into five groups, corresponding to the same number of periods of the physical development of the earth. these are in their order of age: the _primitive rocks_, the _transition rocks_, the _secondary rocks_, the _tertiary_ and _quaternary rocks_. each of these epochs must have embraced an immense lapse of time, since it has radically exhausted the generation both of animals and plants which was peculiar to it. some idea may be formed of the extreme slowness with which organic creatures modify their character, when we take into consideration that our contemporary _fauna_, that is to say, the collection of animals of every country which belong to the geological period in which we exist, has undergone little, if any, alteration during the thousands of years that it has been in being. is it possible for us to date the appearance of the human race in those prodigiously-remote epochs which correspond with the primitive, the transition, or the secondary rocks? evidently no! is it possible, indeed, to fix this date in the epoch of the tertiary rocks? some geologists have fancied that they could find traces of the presence of man in these tertiary rocks (the miocene and pliocene). but this is an opinion in which we, at least, cannot make up our minds to agree. in , m. desnoyers found in the upper strata of the tertiary beds (pliocene) at saint-prest, in the department of eure, certain bones belonging to various extinct animal species; among others those of an elephant (_elephas meridionalis_), an animal which did not form a part of the quaternary _fauna_. on most of these bones he ascertained the existence of cuts, or notches, which, in his opinion, must have been produced by flint implements. these indications, according to m. desnoyers, are signs of the existence of man in the tertiary epoch. this opinion, however, sir charles lyell hesitates to accept. moreover, we could hardly depend upon an accident so insignificant as that of a few cuts or notches made upon a bone, in order to establish a fact so important as that of the high antiquity of man. we must also state that it is a matter of question whether the beds which contained these notched bones really belong to the tertiary group. the beds which correspond to the quaternary epoch are, therefore, those in which we find unexceptionable evidence of the existence of man. consequently, in the quaternary epoch which preceded the existing geological period, we must place the date of the first appearance of mankind upon the earth. if the purpose is entertained of discussing, with any degree of certainty, the history of the earliest days of the human race--a subject which as yet is a difficult one--it is requisite that the long interval should be divided into a certain number of periods. the science of primitive man is one so recently entered upon, that those authors who have written upon the point can hardly be said to have properly discussed and agreed upon a rational scheme of classification. we shall, in this work, adopt the classification proposed by m. Édouard lartet, which, too, has been adopted in that portion of the museum of saint-germain which is devoted to pre-historic antiquities. following this course, we shall divide the history of primitive mankind into two great periods: st. the stone age; nd. the metal age. these two principal periods must also be subdivided in the following mode. the "stone age" will embrace three epochs: st. the epoch of extinct animals (or of the great cave-bear and the mammoth). nd. the epoch of migrated existing animals (or the reindeer epoch). rd. the epoch of domesticated existing animals (or the polished-stone epoch). the "metal age" may also be divided into two periods: st. the bronze epoch; nd. the iron epoch. the following synoptical table will perhaps bring more clearly before the eyes of our readers this mode of classification, which has, at least, the merit of enabling us to make a clear and simple statement of the very incongruous facts which make up the history of primitive man: { st. epoch of extinct animals (or of the great bear { and mammoth). the stone age. { nd. epoch of migrated existing animals (or the { reindeer epoch). { rd. epoch of domesticated existing animals (or the { polished-stone epoch). the metal age. { st. the bronze epoch. { nd. the iron epoch. footnotes: [ ] 'nouvelles recherches sur la coexistence de l'homme et des grands mammifères fossiles réputés charactéristiques de la dernière période géologique,' by Éd. lartet, 'annales des sciences naturelles,' th ser. vol. xv. p. . [ ] vol. vo., paris, ; v. palme. [ ] vols. mo., rd edit., paris, ; lagny frères. [ ] pamphlet, vo., paris, ; savy. [ ] it should rather have been said, that the ultimate and well-considered judgment of the english geologists was against the authenticity of the moulin-quignon jaw.--see dr. falconer's 'palæontological memoirs,' vol. ii. p. ; and sir c. lyell's 'antiquity of man,' rd ed. p. . (note to eng. trans.) the stone age. i. the epoch of extinct species of animals; or, of the great bear and mammoth. chapter i. the earliest men--the type of man in the epoch of animals of extinct species--origin of man--refutation of the theory which derives the human species from the ape. man must have lived during the time in which the last representatives of the ancient animal creation--the mammoth, the great bear, the cave-hyæna, the _rhinoceros tichorinus_, &c.--were still in existence. it is this earliest period of man's history which we are now about to enter upon. we have no knowledge of a precise nature with regard to man at the period of his first appearance on the globe. how did he appear upon the earth, and in what spot can we mark out the earliest traces of him? did he first come into being in that part of the world which we now call europe, or is it the fact that he made his way to this quarter of our hemisphere, having first seen the light on the great plateaux of central asia? this latter opinion is the one generally accepted. in the work which will follow the present volume we shall see, when speaking of the various races of man, that the majority of naturalists admit nowadays one common centre of creation for all mankind. man, no doubt, first came into being on the great plateaux of central asia, and thence was distributed over all the various habitable portions of our globe. the action of climate and the influences of the locality which he inhabited have, therefore, determined the formation of the different races--white, black, yellow, and red--which now exist with all their infinite subdivisions. but there is another question which arises, to which it is necessary to give an immediate answer, for it has been and is incessantly agitated with a degree of vehemence which may be explained by the nature of the discussion being of so profoundly personal a character as regards all of us: was man created by god complete in all parts, and is the human type independent of the type of the animals which existed before him? or, on the contrary, are we compelled to admit that man, by insensible transformations, and gradual improvements and developments, is derived from some other animal species, and particularly that of the ape? this latter opinion was maintained at the commencement of the present century by the french naturalist, de lamarck, who laid down his views very plainly in his work entitled 'philosophie zoologique.' the same theory has again been taken up in our own time, and has been developed, with no small supply of facts on which it might appear to be based, by a number of scientific men, among whom we may mention professor carl vogt in switzerland, and professor huxley in england. we strongly repudiate any doctrine of this kind. in endeavouring to establish the fact that man is nothing more than a developed and improved ape, an orang-outang or a gorilla, somewhat elevated in dignity, the arguments are confined to an appeal to anatomical considerations. the skull of the ape is compared with that of primitive man, and certain characteristics of analogy, more or less real, being found to exist between the two bony cases, the conclusion has been arrived at that there has been a gradual blending between the type of the ape and that of man. we may observe, in the first place, that these analogies have been very much exaggerated, and that they fail to stand their ground in the face of a thorough examination of the facts. only look at the skulls which have been found in the tombs belonging to the stone age, the so-called _borreby skull_ for instance--examine the human jaw-bone from moulin-quignon, the meilen skull, &c., and you will be surprised to see that they differ very little in appearance from the skulls of existing man. one would really imagine, from what is said by the partisans of lamarck's theory, that primitive man possessed the projecting jaw of the ape, or at least that of the negro. we are astonished, therefore, when we ascertain that, on the contrary, the skull of the man of the stone age is almost entirely similar in appearance to those of the existing caucasian species. special study is, indeed, required in order to distinguish one from the other. if we place side by side the skull of a man belonging to the stone age, and the skulls of the principal apes of large size, these dissimilarities cannot fail to be obvious. no other elements of comparison, beyond merely looking at them, seem to be requisite to enable us to refute the doctrine of this debased origin of mankind. the figure annexed represents the skull of a man belonging to the stone age, found in denmark; to this skull, which is known by the name of the borreby skull, we shall have to allude again in the course of the present work; fig. represents the skull of a gorilla; fig. that of an orang-outang; fig. that of the _cynocephalus_ ape; fig. that of the _macacus_. place the representation of the skull found in denmark in juxtaposition with these ill-favoured animal masks, and then let the reader draw his own inference, without pre-occupying his mind with the allegations of certain anatomists imbued with contrary ideas. [illustration: fig. .--skull of a man belonging to the stone age (the _borreby skull_).] [illustration: fig. .--skull of the gorilla.] [illustration: fig. .--skull of the orang-outang.] [illustration: fig. .--skull of the cynocephalus ape.] [illustration: fig. .--skull of the _macacus_ baboon.] finding themselves beaten as regards the skulls, the advocates of transmutation next appeal to the bones. with this aim, they exhibit to us certain similarities of arrangement existing between the skeleton of the ape and that of primitive man. such, for instance, is the longitudinal ridge which exists on the thigh-bone, which is as prominent in primitive man as in the ape. such, also, is the fibula, which is very stout in primitive man, just as in the ape, but is rather slender in the man of the present period. when we are fully aware how the form of the skeleton is modified by the kind of life which is led, in men just as in animals, we cannot be astonished at finding that certain organs assume a much higher development in those individuals who put them to frequent and violent use, than in others who leave these same organs in a state of comparative repose. if it be a fact that the man of the epoch of the great bear and the mammoth had a more robust leg, and a more largely developed thigh-bone than most of the races of existing man, the reason simply is, that his savage life, which was spent in the midst of the wild beasts of the forest, compelled him to make violent exertions, which increased the size of these portions of his body. thus it is found that great walkers have a bulky calf, and persons leading a sedentary life have slender legs. these variations in the structure of the skeleton are owing, therefore, to nothing but a difference in the mode of life. why is it, however, that the skeleton is the only point taken into consideration when analogies are sought for between man and any species of animal? if equal investigation were given to other organs, we should arrive at a conclusion which would prove how unreasonable comparisons of this kind are. in fact, if man possesses the osseous structure of the ape, he has also the anatomical structure of many other animals, as far as regards several organs. are not the viscera of the digestive system the same, and are they not organised on the same plan in man as in the carnivorous animals? as the result of this, would you say that man is derived from the tiger, that he is nothing but an improved and developed lion, a cat transmuted into a man? we may, however, just as plausibly draw this inference, unless we content ourselves with devoting our attention to the skeleton alone, which seems, indeed, to be the only part of the individual in which we are to interest ourselves, for what reason we know not. but, in point of fact, this kind of anatomy is pitiable. is there nothing in man but bones? do the skeleton and the viscera make up the entire sum of the human being? what will you say, then, ye blind rhetoricians, about the faculty of intelligence as manifested in the gift of speech? intelligence and speech, these are really the attributes which constitute man; these are the qualities which make him the most complete being in creation, and the most privileged of god's creatures. show me an ape who can speak, and then i will agree with you in recognising it as a fact that man is nothing but an improved ape! show me an ape who can make flint hatchets and arrow-heads, who can light a fire and cook his food, who, in short, can act like an intelligent creature--then, and then only, i am ready to confess that i am nothing more than an orang-outang revised and corrected. it is not, however, our desire to speak of a question which has been the subject of so much controversy as that of the anatomical resemblance between the ape and the man without thoroughly entering into it; we have, indeed, no wish to shun the discussion of the point. on the present occasion, we shall appeal to the opinion of a _savant_ perfectly qualified in such matters; we allude to m. de quatrefages, professor of anthropology in the museum of natural history at paris. m. de quatrefages, in his work entitled 'rapport sur le progrès de l'anthropologie,' published in , has entered rather fully into the question whether man is descended from the ape or not. he has summed up the contents of a multitude of contemporary works on this subject, and has laid down his opinion--the perfect impossibility, in an anatomical point of view, of this strange and repugnant genealogy. the following extract from his work will be sufficient to make our readers acquainted with the ideas of the learned professor of anthropology with regard to the question which we are now considering: "man and apes in general," says m. de quatrefages, "present a most striking contrast--a contrast on which vicq-d'azyr, lawrence, and m. serres have dwelt in detail for some considerable time past. the former is a _walking animal_, who walks upon his hind legs; all apes are _climbing animals_. the whole of the locomotive system in the two groups bears the stamp of these two very different intentions; the two types, in fact, are perfectly distinct. "the very remarkable works of duvernoy on the 'gorilla,' and of mm. gratiolet and alix on the 'chimpanzee,' have fully confirmed this result as regards the anthropomorphous apes--a result very important, from whatever point of view it is looked at, but of still greater value to any one who wishes to apply _logically_ darwin's idea. these recent investigations prove, in fact, that the ape type, however highly it may be developed, loses nothing of its fundamental character, and remains always perfectly distinct from the type of man; the latter, therefore, cannot have taken its rise from the former. "darwin's doctrine, when rationally adapted to the fact of the appearance of man, would lead us to the following results: "we are acquainted with a large number of terms in the simian series. we see it branching out into secondary series all leading up to anthropomorphous apes, which are not members of one and the same family, but corresponding superior _terms_ of three distinct families (gratiolet). in spite of the secondary modifications involved by the developments of the same natural qualities, the orang, the gorilla, and the chimpanzee remain none the less fundamentally mere _apes_ and _climbers_ (duvernoy, gratiolet, and alix). man, consequently, in whom everything shows that he is a _walker_, cannot belong to any one of these series; he can only be the higher term of a distinct series, the other representatives of which have disappeared, or, up to the present time, have evaded our search. man and the anthropomorphous apes are the final terms of two series, which commence to diverge at the very latest as soon as the lowest of the apes appear upon the earth. "this is really the way in which a true disciple of darwin must reason, even if he solely took into account the _external morphological characteristics_ and the _anatomical characteristics_ which are the expression of the former in the adult animal. "will it be said that when the degree of organisation manifested in the anthropomorphous apes had been once arrived at, the organism underwent a new impulse and became adapted for walking? this would be, in fact, adding a fresh hypothesis, and its promoters would not be in a position to appeal to the organised gradation presented by the quadrumanous order as a whole on which stress is laid as leading to the conclusion against which i am contending: they would be completely outside _darwin's theory_, on which these opinions claim to be based. "without going beyond these purely morphological considerations, we may place, side by side, for the sake of comparison, as was done by m. pruner-bey, the most striking general characteristics in man and in the anthropomorphous apes. as the result, we ascertain this general fact--that there exists 'an _inverse order_ of the final term of development in the sensitive and vegetative apparatus, in the systems of locomotion and reproduction' (pruner-bey). "in addition to this, this _inverse order_ is equally exhibited in the series of phenomena of individual development. "m. pruner-bey has shown that this is the case with a portion of the permanent teeth. m. welker, in his curious studies of the sphenoïdal angle of virchow, arrived at a similar result. he demonstrated that the modifications of the base of the skull, that is, of a portion of the skeleton which stands in the most intimate relation to the brain, take place inversely in the man and ape. this angle diminishes from his birth in man, but, on the contrary, in the ape it becomes more and more obtuse, so as sometimes to become entirely extinct. "but there is also another fact which is of a still more important character: it is that this inverse course of development has been ascertained to exist even in the brain itself. this fact, which was pointed out by gratiolet, and dwelt upon by him on various occasions, has never been contested either at the _société d'anthropologie_ or elsewhere, and possesses an importance and significance which may be readily comprehended. "in man and the anthropomorphous ape, _when in an adult state_, there exists in the mode of arrangement of the cerebral folds a certain similarity on which much stress has been laid; but this resemblance has been, to some extent, a source of error, for the result is attained by an _inverse course of action_. in the ape, the temporo-sphenoïdal convolutions, which form the middle lobe, make their appearance, and are completed, before the anterior convolutions which form the frontal lobe. in man, on the contrary, the frontal convolutions are the first to appear, and those of the middle lobe are subsequently developed. "it is evident that when two organised beings follow an inverse course in their growth, the more highly developed of the two cannot have descended from the other by means of evolution. "embryology next adds its evidence to that of anatomy and morphology, to show how much in error they are who have fancied that darwin's ideas would afford them the means of maintaining the simial origin of man. "in the face of all these facts, it may be easily understood that anthropologists, however little in harmony they may sometimes be on other points, are agreed on this, and have equally been led to the conclusion that there is nothing that permits us to look at the brain of the ape as the brain of man smitten with an arrest of development, or, on the other hand, the brain of man as a development of that of the ape (gratiolet); that the study of animal organism in general, and that of the extremities in particular, reveals, in addition to a general plan, certain differences in shape and arrangement which specify two altogether special and distinct adaptations, and are incompatible with the idea of any filiation (gratiolet and alix); that in their course of improvement and development, apes do not tend to become allied to man, and conversely the human type, when in a course of degradation, does not tend to become allied to the ape (bert); finally, that no possible point of transition can exist between man and the ape, unless under the condition of inverting the laws of development (pruner-bey), &c. "what, we may ask, is brought forward by the partisans of the simial origin of man in opposition to these general facts, which here i must confine myself to merely pointing out, and to the multitude of details of which these are only the abstract? "i have done my best to seek out the proofs alleged, but i everywhere meet with nothing but the same kind of argument--exaggerations of morphological similarities which no one denies; inferences drawn from a few exceptional facts which are then generalised upon, or from a few coincidences in which the relations of cause and effect are a matter of supposition; lastly, an appeal to _possibilities_ from which conclusions of a more or less affirmative character are drawn. "we will quote a few instances of this mode of reasoning. " st. the bony portion of the hand of man and of that of certain anthropomorphous apes present marked similarities. would it not therefore have been possible for an almost imperceptible modification to have ultimately led to identity? "mm. gratiolet and alix reply to this in the negative; for the muscular system of the thumb establishes a profound difference, and testifies to an _adaptation_ to very different uses. " nd. it is only in man and the anthropomorphous apes that the articulation of the shoulder is so arranged as to allow of rotatory movements. have we not here an unmistakable resemblance? "the above-named anatomists again reply in the negative; for even if we only take the bones into account, we at once see that the movements could not be the same; but when we come to the muscular system, we find decisive differences again testifying to certain special _adaptations_. "these rejoinders are correct, for when _locomotion_ is the matter in question, it is evident that due consideration must be paid to the muscles, which are the active agents in that function at least as much as the bones, which only serve as points of attachment and are only passive. " rd. in some of the races of man, the arch of the skull, instead of presenting a uniform curve in the transverse direction, bends a little towards the top of the two sides, and rises towards the median line (new caledonians, australians, &c.). it is asked if this is not a preliminary step towards the bony crests which rise in this region in some of the anthropomorphous apes? "again we reply in the negative; for, in the latter, the bony crests arise from the walls of the skull, and do not form any part of the arch. " th. is it not very remarkable that we find the orang to be brachycephalous, just like the malay, whose country it inhabits, and that the gorilla and chimpanzee are dolichocephalous like the negro? is not this fact a reason for our regarding the former animal as the ancestor of the malays, and the latter of the african nations? "even if the facts brought forward were correct, the inference which is drawn from them would be far from satisfactory. but the coincidence which is appealed to does not exist. in point of fact, the orang, which is essentially a native of borneo, lives among the dyaks and not among the malays; now the dyaks are rather dolichocephalous than brachycephalous. with respect to gorillas being dolichocephalous, they cannot at least be so generally; as out of _three_ female specimens of this ape which were examined, two were brachycephalous (pruner-bey). " th. the brains of microcephalous individuals present a mixture of human and simial characteristics, and point to some intermediate conformation, which was normal at some anterior epoch, but at the present time is only realised by an arrest of development and a fact of atavism. "gratiolet's investigations of the brain of the ape, normal man and small-brained individuals, have shown that the similarities pointed out are purely fallacious. people have thought that they could detect them, simply because they have not examined closely enough. in the last named, the human brain is simplified; but this causes no alteration in the _initial plan_, and this plan is not that which is ascertained to exist in the ape. thus gratiolet has expressed an opinion which no one has attempted to controvert: 'the human brain differs the more from that of the ape the less the former is developed, and an arrest of development could only exaggerate this natural difference.... the brains of microcephalous individuals, although often less voluminous and less convoluted than those of the anthropomorphous apes, do not on this account become like the latter.... the idiot, however low he may be reduced, is not a beast; he is nothing but a deteriorated man.' "the laws of the development of the brain in the two types, laws which i mentioned before, explain and justify this language; and the laws of which it is the summary are a formal refutation of the comparison which some have attempted to make between the _contracted human brain_, and the _animal brain, however developed_. " th. the excavations which have been made in intact ancient beds have brought to light skulls of ancient races of man, and these skulls present characteristics which approximate them to the skull of the ape. does not this pithecoïd stamp, which is very striking on the neanderthal skull in particular, argue a transition from one type to another, and consequently _filiation_? "this argument is perhaps the only one which has been brought forward with any degree of precision, and it is often recurred to. is it, on this account, more demonstrative? let the reader judge for himself. "we may, in the first place, remark that sir c. lyell does not venture to pronounce affirmatively as to the high antiquity of the human remains discovered by dr. fuhlrott, and that he looked upon them, at the most, as contemporary with the engis skull, in which the caucasian type of head was reproduced. "let us, however, admit that the neanderthal skull belongs to the remote antiquity to which it has been assigned; what, then, is in reality the significance of this skull? is it actually a link between the head of the man and that of the ape? and does it not find some analogy in comparatively modern races? "many writings have been published on these questions, and, as it appears to me, some light has gradually been thrown upon the subject. there is no doubt that this skull is really remarkable for the enormous size of its superciliary ridges, the length and narrowness of the bony case, the slight elevation of the top of the skull. but these features are found to be much less exceptional than was at first supposed, in default of any means of instituting a just comparison; very far, indeed, from justifying the approximation which some have endeavoured to make, this skull is, in all its characteristics, essentially human. mr. busk, in england, has pointed out the great affinity which is established, by the prominence of the superciliary ridges and the depression of the upper region, between certain danish skulls from borreby and the neanderthal skull. dr. barnard davis has described the still greater similarities existing between this very _fossil_ and a skull in his collection. gratiolet forwarded to the museum the skull of an idiot of the present time, which was almost identical with it in everything, although in slighter proportions, &c. "the following appears to me to be decisive: "in spite of its curious characteristics, the neanderthal skull none the less belonged to an individual, who, to judge by other bones which have been found, diverged but little from the average type of the present germanic races, and by no means approximated to that of the ape. "is it probable, proceeding even on the class of ideas which i am opposing, that in a being in a state of transition between man and the anthropomorphous apes, the body would have become entirely human in its character, whilst the head presented its simial peculiarities? if a fact like this is admitted, does it not render the hypothesis absolutely worthless? "notwithstanding all the discussion to which these curious remains have given rise, it appears to me impossible to look upon them in any other light than as the remains of an individuality, exceptional, no doubt, but clearly belonging to the human species, and, in addition to this, to the celtic race, one of the branches of our aryan stock. m. pruner-bey appears to me to have placed this fact beyond all question by the whole mass of investigations which he has published on this subject. the most convincing proofs are based on the very great similarity which may be noticed in a celtic skull taken from a tumulus in poitou to the skull which has become so well known and, indeed, so celebrated owing to the writings of doctor schaaffhausen. this similarity is not merely external. an internal cast taken from one skull fits perfectly into the interior of the other. it was, therefore, the _brains_ and not merely the _skulls_ which bore a resemblance to one another. the proof appears to me to be complete, and, with the learned author of this work, i feel no hesitation in concluding that the neanderthal skull is one of celtic origin. "after all, neither experience nor observation have as yet furnished us with the slightest data with regard to man at his earliest origin. science, therefore, which pretends to solidity of character, must put this problem on one side till fresh information is obtained. we really approach nearer to the truth when we confess our ignorance than when we attempt to disguise it either to ourselves or others. "with regard to the simial origin of man, it is nothing but pure hypothesis, or rather nothing but a mere _jeu d'esprit_ which everything proves utterly baseless, and in favour of which no solid fact has as yet been appealed to." in dealing with this question in a more general point of view, we must add that the most enlightened science declares to us in unmistakable accents, that species is immutable, and that no animal species can be derived from another; they may change, but all bear witness to an independent creation. this truth, which has been developed at length by m. de quatrefages in his numerous works, is a definitive and scientific judgment which must decide this question as far as regards any unprejudiced minds. chapter ii. man in the condition of savage life during the quaternary epoch--the glacial period, and its ravages on the primitive inhabitants of the globe--man in conflict with the animals of the quaternary epoch--the discovery of fire--the weapons of primitive man--varieties of flint-hatchets--manufacture of the earliest pottery--ornamental objects at the epoch of the great bear and the mammoth. after this dissertation, which was necessary to confute the theory which gives such a degrading explanation of our origin, we must contemplate man at the period when he was first placed upon the earth, weak and helpless, in the midst of the inclement and wild nature which surrounded him. however much our pride may suffer by the idea, we must confess that, at the earliest period of his existence, man could have been but little distinguished from the brute. care for his natural wants must have absorbed his whole being; all his efforts must have tended to one sole aim--that of insuring his daily subsistence. at first, his only food must have been fruits and roots; for he had not as yet invented any weapon wherewith to destroy wild animals. if he succeeded in killing any creatures of small size he devoured them in a raw state, and made a covering of their skins to shelter himself against the inclemency of the weather. his pillow was a stone, his roof was the shadow of a wide-spreading tree, or some dark cavern which also served as a refuge against wild beasts. for how many ages did this miserable state last? no one can tell. man is an improvable being, and indefinite progress is the law of his existence. improvement is his supreme attribute; and this it is which gives him the pre-eminence over all the creatures which surround him. but how wavering must have been his first steps in advance, and how many efforts must have been given to the earliest creation of his mind and to the first work of his hands--doubtless some shapeless attempt in which we nowadays, perhaps, should have some difficulty in recognising the work of any intelligent being! towards the commencement of the quaternary epoch, a great natural phenomenon took place in europe. under the influence of numerous and varied causes, which up to the present time have not been fully recognised, a great portion of europe became covered with ice, on the one hand, making its way from the poles down to the most southern latitudes, and, on the other, descending into the plains from the summits of the highest mountain chains. ice and ice-fields assumed a most considerable extension. as all the lower parts of the continent were covered by the sea, there were only a few plateaux which could afford a refuge to man and animals flying from this deadly cold. such was the _glacial period_, which produced the annihilation of so many generations of animals, and must have equally affected man himself, so ill-defended against this universal and sudden winter. man, however, was enabled to resist the attacks of revolted nature. without doubt, in this unhappy period, he must have made but little progress, even if his intellectual development were not completely stopped. at all events, the human species did not perish. the glacial period came to an end, the ice-fields shrank back to their original limits, and nature reassumed its primitive aspect. when the ice had gradually retired into the more northern latitudes, and had become confined to the higher summits, a new generation of animals--another _fauna_, as naturalists call it--made its appearance on the globe. this group of animals, which had newly come into being, differed much from those that had disappeared in the glacial cataclysm. let us cast an inquiring glance on these strange and now extinct creatures. first we have the mammoth (_elephas primigenius_), or the woolly-haired and maned elephant, carcases of which were found, entire and in good preservation, in the ice on the coasts of siberia. next comes the rhinoceros with a complete nasal septum (_rhinoceros tichorhinus_), likewise clad in a warm and soft fur, the nose of which is surmounted with a remarkable pair of horns. then follow several species of the hippopotamus, which come as far north as the rivers of england and russia; a bear of great size inhabiting caverns (_ursus spelæus_), and presenting a projecting forehead and a large-sized skull; the cave lion or tiger (_felis spelæa_), which much surpassed in strength the same animals of the existing species; various kinds of hyænas (_hyæna spelæa_), much stronger than those of our epoch; the bison or aurochs (_biso europæus_), which still exists in poland; the great ox, the urus of the ancients (_bos primigenius_); the gigantic irish elk (_megaceros hibernicus_), the horns of which attained to surprising dimensions. other animals made their appearance at the same epoch, but they are too numerous to mention; among them were some of the rodent family. almost all these species are now extinct, but man certainly existed in the midst of them. the mammoth, elephant, rhinoceros, stag, and hippopotamus were then in the habit of roaming over europe in immense herds, just as some of these animals still do in the interior of africa. these animals must have had their favourite haunts--spots where they assembled together in thousands; or else it would be difficult to account for the countless numbers of bones which are found accumulated at the same spot. before these formidable bands, man could dream of nothing but flight. it was only with some isolated animal that he could dare to engage in a more or less unequal conflict. farther on in our work, we shall see how he began to fabricate some rough weapons, with a view of attacking his mighty enemies. the first important step which man made in the path of progress was the acquisition of fire. in all probability, man came to the knowledge of it by accident, either by meeting with some substance which had been set on fire by lightning or volcanic heat, or by the friction of pieces of wood setting a light to some very inflammable matter. [illustration: fig. .--the production of fire.] in order to obtain fire, man of the quaternary epoch may have employed the same means as those made use of by the american aborigines, at the time when christopher columbus first fell in with them on the shores of the new world--means which savage nations existing at the present day still put in practice. he rubbed two pieces of dry wood one against the other, or turned round and round with great rapidity a stick sharpened to a point, having placed the end of it in a hole made in the trunk of a very dry tree (fig. ). as among the savages of the present day we find certain elementary mechanisms adapted to facilitate the production of fire, it is not impossible that these same means were practised at an early period of the human race. it would take a considerable time to set light to two pieces of dry wood by merely rubbing them against one another; but if a bow be made use of, that is, the chord of an arc fixed firmly on a handle, so as to give a rapid revolution to a cylindrical rod of wood ending in a point which entered into a small hole made in a board, the board may be set on fire in a few minutes. such a mode of obtaining fire may have been made use of by the men who lived in the same epoch with the mammoth and other animals, the species of which are now extinct. the first rudiments of combustion having been obtained, so as to serve, during the daytime, for the purposes of warmth and cooking food, and during the night, for giving light, how was the fire to be kept up? wood from the trees that grew in the district, or from those which were cast up by the currents of the rivers or sea; inflammable mineral oils; resin obtained from coniferous trees; the fat and grease of wild animals; oil extracted from the great cetaceans;--all these substances must have assisted in maintaining combustion, for the purposes both of warmth and light. the only fuel which the esquimaux of the present day have either to warm their huts or light them during the long nights of their gloomy climate, is the oil of the whale and seal, which, burnt in a lamp with a short wick, serves both to cook their food and also to warm and illumine their huts. even, nowadays, in the black forest (duchy of baden), instead of candles, long splinters of very dry beech are sometimes made use of, which are fixed in a horizontal position at one end and lighted at the other. this forms an economical lamp, which is really not to be despised. we have also heard of the very original method which is resorted to by the inhabitants of the faroe isles in the northern seas of europe, in order to warm and light up their huts. this method consists in taking advantage of the fat and greasy condition of the young stormy petrel (mother carey's chicken), so as to convert its body into a regular lamp. all that is necessary is to draw a wick through its body, projecting at the beak, which when lighted causes this really animal candle to throw out an excellent light until the last greasy morsel of the bird is consumed. this bird is also used by the natives of the isles as a natural fuel to keep up their fires and cook other birds. whatever may have been the means which were made use of by primitive man in order to procure fire, either the simple friction of two pieces of wood one against the other, continued for a long time, the _bow_, or merely a stick turning round rapidly by the action of the hand, without any kind of mechanism--it is certain that the acquisition of fire must be classed amongst the most beautiful and valuable discoveries which mankind has made. fire must have put an end to the weariness of the long nights. in the presence of fire, the darkness of the holes and caverns in which man made his first retreat, must have vanished away. with the aid of fire, the most rigorous climates became habitable, and the damp which impregnated the body of man or his rough garments, made of the skin of the bear or some long-haired ruminant, could be evaporated. with fire near them, the danger arising from ferocious beasts must have much diminished; for a general instinct leads wild animals to dread the light and the heat of a fire. buried, as they were, in the midst of forests infested with wild beasts, primitive men might, by means of a fire kept alight during the night, sleep in peace without being disturbed by the attacks of the huge wild beasts which prowled about all round them. fire, too, gave the first starting-point to man's industry. it afforded means to the earliest inhabitants of the earth for felling trees, for procuring charcoal, for hardening wood for the manufacture of their rudimentary implements, and for baking their primitive pottery. thus, as soon as man had at his disposal the means for producing artificial heat, his position began to improve, and the kindly flame of the hearth became the first centre round which the family circle was constituted. ere long man felt the need of strengthening his natural powers against the attacks of wild beasts. at the same time he desired to be able to make his prey some of the more peaceable animals, such as the stag, the smaller kinds of ruminants, and the horse. then it was that he began to manufacture weapons. he had remarked, spread about the surface of the ground, certain flints, with sharp corners and cutting edges. these he gathered up, and by the means of other stones of a rather tougher nature, he broke off from them pieces, which he fashioned roughly in the shape of a hatchet or hammer. he fixed these splinters into split sticks, by way of a handle, and firmly bound them in their places with the tendons of an animal or the strong stalks of some dried plant. with this weapon, he could, if he pleased, strike his prey at a distance. when man had invented the bow and chipped out flint arrow-heads, he was enabled to arrest the progress of the swiftest animal in the midst of his flight. since the time when the investigations with regard to primitive man have been set on foot in all countries, and have been energetically prosecuted, enormous quantities have been found of these chipped flints, arrow-heads, and various stone implements, which archæologists designate by the common denomination of _hatchets_, in default of being able, in some cases, to distinguish the special use for which they had been employed. before going any further, it will be necessary to enter into some details with regard to these flint implements--objects which are altogether characteristic of the earliest ages of civilisation. for a long time past chipped stones of a somewhat similar character have been met with here and there in several countries, sometimes on the surface of, and sometimes buried deeply in, the ground; but no one understood what their significance was. if the common people ever distinguished them from ordinary stones, they attached to them some superstitious belief. sometimes they called them "thunder-stones," because they attributed to them the power of preserving from lightning those who were in possession of them. it was not until the middle of the present century that naturalists and archæologists began to comprehend the full advantage which might be derived from the examination of these chipped stones, in reconstructing the lineaments of the earliest of the human race and in penetrating, up to a certain point, into their manners, customs, and industry. these stone-hatchets and arrow-heads are, therefore, very plentiful in the present day in collections of antiquities and cabinets of natural history. most of these objects which are found in europe are made of flint, and this circumstance may be easily explained. flint must have been preferred as a material, on account both of its hardness and its mode of cleavage, which may be so readily adapted to the will of the workman. one hard blow, skilfully applied, is sufficient to break off, by the mere shock, a sharp-edged flake of a blade-like shape. these sharp-edged blades of silex might serve as knives. certainly they would not last long in use, for they are very easily notched; but primitive men must have been singularly skilful in making them. although the shapes of these stone implements are very varied, they may all be classed under a certain number of prevailing types; and these types are to be found in very different countries. the flint hatchets are at first very simple although irregular in their shape; but they gradually manifest a much larger amount of talent exhibited in their manufacture, and a better judgment is shown in adapting them to the special uses for which they were intended. the progress of the human intellect is written in ineffaceable characters on these tablets of stone, which, defended as they were, by a thick layer of earth, bid defiance to the injuries of time. let us not despise these first and feeble efforts of our primitive forefathers, for they mark the date of the starting-point of manufactures and the arts. if the men of the stone age had not persevered in their efforts, we, their descendants, should never have possessed either our palaces or our masterpieces of painting and sculpture. as boucher de perthes says, "the first man who struck one pebble against another to make some requisite alteration in its form, gave the first blow of the chisel which has resulted in producing the minerva and all the sculpture of the parthenon." archæologists who have devoted their energies to investigating the earliest monuments of human industry, have found it necessary to be on their guard against certain errors, or rather wilful deceptions, which might readily pervert their judgment and deprive their discoveries of all character of authenticity. there is, in fact, a certain class of persons engaged in a deceptive manufacture who have taken a delight in misleading archæologists by fabricating apocryphal flint and stone implements, in which they drive a rather lucrative trade. they assert, without the least scruple, the high antiquity of their productions, which they sell either to inexperienced amateurs, who are pleased to put them in their collections duly labelled and ticketed, or--which is a more serious matter--to workmen who are engaged in making excavations in fossiliferous beds. these workmen hide the fictitious specimens in the soil they are digging, using every requisite precaution so as to have the opportunity of subsequently extracting them and fingering a reward for them from some too trusting naturalist. these imitations are, moreover, so cleverly made, that it sometimes requires well-practised eyes to recognise them; but they may be recognised with some degree of facility by the following characteristics:-- [illustration: fig. .--_dendrites_ or crystallisations found on the surface of wrought flints.] the ancient flints present a glassy surface which singularly contrasts with the dull appearance of the fresh cleavages. they are also for the most part covered with a whitish coating or _patina_, which is nothing but a thin layer of carbonate of lime darkened in colour by the action of time. lastly, many of these flints are ornamented with branching crystallisations, called _dendrites_, which form on their surface very delicate designs of a dark brown; these are owing to the combined action of the oxides of iron and manganese (fig. ). we must add that these flint implements often assume the colour of the soil in which they have been buried for so many centuries; and as mr. prestwich, a learned english geologist, well remarks, this agreement in colour indicates that they have remained a very considerable time in the stratum which contains them. among the stone implements of primitive ages, some are found in a state of perfect preservation, which clearly bears witness to their almost unused state; others, on the contrary, are worn, rounded, and blunted, sometimes because they have done good service in bygone days, and sometimes because they have been many times rolled over and rubbed by diluvial waters, the action of which has produced this result. some, too, are met with which are broken, and nothing of them remains but mere vestiges. in a general way, they are completely covered with a very thick coating which it is necessary to break off before they can be laid open to view. they are especially found under the soil in grottos and caves, on which we shall remark further in some detail, and they are almost always mixed up with the bones of extinct mammalian species. certain districts which are entirely devoid of caves contain, however, considerable deposits of these stone implements. we may mention in this category the alluvial quarternary beds of the valley of the somme, known under the name of drift beds, which were worked by boucher de perthes with an equal amount of perseverance and success. [illustration: fig. .--section of a gravel quarry at saint-acheul, which contained the wrought flints found by boucher de perthes.] this alluvium was composed of a gravelly deposit, which geologists refer to the great inundations which, during the epoch of the great bear and the mammoth, gave to europe, by hollowing out its valleys, its present vertical outline. the excavations in the sand and gravel near amiens and abbeville, which were directed with so much intelligence by boucher de perthes, have been the means of exhuming thousands of worked flints, affording unquestionable testimony of the existence of man during the quaternary epoch. all these worked flints may be classed under some of the principal types, from which their intended use may be approximately conjectured. one of the types which is most extensively distributed, especially in the drift beds of the valley of the somme, where scarcely any other kind is found, is the _almond-shaped_ type (fig. ). [illustration: fig. .--hatchet of the _almond-shaped_ type, from the valley of the somme.] the instruments of this kind are hatchets of an oval shape, more or less elongated, generally flattened on both sides, but sometimes only on one, carefully chipped all over their surface so as to present a cutting edge. the workmen of the somme give them the graphic name of _cats' tongues_. they vary much in size, but are generally about six inches long by three wide, although some are met with which are much larger. the pre-historic gallery in the universal exposition of , contained one found at saint-acheul, and exhibited by m. robert, which measured eleven inches in length by five in width. this remarkable specimen is represented in fig. . [illustration: fig. .--flint hatchet from saint-acheul of the so-called _almond-shaped type_.] another very characteristic form is that which is called the _moustier type_ (fig. ), because they have been found in abundance in the beds in the locality of moustier, which forms a portion of the department of dordogne. this name is applied to the pointed flints which are only wrought on one side, the other face being completely plain. [illustration: fig. .--wrought flint (_moustier type_).] to the same deposit also belongs the flint _scraper_, the sharp edge of which forms the arc of a circle, the opposite side being of some considerable thickness so as to afford a grasp to the hand of the operator. [illustration: fig. .--flint scraper.] some of these instruments (fig. ) are finely toothed all along their sharp edge; they were evidently used for the same purposes as our saws. [illustration: fig. .--flint knife, found at menchecourt, near abbeville.] the third type (fig. ) is that of _knives_. they are thin and narrow tongue-shaped flakes, cleft off from the lump of flint at one blow. when one of the ends is chipped to a point, these knives become scratchers. sometimes these flints are found to be wrought so as to do service as augers. the question is often asked, how these primitive men were able to manufacture their weapons, implements, and utensils, on uniform models, without the help of metallic hammers. this idea has, indeed, been brought forward as an argument against those who contend for the existence of quaternary man. mr. evans, an english geologist, replied most successfully to this objection by a very simple experiment. he took a pebble and fixed it in a wooden handle; having thus manufactured a stone hammer, he made use of it to chip a flint little by little, until he had succeeded in producing an oval hatchet similar to the ancient one which he had before him. the flint-workers who, up to the middle of the present century, prepared gun-flints for the army, were in the habit of splitting the stone into splinters. but they made use of steel hammers to cleave the flint, whilst primitive man had nothing better at his disposal than another and rather harder stone. primitive man must have gone to work in somewhat the following way: they first selected flints, which they brought to the shape of those cores or _nuclei_ which are found in many places in company with finished implements; then, by means of another and harder stone of elongated shape, they cleft flakes off the flint. these flakes were used for making knives, scratchers, spear or arrow-heads, hatchets, tomahawks, scrapers, &c. some amount of skill must have been required to obtain the particular shape that was required; but constant practice in this work exclusively must have rendered this task comparatively easy. [illustration: fig. .--flint core or nucleus.] how, in the next place, were these clipped flints fitted with handles, so as to make hatchets, poniards and knives? some of them were fixed at right angles between the two split ends of a stick: this kind of weapon must have somewhat resembled our present hatchets. others, of an oval shape and circular edge, might have been fastened transversely into a handle, so as to imitate a carpenter's adze. in case of need, merely a forked branch or a piece of split wood might serve as sheath or handle to the flint blade. flints might also have been fixed as double-edged blades by means of holes cut in pieces of wood, to which a handle was afterwards added. these flint flakes might, lastly, be fitted into a handle at one end. the wide-backed knives, which were only sharp on one side, afforded a grasp for the hand without further trouble, and might dispense with a handle. the small flints might also be darted as projectiles by the help of a branch of a tree forming a kind of spring, such as we may see used as a toy by children. the mere description of these stone hatchets, fitted on to pieces of wood, recall to our mind the natural weapons used by some of the american savages, and the tribes which still exist in a state of freedom in the isles of oceania. we allude to the tomahawk, a name which we so often meet with in the accounts of voyages round the world. among those savage nations who have not as yet bent their necks beneath the yoke of civilisation, we might expect to find--and, in fact, we do find--the weapons and utensils which were peculiar to man in primitive ages. a knowledge of the manners and customs of the present australian aborigines has much conduced to the success of the endeavours to reconstruct a similar system of manners and customs in respect to man of the quaternary age. it was with the weapons and implements that we have just described that man, at the epoch of the great bear and mammoth, was able to repulse the attacks of the ferocious animals which prowled round his retreat and often assailed him (fig. ). [illustration: fig. .--man in the great bear and mammoth epoch.] but the whole life of primitive man was not summed up in defending himself against ferocious beasts, and in attacking them in the chase. beyond the needs which were imposed upon him by conflict and hunting, he felt, besides, the constant necessity of quenching his thirst. water is a thing in constant use by man, whether he be civilised or savage. the fluid nature of water renders it difficult to convey it except by enclosing it in bladders, leathern bottles, hollowed-out stumps of trees, plaited bowls, &c. receptacles of this kind were certain ultimately to become dirty and unfit for the preservation of water; added to this they could not endure the action of fire. it was certainly possible to hollow out stone, so as to serve as a receptacle for water; but any kind of stone which was soft enough to be scooped out, and would retain its tenacity after this operation, is very rarely met with. shells, too, might be used to hold a liquid; but then shells are not to be found in every place. it was, therefore, necessary to resolve the problem--how far it might be possible to make vessels which would be strong, capable of holding water, and able to stand the heat of the fire without breaking or warping. what was required was, in fact, the manufacture of pottery. the potter's art may, perhaps, be traced back to the most remote epochs of man. we have already seen, in the introduction to this work, that, in , m. joly found in the cave of nabrigas (lozère), a skull of the great bear pierced with a stone arrow-head, and that by the side of this skull were also discovered fragments of pottery, on which might still be seen the imprint of the fingers which moulded it. thus, the potter's art may have already been exercised in the earliest period which we can assign to the development of mankind. other causes also might lead us to believe that man, at a very early period of his existence, succeeded in the manufacture of rough pottery. the clay which is used in making all kinds of pottery, from the very lowest kitchen utensil up to the most precious specimens of porcelain, may be said to exist almost everywhere. by softening it and kneading it with water, it may be moulded into vessels of all shapes. by mere exposure to the heat of the sun, these vessels will assume a certain amount of cohesion; for, as tradition tells us, the towers and palaces of ancient nineveh were built entirely with bricks which had been baked in the sun. yet the idea of hardening any clayey paste by means of the action of fire is so very simple, that we are not of opinion that pottery which had merely been baked in the sun was ever made use of to any great extent, even among primitive man. mere chance, or the most casual observation, might have taught our earliest forefathers that a morsel of clay placed near a fire-hearth became hardened and altogether impenetrable to water, that is, that it formed a perfect specimen of pottery. yet the art, though ancient, has not been universally found among mankind. ere long, experience must have taught men certain improvements in the manufacture of pottery. sand was added to the clay, so as to render it less subject to "flying" on its first meeting the heat of the fire; next, dried straw was mixed with the clay in order to give it more coherence. in this way those rough vessels were produced, which were, of course, moulded with the hand, and still bear the imprints of the workman's fingers. they were only half-baked, on account of the slight intensity of heat in the furnace which they were then obliged to make use of, which was nothing more than a wood fire, burning in the open air, on a stone hearth. from these data we give a representation (fig. ) of the _workshop of the earliest potter_. [illustration: fig. .--the first potter.] in the gravel pits in the neighbourhood of amiens we meet with small globular bodies with a hole through the middle, which are, indeed, nothing but fossil shells found in the white chalk (fig. ). it is probable that these stony beads were used to adorn the men contemporary with the diluvial period. the natural holes which existed in them enabled them to be threaded as bracelets or necklaces. this, at least, was the opinion of dr. rigollot; and it was founded on the fact that he had often found small heaps of these delicate little balls collected together in the same spot, as if an inundation had drifted them into the bed of the river without breaking the bond which held them together. [illustration: fig. .--fossil shells used as ornaments, and found in the gravel at amiens.] the necklaces, which men and women had already begun to wear during the epoch of the great bear and the mammoth, were the first outbreak of the sentiment of adornment, a feeling so natural to the human species. the way in which these necklaces were put together is, however, exactly similar to that which we meet with during the present day among savage tribes--a thread on which a few shells were strung, which was passed round the neck. it has been supposed, from another series of wrought flints, found at saint-acheul by boucher de perthes, that the men of the epoch of the great bear and mammoth may have executed certain rough sketches of art-workmanship, representing either figures or symbols. boucher de perthes has, in fact, found flints which he considered to show representations, with varying degrees of resemblance, of the human head, in profile, three-quarter view, and full face; also of animals, such as the rhinoceros and the mammoth. there are many other flints, evidently wrought by the hand of man, which were found by boucher de perthes in the same quaternary deposits; but it would be a difficult matter to decide their intention or significance. some, perhaps, were religious symbols, emblems of authority, &c. the features which enable us to recognise the work of man in these works of antediluvian art, are the symmetry of shape and the repetition of successive strokes by which the projecting portions are removed, the cutting edges sharpened, or the holes bored out. the natural colour of all the wrought flints we have just been considering, which bring under our notice the weapons and utensils of man in the earliest epoch of his existence, is a grey which assumes every tint, from the brightest to the darkest; but, generally speaking, they are stained and coloured according to the nature of the soil from which they are dug out. argillaceous soils colour them white; ochreous gravels give them a yellowish brown hue. some are white on one side and brown on the other, probably from having lain between two different beds. this _patina_ (to use the established term) is the proof of their long-continued repose in the beds, and is, so to speak, the stamp of their antiquity. chapter iii. the man of the great bear and mammoth epoch lived in caverns--bone caverns in the quaternary rock during the great bear and mammoth epoch--mode of formation of these caverns--their division into several classes--implements of flint, bone, and reindeer-horn found in these caverns--the burial-place at aurignac--its probable age--customs which it reveals--funeral banquets during the great bear and mammoth epoch. having given a description of the weapons and working implements of the men belonging to the great bear and mammoth epoch, we must now proceed to speak of the habitations. caverns hollowed out in the depth of the rocks formed the first dwellings of man. we must, therefore, devote some degree of attention to the simple and wild retreats of our forefathers. as the objects which have been found in these caverns are both numerous and varied in their character, they not only throw a vivid light on the manners and customs of primitive man, but also decisively prove the fact of his being contemporary with mammals of species now extinct, such as the mammoth, the great bear, and the _rhinoceros tichorhinus_. but before proceeding any further, it is necessary to inquire in what way these caverns could have been formed, in which we find accumulated so many relics of the existence of primitive man. m. desnoyers, librarian of the museum of natural history at paris, is of opinion that these caverns are crevices of the same class as metalliferous _lodes_, only instead of containing metallic ores they must have been originally filled by the deposits of certain thermal springs. [illustration: fig. .--theoretical section of a vein of clay in the carboniferous limestone, _before_ the hollowing out of valleys by diluvial waters.] fig. represents, according to m. desnoyers' treatise on _caverns_, one of these primordial veins in the carboniferous limestone. at the time of the diluvial inundation, these veins were opened by the impetuous action of the water. when thus cleared out and brought to the light of day, they assumed the aspect of caves, as represented in fig. . [illustration: fig. .--theoretical section of the same vein of clay converted into a cavern, _after_ the hollowing out of valleys by diluvial waters.] the european diluvial inundation was, as we know, posterior to the glacial epoch. it is also likely that caverns were sometimes produced by the falling in of portions of some of the interior strata, or that they were formerly the natural and subterranean channels of certain watercourses; many instances of this kind being now known in different countries. we must also add that it is not probable that all caverns originated in the same way; but that one or other of the several causes just enumerated must have contributed to their formation. under the general denomination of _caverns_, all kinds of subterranean cavities are comprehended; but it will be as well to introduce several distinctions in this respect. there are, in the first place, simple clefts or crevices, which are only narrow pits deviating but slightly from the vertical. next we have grottos (or _baumes_ as they are called in the south of france), which generally have a widely opening inlet, and are but of small extent. lastly, we must draw a distinction between these and the real bone caverns, which consist of a series of chambers, separated by extremely narrow passages, and are often of very considerable dimensions. some of these caverns occupy an extent of several leagues underground, with variations of level which render their exploration very difficult. they are generally very inaccessible, and it is almost always necessary to ply the pick-axe in order to clear a way from one chamber to another. in most of these grottos and caverns the ground and sides are covered with calcareous deposits, known by the name of _stalactite_ and _stalagmite_, which sometimes meet one another, forming columns and pillars which confer on some of these subterranean halls an elegance replete with a kind of mysterious charm. these deposits are caused by the infiltrated water charged with carbonate of lime, which, oozing drop by drop through the interstices of the rock, slowly discharge the carbonic acid which held the carbonate of lime in solution, and the salts gradually precipitating form the crystalline or amorphous deposits which constitute these natural columns. the calcareous deposits which spread over the ground of the caverns are called _stalagmite_, and the name of _stalactite_ is given to those which hang down from the roof, forming pendants, natural decorations, and ornaments as of alabaster or marble, producing sometimes the most magnificent effects. under the stalagmite the largest number of animal bones have been found. this crust, which has been to them a preservatory grave, is so thick and hard that a pick-axe is required in order to break it. thanks to the protecting cover, the bones have been sheltered from all the various causes of decomposition and destruction. the limestone formed a kind of cement which, uniting clay, mud, sand, flints, bones of men and animals, weapons and utensils into a compact mass, has preserved them for the study and consideration of scientific men in our own days. the soil called _bone-earth_ is, in fact, found under the crystalline bed which covers the ground of the caverns. fig. , which represents a section of the cave of galeinreuth, in bavaria, will enable us clearly to understand the position occupied by the bones in most of these caverns. [illustration: fig. .--the cave of galeinreuth, in bavaria.] bone-earth consists of a reddish or yellowish clay, often mixed with pebbles, which seem to have come from some distant beds, for they cannot be attributed to the adjacent rocks. this stratum varies considerably in depth; in some spots it is very thin, in others it rises almost to the top of the cavern, to a height of forty or fifty feet. but in this case it is, in reality, composed of several strata belonging to different ages, and explorers ought to note with much attention the exact depth of any of the organic remains found in their mass. there are, however, in several bone-caverns certain peculiarities which demand a special explanation. caves often contain large heaps of bones, situated at heights which it would have been absolutely inaccessible to the animals which lived in these places. how, then, was it possible that these bones could have found their way to such an elevated position? it is also a very strange fact, that no cavern has ever produced an entire skeleton or even a whole limb of the skeleton of a man, and scarcely of any animal whatever. the bones, in fact, not only lie in confusion and utter disorder, but, up to the present time, it has been impossible to find all the bones which in times past formed an individual. it must, therefore, be admitted, that the accumulation of bones and human remains in most of the caves are owing to other causes than the residence of man and wild animals in these dark retreats. it is supposed, therefore, that the bones in question were deposited in these hollows by the rushing in of the currents of diluvial water, which had drifted them along in their course. a fact which renders this hypothesis likely is that drift-pebbles are constantly found in close proximity to these bones. now these pebbles come from localities at considerable distances from the cavern; often, indeed, terrestrial and fluviatile shells accompany these bones. it may sometimes be remarked that the femurs and tibias of large mammals have their points rubbed off, and the smallest bones are reduced to rounded fragments. these are all evident indications that these bones had been carried along by rapid currents of water, which swept away everything in their course; or, in other words, by the current of the waters of the deluge which signalised the quaternary epoch. during this period of the existence of primitive man, all these caverns were not applied to the same purpose. some were the dens of wild beasts, others formed the habitations of man, and others again were used as burial-places. there is no difficulty in the idea that dens of wild beasts might very readily be occupied by man, after he had killed or driven out the fierce inhabitants; no discovery, however, has as yet confirmed this supposition. it can hardly be doubted that primitive man seldom dared to take up his abode in dens which had been, for some time, the refuge of any of the formidable carnivora; if he did, it was only after having assured himself that these retreats had been altogether abandoned by their terrible inhabitants. we shall now proceed to consider these three classes of caverns. caves which, during the quaternary epoch, have served as dens for wild animals, are very numerous. experienced _savants_ are enabled to recognise them by various indications. the bones they contain are never fractured; but it may be seen that they have been gnawed by carnivorous animals, as they still bear the marks of their teeth. into these retreats the cave-lion (_felis spelæa_) and the hyæna (_hyæna spelæa_) were accustomed to drag their prey, in order there to tear it to pieces and devour it, or divide it into portions for their young ones. in fact, in these caverns, excrements of the hyæna mixed with small and undigested bones are often found. the cave bear retired into the same retreats, but he probably only came there to pass the period of his hibernal sleep. lastly, the same dens no doubt offered a refuge to sick or dying animals, who resorted thither in order to expire in peace. we have a proof of this in the traces of wounds and caries on some of the bones of animals found by schmerling in the caverns of the meuse; also in the skull of a hyæna, the median ridge of which had been bitten and appeared to be half healed. those caverns which formed a shelter for primitive man are, like the preceding ones, to be recognised by a mere inspection of the bones contained in them. the long bones of the ox, horse, stag, rhinoceros, and other quadrupeds which formed the food of man during the quaternary epoch, are always split; and they are all broken in the same way, that is, lengthwise. the only cause for their having been split in this manner must have been the desire of extracting the marrow for the purpose of eating. such a mode of breaking them would never have been practised by any animal. this apparently trivial circumstance is, however, of the highest importance. in fact, it leads to the following conclusion: "that man, having eaten large mammals of species now extinct, must have been contemporary with these species." we shall now proceed to examine the caverns which were used as burial-places for man. to m. Édouard lartet, the celebrated palæontologist, the honour must be ascribed of having been the first to collect any important data bearing on the fact that caverns were used for burial-places by the primitive man of the great bear and mammoth epoch. we have thus been led to discover the traces of a funeral custom belonging to the man of these remote ages; we allude to the _funeral banquet_. the source of this information was the discovery of a pre-historic burial-place at aurignac (haute-garonne), of which we have given an account in the introduction to this work, which, however, we must again here refer to. near the town of aurignac rises the hill of fajoles, which the inhabitants of the country, in their _patois_, call "_mountagno de las hajoles_" (beech-tree mountain), a circumstance showing that it was formerly covered with beech-trees. as we have already stated, in the introduction to this work, it was on one of the slopes of this hill that, in the year , an excavator, named bonnemaison, discovered a great slab of limestone placed in a vertical position and closing up an arched opening. in the cave closed up by this slab the excavator discovered the remains of seventeen human skeletons! we have already told how these skeletons were removed to the village cemetery, and thus, unfortunately, for ever lost to the researches of science. eighteen years after, in , m. lartet, having heard of the event, repaired to the spot, accompanied by bonnemaison; he quite understood how it had happened that, during a long course of centuries, the cave had escaped the notice of the inhabitants of the country. the entrance to it was concealed by masses of earth which, having been brought down from the top of the hill by the action of the water, had accumulated in front of the entrance, hiding a flat terrace, on which many vestiges of pre-historic times were found. as no disturbance of the ground had taken place in this spot subsequent to the date of the burial, this _talus_ had been sufficient to protect the traces of the men who were contemporary with the mammoth, and to shield their relics from all exterior injury. [illustration: fig. .--section of the sepulchral cave at aurignac.] fig. , taken from m. lartet's article, represents a vertical section of the sepulchral cave at aurignac. after a rapid inspection of the cave and its surroundings, m. lartet resolved to make complete and methodical excavations, aided by intelligent workmen labouring under his superintendence; the following are the results he obtained. a bed of "made ground" two feet thick covered the ground of the cave. in this were found some human remains which had escaped the first investigations; also bones of mammals in good preservation, and exhibiting no fractures or teeth-marks, wrought flints, mostly of the _knife_ type (fig. ), and carved reindeer horns, among which there was an instrument carefully tapered off and rounded, but deprived of its point (fig. ), the other end being bevelled off, probably to receive a handle. [illustration: fig. .--flint knife found in the sepulchral cave at aurignac.] [illustration: fig. .--implement made of reindeer's or stag's horn, found in the sepulchral cave at aurignac.] we must here add, that at the time of his discovery bonnemaison collected, from the midst of the bones, eighteen small discs which were pierced in the centre, and doubtless intended to be strung together in a necklace or bracelet. these discs, which were formed of a white compact substance were recognised as sea-shells of a _cardium_ species. [illustration: fig. .--series of perforated discs of the _cardium_ shell found in the sepulchral cave at aurignac.] the cavern of aurignac was a burial-place of the quaternary epoch, for m. lartet found in it a quantity of the bones of the cave-bear, the bison, the reindeer, the horse, &c. in fig. , we give a representation of a fragment of the lower jaw of a great bear as an example of the state of the bones found in this cavern. [illustration: fig. .--fragment of the lower jaw of a cave-bear, found in the sepulchral cave at aurignac.] the perfect state of preservation of these bones shows that they were neither broken to furnish food for man nor torn by carnivorous animals, particularly by hyænas, as is seen in a great many caverns. we must therefore conclude from this peculiarity, that the stone which closed the entrance to the cave was moved away for every interment and carefully put back into its place immediately afterwards. in order to explain the presence of so many foreign objects by the side of the human skeletons--such as animals' bones--implements of flint and reindeers' horn--necklaces or bracelets--we must admit as probable that a funeral custom existed among the men of the great bear and mammoth epoch, which has been preserved in subsequent ages. they used to place in the tomb, close to the body, the weapons, hunting trophies, and ornaments of all sorts, belonging to the defunct. this custom still exists among many tribes in a more or less savage state. in front of the cave, there was, as we have already said, a kind of flat spot which had afterwards become covered with earth which had fallen down from the top of the hill. when the earth which covered this flat spot was cleared away, they met with another deposit containing bones. this deposit was situated on a prolongation of the ground on which the skeletons were placed in the interior of the cavern. under this deposit, was a bed of ashes and charcoal, to inches thick. this was, therefore, the site of an ancient fire-hearth. in other words, in front of the sepulchral cave there was a kind of terrace upon which, after the interment of the body in the cavern, a feast called the _funeral banquet_ was held. [illustration: fig. .--upper molar of a bison, found in the ashes of the fire-hearth of the sepulchral cave at aurignac.] in this bed, situated in front of the cavern an immense number of the most interesting relics were discovered--a large number of the teeth and broken bones of herbivorous animals (fig. ); a hundred flint knives; two chipped flints, which archæologists believe to be sling projectiles; a rounded pebble with a depression in the middle, which, according to mr. steinhauer, keeper of the ethnographical museum at copenhagen, was used to flake off flint-knives; lastly, a large quantity of implements made of reindeers' horn, which exhibit the most varied shapes. we may mention, for instance, the arrow-heads fashioned very simply, without wings or barbs (fig. ); some of these heads appear to have been subjected to the action of fire, as if they had been left in the body of the animal during the process of cooking; a bodkin made of roebuck's horn (fig. ) very carefully pointed, and in such a good state of preservation that it might still be used, says m. lartet, to perforate the skins of animals before sewing them; and this must, in fact, have been its use; a second instrument, similar to the preceding, but less finely pointed, which m. lartet is inclined to consider as an instrument for tatooing; some thin blades of various sizes, which, according to steinhauer, much resemble the reindeer-horn polishers still used by the laplanders to flatten down the seams of their coarse skin-garments; another blade, accidentally broken at both ends, one of the sides of which is perfectly polished and shows two series of transversal lines at equal distances apart; the lateral edges of this blade are marked with deeper notches at almost regular intervals (fig. ). m. lartet considers that these lines and notches are signs of numeration, and mr. steinhauer has propounded the idea that they are hunting-marks. both hypotheses are possible, and the more so as they do not contradict each other. [illustration: fig. .--arrow-head made of reindeer's horn, found in the sepulchral cave of aurignac.] [illustration: fig. .--bodkin made of roebuck's horn, found in the sepulchral cave of aurignac]. [illustration: fig. .--truncated blade in reindeer's horn, bearing two series of transversal lines and notches, probably used for numeration.] among the bones, some were partly carbonised, others, only scorched, but the greater number had not been subjected at all to the action of fire. all the bones having medullary hollows, and commonly called marrow-bones, were broken lengthwise, a certain indication that this operation had been effected to extract the marrow, and that these bones had been used at a feast carried on according to the manners and customs of that epoch, when the marrow out of animal bones was regarded as the most delicious viand--many men of our own days being also of this opinion. a certain number of these bones exhibited shallow cuts, showing that a sharp instrument had been used to detach the flesh from them. nearly all those which had not been subjected to the action of fire bore the mark of the teeth of some carnivorous animal. this animal, doubtless, came to gnaw them after man had taken his departure from the spot. this carnivorous animal could have been none other than the hyæna, as is shown by the excrements left in the place. the ossiferous mound situated immediately above the fire-hearth contained, like the subjacent ashes, a large number of the bones of certain herbivorous animals. the discovery of the fire-hearth situated in front of the cave of aurignac, and the various remains which were found intermingled underneath it, enable us to form some idea of the way in which funeral ceremonies took place among the men of the great bear epoch. the parents and friends of the defunct accompanied him to his last resting-place; after which, they assembled together to partake of a feast in front of the tomb soon to be closed on his remains. then everyone took his departure, leaving the scene of their banquet free to the hyænas, which came to devour the remains of the meal. this custom of funeral-feasts is, doubtless, very natural, as it has been handed down to our days; though it now chiefly exists among the poorer classes. in accordance with the preceding data we here represent (fig. ) a _funeral feast during the great bear and mammoth epoch_. [illustration: fig. .--funeral feast during the great bear and mammoth epoch.] on a flat space situated in front of the cave destined to receive the body of the defunct, some men covered merely with bears' skins with the hair on them are seated round a fire, taking their part in the funeral-feast. the flesh of the great bear and mammoth forms the _menu_ of these primitive love-feasts. in the distance may be seen the colossal form of the mammoth, which forms the chief dish of the banquet. the manner of eating is that which distinguishes the men of that epoch; they suck the marrow from the long bones which have previously been split lengthwise, and eat the flesh of the animals cooked on the hearth. the dead body is left at the entrance of the cavern; the primitive grave-stone will soon close on it for ever. the relics found in the interior of the sepulchral cave of aurignac have led to a very remarkable inference, which shows how interesting and fertile are the studies which have been made by naturalists on the subject of the antiquity of man. the weapons, the trophies, the ornaments, and the joints of meat, placed by the side of the defunct--does not all this seem to establish the fact that a belief in a future life existed at an extraordinarily remote epoch? what could have been the use of these provisions for travelling, and these instruments of war, if the man who had disappeared from this world was not to live again in another? the great and supreme truth--that the whole being of man does not die with his material body is, therefore, innate in the human heart; since it is met with in the most remote ages, and even existed in the mental consciousness of the man of the stone age. an instinct of art also appears to have manifested itself in the human race at this extremely ancient date. thus, one of the articles picked up in the sepulchral cave of aurignac consisted of a canine tooth of a young cave-bear, perforated so as to allow of its being suspended in some way or other. now this tooth is so carved that no one can help recognising in it a rough outline of some animal shape, the precise nature of which is difficult to determine, although it may, perhaps, be the head of a bird. it was, doubtless, an amulet or jewel belonging to one of the men interred in the cave, and was buried with him because he probably attached a great value to it. this object, therefore, shows us that some instincts of art existed in the men who hunted the great bear and mammoth. [illustration: fig. .--carved and perforated canine tooth of a young cave-bear.] we shall close this account of the valuable discoveries which were made in the sepulchral cave of aurignac, by giving a list of the species of mammals the bones of which were found either in the interior or at the exterior of this cavern. the first six species are extinct; the others are still living:-- the great cave-bear (_ursus spelæus_); the mammoth (_elephas primigenius_); the rhinoceros (_rhinoceros tichorhinus_); the great cave-lion (_felis spelæa_); the cave-hyæna (_hyæna spelæa_); the gigantic stag (_megaceros hibernicus_); the bison, the reindeer, the stag, the horse, the ass, the roe, the wild boar, the fox, the wolf, the wild-cat, the badger, and the polecat. we think it as well to place before the eyes of our readers the exact forms of the heads of the three great fossil animals found in the cave of aurignac, which geologically characterise the great bear and mammoth epoch, and evidently prove that man was contemporary with these extinct species. figs. , , and represent the heads of the cave-bear, the _rhinoceros tichorhinus_, and the _megaceros_ or gigantic stag; they are taken from the casts which adorn the great hall of the archæological and pre-historic museum at saint-germain, and are among the most curious ornaments of this remarkable museum. [illustration: fig. .--head of a cave-bear found in the cave of aurignac.] [illustration: fig. .--head of the _rhinoceros tichorhinus_ found in the cave of aurignac.] [illustration: fig. .--head of a great stag (_megaceros hibernicus_) found in the cave of aurignac.] of all these species, the fox has left behind him the largest number of remains. this carnivorous animal was represented by about eighteen to twenty individual specimens. neither the mammoth, great cave-lion, nor wild boar appear to have been conveyed into the cave in an entire state; for two or three molar or incisive teeth are the only remains of their carcases which have been found. but still it is a certain fact that the men who fed on the _rhinoceros tichorinus_ buried their dead in this cavern. in fact, m. lartet asserts that the bones of the rhinoceros had been split by man in order to extract the marrow. they had also been gnawed by hyænas, which would not have been the case if these bones had not been thrown away, and left on the ground in a fresh state. the burial-place of aurignac dates back to the earliest antiquity, that is to say, it was anterior to the european diluvial period. thus, according to m. lartet, the great cave-bear was the first of the extinct species to disappear; then the mammoth and _rhinoceros tichorhinus_ were lost sight of; still later, the reindeer first, and then the bison, migrated to the northern and eastern regions of europe. now, the _diluvium_, that is to say, the beds formed by drifted pebbles and originating in the great derangement caused by the inundation of the quaternary epoch, does not contain any traces of the bones of the cave-bear. it, therefore, belongs to an epoch of the stone age more recent than the cave of aurignac.[ ] all this goes to prove that this sepulchral cave, which has furnished the science of the antiquity of man with so much valuable information, belonged to the great bear and mammoth epoch, which preceded the diluvial cataclysm. footnote: [ ] 'nouvelles recherches sur la coexistence de l'homme et des grands mammifères fossiles.' ('annales de sciences naturelles, zoologie,' vol. xv.) chapter iv. other caves of the epoch of the great bear and mammoth--type of the human race during the epochs of the great bear and the reindeer--the skulls from the caves of engis and neanderthal. with regard to the bone-caves, which have furnished us with such valuable information as to the men who lived in the epoch of the great bear and the mammoth, we have laid down a necessary distinction, dividing them into caves which served as dens for wild beasts, those which have afforded a refuge for man, and those which were used as his burial-places. in order to complete this subject and set forth the whole of the discoveries which have been made by science on this interesting point, we will say a few words as to the principal bone-caves belonging to the same epoch which have been studied in france, england and belgium. we will, in the first place, call attention to the fact that these caverns, taken together, embrace a very long period of time, perhaps an enormous number of centuries, and that hence a considerable difference must result in the nature of the remains of human industry which they contain. some certainly manifest a perceptible superiority over others in an industrial point of view; but the reason is that they belong to a period somewhat nearer our own, although still forming a part of the epoch of the great bear and mammoth. we shall divide the caves in france into three groups--those of the east, those of the west and centre, and those of the south. in the first group, we shall mention the _trou de la fontaine_ and the _cave of sainte-reine_, both situated in the environs of toul (meurthe). these two caves have furnished bones of bears, hyænas, and the rhinoceros, along with the products of human industry. that of sainte-reine has been explored by m. guérin, and especially by m. husson, who has searched it with much care. the second group includes the grottos _des fées_, of vergisson, vallières, and la chaise. the grotte des fées, at arcy (yonne), has been searched and described by m. de vibraye, who ascertained the existence of two distinct beds, the upper one belonging to the reindeer epoch, the lower one to the great bear epoch. these two beds were divided from each other by matter which had formed a part of the roof of the cave, and had fallen down on the earlier deposit. in the more ancient bed of the two, m. de vibraye collected fractured bones of the bear and cave-hyæna, the mammoth, and the _rhinoceros tichorhinus_, all intermingled with flints wrought by the hand of man, amongst which were chips of hyaline quartz (rock-crystal.) his fellow-labourer, m. franchet, extracted from it a human _atlas_ (the upper part of the vertebral column). the cave of vergisson (saône-et-loire), explored by m. de ferry, furnished the same kind of bones as the preceding cave, and also bones of the bison, the reindeer, the horse, the wolf, and the fox, all intermixed with wrought flints and fragments of rough pottery. the presence of this pottery indicated that the cave of vergisson belonged to the latter period of the great bear epoch. the cave of vallières (loir-et-cher), was worked, first by m. de vibraye, and subsequently by the abbé bourgeois. there was nothing particular to be remarked. the cave of la chaise, near vouthon (charente), explored by mm. bourgeois and delaunay, furnished bones of the cave-bear, the rhinoceros, and the reindeer, flint blades and scrapers, a bodkin and a kind of hook made of bone, an arrow-head in the shape of a willow-leaf likewise of bone, a bone perforated so as to hang on a string, and, what is more remarkable, two long rods of reindeer's horn, tapering at one end and bevelled off at the other, on which figures of animals were graven. these relics betray an artistic feeling of a decided character as existing in the men, the traces of whom are found in this cave. among the caves in the south of france, we must specify those of périgord, those of bas-languedoc, and of the district of foix (department of ariége). the caves of périgord have all been explored by mm. lartet and christy, who have also given learned descriptions of them. we will mention the caves of the _gorge d'enfer_ and _moustier_, in the valley of the vézère, and that of _pey de l'azé_, all three situate in the department of dordogne (arrondissement of sarlat). the two caves of the _gorge d'enfer_ were, unfortunately, cleared out in , in order to utilise the deposits of saltpetre which they contained in the manufacture of gunpowder. they have, however, furnished flints chipped into the shapes of scrapers, daggers, &c., a small pebble of white quartz, hollowed out on one side, which had probably been used as a mortar, and instruments of bone or reindeer's horn, three of which showed numerous notches. bones of the great bear clearly indicated the age of these settlements. the cave of moustier, situated about feet above the vézère, is celebrated for the great number and characteristic shapes of its stone implements, which we have before spoken of. hatchets of the almond-shaped type, like those of the _diluvium_ of abbeville and saint-acheul, were very plentiful. bi-convex spear-heads were also found, of very careful workmanship, and instruments which might be held in the hand, some of them of considerable dimensions; but no pieces of bone or of reindeer's horn were discovered which had been adapted to any purpose whatever. the bones were those of the great bear and cave-hyæna, accompanied by separate _laminæ_ of molars of the mammoth, the use of which it is impossible to explain. similar fragments were met with in some of the other périgord settlements, and m. lartet also found some at aurignac. next to the cave of pey de l'azé, on which we shall not dwell, come the caverns of bas-languedoc, which we shall only enumerate. they consist of the caves of pondres and souvignargues (hérault), which were studied in by m. de christol, who recognised, from the data he derived from them, the co-existence of man and the great extinct mammals; also those of pontil and la roque, the first explored by m. paul gervais, the second by m. boutin. we shall now consider the caves of the department of ariége, some of which furnish objects of very considerable interest. they consist of the caves of _massat_, _lherm_, and _bouicheta_. two caves, very remarkable on account of their extent, have been explored by m. fontan; they are situate in the valley of massat, which contains others of less importance. one is placed at the foot of a limestone mountain, about feet above the bottom of the valley; the opening of the other is much higher up; only the latter belongs to the great bear epoch. from the results of his explorations, m. fontan is of opinion that the ground in them has been greatly altered by some violent inundation which has intermingled the remains of various geological epochs. this _savant_ found in the cave of massat the bones of the bear, the hyæna and the great cave-lion, the fox, the badger, the wild boar, the roe, &c., two human teeth, and a bone arrow-head. two beds of ashes and charcoal were also remarked at different depths. in the upper cave of massat was found the curious stone on which is designed with tolerable correctness a sketch of the great cave-bear (fig. ). this singular record marks out for us the earliest trace of the art of design, which we shall find developing itself in a more decisive way during the pre-historic period which follows the one we are now considering. [illustration: fig. .--sketch of the great bear on a stone found in the cave of massat.] the caves of lherm and bouicheta were inspected by mm. garrigou and filhol, who found in them bones of most of the great mammals belonging to extinct species, and particularly those of the great bear, many of which are broken, and still show the marks of the instruments which were used for cutting the flesh off them. some have been gnawed by hyænas, as proved by the deep grooves with which they are marked. lower jaw-bones of the great bear, and of the great cave-lion, have been found fashioned, according to a uniform plan, in the shape of hoes. mm. garrigou and filhol were of opinion that these jaw-bones, when thus modified, might have been used as offensive weapons. the cave of lherm contained also human bones; namely, three teeth, a fragment of a _scapula_, a broken _ulna_ and _radius_, and the last joint of the great toe; all these remains presented exactly the same appearance and condition as those of the _ursus spelæus_, and must, therefore, have belonged to the same epoch. we have stated that numerous caves have been explored in england, belgium, and several other countries. we shall not undertake to give with regard to each details which would only be a reproduction of those which precede. we therefore confine ourselves to mentioning the most celebrated of the caverns belonging to the epoch of the great bear and the mammoth. in england we have the kent's hole and brixham caverns, near torquay in devonshire, the latter of which is many hundred yards in extent; the caves of the gower peninsula, in glamorganshire (south wales), which have been carefully studied within the last few years by messrs. falconer and wood; in these were found flint instruments along with bones of the _elephas antiquus_ and the _rhinoceros hemitæchus_, species which were still more ancient than the mammoth and the _rhinoceros tichorhinus_; those of kirkdale, in yorkshire, explored by dr. buckland, the geologist; those near wells in somersetshire, wokey hole, minchin hole, &c. we must mention, in the north of italy, the caves of chiampo and laglio, on the edge of the lake of como, in which, just as at vergisson, fragments of rough pottery have been discovered, indicating some degree of progress in the manufacture; also the caves in the neighbourhood of palermo, and especially those of san ciro and macagnone. in the last-mentioned cave, in the midst of an osseous _breccia_ which rose to the roof, dr. falconer collected flint instruments, splinters of bone, pieces of baked clay and wood charcoal mixed up with large land-shells (_helix vermiculata_), in a perfect state of preservation, horses' teeth, and the excrements of the hyæna, all cemented together in a deposit of carbonate of lime. in a lower bed were found the bones of various species of the hippopotamus, the _elephas antiquus_, and other great mammals. lastly, spain, algeria, egypt, and syria also present to our notice caves belonging to the stone age. in the new world various bone-caverns have been explored. we must especially mention brazil, in which country lund searched no less than eight hundred caves of different epochs, exhuming in them a great number of unknown animal species. in one of these caves, situated near the lake of sumidouro, lund found some human bones which had formed a part of thirty individuals of different ages, and were "in a similar state of decomposition, and in similar circumstances to the bones of various extinct species of animals." thus far we have designedly omitted to mention the belgian caves. they have, in fact, furnished us with such remarkable relics of former ages that, in dealing with them, we could not confine ourselves to a mere notice. the caves in the neighbourhood of liége, which were explored in by schmerling, deserve to be described in some detail. schmerling examined more than forty caves in the valley of the meuse and its tributaries. the access to some of these caves was so difficult that in order to reach them it was necessary for the explorer to let himself down by a cord, and then to crawl flat on his face through narrow galleries, so as to make his way into the great chambers; there he was obliged to remain for hours, and sometimes whole days, standing up to his knees in mud, with water dripping from the walls upon his head, while overlooking the workmen breaking up with their pick-axes the layer of stalagmite, so as to bring to light the bone earth--the records on which are inscribed the palpable evidences of the high antiquity of man. schmerling was compelled to accomplish a perilous expedition of this kind in his visit to the cave of engis, which has become celebrated by the two human skulls found there by him. nearly all the caves in the province of liége contain scattered bones of the great bear, the cave-hyæna, the mammoth, and the rhinoceros, intermixed with those of species which are still living, such as the wolf, the wild boar, the roe, the beaver, the porcupine, &c. several of them contained human bones, likewise much scattered and rubbed; they were found in all positions, and at every elevation, sometimes above and sometimes below the above-mentioned animal remains; from this it may be concluded that these caves had been filled with running water, which drifted in all kinds of _débris_. none of them, however, contained any gnawed bones, or the fossil excrement of any animal species, which puts an end to the hypothesis that these caves had been used as dens by wild beasts. here and there bones were found belonging to the same skeleton, which were in perfect preservation, and lying in their natural juxtaposition; they were probably drifted into the cave by gently flowing water, while still covered with their flesh, and no movement of the ground had since separated them. but no complete skeleton has as yet been discovered, even among the smaller species of mammiferous animals, the disjunction of which is generally less complete. in almost all the caves schmerling met with flint implements chipped into the form of hatchets and knives, and he calls attention to the fact "that none of them could have been introduced into the caves at a posterior epoch, as they were found in the same position as the animal remains which accompanied them." in the cave of clokier, about two and a half miles from liége, he picked up a polished bone in the shape of a needle, having an eye pierced at the base; in the cave of engis he likewise found a carved bone, and also some worked flints. we here close our enumeration of the various sources of the archæological records which have served to reconstruct the history of primitive man during that period of the stone age which we have designated under the name of the epoch of the great bear and the mammoth. before concluding our remarks as to this period, there is one question which we must enter upon, although there is a great deficiency in any positive records by which it might be solved. what was the organic type of man during this epoch? could we, for instance, determine what amount of intellect man possessed in this earliest and ancient date of his history? the answer to this question--although a very uncertain answer--has been supposed to have been found in the caves of engis and engihoul, of which we have just spoken as having been explored by schmerling with such valuable results. the cave of engis contained the remains of three human beings, among which were two skulls, one that of a youth, the other that of an adult. the latter only was preserved, the former having fallen into dust while it was being extracted from the ground. two small fragments of a human skull were likewise found at engihoul; also a great many of the bones of the hands and feet of three individuals. the engis skull has been a subject of protracted argument to the palæontologists and anatomists of the present day. floods of ink have been spilt upon the question; discussions without end have taken place with respect to this piece of bone, in order to fix accurately the amount of intellect possessed by the inhabitants of belgium during the epoch of the great bear and the mammoth. up to a certain point the development of the brain may, in fact, be ascertained from the shape of the cranial envelope, and it is well known that a remarkable similarity exists between the cerebral capacity and the intellectual development of all mammiferous animals. but in a question of this kind we must carefully avoid a quicksand on which anthropologists too often make shipwreck; this danger consists in basing a theory on a too limited number of elements, and of generalising conclusions which are perhaps drawn from one special case. because we find a portion of a skull--not even a whole skull--belonging to a human being contemporary with the great bear, we assume that we can determine the amount of intellect possessed by man during this epoch. but what proof have we that this skull is not that of an idiot, or, on the contrary, the skull of an individual possessing a superior degree of intelligence? what deduction can be logically drawn from the examination of one single skull? none whatever! "_testis unus testis nullus_;" and what is said by jurisprudence, which is nothing but good sense in legal matters--science, which is nothing but good sense in learned questions, ought likewise to repeat. if we found ten or twelve skulls, each presenting the same characteristics, we should be justified in thinking that we had before our eyes the human type corresponding to the epoch we are considering; but, we again ask, what arguments could be based on a few fragments of one single skull? these reservations having been laid down, let us see what some of our great anatomical reasoners have thought about the engis skull. the representation which we here give (fig. ) of the engis skull was taken from the cast in the museum of saint-germain, and we may perceive from it that the skull is not complete; the entire base of the skull is wanting, and all the bones of the face have disappeared. consequently it is impossible either to measure the facial angle or to take account of the development of the lower jaw. [illustration: fig. .--portion of a skull of an individual belonging to the epoch of the great bear and the mammoth, found in the cave of engis.] we shall not, therefore, surprise any of our readers when we state that the opinions on this subject differ in the most extraordinary degree. in the eyes of professor huxley, the english anatomist, this skull offers no indication of degradation; it presents "a good average," and it might just as well be the head of a philosopher as the head of an uncivilised savage. to others--for instance, to carl vogt--it indicates an altogether rudimentary degree of intellect. thus hippocrates-huxley says _yes_, galen-vogt says _no_, and celsus-lyell says neither _yes_ nor _no_. this causes us but little surprise, but it induces us not to waste more time in discussing a question altogether in the dark, that is, upon altogether incomplete data. [illustration: fig. .--portion of the so-called neanderthal skull.] we will now turn our attention to another skull, equally celebrated, which was found in by dr. fuhlrott, near dusseldorf, in a deep ravine known by the name of neanderthal. this skull (fig. ) was discovered in the midst of a small cave under a layer of mud about feet in thickness. the entire skeleton was doubtless buried on the same spot, but the workmen engaged in clearing out the cave must have inadvertently scattered a great portion of the bones, for the largest only could be collected. it is well to call attention to the fact that no animal remains were found near these bones; there is, therefore, no certain proof that the latter can be assigned to the epoch of the great bear: they might, in fact, be either more recent or more modern. most geologists are, however, of opinion that they ought to be referred to the above-named early date. the neanderthal skull, of which we possess even a smaller portion than of the preceding, differs from the engis skull. it is characterised by an extraordinary development of the frontal sinuses; that is, by an enormous projection of the superciliary ridges, behind which the frontal bone presents a considerable depression. the cranium is very thick, and of an elongated elliptical shape; the forehead is narrow and low. these remarks were made by professor schaaffhausen, who also established the fact of the identity in length of the femur, the humerus, the radius, and the ulna, with the same bones of a modern european of equal size. but the prussian _savant_ was surprised at the really remarkable thickness of these bones, and also at the large development of the projections and depressions which served for the insertion of the muscles. fig. represents this skull, which is drawn from the cast in the museum of st. germain. professor schaaffhausen's opinion with regard to this skull is, that it manifests a degree of intelligence more limited than that of the races of negroes who are least favoured by nature, in other words, it approaches the nature of the beast more nearly than any other known human skull. but, on the other hand, mr. busk and dr. barnard davis look upon this skull as very closely allied to the present race of men; and professor gratiolet produced before the anthropological society of paris an idiot's head of the present day, which showed all the osteological characteristics peculiar to the neanderthal skull. lastly, an anthropologist of great authority, dr. pruner-bey, has brought forward all requisite evidence to prove that the neanderthal skull is identical, in all its parts, with the cranium of the celt. we see, therefore, that the opinion propounded by dr. schaaffhausen at the commencement of his studies was not able to stand its ground before the opposition resulting from subsequent labours on the point; and that this head of a man belonging to the epoch of the great bear and mammoth, which he regarded as manifesting the most limited amount of intelligence, differed in no way from the heads belonging to celts of historic times, whose moral qualities and manly courage make frenchmen proud to call themselves their descendants. we need scarcely add that the examination of this latter skull, which dated back to the first origin of mankind, is sufficient to set at naught all that has been written as to the pretended analogy of structure existing between primitive man and the ape, and to wipe out for ever from scientific phraseology the improper and unhappy term _fossil man_, which has not only been the cause of so many lamentable misunderstandings, but has also too long arrested the formation and the progress of the science of the first starting-point of man. other remains of human skulls, appearing to date back to a very ancient epoch, have been found in various countries, since the discovery of those above-named. we will mention, a jaw-bone found by m. Édouard dupont in the cave of naulette, near dinant, in belgium--a frontal and parietal bone, extracted from the _lehm_ in the valley of the rhine, at eggisheim near colmar, by dr. faudel--a skull found by professor bocchi, of florence, in the olmo pass, near arezzo--lastly, the celebrated jaw-bone from moulin-quignon, near abbeville, found in by boucher de perthes, in the _diluvium_, of which bone we have given an illustration in the introduction to this volume. it is acknowledged by all anthropologists that this portion of the skull of the man of moulin-quignon bears a perfect resemblance to that of a man of small size of the present age. from the small number of skulls which we possess, it is impossible for us to estimate what was the precise degree of intelligence to be ascribed to man at the epoch of the great bear and mammoth. no one, assuredly, will be surprised at the fact, that the human skull in these prodigiously remote ages did not present any external signs of great intellectual development. the nature of man is eminently improvable; it is, therefore, easily to be understood, that in the earliest ages of his appearance on the earth his intelligence should have been of a limited character. time and progress were destined both to improve and extend it; the flame of the first-lighted torch was to be expanded with the lapse of centuries! ii. epoch of the reindeer, or of migrated animals. chapter i. mankind during the epoch of the reindeer--their manners and customs--food--garments--weapons, utensils, and implements-- pottery--ornaments--primitive arts--the principal caverns-- type of the human race during the epoch of the reindeer. we have now arrived at that subdivision of the stone age which we designate by the name of the _reindeer epoch_, or the _epoch of migrated animals_. many ages have elapsed since the commencement of the quaternary geological epoch. the mighty animals which characterised the commencement of this period have disappeared, or are on the point of becoming extinct. the great bear (_ursus spelæus_) and the cave-hyæna (_hyæna spelæa_) will soon cease to tread the soil of our earth. it will not be long before the final term will be completed of the existence of the cave-lion (_felis spelæa_), the mammoth, and the _rhinoceros tichorhinus_. created beings diminish in size as they improve in type. to make up for these losses, numerous herds of reindeer now inhabit the forests of western europe. in that part of the continent which was one day to be called france, these animals make their way as far as the pyrenees. the horse (_equus caballus_), in no way different from the present species, is the companion of the above-named valuable ruminant; also the bison (_biso europæus_), the urus (_bos primigenius_), the musk-ox (_ovibos moschatus_), the elk, the deer, the chamois, the ibex, and various species of rodents, amongst others, the beaver, the hamster-rat, the lemming, the spermophilus, &c. after the intense cold of the glacial period the temperature has become sensibly milder, but it is still much lower than at the present day in the same countries; as the reindeer, an animal belonging to a hyperborean climate, can both enjoy life and multiply in the comparatively southern part of europe. the general composition of the _fauna_ which we have just described is a striking proof of the rigorous cold which still characterised the climate of central europe. animals which then inhabited those countries are now only met with in the high northern latitudes of the old and new worlds, in close proximity to the ice and snow, or on the lofty summits of great mountain-chains. to localities of this kind have now retired the reindeer, the musk-ox, the elk, the chamois, the wild-goat, the hamster-rat, the lemming and the spermophilus. the beaver, too, is at the present day confined almost entirely to canada. mr. christy, an english naturalist, has remarked with much acuteness that the accumulations of bones and other organic remains in caves actually imply the existence of a rigorous climate. under the influence of even a merely moderate temperature, these accumulations of bones and animal remains would, in fact, have given forth putrid exhalations which would have prevented any human being from living in close contiguity to these infectious heaps. the esquimaux of the present day live, in this respect, very much like the people of primitive ages, that is, close by the side of the most fetid _débris_; but, except in the cold regions of the north, they would be quite unable to do this. [illustration: fig. .--man of the reindeer epoch.] what progress was made by the man of the reindeer epoch (fig. ) beyond that attained by his ancestors? this is the question we are about to consider. but we must confine the sphere of our study to the only two countries in which a sufficient number of investigations have been made in respect to the epoch of the reindeer. we allude to that part of europe which nowadays forms france and belgium. during the reindeer epoch, man wrought the flint to better effect than in the preceding period. he also manufactured somewhat remarkable implements in bone, ivory, and reindeers' horn. in the preceding period, human bones were found in caves, mixed up indiscriminately with those of animals; in the epoch we are now considering, this promiscuous intermingling is no longer met with. we shall first pass in review man as existing in this epoch, in respect to his habitation and food. we shall then proceed to speak of the productions of his industry, and also of the earliest essays of his artistic genius. lastly, we shall briefly consider his physical organisation. with respect to his habitation, man, during the reindeer epoch, still took up his abode in caves. according to their depth and the light penetrating them, he either occupied the whole extent of them or established himself in the outlet only. about the centre of the cavern some slabs of stone, selected from the hardest rocks, such as sandstone or slate, were bedded down in the ground, and formed the hearth for cooking his food. during the long nights of winter the whole family must have assembled round this hearth. sometimes, in order the better to defend himself against the various surprises to which he was exposed, the man of the reindeer epoch selected a cavern with a very narrow inlet which could only be entered by climbing. a cave formed naturally in the deepest clefts and hollows of some rock constituted, in every climate, the earliest habitation of man. in cold climates it was necessary for him to find some retreat in which to pass the night, and in warmer latitudes he had to ward off the heat of the day. but these natural dwellings could only be met with in districts where rocks existed which offered facilities for cover in the way of clefts and holes. when man took up his abode in a level country, he was compelled to construct for himself some place of shelter. by collecting together stones, brought from various directions, he then managed to build an artificial cavern. choosing a spot where some natural projection overhung the ground, he enlarged, as far as he was able, this natural roof, and, bringing art to the assistance of nature, he ultimately found himself in possession of a convenient retreat. we must not omit to add that the spot in which he established his dwelling was always in the vicinity of some running stream. in this way, therefore, the inhabitants of the plains formed their habitations during the epoch which we are considering. we have, also, certain proofs that primitive tribes, during this period, did not take up their abode in natural caverns exclusively, but that they were able to make for themselves more convenient sheltering-places under the cover of some great overhanging rock. in various regions of france, especially in périgord, numerous ancient open-air human settlements have been discovered. they must have been mere sheds or places of shelter, leaning against the base of some high cliff, and protected against the inclemency of the weather by projections of the rock which, more or less, hung over them, forming a kind of roof. the name of _rock-shelters_ has been given to these dwellings of primitive man. these wild retreats are generally met with in the lower part of some valley in close proximity to a running stream. they, like the caverns, contain very rich deposits of the bones of mammals, birds and fishes, and also specimens of hatchets and utensils made of flint, bone, and horn. traces of hearths are also discovered. one of the most remarkable of these natural shelters belonging to the reindeer epoch has been discovered at bruniquel, in the department of tarn-et-garonne, not far from montauban. [illustration: fig. .--rock-shelter at bruniquel, a supposed habitation of man during the reindeer epoch.] on the left bank of the river aveyron, under the overhanging shelter of one of the highest rocks of bruniquel and in close proximity to a _château_, the picturesque ruins of which still stand on the brow of the cliff above, there was discovered, in , a fire-hearth of the pre-historic period; this hearth and its surroundings have afforded us the most complete idea of one of the rock-shelters of man during the reindeer epoch. this rock, known by the name of montastruc, is about feet high, and it overhangs the ground below for an extent of to feet. it covers an area of square yards. in this spot, m. v. brun, the director of the museum of natural history at montauban, found a host of objects of various descriptions, the study of which has furnished many useful ideas for the history of this epoch of primitive humanity. by taking advantage of the photographic views of the pre-historic settlement of bruniquel, which m. v. brun has been kind enough to forward to us, we have been enabled to compose the sketch which is presented in fig. of a rock-shelter, or an open-air settlement of man in the reindeer epoch. men during the reindeer epoch did not possess any notion of agriculture. they had not as yet subdued and domesticated any animal so as to profit by its strength, or to ensure by its means a constant supply of food. they were, therefore, like their forefathers, essentially hunters; and pursued wild animals, killing them with their spears or arrows. the reindeer was the animal which they chiefly attacked. this mammal, which then existed all over europe, in the centre as well as in the south (although it has now retired or migrated into the regions of the extreme north), was for the man of this period all that it nowadays is to the laplander--the most precious gift of nature. they fed upon its flesh and made their garments of its skin, utilising its tendons as thread in the preparation of their dress; its bones and its antlers they converted into all kinds of weapons and implements. reindeer's horn was the earliest raw material in the manufactures of these remote ages, and to the man of this epoch was all that iron is to us. the horse, the ox, the urus, the elk, the ibex, and the chamois, all formed a considerable part of the food of men during this epoch. they were in the habit of breaking the long bones and the skulls of the recently-killed animals, in order to extract the marrow and the brain, which they ate all steaming with the natural animal heat, as is done in the present day by certain tribes in the arctic regions. the meat of this animal was cooked on their rough hearths; for they did not eat it raw as some naturalists have asserted. the animal bones which have been found, intermingled with human remains, in the caverns of this epoch bear evident traces of the action of fire. to this animal prey they occasionally added certain birds, such as the great heath-cock, willow-grouse, owl, &c. when this kind of game fell short, they fell back upon the rat. round the hearthstone, in the cave of chaleux, m. dupont found more than twenty pounds weight of the bones of water-rats, half roasted. fish is an article of food which has always been much sought after by man. by mere inference we might, therefore, readily imagine that man during the reindeer epoch fed on fish as well as the flesh of animals, even if the fact were not attested by positive evidence. this evidence is afforded by the remains of fish-bones which are met with in the caves of this epoch, intermingled with the bones of mammals, and also by sketches representing parts of fishes, which are found roughly traced on a great number of fragments of bone and horn implements. the art of fishing, therefore, must certainly have been in existence during the reindeer epoch. we cannot assert that it was practised during that of the great bear and the mammoth; but, as regards the period we are now considering, no doubt can be entertained on the point. in an article on the 'origine de la navigation et de la pêche,' m. g. de mortillet expresses himself as follows: "the epoch of the reindeer presents to our notice several specimens of fishing-tackle. the most simple is a little splinter of bone, generally about one to two inches long, straight, slender, and pointed at both ends. this is the primitive and elementary fish-hook. this small fragment of bone or reindeer horn was fastened by the middle and covered with a bait; when swallowed by a fish, or even by an aquatic bird, it became fixed in the interior of the body by one of the pointed ends, and the voracious creature found itself caught by the cord attached to the primitive hook. at the museum of saint-germain, there are several of these hooks which came from the rich deposits of bruniquel, near montauban (tarn-et-garonne). "hooks belonging to the reindeer epoch have also been found in the caves and retreats of dordogne, so well explored by mm. lartet and christy. along with those of the simple form which we have just described, others were met with of a much more perfect shape. these are likewise small fragments of bone or reindeer's horn, with deep and wide notches on one side, forming a more or less developed series of projecting and sharp teeth, or barbs. two of them are depicted in plate b, vi. of the 'reliquiæ aquitanicæ.' m. lartet is in possession of several of them; but the most remarkable specimen forms a part of the beautiful collection of m. peccadeau de l'isle, of paris."[ ] there are strong reasons for believing that man during this epoch did not confine himself to a diet of an exclusively carnivorous character, for vegetable food is in perfect harmony with the organisation of our species. by means of wild fruits, acorns, and chestnuts, he must have introduced some little variety into his ordinary system of sustenance. from the data which we have been considering, we furnish, in fig. , a representation of _a feast during the reindeer epoch_. men are engaged in cleaving the head of a urus, in order to extract and devour the smoking brains. others, sitting round the fire in which the flesh of the same animal is being cooked, are sucking out the marrow from the long bones of the reindeer, which they have broken by blows with a hatchet. [illustration: fig. .--a feast during the reindeer epoch.] it becomes a very interesting question to know whether the men of these remote periods practised cannibalism or not. on this point we have as yet no certain information. we will, however, state some facts which seem to make in favour of this idea. human skulls have been found in scotland mixed up promiscuously with sculptured flints, remains of pottery, and children's bones; on the latter, professor owen thinks that he can recognise the trace of human teeth. at solutré, in mâconnais, m. de ferry has discovered human finger-joints among the remains of cooking of the epoch of the great bear and mammoth, and of that of the reindeer. the appearance of certain bones from the caves of ariége, dug up by mm. garrigou and filhol, has led both these _savants_ to the opinion "that pre-historic man may have been anthropophagous." the same conclusion would be arrived at from the explorations which have been undertaken in the grottos and caves of northern italy by m. costa de beauregard. this latter _savant_ found in the caves the small shin-bone of a child which had been carefully emptied and cleansed, leading to the idea that the marrow had been eaten. at a point near finale, on the road from genoa to nice, in a vast cave which was for a long period employed as a habitation for our race, m. issel discovered some human bones which had evidently been calcined. their whitish colour, their lightness, and their friability left no room for doubt on the point. added to this, the incrustations on their surface still contained small fragments of carbon. moreover, many of the bones showed notches which could not have been made without the help of some sharp instrument. it is, therefore, probable that men in the stone age practised anthropophagy; we have, really, no cause to be surprised at this; since, in our own days, various savage tribes are addicted to cannibalism, under a considerable diversity of circumstances. not the least trace has been discovered of animals' bones being gnawed by dogs in any of the human settlements during the reindeer epoch. man, therefore, had not as yet reduced the dog to a state of domesticity. how did primitive man dress himself during this epoch? he must have made garments out of the skins of the quadrupeds which he killed in hunting, and especially of the reindeer's hide. there can be no doubt on this point. a large number of reindeers' antlers found in périgord have at their base certain cuts which evidently could only have been produced in flaying the animal. it is no less certainly proved that these men knew how to prepare animals' skins by clearing them of their hair, and that they were no longer compelled, like their ancestors, to cover themselves with rough bear-skins still covered with their fur. to what purpose could they have applied the flint scrapers which are met with everywhere in such abundance, except for scraping the hair off the skins of wild beasts? having thus taken off the hair, they rendered them supple by rubbing them in with brains and the marrow extracted from the long bones of the reindeer. then they cut them out into some very simple patterns, which are, of course, absolutely unknown to us; and, finally, they joined together the different pieces by rough sewing. the fact that man at this epoch knew how to sew together reindeer skins so as to convert them into garments, is proved by the discovery of numerous specimens of instruments which must have been used for this work; these are--and this is most remarkable--exactly the same as those employed nowadays by the laplanders, for the same purpose. they consist of bodkins or stilettoes made of flint and bone (fig. ), by means of which the holes were pierced in the skin; also very carefully fashioned needles, mostly of bone or horn (fig. ). [illustration: fig. .--flint bodkin or stiletto for sewing reindeer skins, found in the cave of les eyzies (périgord).] [illustration: fig. .--bone needle for sewing.] the inspection of certain reindeer bones has likewise enabled us to recognise the fact that the men of this age used for thread the sinewy fibres of this animal. on these bones transverse cuts may be noticed, just in those very spots where the section of the tendon must have taken place. no metal was as yet known; consequently, man continued to make use of stone instruments, both for the implements of labour, and also for offensive and defensive weapons. the hatchet was but little employed as a weapon of war, and the flint-knife was the arm most extensively used. we must add to this, another potent although natural weapon; this was the lower jaw-bone of the great bear, still retaining its sharp and pointed canine tooth. the elongated and solid bone furnished the handle, and the sharp tooth the formidable point; and with this instrument man could in the chase attack and pierce any animal with which he entered into a hand-to-hand conflict. it may be noticed that this weapon is placed in the hand of the man in fig. , which represents him during the reindeer epoch. it must certainly be the case that the human race possesses to a very high degree the taste for personal ornament, since objects used for adornment are found in the most remote ages of mankind and in every country. there can be no doubt that the men and women who lived in the reindeer epoch sacrificed to the graces. in the midst of their precarious mode of life, the idea entered into their minds of manufacturing necklaces, bracelets, and pendants, either with shells which they bored through the middle so as to be able to string them as beads, or with the teeth of various animals which they pierced with holes with the same intention, as represented in fig. . [illustration: fig. .--the canine tooth of a wolf, bored so as to be used as an ornament.] the horny portion of the ear of the horse or ox (fig. ), was likewise used for the same purpose, that is, as an object of adornment. [illustration: fig. .--ornament made of the bony part of a horse's ear.] it becomes a question whether man at this epoch had any belief in a future life, and practised anything which bore a resemblance to religious worship. the existence, round the fire-hearths of the burial-caverns in belgium, of large fossil elephant (mammoth's) bones--a fact which has been pointed out by m. Édouard dupont--gives us some reason for answering this question in the affirmative. according to m. morlot, the practice of placing bones round caverns still survives, as a religious idea, among the indians. we may, therefore, appeal to this discovery as a hint in favour of the existence of some religious feeling among the men who lived during the reindeer epoch. in the tombs of this epoch are found the weapons and knives which men carried during their lifetime, and sometimes even a supply of the flesh of animals used for food. this custom of placing near the body of the dead provisions for the journey to be taken _post mortem_ is, as remarked in reference to the preceding period, the proof of a belief in another life. certain religious, or rather superstitious, ideas may have been attached to some glittering stones and bright fragments of ore which have been picked up in several settlements of these primitive tribes. m. de vibraye found at bourdeilles (charente), two nodules of hydrated oxide of iron mixed with _débris_ of all kinds; and at the settlement of laugerie-basse (dordogne), in the middle of the hearth, a small mass of copper covered with a layer of green carbonate. in other spots there have been met with pieces of jet, violet fluor, &c., pierced through the middle, doubtless to enable them to be suspended to the neck and ears. the greater part of these objects may possibly be looked upon as amulets, that is, symbols of some religious beliefs entertained by man during the reindeer epoch. the social instinct of man, the feeling which compels him to form an alliance with his fellow-man, had already manifested itself at this early period. communication was established between localities at some considerable distance from one another. thus it was that the inhabitants of the banks of the lesse in belgium travelled as far as that part of france which is now called champagne, in order to seek the flints which they could not find in their own districts, although they were indispensable to them in order to manufacture their weapons and implements. they likewise brought back fossil shells, of which they made fantastical necklaces. this distant intercourse cannot be called in question, for certain evidences of it can be adduced. m. Édouard dupont found in the cave of chaleux, near dinant (belgium), fifty-four of these shells, which are not found naturally anywhere else than in champagne. here, therefore, we have the rudiments of commerce, that is, of the importation and exchange of commodities which form its earliest manifestations in all nations of the world. again, it may be stated that there existed at this epoch real manufactories of weapons and utensils, the productions of which were distributed around the neighbouring country according to the particular requirements of each family. the cave of chaleux, which was mentioned above, seems to have been one of these places of manufacture; for from the th to the th of may, during twenty-two days only, there were collected at this spot nearly , flints chipped into hatchets, daggers, knives, scrapers, scratchers, &c. workshops of this kind were established in the settlements of laugerie-basse and laugerie-haute in périgord. the first was to all appearance a special manufactory for spear-heads, some specimens of which have been found by mm. lartet and christy of an extremely remarkable nature; exact representations of them are delineated in fig. . in the second were fabricated weapons and implements of reindeers' horn, if we may judge by the large quantity of remains of the antlers of those animals, which were met with by these _savants_, almost all of which bear the marks of sawing. [illustration: fig. .--spear-head found in the cave of laugerie-basse (périgord).] it is not, however, probable that the objects thus manufactured were exported to any great distance, as was subsequently the case, that is, in the polished stone epoch. how would it be possible to cross great rivers, and to pass through wide tracts overgrown with thick forests, in order to convey far and wide these industrial products; at a time, too, when no means of communication existed between one country and another? but it is none the less curious to be able to verify the existence of a rudimentary commerce exercised at so remote an epoch. the weapons, utensils and implements which were used by man during the reindeer epoch testify to a decided progress having been made beyond those of the preceding period. the implements are made of flint, bone, or horn; but the latter kind are much the most numerous, chiefly in the primitive settlements in the centre and south of france. those of périgord are especially remarkable for the abundance of instruments made of reindeers' bones. the great diversity of type in the wrought flints furnishes a very evident proof of the long duration of the historical epoch we are considering. in the series of these instruments we can trace all the phases of improvement in workmanship, beginning with the rough shape of the hatchets found in the _diluvium_ at abbeville, and culminating in those elegant spear-heads which are but little inferior to any production of later times. we here give representations (fig. , , , ), of the most curious specimens of the stone and flint weapons of the reindeer epoch. knives and other small instruments, such as scrapers, piercers, borers, &c., form the great majority; hatchets are comparatively rare. instruments are also met with which might be used for a double purpose, for instance, borers and also piercers. there are also round stones which must have been used as hammers; it may, at least, be noticed that they have received repeated blows. [illustration: fig. .--worked flint from périgord (knife).] [illustration: fig. .--worked flint from périgord (hatchet).] [illustration: fig. .--chipped flint from périgord (knife).] [illustration: fig. .--chipped flint from périgord (scraper).] sir j. lubbock is of opinion that some of these stones were employed in heating water, after they had been made red-hot in the fire. according to the above-named author, this plan of procuring hot water is still adopted among certain savage tribes who are still ignorant of the art of pottery, and possess nothing but wooden vessels, which cannot be placed over a fire.[ ] we must also mention the polishers formed of sandstone or some other material with a rough surface. they could only be used for polishing bone and horn, as the reindeer epoch does not admit of instruments of polished stone. there have also been collected here and there pebbles of granite or quartzite hollowed out at the centre, and more or less perfectly rounded on the edges. it has been conjectured that these were mortars, although their small dimensions scarcely countenance this hypothesis. neither is it probable that they were used for pounding seed, as fancied by m. de vibraye. nor does the idea which has been entertained of their being used for producing fire seem to have any sufficient ground. among the most interesting specimens in the vast collection of flints belonging to the reindeer epoch which have been found in the countries of france and belgium, we must mention the delicate and very finely-toothed double-edged saws. the one we here represent (fig. ) is in the archæological museum of saint-germain. it does not measure more than three-quarters of an inch in length, and about one-tenth of an inch in width. it was found by m. v. brun in one of the _rock-shelters_ at bruniquel. [illustration: fig. .--small flint saw, found in the rock-shelter at bruniquel.] saws of this kind were, no doubt, employed for fashioning the antlers of the reindeer, and other ruminants that shed their horns. the antler was cut into on each side, and the fracture was finished by hand. the objects of bone and reindeer-horn found in the caves of périgord show a still greater variety, and a no less remarkable skilfulness in workmanship. we may mention, for instance, the arrow and javelin-heads. some are slender and tapering off at both ends; in others, the base terminates in a single or double bevel. among the latter, the greater part seem made to fix in a cleft stick; some are ornamented with lines and hatching over their surface. others have notches in them, somewhat similar to an attempt at barbing. [illustration: fig. .--the chase during the reindeer epoch.] we now come to the barbed dart-heads, designated by the name of _harpoons_. they taper-off considerably towards the top, and are characterised by very decided barbs, shaped like hooks, and distributed sometimes on one side only, and sometimes on both (figs. , ). in the latter case the barbs are arranged in pairs, and are provided with a small furrow or middle groove, which, according to some naturalists, was intended to hold some subtle poison. like the present race of indians of the american forests, primitive man may possibly have poisoned his arrows; and the longitudinal groove, which is noticed in so many reindeer arrow-heads, may have served to contain the poison. [illustration: fig. .--barbed arrow of reindeer horn.] [illustration: fig. --arrow of reindeer horn with double barbs.] we must not, however, fail to state that this opinion has been abandoned since it has been ascertained that the north american indians used in former times to hunt the bison with wooden arrows furnished with grooves or channels of a similar character. these channels are said to have been intended to give a freer vent to the flow of the animal's blood, which was thus, so to speak, sucked out of the wound. this may, therefore, have been the intention of the grooves which are noticed on the dart-heads of the reindeer epoch, and the idea of their having been poisoned must be dismissed. these barbed darts or harpoons are still used by the esquimaux of the present day, in pursuing the seal. such arrows, like those of the primitive hordes of the reindeer epoch which are represented above (figs. , ), are sharply pointed and provided with barbs; they are fastened to a string and shot from a bow. the esquimaux sometimes attach an inflated bladder to the extremity of the arrow, so that the hunter may be apprized whether he has hit his mark, or in order to show in what direction he should aim again. we give here (fig. ) a drawing of a fragment of bone found in the cave of les eyzies (périgord); a portion of one of these harpoons remains fixed in the bone. [illustration: fig. .--animal bone, pierced by an arrow of reindeer horn.] we must assign to the class of implements the bone bodkins or stilettoes of different sizes, either with or without a handle (figs. , ), and also a numerous series of needles found in the caves of périgord, some of which are very slender and elegant, and made of bone, horn, and even ivory. in some of the human settlements of the reindeer epoch, bones have been found, from which long splinters had been detached, fitted for the fabrication of needles. the delicate points of flint have also been found which were used to bore the eyes of the needles, and, lastly, the lumps of sandstone on which the latter were polished. [illustration: fig. .--tool made of reindeer horn, found in the cave of laugerie-basse (stiletto?).] [illustration: fig. .--tool made of reindeer horn, found in the cave of laugerie-basse (needle?).] we must, likewise, point out the _smoothers_, intended to flatten down the seams in the skins used for garments. one of the most important instruments of this epoch is a perfect drill with a sharpened point and cutting edge. with this flint point rapidly twirled round, holes could be bored in any kind of material--bone, teeth, horn, or shells. this stone drill worked as well as our tool made of steel, according to the statement of certain naturalists who have tried the effect of them. the primitive human settlement at laugerie-basse has furnished several specimens of an instrument, the exact use of which has not been ascertained. they are rods, tapering off at one end, and hollowed out at the other in the shape of a spoon. m. Édouard lartet has propounded the opinion that they were used by the tribes of this epoch as spoons, in order to extract the marrow from the long bones of the animals which were used for their food. m. lartet would not, however, venture to assert this, and adds: "it is, perhaps, probable that our primitive forefathers would not have taken so much trouble." be this as it may, one of these instruments is very remarkable for the lines and ornaments in relief with which it is decorated, testifying to the existence in the workman of some feeling of symmetry (fig. ). [illustration: fig. .--spoon of reindeer horn.] in various caves--at les eyzies, laugerie-basse, and chaffant, _commune_ of savigné (vienne)--whistles of a peculiar kind have been found (fig. ). they are made from the first joint of the foot of the reindeer or some other ruminant of the stag genus. a hole has been bored in the base of the bone, a little in front of the metatarsal joint. if one blows into this hole, placing the lower lip in the hollow answering to the above-named joint, a shrill sound is produced, similar to that made by blowing into a piped key. we ourselves have had the pleasure of verifying the fact, at the museum of saint-germain, that these primitive whistles act very well. [illustration: fig. .--knuckle-bone of a reindeer's foot, bored with a hole and used as a whistle.] the settlements at périgord have also furnished a certain number of staves made of reindeer horn (figs. , ), the proper functions of which no one has succeeded in properly explaining. they are invariably bored with one or more holes at the base, and are covered with designs to which we shall hereafter refer. m. lartet has thought that they were perhaps symbols or staves of authority. [illustration: fig. .--staff of authority in reindeer's horn, found in the cave of périgord.] [illustration: fig. .--another staff of authority in reindeer's horn.] this explanation appears the correct one when we consider the care with which these bâtons were fashioned. if the hypothesis of their being symbols of authority be adopted, the varying number of the holes would not be without intention; it might point to some kind of hierarchy, the highest grade of which corresponded to the bâton with the most holes. thus, in the chinese empire, the degree of a mandarin's authority is estimated by the number of buttons on his silk cap. and just as in the mussulman hierarchy there were pachas of from one to three tails, so it may be fancied that among primitive man of the reindeer epoch there were chiefs of from one to three holes! we have already stated that in the epoch of the great bear and the mammoth the art of manufacturing a rough description of pottery was, perhaps, known in europe. the men of the reindeer epoch made, however, but little progress in this respect. nevertheless, if certain relics really belong to this period, they may have known how to make rough vessels, formed of clay, mixed with sand, and hardened by the action of fire. this primitive art was, as yet, anything but generally adopted: for we very rarely find _débris_ of pottery in close contiguity with other remains of the reindeer epoch. the archæological museum of saint germain is in possession of a hollow vessel, a natural geode, very large and very thick (fig. ). it was found in the cave of la madelaine (department of dordogne); on one side it has evidently been subjected to the action of fire, and may therefore be presumed to have been used as a large vessel for culinary purposes. [illustration: fig. .--a geode, used as a cooking vessel (?), found in the cave of la madelaine (périgord).] in a cave at furfooz, near dinant in belgium, to which we shall subsequently refer, m. Édouard dupont found, intermingled with human bones, an urn, or specimen of rough pottery, which is perhaps one of the most ancient monuments of the ceramic art as practised by our primitive ancestors. this urn (fig. ) was partly broken; by the care of m. hauzeur it has been put together again, as we represent it from the work of m. le hon.[ ] [illustration: fig. .--earthen vase found in the cave of furfooz (belgium).] it is in the reindeer epoch that we find the earliest traces of any artistic feeling manifested in man. it is a circumstance well worthy of remark, that this feeling appears to have been the peculiar attribute of the tribes which inhabited the south-west of the present france; the departments of dordogne, vienne, charente, tarn-et-garonne, and ariége, are, in fact, the only localities where designs and carvings representing organised beings have been discovered. the departments in the east have not furnished anything of a similar character, any more than belgium, which has been so thoroughly explored by m. Édouard dupont, or wurtemburg, where m. fraas has lately described various settlements of this primitive epoch. it is not sufficient to allege, in order to explain this singular circumstance, that the caves in the south of france belong to a later period of the reindeer epoch, and that the others go back to the earliest commencement of the same age. apart from the fact that this assertion is in no way proved, a complete and ready answer is involved in the well verified circumstance, that even in later ages--in the polished stone, and even in the bronze epoch--no representation of an animal or plant is found to have been executed in these localities. no specimen of the kind has, in fact, been found in the _kitchen-middens_ of denmark, or in the lacustrine settlements of the stone age, or even of the bronze age. it must, then, be admitted that the tribes which were scattered over those portions of the european continent which now correspond to the south-west of france, possessed a special talent in the art of design. there is, moreover, nothing unreasonable in such a supposition. an artistic feeling is not always the offspring of civilisation, it is rather a gift of nature. it may manifest its existence in the most barbarous ages, and may make its influence more deeply felt in nations which are behindhand in respect to general progress than in others which are much further advanced in civilisation. there can be no doubt that the rudiments of engraving and sculpture of which we are about to take a view, testify to faculties of an essentially artistic character. shapes are so well imitated, movements are so thoroughly caught, as it were, in the sudden fact of action, that it is almost always possible to recognise the object which the ancient workman desired to represent, although he had at his disposal nothing but the rudest instruments for executing his work. a splinter of flint was his sole graving-tool, a piece of reindeer horn, or a flake of slate or ivory, was the only plate on which primitive man could stamp his reproductions of animated nature. perhaps they drew on stone or horn with lumps of red-chalk or ochre, for both these substances have been found in the caves of primitive man. perhaps, too, as is the case with modern savages, the ochre and red-chalk were used besides for painting or tatooing his body. when the design was thus executed on stone or horn, it was afterwards engraved with the point of some flint instrument. those persons who have attentively examined the interesting gallery of the _histoire du travail_ in the international exposition of , must have remarked a magnificent collection of these artistic productions of primeval ages. there were no less than fifty-one specimens, which were exhibited by several collectors, and were for the most part extremely curious. in his interesting work, 'promenades préhistoriques à l'exposition universelle,' m. gabriel de mortillet has carefully described these objects. in endeavouring to obtain some knowledge of them, we shall take as our guide the learned curator of the archæological museum of saint-germain. we have, in the first place, various representations of the mammoth, which was still in existence at the commencement of the reindeer epoch. the first (fig. ) is an outline sketch, drawn on a slab of ivory, from the cave of la madelaine. when mm. lartet and christy found it, it was broken into five pieces, which they managed to put together very accurately. the small eye and the curved tusks of the animal may be perfectly distinguished, as well as its huge trunk, and even its abundant mane, the latter proving that it is really the mammoth--that is the fossil--and not the present species of elephant. [illustration: fig. .--sketch of a mammoth, graven on a slab of ivory.] the second figure is an entire mammoth, graven on a fragment of reindeer horn, from the rock-shelters of bruniquel, and belongs to m. peccadeau de l'isle. this figure forms the hilt of a poniard, the blade of which springs from the front part of the animal. it may be recognised to be the mammoth by its trunk, its wide flat feet, and especially by its erect tail, ending in a bunch of hair. in point of fact, the present species of elephant never sets up the tail, and has no bunch of hair at the end of it. a third object brought from the pre-historic station of laugerie-basse (m. de vibraye's collection) is the lower end of a staff of authority carved in the form of a mammoth's head. the prominent forehead, and the body of the animal stretching along the base of the staff, may both be very distinctly seen. on another fragment of a staff of authority, found at bruniquel by m. v. brun, the cave-lion (_felis spelæa_) is carved with great clearness. the head, in particular, is perfectly represented. representations of reindeer, either carved or scratched on stone or horn, are very common; we mention the following:-- in the first place the hilt of a dagger in reindeer's horn (fig. ) of the same type as that shaped in the form of a mammoth. this specimen is remarkable, because the artist has most skilfully adapted the shape of the animal to the purpose for which the instrument was intended. the hilt represents a reindeer, which is carved out as if lying in a very peculiar position; the hind legs are stretched along the blade, and the front legs are doubled back under the belly, so as not to hurt the hand of anyone holding the dagger; lastly, the head is thrown back, the muzzle turned upwards, and the horns flattened down so as not to interfere with the grasp. [illustration: fig. .--hilt of a dagger, carved in the shape of a reindeer.] this is, at all events, nothing but a rough sketch. the same remark, however, does not apply to two ivory daggers found at bruniquel by m. peccadeau de l'isle. these objects are very artistically executed, and are the most finished specimens that have been found up to the present time. both of them represent a reindeer with the head thrown back as in the preceding plate; but whilst in one dagger the blade springs from the hinder part of the body, in the same way as in the rough-hewn horn, in the other it proceeds from the front of the body, between the head and the forelegs. the hind legs are stretched out and meet again at the feet, thus forming a hole between them, which was probably used as a ring on which to suspend the dagger. we must not omit to mention a slab of slate, on which is drawn in outline a reindeer fight. it was found at laugerie-basse by m. de vibraye. the artist has endeavoured to portray one of those furious contests in which the male reindeer engages during the rutting season, in order to obtain possession of the females; he has executed his design in a spirited manner, marked by a certain _naïveté_. there are a good many other fragments on which reindeer are either drawn or carved; we shall not dwell upon them, but add a few remarks as to several specimens on which are representations of the stag, the horse, the bison, the ibex, &c. a representation of a stag (fig. ) is drawn on a fragment of stag's horn found in the cave of la madelaine by mm. lartet and christy. the shape of the antlers, which are very different to those of the reindeer, leave no doubt as to the identity of the animal. [illustration: fig. .--representation of a stag, drawn on a stag's horn.] the ox and the bison are represented in various fashions. we will mention here a carved head which was found in the cave of laugerie-basse by m. de vibraye. it forms the base of a staff of authority. [illustration: fig. .--representation of some large herbivorous animal on a fragment of reindeer's horn.] we must, doubtless, class under the same category a fragment of reindeer's horn, found at laugerie-basse, on which the hind-quarters of some large herbivorous animal are sketched out with a bold and practised touch (fig. ). various indications have led m. lartet to think that the artist has not endeavoured to represent a horse, as was at first imagined, but a bison of rather a slender shape. unfortunately the fragment is broken at the exact spot where the bushy mane should begin, which characterises the species of the bison sub-genus. [illustration: fig. .--arts of drawing and sculpture during the reindeer epoch.] in the same locality another fragment of reindeer's horn was found, on which some horned animal is depicted (fig. ), which appears to be an ibex, if we may judge by the lines under the chin which seem to indicate a beard. [illustration: fig. .--representation of an animal, sketched on a fragment of reindeer's horn.] in the cave of les eyzies, in the department of dordogne, mm. lartet and christy came upon two slabs of quartziferous schist, on both of which are scratched animal forms which are deficient in any special characteristics. in one (fig. ), some have fancied they could recognise the elk; but, as the front part only of the other has been preserved, it is almost impossible to determine what mammiferous animal it is intended to represent. an indistinct trace of horns seems to indicate a herbivorous animal. [illustration: fig. .--fragment of a slab of schist, bearing the representation of some animal, and found in the cave of les eyzies.] on each side of a staff of authority made of reindeer's horn, found by mm. lartet and christy in the cave of the madelaine, may be noticed three horses in demi-relief, which are very easily recognisable. on a carved bone, found at bruniquel by m. de lastic, the head of a reindeer and that of a horse are drawn in outline side by side; the characteristics of both animals are well maintained. lastly, we may name a round shaft formed of reindeer's horn (fig. ), found at laugerie-basse by mm. lartet and christy, on which is carved an animal's head, with ears of a considerable length laid back upon the head. it is not easy to determine for what purpose this shaft was intended; one end being pointed and provided with a lateral hook. it was perhaps used as a harpoon. [illustration: fig. .--a kind of harpoon of reindeer's horn, carved in the shape of an animal's head.] representations of birds are more uncommon than those of mammals. there are, on the other hand, a good many rough delineations of fish, principally on the so-called wands of authority, on which numbers may often be noticed following one another in a series. we have one delineation of a fish, skilfully drawn on a fragment of the lower jaw-bone of a reindeer, which was found at laugerie-basse. also in the cave of la vache (ariége), m. garrigou found a fragment of bone, on which there is a clever design of a fish. very few representations of reptiles have come to light, and those found are in general badly executed. we must, however, make an exception in favour of the figure of a tadpole, scratched out on an arrow-head, found in the cave of the madelaine. designs representing flowers are very rare; in the _galerie du travail_, at the exposition, only three specimens are exhibited; they came from la madelaine and laugerie-basse, and were all three graven on spear-heads. but did the men of the reindeer epoch make no attempts to portray their own personal appearance? have not the excavations dug in the settlements of primitive man, found in périgord, ever brought to light any imitation of the human form? nothing could exceed the interest of such a discovery. research has not been entirely fruitless in this respect, and it is hoped that the first attempt in the art of statuary of this primitive people may yet be discovered. in the cave of laugerie-basse, m. de vibraye found a little ivory statuette, which he takes to be a kind of idol of an indecent character. the head and legs, as well as the arms, are broken off. another human figure (fig. ), which, like the preceding one, is long and lean, is graven on a staff of authority, a fragment of which was found in the cave of la madelaine by mm. lartet and christy. the man is represented standing between two horses' heads, and by the side of a long serpent or fish, having the appearance of an eel. on the reverse side of the same bâton, which is not given in the figure, the heads of two bisons are represented. [illustration: fig. .--staff of authority, on which are graven representations of a man, two horses, and a fish.] on a fragment of a spear-head, found in the same settlement of laugerie-basse, there is a series of human hands, provided with four fingers only, represented in demi-relief. m. lartet has called attention to the fact, that certain savage tribes still depict the hand without noticing the thumb. in fig. , which represents man during the reindeer epoch, such as we must suppose him to have been from the sum total of our present stock of information on the point, we see a man clothed in garments sewn with a needle, carrying as his chief weapon the jaw-bone of a bear armed with its sharp fang, and also provided with his flint hatchet or knife. close to him a woman is seated, arrayed in all the personal ornaments which are known to have been peculiar to this epoch. the question now arises, what were the characteristics of man during the reindeer epoch, with regard to his physical organisation? we know a little of some of the broader features of his physiognomy from studying the objects found in the belgian bone-caves, of which we have spoken in the introduction to this work. these caves were explored by m. Édouard dupont, assisted by m. van beneden, a belgian palæontologist and anatomist. the excavations in question were ordered by king leopold's government, which supplied the funds necessary for extending them as far as possible. the three caves, all situated in the valley of the lesse, are the _trou des nutons_, the _trou du frontal_, at furfooz, near dinant, and the _caverne de chaleux_, in the neighbourhood of the town from which its name is derived. the _trou des nutons_ and the _trou du frontal_ have been completely thrown into confusion by a violent inroad of water; for the _débris_ that they contained were intermingled in an almost incredible confusion with a quantity of earthy matter and calcareous rocks, which had been drifted in by the inundation. in the _trou des nutons_, which is situated about feet above the level of the lesse, m. van beneden recognised a great many bones of the reindeer, the urus, and many other species which are not yet extinct. these bones were indiscriminately mixed up with bones and horns of the reindeer carved into different shapes, knuckle-bones of the goat polished on both sides, a whistle made from the tibia of a goat, from which sounds could still be produced, fragments of very coarse pottery, some remains of fire-hearths, &c. the _trou du frontal_ was thus named by m. Édouard dupont, from the fact of a human frontal-bone having been found there on the day that the excavations commenced. this was not the only discovery of the kind that was to be made. ere long they fell in with a great quantity of human bones, intermixed with a considerable number of the bones of reindeer and other animals, as well as implements of all kinds. m. van beneden ascertained that the bones must have belonged to thirteen persons of various ages; some of them are the bones of infants scarcely a year old. among them were found two perfect skulls which are in good preservation; these remains are also very valuable, because they afford data from which deductions may be drawn as to the cranial conformation of the primitive inhabitants of the banks of the lesse. m. Édouard dupont is of opinion that this cave was used as a burial-place. it is, in fact, very probable that such was the purpose for which it was intended; for a large flag-stone was found in it, which was probably used to close up the mouth of the cave, and to shield the dead bodies from profanation. if this be the case, the animal bones which were scattered around are the remains of the funeral banquets which it was the custom to provide during the epoch of the great bear and the mammoth. it is interesting to establish the existence of such a similarity between the customs of men who were separated by vast tracts of land and an interval of many thousands of years. immediately above the _trou du frontal_ there is a cave called _trou rosette_, in which the bones of three persons of various ages were found intermingled with the bones of reindeer and beavers; fragments of a blackish kind of pottery were also found there, which were hollowed out in rough grooves by way of ornamentation, and merely hardened in the fire. m. dupont is of opinion that the three men whose remains were discovered were crushed to death by masses of rock at the time of the great inundation, traces of which may still be seen in the valley of the lesse. by the falling in of its roof, which buried under a mass of rubbish all the objects which were contained in it at the time of the catastrophe and thus kept them in their places, the cave of chaleux escaped the complete disturbance with which the above-mentioned caverns were visited. the bones of mammals, of birds, and of fish were found there; also some carved bones and horns of the reindeer, some fossil shells, which, as we have before observed, came from champagne, and were used as ornaments; lastly, and chiefly, wrought flints numbering at least , . in the hearth, which was placed in the middle of the cave, a stone was discovered with certain signs on it, which, up to the present time, have remained unexplained. m. dupont, as we have previously stated, collected in the immediate vicinity about twenty-two pounds' weight of the bones of the water-rat either scorched or roasted; this proves that when a more noble and substantial food failed them, the primitive inhabitants of this country were able to content themselves with these small and unsavoury rodents. the two skulls which were found at furfooz have been carefully examined by mm. van beneden and pruner-bey, who are both great authorities on the subject of anthropology. these skulls present considerable discrepancies, but pruner-bey is of opinion that they are heads of a male and female of the same race. in order to justify his hypothesis the learned anthropologist says, that there is often more difference between the skulls of the two sexes of the same race, than between the skulls of the same sex belonging to two distinct races. [illustration: fig. .--skull found at furfooz, by m. Édouard dupont.] one of these skulls is distinguished by a projecting jaw; the other, which is represented in fig. , has jaws even with the facial outline. the prominent jaw of the first, which is the indication of a degraded race (like that of the negro), does not prevent its having a higher forehead and a more capacious cranium than the other skull. we find here an actual intermingling of the characteristics which belong to the inferior races with those peculiar to the caucasian race, which is considered to be the most exalted type of the human species. according to pruner-bey, the belgian people during the reindeer epoch were a race of small stature but very sturdy; the face was lozenge-shaped, and the whole skull had the appearance of a pyramid. this race of a turanian or mongolian origin was the same as the ligurian or iberian race, which still exists in the north of italy (gulf of genoa), and in the pyrenees (basque districts). these conclusions must be accepted with the highest degree of caution, for they do not agree with the opinions of all anthropologists. m. broca is of opinion that the basques have sprung from a north african race, which spread over europe at a time when an isthmus existed where the straits of gibraltar are now situated. this idea is only reasonable; for certain facts prove that europe and africa were formerly connected by a neck of land; this was afterwards submerged, at the spot where the straits of gibraltar now exist, bringing about the disjunction of europe and africa. it will be sufficient proof, if we point to the analogy subsisting between the _fauna_ of the two countries, which is established by the existence of a number of wild monkeys which, even in the present day, inhabit this arid rock, and are also to be met with on the opposite african shore. [illustration: fig. .--skull of an old man, found in a _rock-shelter_ at bruniquel.] in the interesting excavations which were made in the _rock-shelters_ at bruniquel, m. v. brun found a quantity of human bones, and particularly two skulls--one that of an old man, the other that of an adult. we here (fig. ) give a representation of the old man's skull taken from a photograph which m. v. brun has been kind enough to send us. if we measure the facial angle of this skull, we shall find that it does not differ from the skulls of the men who at the present time inhabit the same climates. from this fact, it may be gathered how mistaken the idea may be which looks upon primitive man, or the man of the stone epoch as a being essentially different from the men of the present day. the phrase _fossil man_, we must again repeat, should be expunged from the vocabulary of science; we should thus harmonise better with established facts, and should also do away with a misunderstanding which is highly detrimental to the investigations into the origin of man. in concluding this account of the manners and customs of man during the reindeer epoch, we must say a few words as to the funeral rites of this time, or rather, the mode of burial peculiar to this period of primitive man's history. those who lived in caves buried their dead in caves. it is, also, a fact to be remarked, that man often uses the same type for both his burial-places and dwelling-places. the burial-places of the tartars of kasan, says m. nilsson, are exact likenesses, on a small scale, of their dwelling-places, and like them, are constructed of beams placed close to one another. a circassian burial-place is perfectly similar to a circassian dwelling. the tombs of the karaite jews, in the valley of jehoshaphat, resemble their houses and places of worship, and the neo-grecian tombs, in the crimea, are likewise imitations of their churches.[ ] we shall not, therefore, be surprised to learn that man during the reindeer epoch buried his dead in caves, just in the same way as was done by his ancestors during the epoch of the great bear and the mammoth, that is to say, the dead were interred in the same kind of caves as those which were then generally used as places of abode. fig. represents a funeral ceremonial during the reindeer epoch. [illustration: fig. .--a funeral ceremony during the reindeer epoch.] the corpse is borne on a litter of boughs, a practice which is still in use among some modern savages. men provided with torches, that is branches of resinous trees, preceded the funeral procession, in order to light the interior of the cavern. the cave is open, ready to receive the corpse, and it will be closed again after it is deposited there. the weapons, ornaments, and utensils which he had prized during his lifetime, are brought in to be laid by the side of the dead. we will sum up the principal facts which we have laid before our readers in this account of the condition of mankind during the reindeer epoch, by quoting an eloquent passage from a report addressed by m. Édouard dupont to the belgian minister of the interior, on the excavations carried on by this eminent belgian geologist in the caves in the neighbourhood of furfooz. "the data obtained from the fossils of chaleux, together with those which have been met with in the caves of furfooz, present us," says m. dupont, "with a striking picture of the primitive ages of mankind in belgium. "these ancient tribes and all their customs, after having been buried in oblivion for thousands and thousands of years, are again vividly brought before our eyes; and, like the wondrous bird, which, in its ashes, found a new source of life, antiquity lives again in the relics of its former existence. "we may almost fancy that we can see them in their dark and subterranean retreats, crouching round their hearths, and skilfully and patiently chipping out their flint instruments and shaping their reindeer-horn tools, in the midst of all the pestilential emanations arising from the various animal remains which their carelessness has allowed to remain in their dwellings. skins of wild beasts are stripped of their hair, and, by the aid of flint needles, are converted into garments. in our mind's eye, we may see them engaged in the chase, and hunting wild animals--their only weapons being darts and spears, the fatal points of which are formed of nothing but a splinter of flint. "again, we are present at their feasts, in which, during the period when their hunting has been fortunate, a horse, a bear, or a reindeer becomes the more noble substitute for the tainted flesh of the rat, their sole resource in the time of famine. "now, we see them trafficking with the tribes inhabiting the region now called france, and procuring the jet and fossil shells with which they love to adorn themselves, and the flint which is to them so precious a material. on one side they are picking up the fluor spar, the colour of which is pleasing to their eyes; on the other, they are digging out the great slabs of sandstone which are to be placed as hearthstones round their fire. "but, alas! inauspicious days arrive, and certainly misfortune does not seem to spare them. a falling in of the roof of their cave drives them out of their chief dwelling-place. the objects of their worship, their weapons, and their utensils--all are buried there, and they are forced to fly and take up their abode in another spot. "the ravages of death break in upon them; how great are the cares which are now lavished upon those whom they have lost! they bear the corpse into its cavernous sepulchre; some weapons, an amulet, and perhaps an urn, form the whole of the funeral furniture. a slab of stone prevents the inroad of wild beasts. then begins the funeral banquet, celebrated close by the abode of the dead; a fire is lighted, great animals are cut up, and portions of their smoking flesh are distributed to each. how strange the ceremonies that must then have taken place! ceremonies like those told us of the savages of the indian and african solitudes. imagination may easily depict the songs, the dances and the invocations, but science is powerless to call them into life. "the sepulchre is often reopened; little children and adults came in turn to take their places in the gloomy cave. thirteen times the same ceremonial occurs, and thirteen times the slab is moved to admit the corpses. "but the end of this primitive age is at last come. torrents of water break in upon the country. its inhabitants, driven from their abodes, in vain take refuge on the lofty mountain summits. death at last overtakes them, and a dark cavern is the tomb of the wretched beings, who, at furfooz, were witnesses of this immense catastrophe. "nothing is respected by the terrible element. the sepulchre, the object of such care on the part of the artless tribe, is burst open before the torrent, and the bones of the dead bodies, disjointed by the water, are dispersed into the midst of the crumbling earth and stones. their former habitation alone is exempt from this common destruction, for it has been protected by a previous catastrophe--the sinking in of its roof on to the ground of the cave." having now given a sketch of the chief features presented by man and his surroundings during the reindeer epoch; having described the most important objects of his skill, and dwelt upon the products of his artistic faculties; it now remains for us to complete, in a scientific point of view, the study of this question, by notifying the sources from which we have been able to gather our data, and to bring home to our minds these interesting ideas. under this head, we may state that almost all the information which has been obtained has been derived from caves; and it will, therefore, be best to make a few brief remarks on the caverns which have been the scene of these various discoveries. honour to whom honour is due. in mentioning these localities, we must place in the first class the settlements of périgord, which have contributed to so great an extent towards the knowledge which we possess of primitive man. the four principal ones are, the cave of les eyzies and the rock-shelters or caverns of la madelaine, laugerie-haute, and laugerie-basse. all of them have been explored by mm. lartet and christy, who, after having directed the excavations with the greatest ability, have set forth the results of their researches in a manner no less remarkable.[ ] the settlement of laugerie-basse has also been explored by m. de vibraye, who collected there some very interesting specimens. we have no intention of reverting to what we have before stated when describing the objects found in these various localities. we will content ourselves with mentioning the lumbar vertebral bone of a reindeer found in the cave of eyzies, of which we have given a representation in fig. ; it was pierced through by an arrow-head, which may still be seen fixed in it. if any doubts could still exist of the co-existence, in france, of man and the reindeer, this object should suffice to put an end to them for ever. we will mention, as next in importance, the cave and rock-shelters at bruniquel (tarn-et-garonne). they have been carefully examined by a great many explorers, among whom we must specify m. garrigou, m. de lastic (the proprietor of the cavern), m. v. brun, the learned director of the museum of natural history at montauban, and m. peccadeau de l'isle. it is to be regretted that m. de lastic sold about fifteen hundred specimens of every description of the relics which had been found on his property, to professor owen, for the british museum. in this large quantity of relics, there were, of course, specimens which will never be met with elsewhere; which, therefore, it would have been better in every respect to have retained in france. the cave of bruniquel has also furnished us with human bones, amongst which are two almost perfect skulls, one of which we have previously represented; also two half jaw-bones which resemble those found at moulin-quignon. m. v. brun has given, in his interesting work, a representation of these human remains.[ ] we will now mention the _cave of bize_ near narbonne (aude); the _cave of la vache_ in the valley of tarascon (ariége), in which m. garrigou collected an immense quantity of bones, on one of which some peculiar characters are graven, constituting, perhaps, a first attempt in the art of writing; the _cavern of massat_ in the same department, which has been described by m. fontan, and is thought by m. lartet to have been a summer dwelling-place, the occupiers of which lived on raw flesh and snails, for no traces of a hearth are to be seen, although it must have been used for a considerable time as a shelter by primitive man; the _cave of lourdes_, near tarbes (hautes-pyrénées), in which m. milne-edwards met with a fragment of a human skull, belonging to an adult individual; the _cave of espalungue_, also called the _grotto of izeste_ (basses-pyrénées), where mm. garrigou and martin found a human bone, the fifth left metatarsal; the _cave of savigné_ (vienne), situated on the banks of the charente, and discovered by m. joly-leterme, an architect of saumur, who there found a fragment of a stag's bone, on which the bodies of two animals are graven with hatchings to indicate shadows; the _grottos of la balme and bethenas_, in dauphiné, explored by m. chantre; lastly, the settlement of solutré, in the neighbourhood of mâcon, from which mm. ferry and arcelin have exhumed two human skulls, together with some very fine flint instruments of the laugerie-haute type. these settlements do not all belong to the same epoch, although most of them correspond to the long period known as the reindeer epoch. it is not always possible to determine their comparative chronology. from the state of their _débris_ it can, however, be ascertained, that the caves of lourdes and espalungue date back to the most ancient period of the reindeer epoch; whilst the settlements of périgord, of tarn-et-garonne, and of mâconnais are of a later date. the cave of massat seems as if it ought to be dated at the beginning of the wrought stone epoch, for no bones have been found there, either of the reindeer or the horse; the remains of the bison are the sole representatives of the extinct animal species. in concluding this list of the french bone-caves which have served to throw a light upon the peculiar features of man's existence during the reindeer epoch, we must not omit to mention the belgian caves, which have been so zealously explored by m. Édouard dupont. from the preceding pages, we may perceive how especially important the latter have been in the elucidation of the characteristics of man's physical organisation during this epoch. france and belgium are not the only countries which have furnished monuments relating to man's history during the reindeer epoch. we must not omit to mention that settlements of this epoch have been discovered both in germany and also in switzerland. in a great quantity of bones and broken instruments were found at the bottom of an ancient glacier-moraine in the neighbourhood of rabensburg, not far from the lake of constance. the bones of the reindeer formed about ninety-eight hundredths of these remains. the other _débris_ were the bones of the horse, the wolf, the brown bear, the white fox, the glutton and the ox. in , on a mountain near geneva, a cave was discovered about feet deep and feet wide, which contained, under a layer of carbonate of lime, a great quantity of flints and bones. the bones of the reindeer formed the great majority of them, for eighteen skeletons of this animal were found. the residue of the remains were composed of four horses, six ibex, intermingled with the bones of the marmot, the chamois, and the hazel-hen; in short, the bones of the whole animal population which, at the present time, has abandoned the valleys of switzerland, and is now only to be met with on the high mountains of the alps. footnotes: [ ] 'origine de la navigation et de la pêche.' paris, , p. . [ ] 'pre-historic times,' d ed. p. . [ ] 'l'homme fossile.' brussels, (page ). [ ] 'the primitive inhabitants of scandinavia,' by sven nilsson, p. . london, . [ ] 'reliquiæ aquitanicæ,' by Éd. lartet and h. christy. london, , &c. [ ] 'notice sur les fouilles paléontologiques de l'age de la pierre exécutées à bruniquel et saint-antonin,' by v. brun. montauban, . iii. the polished-stone epoch; or, the epoch of tamed animals. chapter i. the european deluge--the dwelling-place of man during the polished-stone epoch--the caves and rock-shelters still used as dwelling-places--principal caves belonging to the polished-stone epoch which have been explored up to the present time--the food of man during this period. aided by records drawn from the bowels of the earth, we have now traversed the series of antediluvian ages since the era when man first made his appearance on the earth, and have been enabled, though but very imperfectly, to reconstruct the history of our primitive forefathers. we will now leave this epoch, through the dark night of which science seeks almost in vain to penetrate, and turn our attention to a period the traces of which are more numerous and more easily grasped by our intelligence--a period, therefore, which we are able to characterise with a much greater degree of precision. a great catastrophe, the tradition of which is preserved in the memory of all nations, marked in europe the end of the quaternary epoch. it is not easy to assign the exact causes for this great event in the earth's history; but whatever may be the explanation given, it is certain that a cataclysm, caused by the violent flowing of rushing water, took place during the quaternary geological epoch; for the traces of it are everywhere visible. these traces consist of a reddish clayey deposit, mixed with sand and pebbles. this deposit is called in some countries _red diluvium_, and in others _grey diluvium_. in the valley of the rhone and the rhine it is covered with a layer of loamy deposit, which is known to geologists by the name of _loess_ or _lehm_, and as to the origin of which they are not all agreed. sir charles lyell is of opinion that this mud was produced by the crushing of the rocks by early alpine glaciers, and that it was afterwards carried down by the streams of water which descended from these mountains. this mud covers a great portion of belgium, where it is from to feet in thickness, and supplies with material a large number of brickfields. this deposit, that is the _diluvial beds_, constitutes nearly the most recent of all those which form the earth's crust; in many european countries, it is, in fact the ground trodden under the feet of the present population. the inundation to which the _diluvium_ is referred closes the series of the quaternary ages. after this era, the present geological period commences, which is characterised by the almost entire permanency of the vertical outline of the earth, and by the formation of peat-bogs. the earliest documents afforded us by history are very far from going back to the starting-point of this period. the history of the ages which we call historical is very far from having attained to the beginning of the present geological epoch. in order to continue our account of the progressive development of primitive man, we must now turn our attention to the _polished-stone epoch_, or the _epoch of tamed animals_, which precedes the metal age. as the facts which we shall have to review are very numerous, we will, in the first place, consider this epoch as it affects those parts of our continent which form the present france and belgium; next, with reference to denmark and switzerland, in which countries we shall have to point out certain manners and customs of man of an altogether special character. we shall consider in turn:-- st. the habitation of man during the polished-stone epoch. nd. his system of food. rd. his arts and manufactures. th. the weapons manufactured by him, and their use in war. th. his attainments in agriculture, fishing, and navigation. th. his funeral ceremonies. th. lastly, the characteristics of mankind during this epoch. _habitation._--in that part of the european continent which now forms the country called france, man, during that period we designate under the name of the polished-stone epoch, continued for a considerable time to inhabit rock-shelters and caves which afforded him the best retreat from the attacks of wild beasts. this fact has been specially proved to have been the case in the extreme south of the above-mentioned country. among the investigations which have contributed towards its verification, we must give particular notice to those made by mm. garrigou and filhol in the caves of the pyrenees (ariége). these two _savants_ have also explored the caves of pradières, bedeilhac, labart, niaux, ussat, and fontanel.[ ] in one of these caves, which we have already mentioned in the preceding chapter, but to which we must again call attention--for they belong both to the polished stone, and also to the reindeer epoch--mm. garrigou and filhol found the bones of a huge ox, the urus or _bos primigenius_, a smaller kind of ox, the stag, the sheep, the goat, the antelope, the chamois, the wild boar, the wolf, the dog, the fox, the badger, the hare, and possibly those of the horse. neither the bones of the reindeer nor the bison are included in this list of names; on account of the mildness of the climate, these two species had already migrated towards the north and east in search of a colder atmosphere. the remains of hearths, bones split lengthwise, and broken skulls, indicate that the inhabitants of these caves lived on much the same food as their ancestors. it is probable that they also ate raw snails, for a large quantity of their shells were found in this cave, and also in the cavern of massat,[ ] the presence of which can only be accounted for in this way. these remains were found intermingled with piercers, spear-heads, and arrow-heads, all made of bone; also hatchets, knives, and scratchers, made of flint, and also of various other substances, which were more plentiful than flint in that country, such as siliceous schist, quartzite, leptinite and serpentine stones. these instruments were carefully wrought, and a few had been polished at one end on a slab of flag-stone. in the cave of lourdes (hautes-pyrénées), which has been explored by m. alphonse milne-edwards, two layers were observed; one belonging to the reindeer epoch, and the other to the polished-stone epoch.[ ] the cave of pontil (hérault), which has been carefully examined by professor gervais,[ ] has furnished remains of every epoch including the bronze age; we must, however, except the reindeer epoch, which is not represented in this cave. lastly, we will mention the cave of saint-jean-d'alcas (aveyron), which has been explored, at different times, by m. cazalis de fondouce. this is a sepulchral cave, like that of aurignac. when it was first explored, about twenty years ago, five human skulls, in good preservation, were found in it--a discovery, the importance of which was then unheeded, and the skulls were, in consequence, totally lost to science. flint, jade, and serpentine instruments, carved bones, remains of rough pottery, stone amulets, and the shells of shell-fish, which had formed necklaces and bracelets, were intermingled with human bones. at saint-jean-d'alcas, m. cazalis de fondouce did not meet with any remains of funeral banquets such as were found at aurignac and furfooz; he only noticed two large flag-stones lying across one another at the mouth of the cave, so as to make the inlet considerably narrower. this cave, according to a recent publication of m. cazalis, must be referred to a more recent epoch than was at first supposed, for some fragments of metallic substances were found in it. it must, therefore, have belonged to a late period of the polished-stone epoch.[ ] _man's system of feeding during the polished-stone epoch._--in order to obtain full information on the subject of man's food in the north and centre of europe during the polished-stone epoch, we must appeal to the interesting researches of which denmark has been the scene during the last few years; but these researches, on account of their importance, require a detailed account. [illustration: fig. .--man of the polished-stone epoch.] footnotes: [ ] 'l'homme fossile des cavernes de lombrive et de lherm.' toulouse, . illustrated. 'l'age de pierre dans les vallées de tarascon' (ariége). tarascon, . [ ] 'sur deux cavernes découvertes dans la montagne de kaer à massat' (ariége). quoted by lyell, appendix to 'the antiquity of man,' p. . [ ] 'de l'existence de l'homme pendant la période quaternaire dans la grotte de lourdes' (hautes-pyrénées). ('annales des sciences naturelles,' th series, vol. xvii.) [ ] 'mémoires de l'académie de montpellier' ('section des sciences'), , vol. iii, p. . [ ] 'sur une caverne de l'age de la pierre, située près de saint-jean-d'alcas' (aveyron), . 'derniers temps de l'age de la pierre polie dans l'aveyron', montpellier, . illustrated. chapter ii. the _kjoekken-moeddings_ or "kitchen-middens" of denmark--mode of life of the men living in denmark during the polished-stone epoch--the domestication of the dog--the art of fishing during the polished-stone epoch--fishing-nets--weapons and instruments of war--type of the human race; the borreby skull. although classed in the lowest rank on account of the small extent of its territory and the number of its inhabitants, the danish nation is, nevertheless, one of the most important in europe, in virtue of the eminence to which it has attained in science and arts. this valiant, although numerically speaking, inconsiderable people, can boast of a great number of distinguished men who are an honour to science. the unwearied researches of their archæologists and antiquarians have ransacked the dust of bygone ages, in order to call into new life the features of a vanished world. their labours, guided by the observations of naturalists, have brought out into the clear light of day some of the earliest stages in man's existence and progress. there is no part of the world more adapted than denmark to this kind of investigation. antiquities may be met with at every step; the real point in question is to know how to examine them properly, so as to obtain from them important revelations concerning the manners, customs, and manufactures of the pre-historic inhabitants. the museum of copenhagen, which contains antiquities from various scandinavian states, is, in this respect, without a rival in the world. among the objects arranged in this well-stocked museum a great many specimens may be observed which have come from the so-called _kitchen-middens_. in the first place, what are these _kjoekken-moeddings_, or kitchen-middens, with their uncouth scandinavian name? immense accumulations of shells have been observed on different points of the danish coast, chiefly in the north, where the sea enters those narrow deep creeks, known by the name of _fiords_. these deposits are not generally raised more than about feet above the level of the sea; but in some steep places their altitude is greater. they are about to feet in thickness, and from to feet in width; their length is sometimes as much as feet, with a width of from to feet. on some of the more level shores they form perfect hills, on which, as at havelse, windmills are sometimes built. what do we meet with in these heaps? an immense quantity of sea-shells, especially those of the oyster, broken bones of mammiferous animals, remains of birds and fish; and, lastly, some roughly-wrought flints. the first idea formed with regard to these kitchen-middens was that they were nothing but banks of fossil shells, beds which had formerly been submerged, and subsequently brought to light by an upheaval of the earth caused by some volcanic cause. but m. steenstrup, a danish _savant_, opposed this opinion, basing his contradiction on the fact that these shells belong to four different species which are never found together, and consequently they must have been brought together by man. m. steenstrup also called attention to the fact that almost all these shells must have belonged to full-grown animals, and that there were hardly any young ones to be found amongst them. a peculiarity of this kind is an evident indication of the exercise of some rational purpose, in fact, of an act of the human will. when all the _débris_ and relics which we have enumerated were discovered in these kitchen-middens, when the remains of hearths--small spots which still retained traces of fire--were found in them, the origin of these heaps were readily conjectured. tribes once existed there who subsisted on the products of fishing and hunting, and threw out round their cabins the remains of their meals, consisting especially of the _débris_ of shell-fish. these remains gradually accumulated, and constituted the considerable heaps which we are discussing; hence the name of _kjoekken-moedding_, composed of two words--_kjoekken_, kitchen; and _moedding_, heap of refuse. these "kitchen-middens," as they are called, are, therefore, the refuse from the meals of the primitive population of denmark. if we consider the heaps of oyster-shells and other _débris_ which accumulate in the neighbourhood of eating-houses in certain districts, we may readily understand, comparing great things with small, how these danish kitchen-middens were produced. i myself well recollect having noticed in the environs of montpellier small hillocks of a similar character, formed by the accumulation of oyster-shells, mussels, and clams. when the conviction was once arrived at that these kitchen-middens were the refuse of the meals of the primitive inhabitants, the careful excavation of all these heaps scattered along the danish coast became an extremely interesting operation. it might be justly expected that some data would be collected as to the customs and manufactures of the ancient dwellers in these countries. a commission was, in consequence, appointed by the danish government to examine these deposits, and to publish the results of its labours. this commission was composed of three _savants_, each of whom were eminent in their respective line--steenstrup, the naturalist, forchhammer, a geologist, and the archæologist, worsaae--and performed its task with as much talent as zeal. the observations which were made are recorded in three reports presented to the academy of sciences at copenhagen. from these documents are borrowed most of the details which follow. before proceeding to acquaint our readers with the facts brought to light by the danish commission, it will be well to remark that denmark does not stand alone in possessing these kitchen-middens. they have been discovered in england--in cornwall and devonshire--in scotland, and even in france, near hyères (bouches-du-rhône).[ ] mm. sauvage and hamy have pointed out to m. de mortillet the existence of deposits of this kind in the pas-de-calais. they may be noticed, say these naturalists, at la salle (commune of outreau) at certain parts of the coast of portel, and especially a very large heap at cronquelets (commune of etaples.) they chiefly consist of the _cardium edule_, which appear to abound in the kitchen-middens of the pas-de-calais. messrs. evans, prestwich, and lubbock observed one of these deposits at saint-valery, near the mouth of the somme. added to this, they have been described by various travellers as existing in different parts of the world. dampier studied them in australia, and darwin in tierra del fuego, where deposits of the same character are now in the course of formation. m. pereira da costa found one on the coast of portugal; sir c. lyell has testified to the existence of others on the coasts of massachusetts and georgia, in the united states; m. strobel, on the coasts of brazil. but those in denmark are the only deposits of this kind which have been the subject of investigations of a deliberate and serious character. almost all these kitchen-middens are found on the coast, along the _fiords_, where the action of the waves is not much felt. some have, however, been found several miles inland; but this must be owing to the fact that the sea once occupied these localities, from which it has subsequently retired. they are not to be met with on some of the danish coasts, as those of the western side; this, on the one hand, may be caused by their having been washed away by the sea, which has there encroached on the land, or, on the other hand, by the fact that the western coast was much less sheltered than the other parts of the danish peninsula. they are not unfrequently to be found in the adjacent islands. these kitchen-middens form, in a general way, undulating mounds, which sink in a gentle incline from the centre to the circumference. the spot where they are thickest indicates the site of the habitations of man. sometimes, we may notice one principal hillock, surrounded by smaller mounds; or else, in the middle of the heaps, there is a spot which must have been the site of the encampment. these refuse deposits are almost entirely made up of shells of various kinds of molluscs; the principal species are the oyster, the cockle, the mussel, and the periwinkle. others, such as whelks, _helices_ (edible snails), _nassa_, and _trigonella_, are also found; but they are comparatively few in number. fishes' bones are discovered in great abundance in the kitchen-middens. they belong to the cod, herring, dab, and eel. from this we may infer that the primitive inhabitants of denmark were not afraid of venturing out to brave the waves of the sea in their frail skiffs; for the herring and the cod cannot, in fact, be caught except at some little distance from the shore. mammalian bones are also plentifully distributed in the danish kitchen-middens. those most commonly met with are the remains of the stag, the roe, and the boar, which, according to m. steenstrup's statement, make up ninety-seven hundredths of the whole mass. others are the relics of the urus, the wolf, the dog, the fox, the wild-cat, the lynx, the marten, the otter, the porpoise, the seal, the water-rat, the beaver and the hedgehog. the bison, the reindeer, the elk, the horse, and the domestic ox have not left behind them any trace which will permit us to assume that they existed in denmark at the period when these deposits were formed. amongst other animals, we have mentioned the dog. by various indications, we are led to the belief that this intelligent creature had been at this time reduced to a state of domesticity. it has been remarked that a large number of the bones dispersed in these kitchen-middens are incomplete; exactly the same parts are almost always missing, and certain bones are entirely wanting. m. steenstrup is of opinion that these deficiencies may be owing to the agency of dogs, which have made it their business to ransack the heaps of bones and other matters which were thrown aside by their masters. this hypothesis was confirmed, in his idea, when he became convinced, by experience, that the bones which were deficient in these deposits were precisely those which dogs are in the habit of devouring, and that the remaining portions of those which were found were not likely to have been subject to their attacks on account of their hardness and the small quantity of assimilable matter which was on or in them. although primitive man may have elevated the dog to the dignity of being his companion and friend, he was, nevertheless, sometimes in the habit of eating him. no doubt he did not fall back upon this last resort except in cases when all other means of subsistence failed him. bones of the dog, broken by the hand of man, and still bearing the marks of having been cut with a knife, are amongst the remains found, and place the fact beyond any question. we find, besides, the same taste existing here which we have seen manifested in other ages and different countries. all the long bones have been split in order to extract their marrow--the dainty so highly appreciated by man during the epochs of the reindeer and the mammoth. some remains of birds have been found in the kitchen-middens; but most of the species are aquatic--a fact which may be readily explained by the seaboard position of the men who formed these deposits. as the result of this review of the various substances which were made use of for food by the men of the polished-stone epoch, we may infer that they were both hunters and fishermen. animals of rapid pace were hunted down by means of the dart or arrow, and any more formidable prey was struck down at close quarters by some sharp stone weapon. fishing was practised, as at the present day, by means of the line and net. we have already seen that men, during the reindeer epoch, probably used hooks fastened at the end of lines. these hooks, as we have before remarked, were made with splinters of bone or reindeer horn. during the polished-stone epoch this fishing instrument was much improved, and they now possessed the real hook with a recurvate and pointed end. this kind of hook was found by dr. uhlmann in one of the most ancient lacustrine stations of switzerland. but a curved hook was both difficult to make and also not very durable; instead of it was used another and more simple sort--the straight skewer fixed to serve as a hook. this is a simple fragment of bone, about an inch long, very slender and pointed at the two ends (fig. ). sometimes it is a little flattened in the middle, or bored with a hole, into which the line was fastened. [illustration: fig. .--bone skewers used as fish-hooks.] this little splinter of bone, when hidden by the bait and fastened to a line, was swallowed by the fish and could not be disgorged, one of the pointed ends being certain to bury itself in the entrails of the creature. some of our readers will perhaps be surprised to learn that men of the polished-stone epoch were in the habit of fishing with nets; but it is a fact that cannot be called into question, for the very conclusive reason, that the remains of these nets have been found. how could it possibly come to pass that fishing-nets of the polished-stone epoch should have been preserved to so late a period as our times? this is exactly the question we are about to answer. on the lakes of switzerland and of other countries, there used to exist certain habitations of man. these are the so-called _lacustrine dwellings_ which we shall have hereafter to consider in some considerable detail, when we come to the bronze age. the men who lived on these lakes were necessarily fishers; and some traces of their fishing-nets have been discovered by a circumstance which chemistry finds no difficulty in explaining. some of these lake-dwellings were destroyed by fire; as, for instance, the lacustrine settlements of robenhausen and wangen in switzerland. the outsides of these cabins, which were almost entirely constructed of wood, burnt, of course, very readily; but the objects inside, chiefly consisting of nets--the sole wealth of these tribes--could not burn freely for want of oxygen, but were only charred with the heat. they became covered with a slight coating of some empyreumatic or tarry matter--an excellent medium for insuring the preservation of any organic substance. these nets having been scorched by the fire, fell into the water with the _débris_ of the hut, and, in consequence of their precipitate fall, never having come in actual contact with the flame, have been preserved almost intact at the bottom of the lakes. when, after a long lapse of centuries, they have been again recovered, these _débris_ have been the means of affording information as to the manufacture both of the fishing-nets, and also as to the basket-work, vegetable provisions, &c., of these remote ages. in one of dr. keller's papers on these _lacustrine dwellings_, of which we shall have more to say further on, we find a description and delineation of certain fishing-nets which were recovered from the lake of robenhausen. in the museum of saint-germain we inspected with curiosity several specimens of these very nets, and we here give a representation of one of them. there were nets with wide meshes like that shown in fig. , and also some more closely netted. the mesh is a square one, and appears to have been made on a frame by knotting the string at each point of intersection. all these nets are made of flax, for hemp had not yet been cultivated. [illustration: fig. .--fishing-net with wide meshes.] these nets were held suspended in the water by means of floats, made, not of cork, but of the thick bark of the pine-tree, and were held down to the bottom of the water by stone weights. we give a representation here (fig. ), of one of these stone weights taken from a specimen exhibited in the museum of saint-germain. [illustration: fig. .--stone weight used for sinking the fishing-nets.] these stone weights, large quantities of which are to be seen in museums, and especially in that of saint-germain, are, in almost every case, nothing but pebbles bored through the centre. sometimes, however, they were round pieces of soft stone, having a hole made in the middle. through this hole the cord was passed and fastened by a knot on the other side. by means of the floats and weights the nets were made to assume any position in the water which was wished. the large size of the meshes in the nets belonging to the polished-stone epoch proves, that in the lakes and rivers of this period the fish that were used for food were of considerable dimensions. added to this, however, the monstrous hooks belonging to this epoch which have been found in the seine tend to corroborate this hypothesis. thus, then, the art of fishing had arrived in the polished-stone epoch to a very advanced stage of improvement. in plate we give a representation of fishing as carried on during the polished-stone epoch. [illustration: fig. .--fishing during the polished-stone epoch.] returning to the subject of the ancient danes, we must add, that these men, who lived on the sea-coasts, clad themselves in skins of beasts, rendered supple by the fat of the seal and marrow extracted from the bones of some of the large mammals. for dwelling-places they used tents likewise made of skins prepared in the same way. _arts and manufactures._--what degree of skill in this respect was attained by the men who lived during the polished-stone epoch? to give an answer to this question, we must again ransack those same kitchen-middens which have been the means of furnishing us with such accurate information as to the system of food of the man of that period. we shall also have to turn our attention to the remains found in the principal caves of this epoch. an examination of the instruments found in the kitchen-middens shows us that the flints are in general of a very imperfect type, with the exception, however, of the long splinters or knives, the workmanship of which indicates a considerable amount of skill. fig. represents a flint knife from one of the danish deposits, delineated in the museum of saint-germain; and fig. a _nucleus_, that is, a piece of flint from which splinters have been taken off, which were intended to be used as knives. [illustration: fig. .--flint knife, from one of the danish beds.] [illustration: fig. .--nucleus off which knives are flaked.] we also give a representation of a hatchet (fig. ) and a scraper (fig. ), which came from the same source. [illustration: fig. .--flint hatchet, from one of the danish beds.] [illustration: fig. .--flint scraper, from one of the danish beds.] besides these instruments, bodkins, spear-heads, and stones for slings have also been found in the kitchen-middens, without taking into account a quantity of fragments of flint which do not appear to have been wrought with any special purpose in view, and were probably nothing but rough attempts, or the mere refuse of the manufacture. [illustration: fig. .--refuse from the manufacture of wrought flints.] in the same deposits there are also found a good many pebbles, which, according to the general opinion, must have been used as weights to sink the fishing-nets to the bottom of the water. some are hollowed out with a groove all round them, like that depicted in fig. , which is designed from a specimen in the museum of saint-germain. others have a hole bored through the middle. this groove or hole was, doubtless, intended to hold the cord which fastened the stone weight to the net. [illustration: fig. .--weight to sink fishing-nets.] _weapons and tools._--we shall now pass on to the weapons and tools which were in use among the people in the north of europe during the period we are considering. during the latter period of the polished-stone epoch working in stone attained to a really surprising degree of perfection among the people of the north. it is, in fact, difficult to understand how, without making use of any metallic tools, men could possibly impart to flint, when fashioned into weapons and implements of all kinds, those regular and elegant shapes which the numerous excavations that have been set on foot are constantly bringing to light. the danish flint may, it is true, be wrought with great facility; but nevertheless, an extraordinary amount of skill would be none the less necessary in order to produce that rectitude of outline and richness of contour which are presented by the danish specimens of this epoch--specimens which will not be surpassed even in the bronze age. the hatchets found in the north of europe, belonging to the polished-stone epoch, differ very considerably from the hatchets of france and belgium. the latter are rounded and bulging at the edges; but the hatchets made use of by the people of the north (fig. ) were flatter and cut squarely at the edge. they were nearly in the shape of a rectangle or elongated trapezium, with the four angles cut off. their dimensions are sometimes considerable; some have been found which measured nearly inches in length. [illustration: fig. .--danish axe of the polished-stone epoch.] independently of this type, which is the most plentiful, the northern tribes used also to manufacture the drilled hatchet, which is combined in various ways with the hammer. in these instruments, the best workmanship and the most pleasing shapes are to be noticed. the figs. , and , designed in the museum of saint-germain, from authentic specimens sent by the museum of copenhagen, represent double-edged axes and axe-hammers. they are all pierced with a round hole in which the handle was fixed. the cutting edge describes an arc of a circle, and the other end is wrought into sharp angular edges. [illustration: fig. .--double-edged axe] [illustration: fig. .--danish axe-hammer, drilled for handle.] [illustration: fig. .--danish axe-hammer, drilled for handle.] these hatchets are distinguished from those of the reindeer epoch by a characteristic which enables us to refer them without hesitation to their real date, even in cases in which they have not yet been subject to the operation of polishing. the hatchets of the reindeer epoch have their cutting edge at the narrowest end, whilst those of the polished-stone epoch are sharp at their widest end. this observation does not apply specially to the danish hatchets; it refers equally to those of other european countries. the spear-heads are masterpieces of good taste, patience, and skill. there are two sorts of them. the most beautiful (figs. , ) assume the shape of a laurel-leaf; they are quite flat, and chipped all over with an infinite amount of art. their length is as much as inches. others are shorter and thicker in shape, and terminate at the base in an almost cylindrical handle. sometimes they are toothed at the edge (fig. ). these spear-heads were evidently fixed at the end of a staff, like the halberds of the middle ages and the modern lance. [illustration: fig. .--spear-head from denmark.] [illustration: fig. .--spear-head from denmark.] the poniards (fig. ) are no less admirable in their workmanship than the spear-heads, from which they do not perceptibly differ, except in having a handle, which is flat, wide, solid, and made a little thicker at the end. this handle is always more or less ornamented, and is sometimes covered with delicate carving. to chip a flint in this way must have required a skilful and well-practised hand. [illustration: fig. .--toothed spear-head of flint.] [illustration: fig. .--flint poniard, from denmark.] after these somewhat extraordinary instruments, we must mention the arrow-heads, the shapes of which are rather varied in their character. the arrow-heads most frequently found are formed in the shape of a triangular prism, terminating at the lower end in a stem intended to be inserted into a stick (fig. ); others are deeply indented at the base and quite flat. many are finely serrated on the edges, and occasionally even on the inside edge of the indentation. figs. , , , and represent the various types of danish arrow-heads, all of which are in the museum of saint-germain, and from which these designs were made. [illustration: fig. .--type of the danish arrow-head.] [illustration: fig. .--another type of arrow-head.] [illustration: fig. .--arrow-head.] [illustration: fig. .--arrow-head from denmark.] the chisels and gouges equally merit a special mention. the chisel (fig. ) is a kind of quadrangular prism, chipped in a bevel down to the base. [illustration: fig. .--flint chisel from denmark.] the gouges are hollowed out on one of their faces, so as to act as the tool the name of which has been applied to them. we next come to some curious instruments, of which we have given designs taken from the specimens in the museum of saint-germain; the purpose they were applied to is still problematical. they are small flakes, or blades, in the shape of a crescent (figs. , ). the inner edge, which was either straight or concave, is usually serrated like a saw; the convex side must have been fixed into a handle; for the traces of the handle may still be detected upon many of them. these instruments were probably made use of as scrapers in the preparation of skins for garments; perhaps, also, they were used as knives or as saws. [illustration: fig. .--small stone saw from the danish deposits.] [illustration: fig. .--another stone saw from denmark.] we must now turn our attention to instruments made of bone or stag's horn. they are much less numerous than those of stone, and have nothing about them of a very remarkable character. the only implement that is worthy of notice is the harpoon (fig. ). it is a carved bone, and furnished with teeth all along one side, the other edge being completely smooth. the harpoon of the reindeer epoch was decidedly superior to it. [illustration: fig. .--bone harpoon of the stone age from denmark.] on account of its singularity, we must not omit to mention an object made of bone, composed of a wide flat plate, from which spring seven or eight teeth of considerable length, and placed very close together; there is a kind of handle, much narrower, and terminating in a knob, like the top of a walking-stick. this is probably one of the first combs which ever unravelled the thickly-grown heads of hair of primitive man. [illustration: fig. .--bone comb from denmark.] it is a well-known fact that amber is very plentiful on the coasts of the baltic. even in the stone age, it was already much appreciated by the northern tribes, who used to make necklaces of it, either by merely perforating the rough morsels of amber and stringing them in a row, or by cutting them into spherical or elliptical beads, as is the case nowadays. fig. represents a necklace and also various other ornaments made of yellow amber, which have been drawn from specimens in the museum of saint-germain. [illustration: fig. .--necklace and various ornaments of amber.] although these northern tribes of the polished-stone epoch were such skilful workmen in flint, they were, nevertheless, but poor hands at pottery. the _débris_ of vessels collected from the danish _kitchen-middens_, and also from the peat-bogs and tombs, are in every way rough, and testify to a very imperfect knowledge of the art of moulding clay. they may be said to mark the first efforts of a manufacturing art which is just springing into existence, which is seeking for the right path, although not, as yet, able to find it. the art of pottery (if certain relics be relied on) was more advanced at a more ancient period, that is, during the reindeer epoch. we have already stated that during the reindeer epoch there existed certain manufactories of weapons and tools, the productions of which were distributed all round the adjacent districts, although over a somewhat restricted circle. in the epoch at which we have now arrived, certain _workshops_--for really this is the proper name to give them--acquired a remarkable importance, and their relations became of a much more extensive character. in several of the belgian caves, flints have been found which must have come from the celebrated workshop of grand-pressigny, situated in that part of the present france which forms the department of indre-et-loire, and, from their very peculiar character, are easily recognisable. commerce and manufacture had then emerged from their merely rudimentary state, and were entering into a period of activity implying a certain amount of civilisation. the great principle of division of labour had already been put into practice, for there were special workshops both for the shaping and polishing of flints. the most important of all the workshops which have been noticed in france is, unquestionably, that of grand-pressigny, which we have already mentioned. it was discovered by dr. léveillé, the medical man of the place; but, to tell the truth, it is not so much in itself a centre of manufacture as a series of workshops distributed in the whole neighbourhood round pressigny. at the time of this discovery, that is in , flints were found in thousands imbedded in the vegetable mould on the surface of the soil, over a superficies of to acres. the abbé chevalier, giving an account of this curious discovery to the _académie des sciences_ at paris, wrote: "it is impossible to walk a single step without treading on some of these objects." the workshops of grand-pressigny furnish us with a considerable variety of instruments. we find hatchets in all stages of manufacture, from the roughest attempt up to a perfectly polished weapon. we find, also, long flakes or flint-knives cleft off with a single blow with astonishing skill. all these objects, even the most beautiful among them, are nevertheless defective in some respect or other; hence it may be concluded that they were the refuse thrown aside in the process of manufacture. in this way may be explained the accumulation of so many of these objects in the same spot. there were likewise narrow and elongated points forming a kind of piercer, perfectly wrought; also scrapers, and saws of a particular type which seem to have been made in a special workshop. they are short and wide, and have at each end a medial slot intended to receive a handle. [illustration: fig. .--nucleus in the museum of saint-germain, from the workshop of grand-pressigny.] but the objects which are the most numerous of all, and those which obviate any doubt that pressigny was once an important centre of the manufacture of flint, are the _nuclei_ (fig. ), or the remnants of the lump of flint, from which the large blades known under the name of knives were cleft off. some of these lumps which we have seen in the museum of st. germain were as much as and inches in length; but the greater part did not exceed inches. the labourers of touraine, who often turn up these flints with their plough-shares, call them _pounds of butter_, looking at the similarity of shape. at the present day these _nuclei_ are plentiful in all the collections of natural history and geology. a strange objection has been raised against the antiquity of the hatchets, knives, and weapons found at pressigny. m. eugène robert has asserted that these flints were nothing else but the refuse of the siliceous masses which, at the end of the last century and especially at the beginning of the present, were used in the manufacture of gun-flints! the abbé bourgeois, m. penguilly l'haridon, and mr. john evans did not find much difficulty in proving the slight foundation there was for this criticism. in the department of loire-et-cher, in which the gun-flint manufacture still exists, the residue from the process bears no resemblance whatever to the _nuclei_ of pressigny; the fragments are much less in bulk, and do not present the same constantly-occurring and regular shapes. added to this, they are never chipped at the edges, like a great number of the flakes coming from the workshops of touraine. but another and altogether peremptory argument is that the flints of pressigny-le-grand are unfitted, on account of the texture, for the manufacture of gun-flints. moreover, the records of the artillery depôt, as remarked by m. penguilly l'haridon, librarian of the artillery museum, do not make mention of the locality of pressigny having ever been worked for this purpose. lastly, the oldest inhabitants of the commune have testified that they never either saw or heard of any body of workmen coming into the district to work flints. m. eugène robert's hypothesis, which mm. decaisne and elie de beaumont thought right to patronise, is, therefore, as much opposed to facts as to probability. very few polished flints are found in the workshops of pressigny-le-grand; it is, therefore, imagined that their existence commenced before the polished-stone epoch. according to this idea, the _nuclei_ would belong to a transitional epoch between the period of chipped stone, properly so called, and that of polished stone. the first was just coming to an end, but the second had not actually commenced. in other words, most of the pressigny flints have the typical shapes and style of cutting peculiar to the polished-stone age, but the polishing is wanting. this operation was not practised in the workshops of pressigny until some considerable period after they were founded, and were already in full operation. in the neighbourhood of this locality a number of polishers have been found of a very remarkable character. they are large blocks of sandstone (fig. ), furrowed all over, or only on a portion of their surface, with grooves of various depths, in which objects might be polished by an energetic friction. [illustration: fig. .--polisher from grand-pressigny, both faces being shown.] some polishers of the same kind, which have been found in various departments, are rather different from the one we have just named. thus, one specimen which was found by m. leguay in the environs of paris, in the burial-places of varenne-saint-hilaire, of which we give a representation further on, is provided not only with grooves but also hollows of a basin-like shape, and of some little depth. the polishing of the flints was carried into effect by rubbing them against the bottom of these hollows, which were moistened by water, and no doubt contained siliceous dust of a harder nature than the stone which had to be polished. we must here pause for a moment to remark that all these operations which were carried out by our ancestors in fashioning the flint could not fail to have presented certain difficulties, and must have required a remarkable development of intelligence and skill. working flints into shape, which appears at first sight a very simple matter, is, however, a rather complicated operation, on account of the properties of this mineral substance and the beds in which it lies. in its natural state the flint presents itself in the shape of nearly round lumps, which are brittle, but nevertheless very hard, and which, like glass, can be split in any direction by a blow, so as to furnish scales with sharp edges. in consequence of this circumstance, all that would be requisite in order to produce sharp objects is to cleave off flakes in the shape of a knife or poniard, by striking a flint, held in the left hand, with another and harder flint or hammer. instead of holding in the left hand the flint which was to be wrought, it might also be placed on a rest and, being held fast with the left hand, suitable blows might be applied to the stone. we must not, however, omit to mention, that to enable the flint to be cut up into sharp splinters and to be broken in any desired direction, it is necessary for it to have been very recently extracted from the bosom of the earth; it must possess the humidity which is peculiar to it, with which it is impregnated when in its natural bed. if pieces of flint are exposed to the open air they cannot afterwards be readily broken with any degree of regularity; they then afford nothing but shapeless and irregular chips, of an entirely different character from that which would be required in fashioning them. this moisture was well known to the workmen who used to manufacture the gun-flints, and was called the _quarry damp_. the necessity that the flint should be wrought when newly extracted from the earth, and that the stones should only be dug just in proportion as they were wanted, brought about as a proximate result the creation and working of mines and quarries, which are thus almost as ancient as humanity itself. being unable to make use of flints which had been dried in the air, and consequently rendered unfit for being wrought, the workmen were compelled to make excavations, and to construct galleries, either covered or exposed to the open air, to employ wooden battening, shores, supports; in short, to put in use the whole plant which is required for working a stone-quarry. as, in order not to endanger the lives of the labourers, it was found necessary to prevent any downfalls, they were induced to follow out a certain methodical system in their excavations, by giving a sufficient thickness to the roofs of the galleries, by sinking shafts, by building breast-walls, and by adopting the best plan for getting out the useless _detritus_. when, as was often the case, water came in so as to hinder the miners, it was necessary to get rid of it in order that the workmen should not be drowned. it was also sometimes requisite that the galleries and the whole system of underground ways should be supplied with air. thus their labour in fashioning the flint must have led our ancestors to create the art of working quarries and mines. it has been made a subject of inquiry, how the tribes of the stone age could produce, without the aid of any iron tool, the holes which are found in the flints; and how they could perforate these same flints so as to be able to fit in handles for the hatchets, poniards, and knives; in fact, lapidaries of the present day cannot bore through gun-flints without making use of diamond dust. we are of opinion that the _bow_, which was employed by primitive man in producing fire by rubbing wood against wood, was also resorted to in the workshops for manufacturing stone implements and weapons for giving a rapid revolving motion to a flint drill which was sufficient to perforate the stone. certain experiments which have been made in our own day with very sharp arrow-heads which belonged to primitive man have proved that it is thus very possible to pierce fresh flints, if the action of the drill is assisted by the addition of some very hard dust which is capable of increasing the bite of the instrument. this dust or powder, consisting of corundum or zircon, might have been found without any great difficulty by the men of the stone age. these substances are, in fact, to be met with on the banks of rivers, their presence being betrayed by the golden spangles which glitter in the sand. thus the flint-drill, assisted by one of these powders, was quite adequate for perforating siliceous stones. when it is brought to our knowledge that the workmen of the black forest thus bore into bohemian granite in less than a minute, we shall not feel inclined to call this explanation in question.[ ] fig. attempts to give a representation of the workshop at pressigny for shaping and polishing flints--in other words, a manufacturing workshop of the polished-stone epoch. [illustration: fig. .--the earliest manufacture and polishing of flints.] in this sketch we have depicted the polisher found by m. leguay, of which we give a representation in fig. . in this picture it was indispensable for us to show the operation of polishing, for the latter is a characteristic of the epoch of mankind which we are now describing, that is, the polished-stone period. it must, in fact, be remarked that during the epoch of the great bear and the mammoth, and the reindeer epoch, stone instruments were not polished, they were purely and simply flakes or fragments of stone. during the epoch at which we have now arrived, a great improvement took place in this kind of work, and stone instruments were polished. it is therefore essential to call attention to the latter operation. [illustration: fig. .--polisher found by m. leguay.] we think we ought to quote here the brief account m. leguay has given of the polisher represented in our figure. in his 'note sur une pierre à polir les silex trouvée en septembre, , à la varenne-saint-hilaire (seine),' m. leguay thus writes:-- "amongst the many monuments of the stone age which i have collected at varenne-saint-hilaire, on the site of the ancient settlement which once existed there, there is one which has always struck me, not only by its good state of preservation, but also by the revelations which it affords us as to one of the principal manufactures of these tribes--the fabrication of flint weapons and utensils. "this object is a stone for polishing and fashioning the finest kind of hatchets. i discovered it in september, , at a spot called _la pierre au prêtre_, along with several other monuments of primitive art which i intend before long to make public. this stone is a rough sandstone of cubical shape, showing no trace whatever of having been hewn. it is inches in its greatest thickness, and measures inches long by wide, and, just as in many boulders, one of its faces is well adapted to the use for which it was employed. "this is the face which was used for many long years for rubbing and polishing the weapons made in the place, the remains of which are still found in small quantities in the neighbourhood, and abound in the burial-places, where they have been deposited as votive offerings. "almost the whole of its surface is occupied. in the centre is a basin presenting an oval surface inches the long way, and inches the narrow way. the stone, which has been considerably worn away in consequence of long use, has been rubbed off to a central depth of about inch; this portion must have been used for rubbing the larger objects after they had been roughly shaped by chipping. the length of the basin allowed a motion of considerable length to be given to the stone which was being worked, at the same time giving facilities to the workman for the exercise of all his strength. added to this, this cavity enabled the almond-like shape to be given to the objects--a form which they nearly all present. "either in front or to the right, according to the position in which the observer stands, and almost touching the edge of this basin, there is a hole deeply hollowed in the stone, being inches long; it extends along almost the whole length of the sandstone, with the maximum breadth of about inch, and presents the shape of a very elongated spindle hollowed out to a depth of something less than half an inch in the centre, which tapers off to nothing at the two ends. "the wear of the stone and the shape of this groove point out its intention. it must have been used to reduce the edges or the sides of the hatchet, which after the chipping and flat polishing were left either too thick or too sharp for a handle to be easily fitted to them. added to this, it smoothed down the roughnesses caused by chipping, which it replaced by a round form of no great thickness, which was again and again rubbed flatly on the stone to give it a square and sharp-edged level. this last operation took place in a basin, and it gave to the hatchet a curve in a lengthwise direction which is by no means ungraceful. "the thinning off of the edges of the groove was not an immaterial matter. it not only assisted in forming the above-named curve, but also prevented the cutting edge being distorted, and avoided the need of subsequent repolishing, which spoiled the object by rubbing it away too much. "it must not be for a moment imagined that the edge of the hatchet was made in this groove. examination proves the contrary, and that it was done flatwise while polishing the rest of the object; and if sometimes its thickness did not allow this, it was preliminarily done, and then finished in the general polishing. "but although this basin, and its accompanying groove, on account of their dimensions, acted very well for polishing the large hatchets, the case was different with the smaller ones. this is the reason why two other smaller basins, and also a small groove, were made on the flat part of the stone by the side of the others. "these two basins were placed at two corners of the face of the stone, but still parallel to the larger basin and also to the larger groove, so as to be convenient for the requirements of the workman engaged in polishing without compelling him to shift his position; one is inches, and the other inches in length, with a mean breadth of about - / inches. they are both in the shape of a rather narrow almond, and end almost in a point, which seems to show that they also were used in polishing somewhat narrow objects--perhaps to set right the edges of hatchets, in which the rubbing in the larger basin had produced cavities prejudicial to the perfection of the faces. "the small groove, placed very near the larger one, is inches long. it is the same shape as the other, but is not so deep, and scarcely half an inch wide. "not far from the end of this latter groove, at the point where it approaches the larger one, there are traces of a groove scarcely commenced. "lastly, the flat portions of the stone which are not occupied by the basins and grooves, were sometimes used for touching up the polish, or even for smoothing various objects. "thus, as we see, this polishing-stone, which is one of the most complete in existence, has on it three basins of different sizes, two well-defined grooves, and one only just sketched out. it would serve for finishing off all the instruments that could be required; but, nevertheless, two other sandstones of moderate size were found near it; one round, and the other of a spindle-like shape; these, which were worn and rubbed all over their surfaces, must also have been used in polishing objects. "finding these stones was, however, a thing of frequent occurrence in several spots of this locality, where i often met with them; they were of all sizes and all shapes, and perfectly adapted for polishing small flints, needles, and the cutting edges of knives, deposited with them in the sepulchres. "this polishing-stone, which is thickly covered with _dendrites_ or incrustations, must have been in use at the time it was abandoned. i found it about feet below the surface of the soil, in which it was turned upside down; that is, the basin lay next the earth. the few monuments that were with it--one among which i looked upon as an idol roughly carved in a block of sandstone--were all likewise turned upside down. there had been sepulchres in the neighbourhood, but they had been violated; and the displaced stones, as well as the bones themselves, only served to point out the presence of the former burial-place." the polishing of stone instruments was effected by rubbing the object operated upon in a cavity hollowed out in the centre of the polisher, in which cavity a little water was poured, mixed with zircon or corundum powder, or, perhaps, merely with oxide of iron, which is used by jewellers in carrying out the same operation. it is really surprising to learn what an enormous quantity of flints could be prepared by a single workman, provided with the proper utensils. for information on this point, it is requisite to know what could be done by our former flint-workers in the departments of indre and loire-et-cher, who are, in fact, the descendants of the workmen of the stone age. dolomieu, a french naturalist, desired at the beginning of the century to acquaint himself with the quantity which these workmen could produce, and at the same time to thoroughly understand the process which they employed in manufacturing gun-flints. by visiting the workshops of the flint-workers, m. dolomieu ascertained that the first shape which the workmen gave to the flint was that of a many-sided prism. in the next place, five or six blows with the hammer, which were applied in a minute, were sufficient to cleave off from the mass certain fragments as exact in shape, with faces as smooth, outlines as straight, and angles as sharp, as if the stone had been wrought by a lapidary's wheel--an operation which, in the latter case, would have required an hour's handiwork. all that was requisite, says dolomieu, is that the stones should be fresh, and devoid of flaws or heterogeneous matter. when operating upon a good kind of flint, freshly extracted from the ground, a workman could prepare proper flakes of flint in a day, turning out gun-flints, so that in three days he would perfectly finish ready for sale. in , the russian army was furnished with gun-flints from poland. the manufactory was established at kisniew. at this period, according to dolomieu, , of these gun-flints were made in two months. besides those at grand-pressigny, some other pre-historic workshops have been pointed out in france. we may mention those of charente, discovered by m. de rochebrune; also those of poitou, and lastly, the field of diorières, at chauvigny (loire-et-cher), which appears to have been a special workshop for polishing flint instruments. there is, in fact, not far from chauvigny, in the same department, a rock on which twenty-five furrows, similar to those in the polishing-stones, are still visible; on which account the inhabitants of the district have given it the name of the "scored rock." it is probable that this rock was used for polishing the instruments which were sculptured at diorières. the same kind of open-air workshops for the working of flints have also been discovered in belgium. the environs of mons are specially remarkable in this respect. at spiennes, particularly, there can be no doubt that an important manufactory of wrought flints existed during the polished-stone epoch. a considerable number of hatchets and other implements have been found there; all of them being either unfinished, defective, or scarcely commenced. we here give a representation (fig. ) of a spear-head which came from this settlement. [illustration: fig. .--spear-head from spiennes.] sometimes these workshops were established in caverns, and not in the open air. we are told this by m. j. fournet, a naturalist of lyons, in his work entitled, 'influence du mineur sur la civilisation.' "for a very long time past," says m. fournet, "the caves of mentone had been known to the inhabitants of the district, on account of the accumulation of _débris_ contained in them, a boxful of which were sent to paris, before , by the prince of monaco; the contents of it, however, were never subjected to any proper explanation. since this date, m. grand, of lyons, to whom i am indebted for a collection of specimens from these caves, carefully made several excavations, by which he was enabled to ascertain that the most remarkable objects are only to be met with at a certain depth in the clayey deposit with which the soil of these caves is covered. all the instruments are rough and rudimentary in their character, and must, consequently, be assigned to the first commencement of the art. nevertheless, among the flints some agates were found, which, in my opinion, certainly came from the neighbourhood of frejus; and with them also some pieces of hyaline quartz in the shape of prisms terminated by their two ordinary pyramids. we have a right to suppose that these crystals, which resembled the _meylan diamonds_ found near grenoble, did not come there by chance, and that their sharp points, when fixed in a handle and acting as drills, were used for boring holes in stone." flint was not, however, the only substance used during this epoch in the manufacture of stone-hatchets, instruments and tools. in the caves of france, belgium and denmark a considerable number of hatchets have been found, made of gneiss, diorite, ophite, fibrolite, jade, and various other very hard mineral substances, which were well adapted to the purpose required and the use to which they were put. among the most remarkable we may mention several jade hatchets which were found in the department of gers, and ornamented with small hooks on each side of the edge. one of these beautiful jade hatchets (fig. ), the delineation of which is taken from the specimen in the museum of saint-germain, was found in the department of seine-et-oise; it has a sculptured ridge in the middle of each face. [illustration: fig. .--polished jade hatchet in the museum of saint-germain.] but neither flint, gneiss, nor diorite exist in every country. for these stones some less hard substance was then substituted. in switzerland the instruments and tools were generally made of pebbles which had been drifted down by the streams. they were fashioned by breaking them with other stones, by rubbing them on sandstone, or by sawing them with toothed blades of flint according to their cohesive nature. in some localities also objects of large size were made of serpentine, basalts, lavas, jades, and other rocks chosen on account of their extreme cohesiveness. manual skill had, however, attained such a pitch of perfection among the workmen of this period, in consequence of their being habituated to one exclusive kind of labour, that the nature of the stone became a matter of indifference to them. the hammer, with the proper use of which our workmen are almost unacquainted, was a marvellous instrument in the hands of our ancestors; with it they executed prodigies of workmanship, which seem as if they ought to have been reserved for the file and grindstone of the lapidary of the present day. we shall not, perhaps, surprise our readers if we add that as certain volcanic lavas, especially obsidian, fracture with the same regularity and the same facility as the flint, obsidian was employed by the natives of america as a material for making sharp instruments. the ancient quarries whence the indians procured this rock for the manufacture of instruments and tools, were situate at the _cerro de navajas_--that is, the _mountain of knives_--in mexico. m. h. de saussure, the descendant of the great geologist, was fortunate enough to meet with, at this spot, pieces of mineral which had merely been begun upon, and allowed a series of double-edged blades to be subsequently cut off them; these were always to be obtained by a simple blow skilfully applied. according to m. h. de saussure, the first fashioning of these implements was confined to producing a large six-sided prism, the vertical corners of which were regularly and successively hewn off, until the piece left, or _nucleus_, became too small for the operation to be further continued. hernandez, the spanish historian, states that he has seen blades an hour manufactured in this way. added to this, the ancient aborigines of peru, and the guanches of teneriffe, likewise carved out of obsidian both darts and poniards. and, lastly, we must not omit to mention that m. place, one of the explorers of nineveh, found on the site of this ancient city, knives of obsidian, supposed to be used for the purpose of circumcision. having considered the flint instruments peculiar to the polished-stone epoch, we must now turn our attention to those made of stag's horn. the valley of the somme, which has furnished such convincing proof of the co-existence of man with the great mammals of extinct species, is a no less precious repository for instruments of stag's horn belonging to the polished-stone epoch. the vast peat-bogs of this region are the localities where these relics have been chiefly found. boucher de perthes collected a considerable number of them in the neighbourhood of abbeville. these peat-bogs are, as is well known, former marshes which have been gradually filled up by the growth of peat-moss (sphagnum), which, mixed with fallen leaves, wood, &c., and being slowly rotted by the surrounding water, became converted after a certain time into that kind of combustible matter which is called peat. the bogs in the valley of the somme in some places attain to the depth of feet. in the lower beds of this peat are found the weapons, the tools, and the ornaments of the polished-stone epoch. among these ancient relics we must mention one very interesting class; it is that formed by the association of two distinct component parts, such as stone and stag's horn, or stone and bone. the hatchets of this type are particularly remarkable; they consist of a piece of polished flint half buried in a kind of sheath of stag's horn, either polished or rough as the case may be (fig. ). [illustration: fig. .--polished flint hatchet, with a sheath of stag's horn fitted for a handle.] the middle of this sheath is generally perforated with a round or oval hole intended to receive a handle of oak, birch, or some other kind of wood adapted for such a use. fig. , taken from the illustration in boucher de perthes' work ('antiquités celtiques et antédiluviennes'), represents this hatchet fitted into a handle made of oak. [illustration: fig. .--flint hatchet fitted into a stag's-horn sheath, having an oak handle, from boucher de perthes' illustration.] it is difficult to understand how it was that a hatchet of this kind did not fall out of its sheath in consequence of any moderately violent blow; for it seems as if there was nothing to hold it in its place. this observation especially applies to hatchets, the whole length of which--even the portion covered by the sheath--was polished; for the latter would certainly slide out of their casing with ease. the fact is, that complete specimens are seldom found, and, generally speaking, the flints are separated from their sheaths. with regard to the handles, the nature of the material they were made from was unfavourable to their preservation through a long course of centuries; it is, therefore, only exceptionally that we meet with them, and even then they are always defaced. fig. is given by boucher de perthes, in his 'antiquités celtiques,' as the representation of an oaken handle found by him. a number of these sheaths have been found, which were provided at the end opposite to the stone hatchet with strong and pointed teeth. these are boar's tusks, firmly buried in the stag's horn. these instruments therefore fulfilled a double purpose; they cut or crushed with one end and pierced with the other. sheaths are also found which are not only provided with the boar's tusks, but are hollowed out at each end so as to hold two flint hatchets at once. this is represented in fig. from one of boucher de perthes' illustrations. [illustration: fig. .--hatchet-handle made of oak.] [illustration: fig. .--stag's-horn sheath, open at each end so as to receive two hatchets.] the hatchet fitted into a sheath of stag's horn which we here delineate (fig. ), was picked up in the environs of aerschot, and is an object well worthy of note; it is now in the museum of antiquities at brussels. its workmanship is perfect, and superior to that of similar instruments found in the peat-bogs of the valley of the somme. [illustration: fig. .--polished flint hatchet from belgium, fitted into a stag's-horn sheath.] stag's horn was often used alone as a material for the manufacture of tools which were not intended to endure any very hard work; among these were instruments of husbandry and gardening. we here give representations (figs. , , ) from boucher de perthes' illustrations, of certain implements made of stag's horn which appear to have had this purpose in view. it is remarked that they are not all perforated for holding a handle; in some cases, a portion of the stag's antler formed the handle. [illustration: fig. .--gardening tool made of stag's horn (after boucher de perthes).] [illustration: fig. .--gardening tool made of stag's horn (after boucher de perthes).] [illustration: fig. .--gardening tool made of stag's horn (after boucher de perthes).] in the course of his explorations in the peat-bogs of abbeville, m. boucher de perthes found numerous flakes of flint of irregular shapes, the use of which he was unable to explain. but there have also been discovered in the same deposits some long bones belonging to mammals--tibia, femur, radius, ulna--all cut in a uniform way, either in the middle or at the ends; he was led to imagine that these bones might have been the handles intended to hold the flints. in order to assure himself that this idea was well founded, he took one of the bones and a stone which came out of the peat, and, having put them together, he found he had made a kind of chisel, well-adapted for cutting, scooping-out, scratching and polishing horn or wood. he tried this experiment again several times, and always with full success. if the stone did not fit firmly into the bone, one or two wooden wedges were sufficient to steady it. after this, boucher de perthes entertained no doubt whatever that these bones had been formerly employed as handles for flint implements. the same handle would serve for several stones, owing to the ease with which the artisan could take one flint out and replace it with another, by the aid of nothing but these wooden wedges. this is the reason why, in the peat-bogs, flints of this sort are always much more plentiful than the bone handles. we must also state that it seems as if they took little or no trouble in repairing the flints when they were blunted, knowing how easy it would be to replace them. they were thrown away, without further care; hence their profusion. these handles are made of extremely hard bone, from which we may conclude that they were applied to operations requiring solid tools. most of them held the flint at one end only; but some were open at both ends, and would serve as handles for two tools at once. figs. and represent some of these flint tools in bone handles--the plates are taken from those in boucher de perthes' work. [illustration: fig. .--flint tool in a bone handle.] [illustration: fig. .--flint tool with bone handle.] generally speaking, these handles gave but little trouble to those who made them. they were content with merely breaking the bone across, without even smoothing down the fracture, and then enlarging the medullary hollow which naturally existed; next they roughly squared or rounded the end which was intended to be grasped by the hand. in fig. , we delineate one of these bone handles which is much more carefully fashioned; it has been cut off smooth at the open end, and the opposite extremity has been rounded off into a knob, which is ornamented with a design. [illustration: fig. .--ornamented bone handle.] during the polished-stone epoch, as during that which preceded it, the teeth of certain mammals were used in the way of ornament. but they were not content, as heretofore, with merely perforating them with holes and hanging them in a string round their necks; they were now wrought with considerable care. the teeth of the wild boar were those chiefly selected for this purpose. they were split lengthwise, so as to render them only half their original thickness, and were then polished and perforated with holes in order to string them. in the peat-mosses of the valley of the somme a number of boars' tusks have been found thus fashioned. the most curious discovery of this kind which has been made, was that of the object of which we give a sketch in fig. . it was found in , near pecquigny (somme), and is composed of nineteen boars' tusks split into two halves, as we before mentioned, perfectly polished, and perforated at each end with a round hole. through these holes was passed a string of some tendinous substance, the remains of which were, it is stated, actually to be seen at the time of the discovery. a necklace of this kind must have been of considerable value, as it would have necessitated a large amount of very tedious and delicate work. [illustration: fig. .--necklace made of boars' tusks, longitudinally divided.] in the peat-bogs near brussels polished flints have likewise been found, associated with animal bones, and two specimens of the human _humerus_, belonging to two individuals. the peat-bogs of antwerp, in which were found a human frontal bone, characterised by its great thickness, and its small surface, have also furnished fine specimens of flint knives (fig. ), which are in no way inferior to the best of those discovered at grand-pressigny. [illustration: fig. .--flint knife, from the peat-bogs near antwerp.] on none of the instruments of bone or horn, of which we have been speaking, are to be found the designs which we have described as being the work of man during the reindeer epoch. the artistic instinct seems to have entirely vanished. perhaps the diluvial catastrophe, which destroyed so many victims, had, as one of its results, the effect of effacing the feeling of art, by forcing men to concentrate their ideas on one sole point--the care of providing for their subsistence and defence. a quantity of remains, gathered here and there, bear witness to the fact that in the polished-stone epoch the use of pottery was pretty widely spread. most of the specimens are, as we have said, nothing but attempts of a very rough character, but still they testify to a certain amount of progress. the ornamentation is more delicate and more complicated. we notice the appearance of open-work handles, and projections perforated for the purpose of suspension. in short, there is a perceptible, though but preliminary step made towards the real creations of art. in the caves of ariége, mm. garrigou and filhol found some remains of ancient pottery of clay provided with handles, although of a shape altogether primitive. among the fragments of pottery found by these _savants_, there was one which measured inches in height, and must have formed a portion of a vase inches high. this vessel, which was necessarily very heavy, had been hung to cords; this was proved by finding on another portion of the same specimen three holes which had been perforated in it. _agriculture._--we have certain evidence that man, during the polished-stone epoch, was acquainted with husbandry, or, in other words, that he cultivated cereals. mm. garrigou and filhol found in the caves of ariége more than twenty mill-stones, which could only have been used in grinding corn. these stones are from to inches in diameter. the tribes, therefore, which, during the polished-stone epoch, inhabited the district now called ariége, were acquainted with the cultivation of corn. in , dr. foulon-menard published an article intended to describe a stone found at penchasteau, near nantes, in a tomb belonging to the stone age.[ ] this stone is inches wide, and hollowed out on its upper face. it was evidently used for crushing grain with the help of a stone roller, or merely a round pebble, which was rolled up and down in the cavity. the meal obtained by this pressure and friction made its way down the slope in the hollowing out of the stone, and was caught in a piece of matting, or something of the kind. to enable our readers to understand the fact that an excavation made in a circular stone formed the earliest corn-mill in these primitive ages, we may mention that, even in our own time, this is the mode of procedure practised among certain savage tribes in order to crush various seeds and corn. [illustration: fig. .--primitive corn-mill.] in the 'voyage du mississippi à l'océan,' by m. molhausen, we read:-- "the principal food of the indians consisted of roasted cakes of maize and wheat, the grains of which had been pulverised _between two stones_."[ ] in livingstone's expedition to the zambesi (central africa), it is stated that "the corn-mills of the mangajas, makalolos, landines and other tribes are composed of a block of granite or syenite, sometimes even of mica-schist, to inches square by or inches thick, and a piece of quartz, or some other rock of equal hardness about the size of a half-brick; one of the sides of this substitute for a millstone is convex, so as to fit into a hollow of a trough-like shape made in the large block, which remains motionless. when the woman wants to grind any corn, she kneels down, and, taking in both hands the convex stone, she rubs it up and down in the hollow of the lower stone with a motion similar to that of a baker pressing down his dough and rolling it in front of him. whilst rubbing it to and fro, the housewife leans all her weight on the smaller stone, and every now and then places a little more corn in the trough. the latter is made sloping, so that the meal as soon as it is made falls down into a cloth fixed to catch it." [illustration: fig. .--the art of bread-making in the stone age.] such, therefore, was the earliest corn-mill. we shall soon see it reappear in another form; two mill-stones placed one over the other, one being set in motion above the other by means of a wooden handle. this is the corn-mill of the bronze epoch. this type maintained its place down to historic times, as it constituted the earliest kind of mill employed by the roman agriculturist. in order to represent the existence of agriculture during the polished-stone epoch, we have annexed a delineation of a woman grinding corn into meal in the primitive mill (fig. ). in the same figure may be noticed the way of preparing the meal coming from the mill for making a rough kind of cake. the children are heating in the fire some flat circular stones. when these stones are sufficiently heated, they rapidly withdraw them from the fire, using for the purpose two damp sticks; they then place on the stones a little of the meal mixed with water. the heat of the stones sufficed to bake the meal and form a sort of cake or biscuit. we may here state, in order to show that we are not dealing with a mere hypothesis, that it is just in this way that, in the poor districts of tuscany, the _polenta_ is prepared even in the present day. the dough made of chestnut-meal, moistened with water, is cooked between flat stones that are placed one over the other in small piles as portrayed in the annexed plate. in the background of the same sketch we see animals, reduced to the state of domestic cattle, being driven towards the group at work. by this particular feature we have wished to point out that the polished-stone epoch was also that of the domestication of animals, and that even at this early period the sheep, the dog and the horse had been tamed by man, and served him either as auxiliaries or companions. the traces of agriculture which we have remarked on as existing in the caves of ariége, are also found in other parts of france. round the hearths in the department of puy-de-dôme, m. pommerol discovered carbonised wheat intermingled with pottery and flint instruments. the men of the period we are now considering no longer devoted themselves exclusively to the pursuits of hunting and fishing. they now began to exercise the noble profession of agriculture, which was destined to be subsequently the chief source of national wealth. _navigation._--the first origin of the art of navigation must be ascribed to the polished-stone epoch. with regard to this subject, let us pay attention to what is said on the point by m. g. de mortillet, curator at the archæological and pre-historic museum of saint-germain--one of the best-informed men we have in all questions relating to the antiquity of man. in m. de mortillet's opinion, navigation, both marine and inland, was in actual existence during the polished-stone epoch. [illustration: fig. .--the earliest navigators.] the earliest boats that were made by man consisted simply of great trunks of trees, shaped on the outside, and hollowed out in the interior. they were not provided with any rests or rowlocks for the oars or paddles, which were wielded by both hands. in hollowing out the tree they used both their stone implements and also the action of fire. in the earliest boats, the trunk of the tree, cut through at the two ends as well as their imperfect tools allowed, preserved its original outward form. the boat, in fact, was nothing but the trunk of a tree first burnt out and then chipped on the inside by some cutting instrument, that is, by the stone-hatchet. some improvement subsequently took place in making them. the outside of the tree was also chipped, and its two ends, instead of being cut straight through, were made to terminate in a point. in order to give it more stability in the water and to prevent it from capsizing, it was dressed equally all over, and the bottom of the canoe was scooped out. cross-stays were left in the interior to give the boat more solidity, and perhaps, also, to serve as a support to the back, or, more probably, to the feet of the rowers, who sat in the bottom of the canoe. sails must soon have been added to these means of nautical progression. but it would be a difficult matter to fix any precise date for this important discovery, which was the point of transition between elementary and primitive navigation, and more important voyages. this progress could not have been made without the help of metals. in an article entitled 'origine de la navigation et de la pêche,' m. de mortillet passes in review all the discoveries, which have been made in different countries, of the earliest boats belonging to pre-historic man. after stating that the museum of copenhagen contains drawings of three ancient canoes, he goes on to say:-- "the first canoe is the half-trunk of a tree inches wide, cut straight at the two ends, about feet in length, and hollowed out in a trough-like shape. this canoe much resembles that of switzerland. "the second was about feet in length, one end terminating in a point, the other more rounded. it was formed of the trunk of a tree hollowed out into two compartments, a kind of cross-stay or seat being left at a point about one-third of the length from the widest end. "the third canoe, no. , likewise made of the trunk of a tree, was much longer, having a length of at least feet, and was terminated by a point at both ends. at the sharpest end, the hollow is finished off squarely, and there is also a small triangular seat at the extremity. two cross-stays were left in the interior. "these three canoes are classed in the bronze series; a note of interrogation or doubt is, however, affixed to the two latter. "ireland, like scandinavia, has a history which does not go back very far into the remote past; like scandinavia, too, ireland has been one of the first to collect with care not only the monuments, but even the slightest relics of remote antiquity and of pre-historic times. the royal irish academy has collected at dublin a magnificent museum, and the praiseworthy idea has also been put in practice of publishing a catalogue illustrated with plates. "in these collections there are three ancient canoes. the first is about feet long, inches wide, and inches deep, and is hollowed out of the trunk of an oak, which must have been at least - / feet in diameter. this boat, which came from the bogs of cahore on the coast of wexford, is roughly squared underneath. one of the ends is rounded and is slightly raised; the other is cut across at right angles, and closed with a piece let in and fitted into grooves which were caulked with bark. in the interior there are three cross-stays cut out of the solid oak. "the interior, at the time the canoe was discovered, contained a wooden vessel, intended to bale out the boat, and two rollers, probably meant to assist in conveying it down to the sea. "the second is a canoe made of one piece of oak, rather more than feet long, about inches wide, and inches deep. it terminates in a point at both ends, and contains three cross-stays cut out of the solid wood, and a small terminal triangular seat. "the third, likewise made of one piece, is rather more than feet long and about inches wide. on each side the wood is cut out so as to receive a seat. this boat appears less ancient than the others, although these may not have belonged to any very remote antiquity. in fact, ware states that in his time there were still to be seen on some of the irish rivers canoes hollowed out of a single trunk of oak. "it is also well known that the lacustrine habitations constructed on the artificial islands called _crannoges_, existed to a late period in ireland. all the boats found round these island-dwellings are canoes made all in one piece and hollowed out of the trunks of large trees. "the trough-shaped canoe, consisting merely of the trunk of a tree cut straight through at the two ends, and in no way squared on the outside, also exists in ireland. a very singular variety has been found in the county of monaghan;[ ] at the two ends are two projections or handles, which were probably used for carrying the boat from one place to another, or to draw it up upon the beach after a voyage. "according to mr. john buchanan, quoted by sir c. lyell,[ ] at least seventeen canoes have been found in the low ground along the margin of the clyde at glasgow. mr. buchanan examined several of them before they were dug out. five of them were found buried in the silt under the streets of glasgow. one canoe was discovered in a vertical position, with the prow upwards, as if it had foundered in a tempest; it contained no small quantity of sea-shells. twelve other canoes were found about yards from the river, at the average depth of about feet below the surface of the ground, or about feet below high-water mark. a few only of them were found at a depth of no more than or feet, and consequently more than feet above the present level of the sea. one was stuck into the sand at an angle of °; another had been turned over and lay keel upwards; the others were in a horizontal position, as if they had sunk in still water. "almost every one of these ancient boats had been formed of a single trunk of oak, and hollowed out with some blunt instrument, probably stone hatchets, assisted also by the action of fire. a few of them presented clean-made cuts, evidently produced by a metallic tool. two of them were constructed of planks. the most elaborate of the number bore the traces of square metal nails, which, however, had entirely disappeared. in one canoe was found a diorite hatchet, and at the bottom of another, a cork bung, which certainly implies relations with southern france, spain, or italy. "the swiss lakes, with their lacustrine habitations, have furnished numerous specimens of canoes. dr. keller, in his fifth report on lake-dwellings (plate x. fig. ), represents a canoe from robenhausen; it is the half trunk of a tree feet long and inches wide, hollowed out to a depth of from to inches only. taking the centre as the widest part, this trunk has been chipped off so as to taper towards the two points which are rounded. it is, however, very probable that the whole of this work was executed with stone implements; for the primitive settlement of robenhausen, situated in a peat-bog near the small lake pfæffikon in the canton of zurich, although very rich in many kinds of objects, has not, up to the present time, furnished us with any metal instruments. "in his first report (plate iv. fig. ), dr. keller had given the sketch of another canoe which came from the lake of bienne. like the first, mentioned by m. worsaae, it is the half of the trunk of a tree cut almost straight through, its two ends hollowed out inside in the shape of a trough, the exterior being left entirely unwrought. "professor desor mentions several canoes found in the lake of bienne. one of them, near the island saint-pierre, was still full of stones. according to m. desor the builders of the lacustrine habitations during the polished-stone epoch, in order to consolidate the piles which were intended to support their dwellings, were accustomed to bank them up with stones which they fetched in boats from the shore; the bottom of the lake being completely devoid of them. the canoe found at the isle of saint-pierre had therefore sunk to the bottom with its cargo, and thus may be dated back to the polished-stone epoch. m. troyon[ ] gives some still more circumstantial details as to this canoe. it is partly buried in the mud at the northern angle of the isle, and is made of a single piece of the trunk of an oak of large dimensions; it is not much less than feet long with a breadth of from - / feet to feet. "m. desor, in his _palafittes_, informs us that the museum of neuchâtel has lately been enriched by the addition of a canoe which was discovered in the lake; unfortunately, it was dreadfully warped in drying. "also m. troyon, in his 'habitations lacustres,' speaks of several canoes at estavayer and morges. "estavayer is situated on the lake of neuchâtel. there are two settlements near it, one of the stone age, and one of the bronze age. one canoe is still lying at the bottom of the lake, near these settlements. another was brought out of the water by the fishermen some years ago; it was about feet in length, and feet in width. the end which had been preserved was cut to a point and slightly turned upwards. "morges is on the lake of geneva, in the canton of vaud. m. forel discovered there two interesting settlements of the bronze age. two canoes were found. according to m. troyon, one of them which had been carried up on to the bank was not long before it was destroyed. it was formed of the trunk of an oak, hollowed out like a basin. the other still lay near some piles in to feet of water. one portion of it is buried in the sand, the other part, which is not covered, measures about feet in length by feet in width. it terminates in a point and has been cut out so as to provide a kind of seat, taken out of the thickness of the wood at the end, just as in the third canoe represented in the catalogue of the copenhagen museum. "in france, too, several canoes have been found which date back to pre-historic times. "on the th of january, , the labourers who were working at the fortifications which the engineers were making at abbeville found a canoe in the place called saint-jean-des-prés, on the left bank of the canal; it was discovered in the peat, feet below the road and about yards from the railway station. it was made out of a single stick of oak and was about feet in length; its ends were square and cut in a slope, so that its upper surface was feet longer than its bottom, which was flattened off to a width of about inches. the greatest width of its upper surface, the widest part being placed at about one-third of its length, measured nearly feet; from this point the canoe contracted in width, and was not more than inches in width at the furthest end. now, as no tree exists which diminishes to this extent in diameter on so short a length, we must conclude that the trunk which formed the canoe must have been shaped outside. "two projections about inches in thickness, placed - / feet from the narrowest end, and forming one piece with the sides and the bottom, which in this part are very thick, left between them an empty space which was probably intended to fit against the two sides of a piece of wood cut square at the bottom and meant to serve as a mast. the deepest internal hollow had not more than inches in rise, and the side, which at the upper part was not more than an inch in thickness, followed the natural curve of the trunk, and united with the much thicker portion at the bottom. this canoe, although it was completely uncovered and still remained in a very good state of preservation, has not been got out from the place in which it lay. "in , another canoe was discovered at estreboeuf, feet long, about inches wide, and inches deep. the bottom was flat, the sides cut vertically both within and without, which gave it nearly the shape of a squared trough. in its widest part it bore some signs of having carried a mast. it was conveyed to the museum at abbeville and became completely rotten; nothing now is left but shapeless remains. "the abbé cochet relates that between and , during the excavation of the basin of _la barre_, at havre, at feet in depth, a canoe was discovered, more than feet in length, and hollowed out of one trunk of a tree. the two ends were pointed and solid, and the interior was strengthened with curved stays formed out of the solid wood. this canoe was found to be made of elm and was hollowed out to a depth of nearly feet. it was in so good a state of preservation that it bore being carried to a spot behind the engineer's house on the south jetty; but when it was deposited there, it gradually wasted away by the successive action of the rain and sun. "the same archæologist also mentions another canoe, with a keel of from to feet long, which was discovered in the year , at montéviliers, in the filled-up ditches known under the name of la bergue. "the archæological museum of dijon also contains a canoe found in the gravel in the bed of the loue, on the boundaries of the department of jura, between dôle and salins. it is made of a single colossal trunk of oak, shaped, in m. baudot's opinion, by means of fire. its present length is feet, and its width, feet inches; but it has become much less in the process of drying. some iron braces which were fixed to keep the wood in position plainly showed that the width had diminished at least inches. in the interior, the traces of two seats or supports, which had been left in the solid wood in order to give strength to the canoe, might be very distinctly seen. the first was about a yard from one end, the other - / feet from the other. both extremities terminate in a point, one end being much sharper and longer than the other. "at the museum of lyons there is a canoe which was found in the gravel of the rhone, near the bridge of cordon, in the department of ain. it is feet in length, and hollowed out of a single trunk of oak tapering off at the two ends. the middle of it is squared, and the interior is strengthened by two braces left in the solid wood. "lastly, we must mention the canoe that was dug out of the bed of the seine in paris, and presented by m. forgeais to the emperor. it is now in the museum of saint-germain. it was made of a single trunk of oak and had been skilfully wrought on the outside, terminating in a point at both ends. this canoe was bedded in the mud and gravel at the extremity of the _cité_, on the notre-dame side. close by a worked flint was met with, and various bronze weapons; among others, a helmet and several swords were also found. in the beds of rivers objects belonging to different epochs readily get mixed up. this flint appears to have accidentally come thither; the bronze arms, on the contrary, seem to mark the date of the canoe."[ ] we have previously spoken of the _primitive workshop of human industry_, of which, indeed, we gave a design. in contrast to this peaceful picture, we may also give a representation of the evidences which have been preserved even to our own days of the earliest means of attack and defence constituting regular war among nations. war and battles must have doubtless taken their rise almost simultaneously with the origin of humanity itself. the hatred and rivalry which first sprung up between individuals and families--hatred and rivalry which must have existed from all time--gradually extended to tribes, and then to whole nations, and were outwardly expressed in armed invasions, pillage and slaughter. these acts of violence were, in very early days, reduced to a system in the art of war--that terrible expedient from which even modern nations have not been able to escape. in order to find the still existing evidence of the wars which took place among men in the stone age, we must repair to that portion of europe which is now called belgium. yes, even in the stone age, at a date far beyond all written record, the people of this district already were in the habit of making war, either among themselves or against other tribes invading them from other lands. this fact is proved by the fortified enclosures, or _entrenched camps_, which have been discovered by mm. hannour and himelette. these camps are those of furfooz, pont-de-bonn, simon, jemelle, hastedon, and poilvache. all these different camps possess certain characteristics in common. they are generally established on points overhanging valleys, on a mass of rock forming a kind of headland, which is united to the rest of the country by a narrow neck of land. a wide ditch was dug across this narrow tongue of land, and the whole camp was surrounded by a thick wall of stones, simply piled one upon another, without either mortar or cement. at the camp of hastedon, near namur, this wall, which was still in a good state of preservation at the time it was described, measured feet in width, and about the same in height. when an attack was made, the defenders, assembled within the enclosure, rained down on their assailants stones torn away from their wall, which thus became at the same time both a defensive and offensive work (fig. ). [illustration: fig. .--the earliest regular conflicts between men of the stone age; or, the entrenched camp of furfooz.] these entrenched positions were so well chosen that most of them continued to be occupied during the age which followed. we may mention, as an instance, the camp of poilvache. after having been a roman citadel it was converted in the middle ages into a strongly fortified castle, which was not destroyed until the fifteenth century. the camps of hastedon and furfooz were likewise utilised by the romans. over the whole inclosure of these ancient camps worked flints and remains of pottery have been found--objects which are sufficient to testify to the former presence of primitive man. the enormous ramparts of these camps also tend to show that pre-historic man must have existed in comparatively numerous associations at the various spots where these works are found. if we were to enter into a detailed study of the vestiges of the polished-stone epoch existing in the other countries of europe, we should be led into a repetition of much that we have already stated with regard to the districts now forming france and belgium. over a great portion of europe we should find the same mode of life, the same manners and customs, and the same degree of nascent civilisation. from the scope, therefore, of our present work, we shall not make it our task to take each country into special consideration. we will content ourselves with stating that the caves of old castille in spain, which were explored by m. ed. lartet, have furnished various relics of the reindeer and polished-stone epochs. also in the provinces of seville and badajos, polished hatchets have been found, made for the most part of dioritic rocks. numerous vestiges of the same epoch have, too, been discovered in various provinces of italy. we give in fig. the sketch of a very remarkable arrow-head found in the province of civita-nova (the former kingdom of naples). it is provided with a short stem with lateral grooves, so as to facilitate the point being fitted into a wooden shaft. [illustration: fig. .--flint arrow-head, from civita-nova (italy).] elba, too, was surveyed by m. raffaello foresi, who found in this mediterranean isle a large quantity of arrows, knives, saws, scrapers, &c., formed of flint, jasper, obsidian, and even rock crystal. there were also found in the isle of elba workshops for shaping flints. great britain, wurtemburg, hungary, poland, and russia all furnish us with specimens of polished stone instruments; but, for the reason which we stated above, it would be superfluous to dwell upon them. we shall now pass on to an examination of the type of the human race which existed among the northern nations of europe during the polished-stone age. there is a cavern of ariége which belongs to the polished-stone epoch, and has been explored by mm. garrigou and filhol--this is the cavern of _lombrive_, or _des echelles_; the latter name being given it because it is divided into two portions placed at such very different levels that the help of five long ladders is required in order to pass from one to the other. this cave has become interesting from the fact that it has furnished a large quantity of human bones, belonging to individuals of both sexes and every age; also two entire skulls, which m. garrigou has presented to the anthropological society of paris. these two skulls, which appear to have belonged, one to a child of eight to ten years of age, the other to a female, present a somewhat peculiar shape. the forehead, which is high in the centre, is low at the sides; and the orbits of the eyes and also the hollows of the cheeks are deep. we shall not enter into the diverse and contrary hypotheses which have been advanced by mm. vogt, broca, pruner-bey, garrigou and filhol, in order to connect the skulls found in the cave of ariége with the present races of the human species. this ethnological question is very far from having been decided in any uniform way; and so it will always be, as long as scientific men are compelled to base their opinions on a limited number of skulls, which are, moreover, always incomplete; each _savant_ being free to interpret their features according to his own system. neither in the danish kitchen-middens nor in the lower beds of the peat-bogs have any human bones been discovered; but the tombs in denmark belonging to the polished-stone epoch have furnished a few human skulls which, up to a certain point, enable us to estimate the intellectual condition and affinities of the race of men who lived in these climates. we may particularly mention the skull found in the _tumulus_ at borreby in denmark, which has been studied with extreme care by mr. busk. this skull (fig. ) presents a somewhat remarkable similarity to that of neanderthal, of which we have spoken in a previous chapter. the superciliary ridges are very prominent, the forehead is retiring, the occiput is short and sloped forward. it might, therefore, find its origin among the races of which the skulls of neanderthal and borreby are the representatives and the relics, and the latter might well be the descendants of the former. [illustration: fig. .--the borreby skull.] anthropologists have had much discussion about the question, to what particular human race of the present time may the skulls found in the _tumulus_ at borreby be considered to be allied? but all these discussions are deficient in those elements on which any serious and definite argument might be founded. it would, therefore, be going beyond our purpose should we reproduce them here. if, in the sketch of the borreby skull, we place, before the eyes of our readers the type of the human cranium which existed during the period of the stone age, our only object is to prove that the primitive northerner resembles the present race of man, both in the beauty and in the regularity of the shape of his skull; also, in order once more to recall to mind how false and trivial must the judgment be of those short-sighted _savants_ who would establish a genealogical filiation between man and the ape. as we stated in the introduction to this volume, a mere glance cast upon this skull is sufficient to bring to naught all that has been written and propounded touching the organic consanguinity which is asserted to exist between man and the ape, to say nothing of the objects produced by primitive man--objects which, in this work, we are studying in all necessary detail. an examination of the labours of primitive man is the best means of proving--every other consideration being set aside--that a great abyss exists between him and the animal; this is the best argument against our pretended _simial_ origin, as it is called by those who seek to veil their absurd ideas under grand scientific phrases. footnotes: [ ] 'note sur un amas de. coquilles mélées à des silex taillés, signalé sur les côtes de provence,' by m. a. gory ('revue archéologique'). quoted in the 'matériaux de l'histoire positive de l'homme,' by m. de mortillet, vol. i. p. . [ ] see j. evans, 'on the manufacture of stone implements in pre-historic times,' in trans. of the international congress of pre-historic archæology (norwich, ), p. ; and c. rau, 'drilling in stone without metal,' in report of smithsonian institution, . [ ] 'les moulins primitifs,' nantes, . extract from the 'bulletin de la société archéologique de nantes.' [ ] 'tour du monde,' p. , . [ ] shirley's 'account of the territory of farney.' [ ] j. buchanan, 'british association reports,' ; p. . sir c. lyell, 'antiquity of man,' p. . [ ] 'habitations lacustres des temps anciens et modernes,' pp. , , . [ ] 'origine de la navigation et de la pêche,' pp. - . paris, . chapter iii. tombs and mode of interment during the polished-stone epoch-- _tumuli_ and other sepulchral monuments formerly called _celtic_--labours of mm. alexandre bertrand and bonstetten-- funeral customs. having in our previous chapters described and delineated both the weapons and instruments produced by the rudimentary manufacturing skill of man during the polished-stone epoch; having also introduced to notice the types of the human race during this period; we now have to speak of their tombs, their mode of interment, and all the facts connected with their funeral customs. a fortunate and rather strange circumstance has both facilitated and given a degree of certainty to the information and ideas we are about to lay before our readers. the tombs of the men of the polished-stone epoch--their funeral monuments--have been thoroughly studied, described, and ransacked by archæologists and antiquarians, who for many years past have made them the subject of a multitude of publications and learned dissertations. in fact, these tombs are nothing but the _dolmens_, or the so-called _celtic_ and _druidical_ monuments; but they by no means belong, as has always been thought, to any historical period, that is, to the times of the celts, for they go back to a much more remote antiquity--the pre-historic period of the polished-stone age. this explanatory _datum_ having been taken into account, we shall now study the _dolmens_ and other so-called _megalithic_ monuments--the grand relics of an epoch buried in the night of time; those colossal enigmas which impose upon our reason and excite to the very highest pitch the curiosity of men of science. _dolmens_ are monuments composed of a great block or slab of rock, more or less flat in their shape according to the country in which they are situate, placed horizontally on a certain number of stones which are reared up perpendicularly to serve as its supports. [illustration: fig. .--danish _dolmen_.] this kind of sepulchral chamber was usually covered by earth, which formed a hillock over it. but in the course of time this earth often disappeared, leaving nothing but the naked stones of the sepulchral monument. [illustration: fig. .--_dolmen_ at assier.] these are the bare stones which have been taken for _stone altars_, being referred to the religious worship of the gauls. the supposed druidical altars are, in fact, nothing but ruined _dolmens_. the purpose, therefore, for which they were elevated was not, as has always been stated, to serve as the scene of the sacrifices of a cruel religion; for, at the present day, it is completely proved that the _dolmens_ were the tombs of a pre-historic epoch. these tombs were intended to receive several dead bodies. the corpses were placed in the chamber which was formed by the upper slab and the supports. some of these chambers had two stages or stories, and then furnished a larger number of sepulchres. figs. and represent different _dolmens_ which still exist in france. [illustration: fig. .--_dolmen_ at connéré (marne).] [illustration: fig. .--vertical section of the _dolmen_ of locmariaker, in brittany. in the museum of saint-germain.] some _dolmens_ are completely open to view, like that represented in fig. , nothing impeding a perfect sight of them; others, on the contrary, are covered with a hillock of earth, the dimensions of which vary according to the size of the monument itself. this latter kind of _dolmen_ more specially assumes the nature of a _tumulus_; a designation which conveys the idea of some mound raised above the tomb. figs. and represent the _tumulus-dolmen_ existing at gavr'inis (oak island), in brittany, or, more exactly, in the department of morbihan. it is the diminished sketch of an enormous model exhibited in the museum of saint-germain. this model in relief has a portion cut off it which, by means of a cord and pulley, can be elevated or lowered at will, thus affording a view of the interior of the _dolmen_. it is composed of a single chamber, leading to which there is a long passage. [illustration: fig. .--_tumulus-dolmen_ at gavr'inis (morbihan).] [illustration: fig. .--a portion of the _dolmen_ of gavr'inis.] were all these _dolmens_ originally covered by earth? this is a question which still remains unsolved. m. alexandre bertrand, director of the archæological museum of saint-germain, to whom we owe some very remarkable works on the primitive monuments of ancient gaul, decides it in the affirmative; whilst m. de bonstetten, a swiss archæologist of great merit, is of the contrary opinion. the matter, however, is of no very great importance in itself. it is, at all events, an unquestionable fact that certain _dolmens_ which are now uncovered were once buried; for they are noticed to stand in the centre of slightly raised mounds in which the supports are deeply buried. as we before stated, the action of time has destroyed the covering which the pre-historic peoples placed over their sepulchres in order to defend them from the injuries of time and the profanation of man. thus, all that we now see is the bare stones of the sepulchral chambers--for so long a time supposed to be altars, and ascribed to the religious worship of the gauls. [illustration: fig. .--general form of a covered passage-tomb.] in considering, therefore, the _dolmens_ of brittany, which have been so many times described by antiquarians and made to figure among the number of our historical monuments, we must renounce the idea of looking upon them as symbols of the religion of our ancestors. they can now only be regarded as sepulchral chambers. [illustration: fig. .--passage-tomb at bagneux, near saumur.] _dolmens_ are very numerous in france; much more numerous, indeed, than is generally thought. it used to be the common idea that they existed only in brittany, and those curious in such matters wondered at the supposed druidical altars which were so plentifully distributed in this ancient province of france. but brittany is far from possessing the exclusive privilege of these megalithic constructions. they are found in fifty-eight of the french departments, belonging, for the most part, to the regions of the south and south-west. the department of finisterre contains of them; lot, ; morbihan, ; ardèche, ; aveyron, ; dordogne, ; &c.[ ] [illustration: fig. .--passage-tomb at plouharnel (morbihan).] the authors who have written on the question we are now considering, especially sir j. lubbock in his work on 'pre-historic times,' and nilsson, the swedish archæologist, have given a much too complicated aspect to their descriptions of the tombs of pre-historic ages, owing to their having multiplied the distinctions in this kind of monument. we should only perplex our readers by following these authors into all their divisions. we must, however, give some few details about them. [illustration: fig. .--passage-tomb; the so-called _table de césar_, at locmariaker (morbihan).] sir j. lubbock gives the name of _passage grave_, to that which the northern archæologists call _ganggraben_ (tomb with passages); of these we have given four representations (figs. , , , ), all selected from specimens in france. this name is applied to a passage leading to a more spacious chamber, round which the bodies are ranged. the gallery, formed of enormous slabs of stone placed in succession one after the other, almost always points towards the same point of the compass; in the scandinavian states, it generally has its opening facing the south or east, never the north. the same author gives the name of _chambered tumuli_ (fig. ) to tombs which are composed either of a single chamber or of a collection of large chambers, the roofs and walls of which are constructed with stones of immense size, which are again covered up by considerable masses of earth. this kind of tomb is found most frequently in the countries of the north. fig. represents, according to sir j. lubbock's work, a danish _chambered tumulus_. [illustration: fig. .--a danish _tumulus_, or chambered sepulchre.] before bringing to a close this description of megalithic monuments, we must say a few words as to _menhirs_ and _cromlechs_. _menhirs_ (fig. ) are enormous blocks of rough stone which were set up in the ground in the vicinity of tombs. they were set up either separately, as represented in fig. , or in rows, that is, in a circle or in an avenue. [illustration: fig. .--usual shape of a _menhir_.] there is in brittany an extremely curious array of stones of this kind; this is the range of _menhirs_ of carnac (fig. ). the stones are here distributed in eleven parallel lines, over a distance of yards, and, running along the sea-shore of brittany, present a very strange appearance. [illustration: fig. .--the rows of _menhirs_ at carnac.] when _menhirs_ are arranged in circles, either single or several together, they are called _cromlechs_. they are vast circuits of stones, generally arranged round a _dolmen_. the respect which was considered due to the dead appears to have converted these enclosures into places of pilgrimage, where, on certain days, public assemblies were held. these enclosures are sometimes circular, as in england, sometimes rectangular, as in germany, and embrace one or more ranks. [illustration: fig. .--_dolmen_ with a circuit of stones (_cromlech_), in the province of constantine.] fig. represents a _dolmen_ with a circuit of stones, that is, a _cromlech_, which has been discovered in the province of constantine; in fig. we have a group of danish _cromlechs_. [illustration: fig. .--group of danish _cromlechs_.] among all these various monuments the "passage-tombs" and the _tumuli_ are the only ones which will come within the scope of this work; for these only have furnished us with any relics of pre-historic times, and have given us any information with respect to the peoples who occupied a great part of europe at a date far anterior to any traditionary record. these stone monuments, as we have already stated, are neither celtic nor druidical. the celts--a nation which occupied a portion of gaul at a period long before the christian era--were altogether innocent of any megalithic construction. they found these monuments already in existence at the time of their immigration, and, doubtless, looked upon them with as much astonishment as is shown by observers of the present day. whenever there appeared any advantage in utilising them, the celts did not fail to avail themselves of them. the priests of this ancient people, the druids, who plucked from off the oak the sacred mistletoe, performed their religious ceremonies in the depths of some obscure forest. now, no _dolmen_ was ever built in the midst of a forest; all the stone monuments which now exist stand in comparatively unwooded parts of the country. we must, therefore, renounce the ancient and poetical idea which recognised in these _dolmens_ the sacrificial altars of the religion of our ancestors. some _tumuli_ attain proportions which are really colossal. among these is silbury hill, the largest in great britain, which is nearly feet high. the enormous amount of labour which would be involved in constructions of this kind has led to the idea that they were not raised except in honour of chiefs and other great personages. on consulting those records of history which extend back to the most remote antiquity, we arrive at the fact that the custom of raising colossal tombs to the illustrious dead was one that was much in vogue in the ancient eastern world. traces of these monuments are found among the hebrews, the assyrians, the greeks, the egyptians, &c. thus semiramis, queen of nineveh, raised a mound over the tomb of ninus, her husband. stones were likewise piled up over the remains of laïus, father of oedipus. in the 'iliad,' homer speaks of the mounds that were raised to the memory of hector and patroclus. that dedicated to patroclus--the pious work of achilles--was more than feet in diameter. homer speaks of the _tumuli_ existing in greece, which, even in his time, were considered very ancient, and calls them the tombs of the heroes. a _tumulus_ was raised by alexander the great over the ashes of his friend hephæstio, and so great were the dimensions of this monument that it is said to have cost talents, that is about £ , of our money. in roman history, too, we find instances of the same kind. lastly, the pyramids of egypt, those costly and colossal funeral monuments, are the still visible representations of the highest expression of posthumous homage which was rendered by the generations of antiquity to their most illustrious and mighty men. this, however, could not have been in every case the prevailing idea in the men of the stone age, in causing the construction of these _tumuli_. the large number of bodies which have been found in some of these monuments completely does away with the notion that they were raised in honour of a single personage, or even of a single family. they were often sepulchres or burial-places common to the use of all. among this class we must rank the _tumuli_ of axevalla and of luttra, situated not far from one another in sweden. the first, which was opened in , contained twenty tombs of an almost cubical form, each containing a skeleton in a crouching or contracted attitude. when the second was opened, the explorers found themselves in the presence of hundreds of skeletons placed in four rows one upon another, all in a contracted position like those at axevalla; along with these human remains various relics of the stone age were also discovered. [illustration: fig. .--position of skeletons in a swedish tomb of the stone age.] fig. represents the position in which the skeletons were found. m. nilsson has propounded the opinion that the "passage-graves" are nothing but former habitations, which had been converted into tombs after the death of those who had previously occupied them. when the master of the house had breathed his last--especially in the case of some illustrious individual--his surviving friends used to place near him various articles of food to provide for his long journey; and also his weapons and other objects which were most precious to him when in life; then the dwelling was closed up, and was only reopened for the purpose of bearing in the remains of his spouse and of his children. sir j. lubbock shares in this opinion, and brings forward facts in its favour. he recites the accounts of various travellers, according to which, the winter-dwellings of certain people in the extreme north bear a very marked resemblance to the "passage-tombs" of the stone age. of this kind are the habitations of the siberians and the esquimaux, which are composed of an oval or circular chamber placed a little under the surface of the ground, and completely covered with earth. sir j. lubbock thinks, therefore, that in many cases habitations of this kind may have been taken for _tumuli_--a mistake, he adds, all the more likely to be made because some of these mounds, although containing ashes, remains of pottery, and various implements, have not furnished any relics of human bones. in his work on the 'sépultures de l'age de la pierre chez les parisii,' m. leguay, a learned architect and member of the archælogical society, has called attention to the fact that the construction of these _dolmens_ betrays, as existing in the men of this epoch, a somewhat advanced degree of knowledge of the elements of architecture:-- "the interment of the dead," says m. leguay, "took place, during the polished-stone epoch, in vaults, or a kind of tomb constructed on the spot, of stones of various thicknesses, generally flat in shape, and not elevated to any very great height, being laid without any kind of cement or mortar. these vaults, which were at first undivided, were subsequently separated into compartments by stones of a similar character, in which compartments bodies were placed in various positions. they were covered with earth or with flat stones, and sometimes we meet with a circular eminence raised over them, formed of a considerable heap of stones which had been subsequently brought thither; this fact was verified by m. brouillet in at the _tombelle de brioux_ (vienne). "this kind of interment bears evidence of some real progress. polished flint instruments are met with intermingled with worked stones which have been brought from a distance. pottery of a very significant character approaches that of the epoch at which ornamentation commenced; and the _tombelle de brioux_ has furnished two vessels with projecting and perforated handles formed in the clay itself. i met with specimens similar to these both in shape and workmanship in the cremation-tombs at villeneuve-saint-georges, which, as i have previously stated, appeared to me to be later in date than the simple interment situated below them. "the first element in the art of construction, that is, stability, is manifested in these latter monuments. they do not come up to the fine _dolmens_, or to the monuments which followed them, but the principle on which stones should be laid together is already arrived at. the slab forming the covering is the first attempt at the lintel, the primitive base of architectural science. by insensible degrees the dimensions of the monument increased, the nature of the materials were modified, and, from the small elementary monument to the grand sepulchral _dolmen_, but one step remained to be made--a giant step, certainly, but not beyond the reach of human intelligence. "this step, however, was not accomplished suddenly and without transitional stages. we find a proof of this in the beautiful ossuary discovered in , at chamant near senlis (oise), on the property of the comte de lavaulx. this monument does not yet come up to the most beautiful of the class; but it possesses all the inspirations which suggested the form of its successors, of which, indeed, it is the type. "almost flat slabs of stone, of a greater height than those forming the vaults, and of rather considerable dimensions, are placed on edge so as to form a square chamber. a partition, formed of stones of a similar character, leaving a space or passage between them, separates the chamber into two unequal portions. some arrangement of this kind has been observed in most of the finest _dolmens_; it is found at a spot not far from chamant, in a covered way known under the name of the _pierres turquoises_, in the forest of carnelle, near beaumont-sur-oise (seine-et-oise). "at chamant, however, the chamber was not more than to feet in height under the roof, which was formed of large flat stones, and was large enough to allow of a considerable number of bodies to be deposited within it, either in a recumbent or contracted position. near them there were placed delicately-wrought flints, and also some fine-polished hatchets, one of which was of serpentine; another of large dimensions, sculptured after the fashion of the diluvial hatchets, appeared to me to have been prepared for polishing. "the researches which have been made have brought to light but slight traces of pottery, and the small fragments that i have examined do not point out any very remote age for this monument. nevertheless, the investigation of this sepulchre, in which i was guided by a somewhat different idea from that of merely studying the monument itself, was not carried out with the exact care that would be necessary for collecting all the indications which it might have furnished. "between the sepulchre of chamant and the finest _dolmens_, the distinction is nothing more than a question of dimensions rather than any chronological point. the latter are formed of colossal stones, and when one examines them and seeks to realise the process which must have been employed for raising them, the mind is utterly perplexed, and the imagination finds a difficulty in conceiving how it was possible to move these immense masses, and, especially, to place them in the positions they now occupy; for at the present day, in order to arrive at similar results, it would be necessary to employ all the means which science has at command."[ ] the megalithic constructions do not all date back to the same epoch. some were raised during the stone age, others during the bronze age. there is nothing in their mode of architecture which will enable us to recognise their degree of antiquity; but the relics which they contain afford us complete information in this respect. thus, in france, according to m. alexandre bertrand, the _dolmens_ and the _tumuli-dolmens_ contain, in a general way, nothing but stone and bone articles; those of bronze and gold are very rare, and iron is never met with. in the _true tumuli_, on the contrary, bronze objects predominate, and iron is very abundant; this is an evident proof that these monuments are of less ancient origin than the _dolmens_. in the same way we ascertain that the danish _dolmens_ and the great sepulchral chambers of scandinavia, all belong to the polished-stone epoch. when, therefore, we class the _dolmens_ in this last-named epoch of man's history, we are deciding in full harmony with the great body of _data_ which bear upon the point. in order to fix the period with still greater accuracy, we might add that the _dolmens_ belong to the latter portion of the polished-stone epoch and the commencement of the bronze age. but, as we before said, we do not attach any importance to these distinctions, which would only uselessly embarrass the mind of the reader. an examination of the danish _dolmens_ has led the author of the 'catalogue of pre-historic objects sent by denmark to the universal exposition of ,' to sum up in the following words the details concerning these sepulchral monuments:-- "as regards the danish _dolmens_, the number of skeletons contained in them varies much; in the largest, there are as many as twenty, and in the smallest there are not more than five or six; sometimes they are placed in stages one above the other. "the bones are never found in natural order; the head lies close to the knees, and no limb is in its natural place. it follows from this, that in the course of interment the body was contracted into a crouching position. "the bottom of the sepulchral chamber of a _dolmen_ is generally covered with a layer of flints which have been subjected to fire; this is the floor on which the body was deposited; it was then covered with a thin coating of earth, and the tomb was closed. yet, as we have just observed, it was but very rarely that _dolmens_ contained only one skeleton. they must, therefore, have been opened afresh in order to deposit other bodies. it must have been on these occasions, in order to contend with the miasma of putrefaction, that they lighted the fires, of which numerous and evident traces are seen inside the _dolmens_. this course of action continued, as it appears, until the time when the _dolmen_ was entirely filled up: but even then, the tomb does not, in every case, seem to have been abandoned. sometimes the most ancient skeletons have been displaced to make room for fresh bodies. this had taken place in a _dolmen_ near copenhagen, which was opened and searched in the presence of the late king frederick vii. "a _dolmen_ situated near the village of hammer, opened a few years ago by m. boye, presented some very curious peculiarities. in addition to flint instruments, human bones were discovered, which had also been subjected to the action of fire. we are, therefore, led to suppose, that a funeral banquet had taken place in the vicinity of the tomb, and that some joints of human flesh had formed an addition to the roasted stag. this is, however, the only discovery of the kind which has been made up to the present time, and we should by no means be justified in drawing the inference that the inhabitants of denmark at this epoch were addicted to cannibalism. "the dead bodies were deposited along with their weapons and implements, and also with certain vessels which must have contained the food which perhaps some religious usage induced them to leave close to the body. for a long time it was supposed that it was the custom to place these weapons by the side of _men_ only. but in a _dolmen_ at gieruen, a hatchet was found near a skeleton which was evidently that of a woman. "we now give the inventory of a 'find' made in a danish _dolmen_, that of hielm, in the isle of moen, which was opened in . the sepulchral chamber was - / feet in length, - / feet in width, and - / feet in height. "in it were discovered twenty-two spear-heads, the largest of which was inches in length, and the smallest - / inches; more than forty flint flakes or knives from to inches in length; three flat hatchets, and one rather thicker; three carpenter's chisels, the longest of which measured inches; a finely-made hammer inches long; three flint nuclei exactly similar to those found in the kitchen-middens; and lastly, in addition to all these flint articles, some amber beads and forty earthen vessels moulded by the hand."[ ] what were the funeral customs in use among men during the polished-stone epoch? and what were the ceremonies which took place at that period when they buried their dead? these are questions which it will not be difficult to answer after a due investigation of the _dolmens_ and _tumuli_. in a great number of _tumuli_, animal bones have been found either broken or notched by sharp instruments. this is an indication that the funeral rites were accompanied by feasts just as in the preceding epochs. the body which was about to be enclosed in the _tumulus_ was borne upon boughs of trees, as is the case among some savage tribes of the present day. the men and women attending wore their best attire; necklaces of amber and shells adorned their necks. men carrying torches walked in front of the procession, in order to guide the bearers into the dark recesses of the sepulchral chambers. from these data fig. has been designed, which gives a representation of _a funeral ceremony during the polished-stone epoch_. [illustration: fig. .--a _tumulus_ of the polished-stone epoch.] if we may judge by the calcined human bones which are rather frequently met with in tombs, there is reason to believe that sometimes victims were sacrificed over the body of the defunct, perhaps slaves, perhaps even his widow--the custom of sacrificing the widow still being in practice in certain parts of india. sir j. lubbock is, besides, of opinion that when a woman died in giving birth to a child, or even whilst she was still suckling it, the child was interred alive with her. this hypothesis appears a natural one, when we take into account the great number of cases in which the skeletons of a woman and child have been found together. m. leguay in his 'mémoire sur les sépultures des parisii,' which we quoted above, expresses the opinion that after each interment, in addition to the funeral banquet, a fire was lighted on the mound above the _tumulus_, and that each attendant threw certain precious objects into the flames. the objects which were most precious during the polished-stone epoch were flints wrought into hatchets, poniards, or knives. "on to this burning hearth," says m. leguay, "as numerous instances prove, those who were present were in the habit of casting stones, or more generally wrought flints, utensils and instruments, all made either of some kind of stone or of bone; also fragments of pottery, and, doubtless, other objects which the fire has destroyed. "there are many of these objects which have not suffered any injury from the fire; some of the flints, indeed, seem so freshly cut and are so little altered by the lapse of time, that it might be readily imagined that they had been but recently wrought; these were not placed in the sepulchre, but are met with intermingled with the earth which covers or surrounds the hearth, and appear in many cases to have been cast in after the extinction of the fire as the earth was being filled in. "sometimes, indeed, when the archæologist devotes especial care to his digging, he comes across a kind of layer of wrought flints which are, in fact, to be looked upon as refuse rather than wrought articles. their position appears to indicate the surface of the soil during that epoch, a surface which has been covered up by the successive deposits of subsequent ages; and although some of these flakes may have been due to some of the objects which had been placed in the sepulchre having been chipped on the spot, there are many others which have not originated in this way, and have come from objects which have been deposited in other places. "all these stones, which are common to three kinds of burial-places, have fulfilled, in my opinion, a votive function; that is to say, that they represent, as regards this epoch, the wreaths and coronals of _immortelles_, or the other objects which we in the present day place upon the tombs of our relations or friends; thus following out a custom the origin of which is lost in the night of time. "and let not the reader treat with ridicule these ideas, which i hold to be not far from the truth. men, as individuals, may pass away, and generations may disappear; but they always hand down to their progeny and those that succeed them the customs of their epoch; which customs will undergo little or no change until the causes which have produced them also disappear. thus it is with all that concerns the ceremonies observed in bearing man to his last resting-place--a duty which can never change, and always brings with it its train of sorrow and regret. nowadays, a small sum of money is sufficient to give outward expression to our grief; but at these remote epochs each individual fashioned his own offering, chipped his own flint, and bore it himself to the grave of his friend. "this idea will explain the diversity of shape in the flints placed round and in the sepulchres, and especially the uncouthness of many of the articles which, although all manufactured of the same material, betray a style of workmanship exercised by numerous hands more or less practised in the work. "it may, however, be readily conceived that during an epoch when stones were the chief material for all useful implements, every wrought flint represented a certain value. to deprive themselves of these objects of value in order to offer them to the manes of the dead was considered a laudable action, just as was the case subsequently as regards still more precious objects; and this custom, which was observed during many long ages, although sometimes and perhaps often practised with the declining energy inherent in every religious custom, was the origin of a practice adopted by many of the nations of antiquity, that, namely, of casting a stone upon the tomb of the dead. thus were formed those sepulchral heaps of stones called _gal-gals_, some of which still exist. "it is, without doubt, to this votive idea that we must attribute the fact that so many beautiful objects which ornament our museums have been found deposited in these sepulchres; but we must remark that the large and roughly-hewn hatchets, and also the knives of the second epoch, are replaced, in the third epoch, by polished hatchets often even fitted with handles, and also by knives of much larger size and finer workmanship. "as an additional corroboration of my ideas, i will mention a curious fact which i ascertained to exist in two sepulchres of this kind which i searched; the significance of this fact can only be explained by a hypothesis which any one may readily develop. "each of them contained one long polished hatchet, broken in two in the middle; the other portion of which was not found in the sepulchre. "one is now in the museum at cluny, where i deposited it; the other is still in my own possession. it is beyond all dispute that they were thus broken at the time of the interment. "numerous hatchets broken in a similar way have been found by m. a. forgeais in the bed of the seine at paris, and also in various other spots; all of them were broken in the middle, and i have always been of opinion that they proceeded from sepulchres of a like kind, which, having been placed on the edge of the river, had been washed away by the flow of water which during long ages had eaten away the banks." at a subsequent period, that is, during the bronze epoch, dead bodies were often, as we shall see, reduced to ashes either wholly or in part, and the ashes were enclosed in urns. footnotes: [ ] alexandre bertrand's 'les monuments primitifs de la gaule.' [ ] 'des sépultures à l'age de la pierre,' pp. , . . [ ] 'le danemark à l'exposition universelle de .' paris. . the age of metals. i. the bronze epoch. chapter i. the discovery of metals--various reasons suggested for explaining the origin of bronze in the west--the invention of bronze--a foundry during the bronze epoch--permanent and itinerant foundries existing during the bronze epoch--did the knowledge of metals take its rise in europe owing to the progress of civilisation, or was it a foreign importation? the acquisition and employment of metals is one of the greatest facts in our social history. thenard, the chemist, has asserted that we may judge of the state of civilisation of any nation by the degree of perfection at which it has arrived in the workmanship of iron. looking at the matter in a more general point of view, we may safely say that if man had never become acquainted with metals he would have remained for ever in his originally savage state. there can be no doubt that the free use of, or privation from, metals is a question of life and death for any nation. when we take into account the important part that is played by metals in all modern communities, we cannot fail to be convinced that, without metals civilisation would have been impossible. that astonishing scientific and industrial movement which this nineteenth century presents to us in its most remarkable form--the material comfort which existing generations are enjoying--all our mechanical appliances, manufactures of such diverse kinds, books and arts--not one of all these benefits for man, in the absence of metals, could ever have come into existence. without the help of metal, man would have been condemned to live in great discomfort; but, aided by this irresistible lever, his powers have been increased a hundredfold, and man's empire has been gradually extended over the whole of nature. in all probability, gold, among all the metals, is the first with which man became acquainted. gold, in a metallic state, is drifted down by the waters of many a river, and its glittering brightness would naturally point it out to primitive peoples. savages are like children; they love everything that shines brightly. gold, therefore, must, in very early days, have found its way into the possession of the primitive inhabitants of our globe. gold is still often met with in the ural mountains; and thence, perhaps, it originally spread all over the north of europe. the streams and the rivers of some of the central countries of europe, such as switzerland, france, and germany, might also have furnished a small quantity. after gold, copper must have been the next metal which attracted the attention of men; in the first place, because this metal is sometimes found in a native state, and also because cupriferous ores, and especially copper pyrites, are very widely distributed. nevertheless, the extraction of copper from the ores is an operation of such a delicate character, that it must have been beyond the reach of the metallurgic appliances at the disposal of men during the early pre-historic period. the knowledge of tin also dates back to a very high antiquity. still, although men might become acquainted with tin ores, a long interval must have elapsed before they could have succeeded in extracting the pure metal. silver did not become known to men until a much later date; for this metal is very seldom met with in the _tumuli_ of the bronze epoch. the fact is, that silver is seldom found in a pure state, and scarcely ever except in combination with lead ores; lead, however, was not known until after iron. bronze, as every one knows, is an alloy of copper and tin (nine parts of copper and one of tin). now it is precisely this alloy, namely bronze, which was the first metallic substance used in europe; indeed the sole substance used, to the exclusion of copper. we have, therefore, to explain the somewhat singular circumstance that an alloy and not a pure metal was the metallic substance that was earliest used in europe; and we must also inquire how it was that bronze could have been composed by the nations which succeeded those of the polished-stone epoch. at first sight, it might appear strange that an alloy like bronze should have been the first metallic substance used by man, thus setting aside iron, deposits of which are very plentiful in europe. but it is to be remarked, in the first place, that iron ores do not attract the attention so much as those of tin and copper. added to this, the extraction of iron from its ores is one of the most difficult operations of the kind. when dealing with ferruginous ores, the first operation produces nothing more than rough cast iron--a very impure substance, which is so short and brittle that it possesses scarcely any metallic qualities, and differs but little from stone as regards any use it could be applied to. it requires re-heating and hammering to bring it into the condition of malleable iron. on the other hand, by simply smelting together copper and tin ores and adding a little charcoal, bronze might be at once produced, without any necessity for previously extracting and obtaining pure copper and tin in a separate state. this will explain how it came to pass that the earliest metal-workers produced bronze at one operation, without even being acquainted with the separate metals which enter into its composition. we are left entirely to hypothesis in endeavouring to realise to ourselves how men were led to mix together copper and tin ores, and thus to produce bronze--a hard, durable and fusible alloy, and consequently well adapted, without much trouble, for the fabrication, by melting in moulds, of hatchets, poniards, and swords, as well as agricultural and mechanical instruments. bronze was endowed with all the most admirable qualities for aiding the nascent industrial skill of mankind. it is more fusible than copper and is also harder than this metal; indeed, in the latter respect, it may compete with iron. it is a curious fact that bronze has the peculiarity of hardening when cooled gradually. if it is made red-hot in the fire and is then suddenly cooled by plunging it into water, the metal becomes more ductile and may be easily hammered; but it regains its original hardness if it is again heated red-hot and then allowed to cool slowly. this, as we see, is just the contrary to the properties of steel. by taking advantage of this quality of bronze they were enabled to hammer it, and, after the necessary work with the hammer was finished, they could, by means of gradual cooling, restore the metal to its original hardness. at the present day, cymbals and tom-toms are made exactly in this way. all these considerations will perhaps sufficiently explain to the reader why the use of bronze preceded that of iron among all the european and asiatic peoples. on this quasi-absence of manufactured copper in the pre-historic monuments of europe, certain archæologists have relied when propounding the opinion that bronze was brought into europe by a people coming from the east, a more advanced and civilised people, who had already passed through their _copper age_, that is, had known and made use of pure copper. this people, it is said, violently invaded europe, and in almost every district took the place of the primitive population; so that, in every country, bronze suddenly succeeded stone for the manufacture of instruments, weapons and implements. by the side of these _savants_, who represent to some extent, in ethnological questions, the partisans of the great geological cataclysms or revolutions of the globe, there are others who would refer the appearance of bronze in europe to a great extension of commercial relations. they utterly reject the idea of any conquest, of any great invasion having brought with it a complete change in manners, customs, and processes of industrial skill. in their opinion, it was commerce which first brought bronze from the east and introduced it to the men of the west. this is the view of sir cornewall lewis, the archæologist and statesman, and also of prof. nilsson, who attributes to the phoenicians the importation of bronze into europe. without attaining any great result, nilsson has taken much trouble in supporting this idea by acceptable proofs. we are called upon to agree with the danish archæologist in admitting that the phoenicians, that is, the inhabitants of tyre and sidon went _with their ships_ to procure tin from great britain, in order to make an alloy with it in their own country, which alloy they subsequently imported into europe. this is nothing but historic fancy. to this romance of archæology we shall oppose the simple explanation which chemistry suggests to us. our belief is that the bronze was fabricated on the spot by the very people who made use of it. all that was requisite in order to obtain bronze, was to mix and smelt together the ores of oxidised copper or copper pyrites, and tin ore, adding a small quantity of charcoal. now, copper ore abounds in europe; that of tin is certainly rare; and it is this rarity of tin ore which is appealed to in support of the conjecture against which we are contending. but, although tin ores are nowadays rare in europe, except in england and saxony, they are, nevertheless, to be met with in the centre and south of the continent; and, doubtless, in the early ages of mankind the quantities were quite sufficient to supply the slender requirements of the dawning efforts of industrial skill. we may, perhaps, be permitted to allege that the cause of the supplies of tin ores being so poor in the centre and south of europe, may be the fact that they were exhausted by the workings of our ancestors. thus, at least, many of the deposits of copper, silver, and lead, have been exhausted by the romans, and we now find nothing more than the mere remains of mines which were once very productive. we may easily see that, in order to account for the presence of bronze in europe during the primitive epochs of mankind, it was not necessary to build up such a framework of hypothesis as prof. nilsson has so elaborately raised. to sum up the whole matter, we may say that the use of bronze preceded that of iron in the primitive industry of europe and asia; and that the people of our hemisphere were acquainted with bronze before they came to the knowledge of pure copper and tin; this is all that we can safely assert on the point. it might of course have been the case that copper and tin were first used alone, and that the idea was subsequently entertained of combining the two metals so as to improve both. but the facts evidently show that, so far as regards europe, things did not take place in this way, and that bronze was employed in the works of primitive industry before copper and tin were known as existing in a separate state.[ ] we must, however, state that in the new world the matter was different. the indians of north america, long before they knew anything about bronze, were in the habit of hammering the copper which was procured from the mines of lake superior, and of making of it weapons, ornaments and implements. after considering these general and theoretical points, we shall now pass on to the history of the employment of bronze among men of pre-historic ages, and shall endeavour to give some description of their works for the manufacture of metals. facts handed down by tradition evidently show that, among the peoples both of europe and asia, the use of bronze preceded that of iron. homer tells us that the soldiers of the greek and trojan armies were provided with iron weapons, yet he reserves for the heroes weapons made of bronze. it seems that bronze being the most ancient, was therefore looked upon as the more noble metal; hence, its use is reserved for chiefs or great warriors. among all nations, that which is the most ancient is ever the most honourable and the most sacred. thus, to mention one instance only, the jews of our own times still perform the ceremony of circumcision with a knife made of stone. in this case, the stone-knife is an object consecrated by religion, because the antiquity of this instrument is actually lost in the night of time. bronze (or brass) is often mentioned in the book of genesis. tubal-cain, the first metal-worker of the scriptures, who forged iron for all kinds of purposes, also wrought in bronze (or brass). this alloy was devoted to the production of objects of ornament. we read in the first book of kings (vii. , ), "and king solomon sent and fetched hiram out of tyre. he was a widow's son of the tribe of naphtali, and his father was a man of tyre, a worker in brass: and he was filled with wisdom, and understanding, and cunning to work all works in _brass_." the word _brass_ must be here understood as being synonymous with bronze, and certainly the hebrew term had this signification. as a specially remarkable object of bronze work, we may mention the "sea of brass" of the hebrews, which contained measures of water. herodotus[ ] speaks of another colossal basin made of bronze, which was sixty times the size of that which pausanias, son of cleobrontos, presented to the temple of jupiter orios, a temple which had been built near the euxine, on the borders of scythia. its capacity was six hundred _amphoræ_, and it was six "fingers" in thickness. the greeks used to employ these enormous basins in their religious ceremonies. in sweden and norway, large receptacles of a similar kind were in primitive ages employed in sacrificial ceremonies; they used to receive the blood which flowed from the slaughtered animals. in order to produce objects of this magnitude it was of course necessary to have at disposal large foundries of bronze. these foundries, which existed during historic periods, were preceded by others of less importance used during the pre-historic epochs which we are considering, that is, during the bronze epoch. vestiges of these ancient foundries have been discovered in switzerland, at devaine, near thonon, and at walflinger, near wintherthur; especially also at echallens, where objects have been found which evidently originated from the working of some pre-historic foundry. at morges, in switzerland, a stone mould has been discovered, intended for casting hatchets. by running bronze into this ancient mould, a hatchet has been made exactly similar to some of those in our collections. the casting was also effected in moulds of sand, which is the more usual and more easy plan. from these _data_, it is possible to imagine what sort of place a foundry must have been during the bronze epoch. in the production of bronze, they used to mix oxydated tin ore, in the proportions which experience had taught them, with oxydated copper ore or copper pyrites; to this mixture was added a small quantity of charcoal. the whole was placed in an earthen vessel in the midst of a burning furnace. the two oxides were reduced to a metallic state by means of the charcoal; the copper and tin being set free, blended and formed bronze. when the alloy was obtained, all that was necessary was to dip it out and pour it into sand or stone moulds which had been previously arranged for the purpose. the art of casting in bronze must have played a very essential part among primitive peoples. there was no instrument that they used which could not be made by casting it in bronze. the sword-blades were thus made; and, in order to harden the edge of the weapon, it was first heated and then cooled suddenly, being afterwards hammered with a stone hammer. in fig. , we represent the workshop of a caster in bronze during the epoch we are considering. the alloy, having been previously mixed, has been smelted in a furnace, and a workman is pouring it into a sand-mould. another man is examining a sword-blade which has just been cast. [illustration: fig. .--a founder's workshop during the bronze epoch.] bronze being precious, it is probable that in these ancient communities bronze weapons and implements were reserved for rich and powerful personages, and that stone weapons remained the attribute of the common people. the use of bronze could only become general after the lapse of time. the high value of bronze would lead to its being economised as much as possible. the pre-historic museum at copenhagen contains unquestionable proofs of this scarcity of the metal, and the means which were used for obviating it. among the bronze hatchets in the museum of copenhagen, there are some which could only have served as ornaments, for they contained a nucleus of clay, and the metal of which they were composed was not thicker than a sheet of paper. we must also add that worn-out instruments of bronze and utensils which were out of use were carefully preserved in order to be re-cast; the same material re-appearing in various forms and shapes. we have just given a representation of the _workshop of a founder of bronze_; but we must also state that in addition to these fixed establishments there must have existed, at the epoch of which we are speaking, certain itinerant founders who travelled about, carrying all their necessary utensils on their backs, and offered their services wherever they were required. every one is acquainted with the travelling-tinkers who, at the present day, make their way down from the mountains of auvergne, the black forest, the alps, or the cévennes, and are called _péirerous_ and _estama-brazaïres_ in the south of france, and _épingliers_ in other districts. these men are in the habit of working at separate jobs in the villages and even in the public places of the towns. of course they travel with no more of the utensils of their craft than strict necessity requires; but, nevertheless, what they carry is sufficient for every purpose. a hollow made in the ground is the furnace in which they place the nozzle of their portable bellows, and they hammer the iron on a small anvil fixed in the earth. aided by these merely rudimentary means they execute pieces of metal-work, the dimensions of which are really surprising. they make nails and tacks, and even worm screws, repair locks, clean clocks, make knives, mend skimmers, and restore umbrella-frames. they make bronze rings out of republican _décimes_, and sell these popular trinkets to the village beauties. incomparable in their line of business, these men are unequalled in patching or re-tinning vessels made of tin and wrought or sheet-iron. the mending of crockeryware also forms one of their numerous vocations; and the repairing of a broken plate by means of an iron rivet is mere play-work for their dexterous fingers. but melting down and re-casting--these are the real triumphs of their art. the village housewife brings to them her worn-out pewter vessel, and soon sees it reappear as a new, brilliant, and polished utensil. lamps, cans, covers, and tin-plates and dishes are thus made to reappear in all their primitive brightness. the fusion and casting of bronze does not perplex them any more than working in tin. they are in the habit of casting various utensils in brass or bronze, such as candlesticks, bells, brackets, &c. the crucible which they use in melting brass is nothing but a hole dug in the earth and filled up with burning charcoal, the fire being kept up with the help of their bellows, the nozzle of which is lengthened so as to open into the middle of the charcoal. on this furnace they place their portable crucible, which is a kind of earthen ladle provided with a handle. their system of casting is simple in the extreme. the pressed sand, which serves them for a mould, is procured from the ditch at the side of the road. into this mould they pour the alloy out of the very crucible in which it has been melted. these itinerant metallurgists, these _estama-brazaïres_, who may be noticed working in the villages of lower languedoc, whose ways we have just depicted (not without some degree of pleasant reminiscence), are nothing but the descendants of the travelling metal-workers of the pre-historic bronze epoch. in addition to the permanent establishment of this kind--the foundries, the remains of which have been found in switzerland, the french jura, germany and denmark, there certainly existed at that time certain workmen who travelled about singly, from place to place, exercising their trade. their stock of tools, like the objects which they had to make or repair, was of a very simple character; the sand from the wayside formed their moulds, and their fuel was the dry wood of the forest. the existence, at this remote epoch in the history of mankind, of the itinerant workers in metal is proved by the fact, that practitioners of this kind were known in the earliest _historic_ periods who had already to some extent become proficients in the art. moses, the hebrew lawgiver, was able in the wilderness to make a brazen serpent, the sight of which healed the israelites who had been bitten by venomous snakes; and, during the retirement of the prophet to mount sinai, aaron seemed to find no difficulty in casting the golden calf, which was required of him by the murmurs of the people. itinerant founders must therefore have accompanied the jewish army. we have been compelled to dwell to some extent on the general considerations which bear upon the introduction of bronze among the ancient inhabitants of europe who succeeded the men of the stone age. in the chapters which follow we intend as far as possible to trace out the picture of that period of man's history, which is called _the bronze epoch_, and constitutes the first division of _the age of metals_. footnotes: [ ] it must, however, be observed that the author's theory does not agree with the opinion of metallurgists, who do not consider the reduction of mixed copper and tin ore a practically effective process, and would favour the more usual view that the metals were smelted separately, and afterwards fused together to form bronze.--(_note to eng. trans._) [ ] book iv. p. . chapter ii. the sources of information at our disposal for reconstructing the history of the bronze epoch--the lacustrine settlements of switzerland--enumeration and classification of them--their mode of construction--workmanship and position of the piles--shape and size of the huts--population--instruments of stone, bone, and stag's horn--pottery--clothing--food--_fauna_--domestic animals. in endeavouring to trace out the early history of the human race we naturally turn our attention to all the means of investigation which either study or chance have placed at our disposal. grottos and caves, the rock-shelters, the ancient camps, the centres of flint-working, the scandinavian kitchen-middens, the _dolmens_, and the _tumuli_--all have lent their aid in affording those elements for the representation of the earliest epoch of the history of primitive man which we have already considered. the data which we shall resort to for delineating the bronze epoch will be of a different kind. among all the sources of authentic information as to the manners and customs of man in his earliest existence, none, certainly, are more curious than those ancient remains which have lately been brought to light and explored, and have received the name of _lacustrine dwellings_. the question may be asked, what are these _lacustrine dwellings_, and in what way do they serve to elucidate the history of the bronze epoch? these are just the points which we are about to explain. the most important discoveries have often depended on very slight causes. this assertion, although it has been made common by frequent repetition, is none the less perfectly correct. to what do we owe the knowledge of a multitude of curious details as to pre-historic peoples? to an accidental and unusual depression of the temperature in switzerland. but we will explain. the winter of - was, in switzerland, so dry and cold that the waters of the lakes fell far below their ordinary level. the inhabitants of meilen, a place situated on the banks of the lake of zurich, took advantage of this circumstance, and gained from the lake a tract of ground, which they set to work to raise and surround with banks. in carrying out these works they found in the mud at the bottom of the lake a number of piles, some thrown down and others still upright, fragments of rough pottery, bone and stone instruments, and various other relics similar to those found in the danish peat-bogs. this extraordinary accumulation of objects of all kinds on the dried bed of the lake appeared altogether inexplicable, and every one was at fault in their remarks; but dr. keller of zurich, having examined the objects, at once came to a right understanding as to their signification. it was evident to him that they belonged to pre-historic times. by an association of ideas which no one had previously dreamt of, he perceived that a relation existed between the piles and the other relics discovered in the vicinity, and saw clearly that both dated back to the same epoch. he thus came to the conclusion, that the ancient inhabitants of the lake of zurich were in the habit of constructing dwellings over the water, and that the same custom must have existed as regards the other swiss lakes. this idea was developed by dr. keller in five very remarkable memoirs, which were published in german.[ ] this discovery was the spark which lighted up a torch destined to dissipate the darkness which hung over a long-protracted and little-known period of man's history. previous to the discovery made on the dried-up bed of the lake of zurich, various instruments and singular utensils had been obtained from the mud of some of the lakes of switzerland, and piles had often been noticed standing up in the depth of the water; but no one had been able to investigate these vestiges of another age, or had had any idea of ascribing to them anything like the remote antiquity which has since been recognised as belonging to them. to dr. keller the honour is due of having interpreted these facts in their real bearing, at a time when every one else looked upon them as nothing but objects of curiosity. it is, therefore, only just to pronounce the physician of zurich to have been the first originator of pre-historic archæological science in switzerland. in , after the publication of dr. keller's first article, the swiss lakes were explored with much energy, and it was not long before numerous traces of human settlements were discovered. at the present day more than are known, and every year fresh ones are being found.[ ] thanks to the activity which has been shown by a great number of observers, magnificent collections have been formed of these archæological treasures. the fishermen of the lakes have been acquainted, for many years back, with the sites of some of these settlements, in consequence of having, on many occasions, torn their nets on the piles sticking up in the mud. numerous questions were asked them, and they were taken as guides to the different spots, and ere long a whole system of civilisation, heretofore unknown, emerged from the beds of the swiss lakes. among the lakes which have furnished the largest quantity of relics of pre-historic ages, we may mention that of neuchâtel, in which, in , no less than forty-six settlements were counted; in lake constance (thirty-two settlements); in the lake of geneva (twenty-four settlements); in the lake of bienne, canton of berne (twenty settlements); in the lake of morat, canton of fribourg (eight settlements). next come several other lakes of less importance. the lake of zurich (three settlements); the lake of pfæffikon, canton of zurich (four settlements); the lake of sempach, canton of lucerne (four settlements); the lake of moosseedorf, canton of berne (two settlements); the lake of inkwyl, near soleure (one settlement); the lake of nussbaumen, canton of thurgau (one settlement); the lake of zug, &c. pile-work has also been discovered in former lakes now transformed into peat-bogs. we must place in this class the peat-bog of wauwyl, canton of lucerne (five settlements). we will mention, in the last place, the settlement at the bridge of thièle, on the water-course which unites the lakes of bienne and neuchâtel. this settlement must once have formed a portion of the lake of bienne, at the time when the latter extended as far as the bridge of thièle. the lacustrine villages of switzerland do not all belong to the same period. the nature of the remains that they contain indubitably prove that some are far more ancient than others. the vestiges have been discovered of three successive epochs--the polished-stone epoch and the epochs of bronze and of iron. the lacustrine settlements of switzerland, when considered under the heads of the various pre-historical epochs to which they belong, may be divided in the following way:-- _the stone age_:--the lake of constance (about thirty settlements); the lake of neuchâtel (twelve settlements); the lake of geneva (two settlements); the lake of morat (one settlement); the lakes of bienne, zurich, pfæffikon, inkwyl, moosseedorf, nussbaumen, wanger, &c.; the settlements of saint-aubin and concise, the peat-bog of wauwyl, and the settlement at the bridge of thièle. _the bronze epoch_:--the lake of geneva (twenty settlements); the lake of neuchâtel (twenty-five settlements); the lake of bienne (ten settlements); also the lakes of morat and sempach. _the iron epoch_:--the lakes of neuchâtel and bienne. it may appear strange that the primitive inhabitants of switzerland should have preferred aquatic dwellings to habitations built on _terra firma_, which could certainly have been constructed much more easily. further on in our work we shall have something to say as to the advantages which men might derive from such a peculiar arrangement of their dwellings; but we may now remark that this custom was somewhat prevalent among the earliest inhabitants of europe. ancient history furnishes us with several instances of it. herodotus, speaking of the pæonians, of the lake prasias, in thrace, says:-- "their habitations are built in the following way. on long piles, sunk into the bottom of the lake, planks are placed, forming a floor; a narrow bridge is the means of access to them. these piles used to be fixed by the inhabitants at their joint expense; but afterwards it was settled that each man should bring three from mount orbelus for every woman whom he married. plurality of wives, be it observed, was permitted in this country. on these planks each has his hut with a trap-door down into the lake; and lest any of their children should fall through this opening they took care to attach a cord to their feet. they used to feed their horses and beasts of burden on fish. in this lake fish was so abundant that if a basket was let down through the trap-door it might be drawn up a short time afterwards filled with fish." sir j. lubbock, repeating the statement of one of his friends who resides at salonica, asserts that the fishermen of the lake prasias still inhabit wooden huts built over the water, as in the time of herodotus. there is nothing improbable in this, since the town of tcherkask in russia is constructed in a similar way over the river don, and venice itself is nothing but a lacustrine city built during historic times over a lagune of the adriatic sea. we may add that even in modern times this custom of building villages on piles still exists in some parts of the world. according to the evidence of dampier and dumont d'urville, habitations built on piles are to be met with in new guinea, celebes, ceram, mindanao, the caroline islands, &c. the city of borneo is, indeed, entirely built on this plan. in some of the isles of the pacific ocean there are several tribes of savages who likewise make their dwellings over water. the indians of venezuela have adopted this custom with the sole intention of sheltering themselves from the mosquitoes. it is quite permissible to suppose that the need for security was the motive which induced the ancient inhabitants of switzerland, and other countries, thus to make settlements and live upon the lakes. surrounded as they were by vast marshes and impenetrable forests, they lived in dread of the attacks of numerous wild beasts. they therefore taxed their ingenuity to insure their safety as far as they possibly could, and no means appeared more efficacious than that of surrounding themselves with water. at a subsequent period, when men commenced to make war against one another, these aquatic habitations became still more valuable. they then constituted something in the nature of camps or fortification in which, being well-protected from all danger of sudden surprise, the people of the country could defy the efforts of their enemies. we must, however, add, that in more recent times these buildings on piles were--according to m. desor--used only as storehouses for utensils and provisions; the actual dwellings for men being built on _terra firma_. these lacustrine dwellings are designated under various names by different authors. dr. keller, who was the first to describe them, gave them in german the name of _pfahlbauten_ (buildings on piles) which the italians have translated by the word _palafitta_. this latter appellation, when gallicized by m. desor, becomes _palafitte_. lastly, the name _ténevières_ or _steinbergs_ (mountains of stone) is given to constructions of a peculiar character in which the piles are kept up by masses of stone which have been brought to the spot. by dr. keller, this latter kind are called _packwerkbauten_. when we examine as a whole the character of the lacustrine settlements which have hitherto been discovered, it may, in fact, be perceived that those who built them proceeded on two different systems of construction; either, they buried the piles very deeply in the bed of the lake, and on these piles placed the platform which was to support their huts; or, they artificially raised the bed of the lake by means of heaps of stones, fixing in these heaps somewhat large stakes, not so much for the purpose of supporting the habitations themselves as with a view of making the heaps of stones a firm and compact body. [illustration: fig. .--section of the _ténevière_ of hauterive.] this latter mode of construction is represented in fig. , taken from a design given by m. desor in his remarkable work 'les palafittes.'[ ] one or the other of these modes of construction was employed according to the nature of the bed of the lake. in lakes with a muddy bottom, the first plan could be easily employed; but when the bed was rocky, it was necessary to have recourse to the second. this is the reason why on the northern shore of the lake of neuchâtel, where the banks of limestone come very close to the surface, a comparatively large number of _ténevières_ may be observed. these are the facts as generally noticed, especially in wide and deep lakes; the edifice, however, was not always constructed in this mode. in marshes and small lakes, which have now become peat-bogs, another system was frequently applied, a remarkable instance of which is furnished by the peat-moss at wauwyl. in this locality were found several quadrangular spaces very distinctly enclosed by piles, between which were raised as many as five platforms one above the other. these piles are naturally very long, and some are buried as much as seven feet in the solid ground--an operation which must have required an enormous amount of labour. the intervals between the platforms are filled up with boughs of trees and clay, and the floors themselves are made in nearly the same way as those we have before mentioned. the lowest rested directly on the bed of the lake, and on the upper one the huts were placed. it is sometimes the case that these heaps of stones rise above the water; they then form perfect artificial islands, and the habitations which covered them are no longer, properly speaking, dwellings on piles. of this kind is the station on the lake of inkwyl in switzerland; of this kind, also, are the _crannoges_ of ireland, of which we shall subsequently make special mention. some of these artificial islands have braved the destructive action of ages, and are still inhabited at the present time. m. desor mentions the isle of roses in the lake of starnberg (bavaria) which has never been known to have been unfrequented by man; it now contains a royal residence. let us revert to the mode of construction of the aquatic dwellings of switzerland. in all probability the stones used were conveyed to the required spot by means of canoes made of hollowed-out trunks of trees. several of these canoes may still be seen at the bottom of lake bienne, and one, indeed, is still laden with pebbles, which leads us to think that it must have foundered with its cargo. but it is very difficult to raise these canoes from the bottom, and it is, besides, probable that when exposed to the open air they would fall to dust. nevertheless, one of them is exhibited in the museum at neuchâtel. in the museum at saint-germain there is a canoe very similar to that of neuchâtel. it is made out of the trunk of a hollow tree. a second canoe, very like the first, but with the bark still on it, and in a bad state of preservation, lies in the entry of the same museum of saint-germain. it was taken out of the seine, as we stated when speaking in a previous chapter of the first discovery of the art of navigation during the stone age. it may very easily be explained how the constructors went to work in felling the trees and converting them into piles. m. desor has remarked that the pieces of wood composing the piles are cut cleanly through round their circumference only; the central part shows inequalities just like those which are noticed when a stick is broken in two by the hand after having been cut into all round the outside. the builders of the lacustrine villages, therefore, when they wanted to fell a tree must have acted much as follows: having cut all round it to a depth of or inches, they fixed a cord to the top, and broke the tree down by forcibly pulling at the upper part. they then cut it through in the same way with stone or bronze hatchets, giving it the requisite length, hewing it into a point at one end so that it should more easily penetrate the mud. sometimes a fire applied to the base of the tree prepared for, and facilitated, the effect of the sharp instruments used. a great number of the piles that have been found still bear the marks of the fire and the cuts made by stone hatchets. in constructing the _ténevières_, the labour of pointing the piles was needless, as the latter were thoroughly wedged in by the accumulation of stones of which we gave a representation in fig. . when the piles were prepared, they had to be floated to the spot fixed upon for the village, and to be fixed in the bed of the lake. if we consider that, in many cases, the length of these piles reached to as much as or feet, some idea may be formed of the difficulty of an undertaking of this kind. in the construction of the _ténevières_ much thicker piles were used, and the labour was much less difficult. for instance, in the more ancient _ténevières_ of the lake of neuchâtel piles are found made of whole trunks of trees which measure to inches in diameter. the mind is almost confused when it endeavours to sum up the amount of energy and strong will which the primitive population of switzerland must have bestowed on constructing, unaided as they were by metal implements, the earliest lacustrine settlements, some of which are of very considerable extent. the settlement of morges, one of the largest in the lake of geneva, is not less than , square yards in area. that of chabrey, in the lake of neuchâtel, measures about , square yards; another, in the same lake, , yards; and, lastly, a third, that of la tène, , yards. there are many others which are smaller, although of respectable dimensions. the number of piles which must have been used in some of these constructions is really surprising. m. löhle has calculated that in the single lacustrine village of wangen, in the lake of constance, at least , piles have been fixed, and that several generations must have been necessary to terminate the work. the more reasonable interpretation to give to a fact of this kind is that wangen, which was very thinly populated at first, increased in size gradually as the numbers of inhabitants augmented. the same remark may be doubtless applied to all the important stations. this was the plan employed in building a single habitation. when a whole village had to be built in the open water, a methodical course of action was adopted. they began by placing a certain number of piles parallel to the shore, and these they at once threw across the bridge which was intended to connect the village with the land, thus rendering the carriage of the materials much less difficult. when the bridge was finished, and before fixing all the piles, the platform was commenced immediately; this constituted a base of operations, by the help of which the pile work could more easily be finished. this platform was raised or feet above the surface of the water, so as to obviate any danger arising from the waves during a tempest. it was generally composed of branches and trunks of trees not squared, and bound horizontally to each other, the whole cemented together with clay; sometimes, also, they used thick rough slabs, which were obtained by splitting trunks of trees with wedges. the platform was fixed firmly on the pile-work, and in some cases wooden pegs were used to fasten together the largest pieces of timber, so that the cohesion and incorporation of the floor were rendered more complete. as soon as the esplanade was finished, they then proceeded to the construction of the huts. the huts must have opened on to the platform by doors. did they possess windows? nothing is known as to this point. but in all probability there was an opening at the top of the roof, through which the smoke of the fire made its way. to avoid any fear of conflagration, a stone fire-place was placed in the middle of each dwelling. the daylight must have come in through the hole in the roof in a quantity almost sufficient to cause the absence of windows to be not much felt. in each habitation, there was, no doubt, a trap-door in direct communication with the lake, such as those which existed in the dwellings of the pæonians described by herodotus. under this trap-door there was a reservoir made of osiers, intended for the preservation of fish. as the inhabitants of the lacustrine villages only lived upon the water with a view of increasing their security, it would be absurd to suppose that they would construct a large number of bridges between their aquatic settlement and the banks of the lake. there must have been, in general, but one bridge for each of these lake villages. how were the huts constructed, and what were their shape and dimensions? these questions certainly seem difficult to answer, for, as may be well imagined, no specimen of these ancient dwellings has been preserved to our days. nevertheless, a few relics, insignificant in appearance, enable us to reply to these inquiries in a way more or less satisfactory. everything seems to indicate that the huts were formed of trunks of trees placed upright, one by the side of the other, and bound together horizontally by interwoven branches. a coating of earth covered this wattling. it has been fancied, from the imprint left by some of the branches which were used in building these huts, that it might be inferred that they were circular, like those which historians attribute to the ancient gauls. this was troyon's opinion, and at first dr. keller's also. this author has even sketched a circular hut in a plate representing a restored lacustrine habitation, which accompanies one of his memoirs. sir c. lyell, also, has reproduced this same plate in the frontispiece of his work on the 'antiquity of man.' but dr. keller has subsequently abandoned this idea, and in another of his memoirs he has supplied a fresh design showing nothing but huts with flat or sloping roofs. from this latter plate, taken from dr. keller's work, we here give a representation of a swiss lacustrine village (fig. ). [illustration: fig. --a swiss lake village of the bronze epoch.] the suggestions for this reconstructive sketch were furnished to dr. keller not only by various scientific indications, but also and especially by a drawing made by dumont d'urville among the papuans of new guinea. according to dr. keller, during the last century there still existed on the river limmat, near zurich, some fishermen's huts built in a similar way to those of the lacustrine villages. what might have been the population of one of these settlements? this estimate m. troyon endeavoured to make--an undertaking of a very interesting nature. he adopted as the base of his calculations the lacustrine village of morges (lake of geneva), which, as we have already stated, had an area of , square yards. allowing that only one-half of this area was occupied by huts, the other half being reserved for gangways between the dwellings, and assuming an average diameter of feet for each hut, m. troyon reckoned the number of dwellings in the pre-historic village of morges at . next, supposing that four individuals lived in each hut, the total amount of population he arrived at was inhabitants. we might very justly be surprised if men of the bronze epoch, who were provided with metallic weapons, and were consequently in a much better position for resisting any violent attack, had continued to dwell exclusively in the midst of the water, and should not, to some extent, have dispersed over _terra firma_, which is man's natural standing-ground. it was, therefore, nothing more than might have been expected, when the discovery was made of the relics of dwellings upon land, containing remains of the bronze epoch. this discovery, in fact, took place, and those investigating the subject came to the conclusion that the valleys of switzerland, as well as the lakes, were occupied during this period by an industrious and agricultural people. at ebersberg, canton of zurich, there was discovered--which is a very curious fact--the remains of an ancient settlement situated on _terra firma_, and containing utensils similar to those found in the lacustrine settlements. in , dr. clement searched several mounds composed of pebbles bearing the traces of fire; these mounds were situated in the neighbourhood of gorgier (canton of neuchâtel). one of these mounds has furnished various objects of bronze intermingled with fragments of charcoal, especially a bracelet and some sickles characterised by a projection or set-off at the spring of the blade. on the plateau of granges (canton of soleure), dr. schild studied a certain spot which he considers to be the site of an ancient bronze foundry; for, besides finding there pebbles and calcined earth, he also discovered a number of reaping-hooks made with a shoulder, and also a fragment of a sword and four finely-made knives. a hatchet-knife was likewise found in the gorge of the seyon, near neuchâtel; and a bracelet in the vicinity of morges (canton of geneva). some other bracelets, accompanied by calcined human bones, were discovered near sion, in the valais. lastly, m. thioly obtained from a cave of mont salève, near geneva, numerous fragments of pottery of the bronze epoch; and in a grotto on the banks of the reuse, in the canton of neuchâtel, m. otz found relics of pottery of very fine clay, along with a quantity of bones. thus the people of this epoch did not dwell exclusively in settlements made over the water. they also were in the habit of building habitations on _terra firma_, and of furnishing them with everything which was necessary for existence. all the facts which have been observed in switzerland may, doubtless, be applied generally; and it may be said that during the bronze epoch the nature of man's habitation became decidedly fixed. the caves of the great bear and mammoth period, and the rock-shelters of the reindeer and polished-stone periods were now succeeded by dwelling-places which differ but little from those of the more civilised peoples who commence the era of historic times. footnotes: [ ] 'pfahlbauten,' zurich, - . [ ] various distinguished _savants_ have taken upon themselves the task of making known to the public the results of these unceasing investigations, and of bringing before the eyes of the present generation the ancient civilisation of the swiss valleys. among the works which have best attained this end, we must mention troyon's 'habitations lacustres des temps anciens et modernes,' morlot's 'etudes géologico-archéologiques en danemark et en suisse,' and m. desor's 'palafittes, ou constructions lacustres du lac de neuchâtel.' these works, which have been translated into various languages, contain a statement of all the archæological discoveries which have been made in switzerland. [ ] 'les palafittes, ou constructions lacustres du lac de neuchâtel.' paris, . chapter iii. lacustrine habitations of upper italy, bavaria, carinthia and carniola, pomerania, france, and england--the _crannoges_ of ireland. it was difficult to believe that switzerland alone possessed the monopoly of these pile-work-constructions. it was certainly to be supposed that the southern slopes of the alps, which were all dotted over with large and beautiful lakes, must likewise contain constructions of a similar character; this, at least, was m. desor's opinion. after the numerous pre-historic discoveries which had been made in switzerland, the zurich professor proceeded in to explore the lakes of lombardy, being well convinced that there too he should find remains of lacustrine habitations. the hopes he had formed were not deceived. ere long, in fact, m. desor obtained from the peat-bogs round lake maggiore piles and other objects similar to those found in the swiss lakes. these researches were continued by mm. gastaldi and moro, who discovered in the peat-bogs round this lake several ancient villages built upon piles. in the lake of varese, also in lombardy, which was examined in by mm. desor, g. de mortillet, and the abbé stoppani, were discovered five settlements, some of which were of the stone age. subsequently, the abbé ranchet pointed out four others, which raise to the number of nine the pile works found in this lake. in order to render due honour to mm. keller and desor, who have contributed so much to the investigation and popularity of lacustrine antiquities, the abbé stoppani gave the name of these _savants_ to two of the settlements. one of these isles is very curious, as it is inhabited up to the present day. it is called _isoletta_ ("small island"), and the litta family possess a _château_ upon it. in the peat-mosses of brianza, a portion of lombardy situated to the north of milan, the remains of lacustrine constructions have been discovered, together with bones, fragments of pottery, pieces of charcoal, and carbonised stone; also weapons, both of bronze and flint. the lake of garda has been searched over by various explorers, who have discovered in it the sites of several lacustrine habitations. the authors of these discoveries are dr. alberti, of verona, and mm. kosterlitz and silber, two austrian officers, who presented all the objects which they collected to the antiquarian museums of vienna and zurich. the traces of pile-works were first perceived when the works were in progress which were excavated by the austrians in round the fortress of peschiera; which proves, at least, that fortresses may occasionally serve some useful purpose. a settlement of the stone age, which was examined by m. paolo lioy, is situated in a small lake in venetia, the length of which does not exceed half a mile, and the depth feet; we allude to the lake of fimon, near vicenza. m. lioy discovered oaken piles partially charred, which proves that the village had at one time been burnt down; also slabs of timber roughly squared, a canoe hollowed out of a trunk of oak, cakes of clay which had come from the sides of huts, and still bore the imprint of the reed-stalks, and no doubt formed a kind of coating inside the huts; various instruments made of bone, flint, sandstone, granite, and stag's horn; rings or spindle-weights made of burnt earth, numerous fragments of rough pottery, merely dried in the sun, and, among all these remains, a dozen entire vessels. there were also found stores of acorns, nuts, and water-chestnuts, the fruit of the sorb-tree, some sloe-stones, &c. a large quantity of animal bones certified to the existence of the bison, the stag, the wild boar, the fox, and several other doubtful species. all the long bones were broken, as is usually the case, for the extraction of the marrow, but not with the ordinary regularity; they had merely been cracked by blows with stones. the investigation of lacustrine antiquities which had been inaugurated in switzerland could hardly stop short in its path of progress. attempts were made to discover _palafittes_ in other countries, and these attempts met with success. thanks to the initiative action taken by m. desor, and the liberality of the bavarian government, pile-works of ancient date have been discovered in six of the bavarian lakes. most of them go back to the stone age, but some belong to the bronze epoch. among the latter we may mention the _isle of roses_, in the lake of starnberg, which is, in fact, an artificial island, like the isoletta in the lake of varese. we have previously stated that this island has never ceased to be inhabited, and that a _château_ now exists on it. the movement spread from one place to another. austria made it a point of honour not to remain in the rear of bavaria, and professor hochstetter was commissioned by the academy of sciences at vienna to undertake a search for _palafittes_ in the lakes of carinthia and carniola. these explorations were not without result. in four lakes of carinthia, dr. hochstetter discovered piles, remains of pottery, bones, nuts, &c. in the lake of reutschach, which was the most closely investigated, he discovered shallows formed by stones, similar to the _steinbergs_ of switzerland. the marshes of laybach have also furnished instruments of stag's horn, a perforated stone, and a canoe. next to austria, prussia took the matter up. specimens of pile-work were discovered in several provinces of this kingdom; among these were brandenburg and pomerania, a district rich in marshes. in the environs of lubtow the lacustrine constructions have the same characteristics as those of robenhausen, on the lake of pfæffikon (switzerland). two distinct archæological strata may be distinguished; in the lower are found, all mingled together, bronze and stone instruments, fragments of pottery, wheat, barley, and charred peas; the upper stratum belongs to the iron age. we have not as yet said anything about france; lacustrine dwellings have, however, been discovered in some of the departments which border on switzerland. the lakes of bourget and annecy, in savoy, contain several of them. the former of these lakes was thoroughly explored by m. laurent rabut, author of an article on the 'habitations lacustres de la savoie,' which obtained a silver medal at the competition of the learned societies in . in the lake of bourget, m. rabut ascertained the existence of five or six settlements of the bronze epoch, three of which, those of tresserve, grésine and châtillon, have been distinguished as furnishing numerous ancient relics. the lake of paladru (isère) which has been searched by m. gustave vallier, has afforded similar results. pile-works are thought to exist in some other small lakes in the same district--those of sainte-hélène, on the left bank of the isère, saint-martin-de-belville, and saint-marcel, near moutiers. pile-works have also been discovered on the site of an ancient lake on the banks of the saône; and in a totally different district, at the foot of the pyrenees, as many as five have been pointed out. everything therefore leads us to believe that if we searched with care the peat-mosses and pools which are very common in a good many of the french departments, we should discover the vestiges of various pre-historic epochs. in order to complete the enumeration of the lacustrine constructions of europe, we may state that they have been found in denmark in the lake of maribo, and in england in the county of norfolk. with these constructions we must also connect the _crannoges_ or artificial islands of ireland, the first of which was discovered in by sir w. r. wilde, a member of the royal academy of dublin. since this date various investigations have been made of these objects, and, at the present time, no less than fifty _crannoges_ have been discovered, distributed among the various counties of ireland. [illustration: fig. .--vertical section of a _crannoge_ in the ardakillin lake.] most of these islets were composed of heaps of stones held together by piles, nearly in the same way as in the _ténevières_ in switzerland; but the _crannoges_ differ from the latter in being raised above the water. some of them, however, are formed by a collection of vertical piles and horizontal joists, constituting an external inclosure, and even internal compartments, inside which all kinds of remains were collected. this kind are called _stockaded_ islands. they are generally of an oval or circular shape, and their dimensions are always kept within rather narrow limits. in his work on 'pre-historic times,' sir john lubbock gives the above sketch of a _crannoge_ in the ardakillin lake. captain mudge, of the royal british navy, has described a hut which he found at a depth of feet, in the drumkellin marsh. its area was about feet square, and its height feet; it included two stories, each about - / feet high. the roof was flat, and the hut was surrounded by a fence of piles, doubtless intended to separate it from other adjacent huts, the remains of which are still to be perceived. the whole construction had been executed by means of stone instruments, a fact that was proved by the nature of the cuts that were still visible on some of the pieces of wood. added to this, a hatchet, a chisel, and an arrow-head, all made of flint, were found on the floor of the cabin, and left no doubt whatever on this point. this, therefore, was in fact a habitation belonging to the stone age. some nuts and a large quantity of broken shells were scattered over the ground. a large flat stone, perforated with a little hole in the middle, was found on the spot; it was probably used to break the nuts by means of round pebbles picked up outside. from some of these settlements considerable masses of bones have been obtained, which have, alas, been utilised as manure. sir john lubbock tells us that the _crannoge_ of dunshauglin alone has furnished more than cartloads of bones. these bones belong to the following species:--the ox, the pig, the goat, the sheep, the horse, the ass, the dog, the fox, the roe, the fallow-deer, and the great irish stag, now extinct. if all other proof were wanting, the presence of the remains of this latter animal would be sufficient to indicate that certain _crannoges_ date back to the stone age; but as in this case we evidently have to do with the polished-stone epoch, it is also proved that the gigantic antlered stag existed in ireland at a much later date than on the continent. various historical records testify to the fact, that the _crannoges_ were inhabited up to the end of the sixteenth century. they then constituted a kind of fortress, in which petty chiefs braved for a long time the royal power. after the definitive pacification of the country they were completely abandoned. chapter iv. palustrine habitations or marsh-villages--surveys made by mm. strobel and pigorini of the _terramares_ of tuscany--the _terramares_ of brazil. having described the _lacustrine_ habitations which have been discovered in various parts of europe, we must now mention the so-called _palustrine_ habitations, as peculiar to the bronze epoch. this name has been given to that kind of village, the remains of which have been discovered round marshes and pools. upper italy is the locality in which these settlements have been pointed out. the name of _palustrine settlements_, or _marnieras_, has been given to the sites of ancient villages established by means of piles on marshes or pools of no great size, which in the course of time have been filled up by mould of a peaty character, containing a quantity of organic and other _detritus_. the discovery of those _palustrine settlements_ is due to mm. strobel and pigorini, who have designated them by the name of _terramares_. this term is applied by these _savants_ to the accumulation of ashes, charcoal, animal bones, and remains of all kinds which have been thrown away by man all round his dwellings, and have accumulated there during the lapse of centuries. the name which has been given them was derived from the fact that they furnish a kind of earthy ammoniacal manure, known in the district by the name of _terra mare_. these accumulations are the representatives of the danish kitchen-middens; but with this difference, that instead of dating back to the stone age, the former belong to the bronze epoch. _terramares_ are numerous in the districts of parma and modena; they are, however, almost entirely confined to the plain which extends between the po, the apennines, the adda, and the reno, forming an area of about miles long, and miles wide. in a general way, they form small mounds which rise from to feet above the level of the plain; as they go down some depth in the ground, their total thickness is in some places as much as feet. very few are seen having an area exceeding acres. excavations which have been made in several spots enable a tolerably exact account to be given of the mode of construction adopted in these palustrine settlements. the _marniera_ of castione, in particular, has furnished us with valuable information on this point; and we shall describe this settlement as a type of the rest. piles from to feet in length, and to inches in diameter (fig. ), formed of trunks of trees, either whole or split, and pointed at the ends by some rough tool, were sunk to the depth of some inches in the bed of the hollow. some of them still show on their tops the marks of the blows that they received when they were driven in. they were placed at intervals of from inches to feet; and connecting-beams from to feet in length, placed horizontally, and crossing one another, bound the piles together, and insured the solidity of the whole construction. on these cross-beams rested a floor (fig. ) formed of joists to inches thick, to inches wide, and to feet long. [illustration: fig. .--vertical section of the _marniera_ of castione.] [illustration: fig. .--floor of the _marniera_ of castione.] fig. gives the plan of the tie-beams and piles of the _marniera_ of castione, taken from the author's work.[ ] these slabs or joists were not fixed in any way; at least, no trace now exists of any fastening. they seemed to have been provided by splitting trunks of trees by means of wooden wedges, a number of these wedges having been found in the peaty earth. neither the saw nor the gimlet appear to have been employed; but the square holes have been cut out by means of the chisel. the timber that was used was principally ash and oak. [illustration: fig. .--plan of the piles and cross-beams in the _marniera_ of castione.] the floor was covered with beaten earth to a thickness of to inches. fragments of this kind of paving were found scattered about in two sandy heaps, almost entirely devoid of other _débris_, whilst the adjacent earth, of a blackish colour, contained a large quantity of relics of all kinds. it is probable that the huts of the inhabitants of the _marniera_ were situated upon these sandy heaps, and that the dark-coloured earth is the final result of the accumulation of refuse and various kinds of _detritus_ on the same spot. it is not known whether the layer of beaten earth extended over the whole surface of the floor, or was confined to the interior of the habitations. in the former case, it is probable that it was rammed down with less care on the outside than on the inside of the huts, as is shown by the discovery of a storehouse for corn, the floor of which is formed by nothing but a layer of sandy earth placed upon the planks. this storehouse, which, from the use to which it was put, could not have been used as a dwelling by any one, measured feet in length, and feet in width. it contained carbonised beans and wheat, spread in a layer of about inches thick. mm. strobel and pigorini found no remains of huts in the _marniera_ of castione: probably because, having been built entirely of wood, they were completely destroyed by fire, numerous traces of which may still be detected. in addition to the carbonised corn and fruit already mentioned, many other objects bearing the evident marks of fire were, in fact, collected at castione. the floor-slabs, the tie-beams, and the tops of the piles were often found to be half consumed. but although at castione there is no evidence forthcoming in respect to huts, information which bears upon this point has been obtained at other spots. mm. strobel and pigorini have ascertained that the palustrine dwellings bore a great similarity to those on the swiss lakes. the sides were lined with boughs, and the interior was daubed with clay. in italy, just as in switzerland, certain fragments of the clayey coating which have been hardened and preserved by fire have enabled us to draw these inferences. at castione several beds of ashes and charcoal containing remains of meals, pointed out the sites of the domestic hearths, round which they, doubtless, assembled to eat their food. another bed of charcoal, mixed with straw, wheat, and pieces of burnt pottery, was found in a peculiar situation--it was embedded in a bank of calcareous pebbles vitrified on the surface; this bank was about feet wide, and about inches in thickness. the explorers thought that it was, perhaps, a place which had been devoted to the fusion of metals. on the edge of the basin of the marsh, a kind of rampart or defensive work was discovered, composed of slabs as much as feet in length, laid horizontally one over the other. these slabs were tied down by stakes driven in obliquely, and likewise placed one above the other, their ends being inserted between the slabs. this last discovery, added to other indications, led mm. strobel and pigorini to the supposition that the pile-work of castione, and doubtless also those in all the _marnieras_, were in the first place constructed as places of defence, and were subsequently converted into fixed and permanent residences. the basin of the marsh having been gradually filled up by the accumulations of _débris_ resulting from the presence of man, the habitations were built on a solid foundation, and a great portion of the former floor was done away with, which would account for so little of it now remaining. the objects discovered in the _terramares_ and _marnieras_ do not essentially differ from those found in the pile-works of switzerland. they are almost all worn or broken, just as might be expected from finding them in rubbish heaps. there are a great quantity of fragments of pottery of a greyish or dark-coloured clay mixed with grains of quartz, imperfectly baked, and made without the aid of a potter's wheel. the ornamentation is, in general, of a very simple character, but the shapes of the ears, or handles, are very varied. some of the vessels are furnished with a spout or holes for the liquid to flow out. the _terramares_ also contain supports for vessels with round or pointed bottoms. in the _marniera_ of san ambrogio a slab of pottery was found, elliptical in shape, and about half an inch in thickness, concave on one side and convex on the other, and pierced with seventeen circular holes about a quarter of an inch in diameter. the idea was entertained that this object was used as a kind of fire-grating, for it bore traces of the long-continued action of fire. the other objects most commonly found were weights made of baked earth, and perhaps used for the weaving-loom, much worn in the place where the cord passed through on which they were hung; _fusaiolas_, or spindle-whorls, very varied both in shape and size, likewise made of baked earth; large mill-stones with a polished surface. next, we have poniards or spear-heads, hatchets, and hair-pins, all made of bronze. the _marniera_ of san ambrogio has furnished a mould indicating that bronze was melted and cast in this district. an attentive study of the bones of animals contained in the _terramares_ has led to the following information being obtained as to the _fauna_ of upper italy during the bronze epoch. with respect to the mammals which lived in a wild state, the existence has been ascertained of a species of stag of much greater size than the present variety, and about equal to that of the lacustrine settlements of switzerland (fig. ); also of a wild-boar, much more powerful than that of sardinia or even of algeria, the roe, the bear, the rat, and the porcupine. in different spots have been found stags' horns and bones, and also sloe-stones which have retained the impression of the teeth of some small rodent. the bear, the wild-boar, the stag and the roe, have, at the present day, disappeared from the country. the porcupine, too, has migrated into regions further south, which leads to the supposition that the temperature of the provinces of parma and modena is a little lowered since the date of the bronze epoch. [illustration: fig. .--the chase during the bronze epoch.] it is to be remarked that in these settlements, contrary to what has been noticed in switzerland, in the lacustrine habitations belonging to the stone age, the remains of wild animals are met with much more rarely than those of domestic animals; this must be consequent on a superior and more advanced stage of civilisation having existed in italy. among the domestic species found we may mention the dog, two breeds of which, of different sizes, must have existed; the pig of the peat-bogs, the same variety as that of which the bones were discovered in switzerland; the horse, the remains of which, although rare, testify to the existence of two breeds, one large and bulky, the other of slighter and more elegant proportions; the ass, of which there are but few bones, could not, therefore, have been very common; the ox, the remains of which are on the contrary very abundant, like the dog and the horse, is represented by two distinct breeds, the more powerful of which appears to have descended from the _bos primigenius_ or _urus_; lastly, the sheep and the goat, the remains of which can scarcely be clearly distinguished on account of their great anatomical resemblance. when we compare the present _fauna_ with that of which we have just given the details, we may perceive several important modifications. thus the pig of the peat-bogs, one breed of oxen, and a breed of sheep (the smallest) have become entirely extinct; and the common sheep, the goat, the horse, and the ass have assumed much more important dimensions. with regard to the wild species of mammals, we have already said that some have become less in size, and others have disappeared. hence results one proof of a fact which is beyond dispute, although often called in question, namely, that the intelligent action of man working by means of domestication on wild natures, will ultimately succeed in ameliorating, reclaiming, and perfecting them. the skulls and the long bones found in the _terramares_ are almost always broken for the purpose of extracting the brain and the marrow, a very ancient usage which had endured to this comparatively late epoch. but instead of being split longitudinally, as was the case in preceding epochs, they are generally broken across at one end. the _terramares_ and the _kitchen-middens_ have this peculiarity in common--that all the dogs' skulls found in them have been intentionally broken; a fact which proves that in italy, as in denmark, this faithful guest or servant of man was occasionally, in default of some better food, and doubtless with much regret, used as an article of subsistence. no remains of fish have been found in these _marnieras_; from this, mm. strobel and pigorini have justly concluded that the inhabitants of these pile-works were not fishermen, and that, at all events, the water which surrounded them was shallow and of limited extent. the species of birds, molluscs and insects, the remains of which have been found in the _terramares_, are likewise determined. the existence of the domestic fowl and the duck, no doubt living in complete liberty, has been duly recognised; but it is thought that the appearance of these species must not be dated further back than the _end_ of the bronze epoch, and perhaps even the beginning of that of iron. the examination of the insect remains has enabled us to ascertain that the refuse food and rubbish must have lain for some little time in front of the doors of the habitations before it was pushed into the water; for in it, flies, and other insects of the kind, found time to be born, to mature, and to undergo their whole series of metamorphoses; a fact which is proved by the perforated and empty envelopes of their chrysalides. we mention this last fact as one of the most curious instances of the results which science and inference may, in combination, arrive at when devoted to the novel and interesting study of some of the earlier stages in man's existence. but, on the other hand, it gives us but a poor idea of the cleanliness of the italian race during the bronze epoch. it would seem to us that a feeling of the dignity inherent in the body of man, and the cares that it so imperiously claims, would have been now more strongly developed than at a period when men dwelt confined in caves. this, however, is not the case. but have we, in the present day, any right to be astonished when we see, even now, the prevalence, in some of the great cities of america, of certain practices so disgusting in character and so opposed to the public health? osculati, an italian traveller, relates that at all the street corners in the city of guayaquil, in the republic of ecuador, heaps of filth are to be seen which exhale an insupportable odour. similar heaps exist at the very gates of mexico, where, at the present time, they form small hills. these facts ought to render us indulgent towards the neglect of cleanliness by our ancestors during the bronze epoch. such were the animal remains collected in the _terramares_. the vegetable remains consisted of grains of carbonised corn, broken nuts, acorns, halves of burnt apples, stones of the dog-berry, plums and grapes. in concluding our consideration of the palustrine settlements, we may add, that some have recently been discovered in moravia and mecklenburg. at olmutz, a city of moravia, m. jeitteler, a learned viennese, has found piles sunk into the peat, along with various bronze and stone objects, ornamented pottery, charcoal, charred wheat, numerous animal bones, and a human skeleton of a brachycephalous race. all the facts lead to the belief that this will not be the last discovery of the kind. we must also state that the _terramares_, or deposits of the remains of habitations on the edge of marshes, are not peculiar to europe exclusively. on the coast of africa (at san vicente) m. strobel found remains of an exactly similar nature; and dr. henrique naegeli, a distinguished naturalist of rio janeiro, has testified to the existence on the coast of brazil of like deposits, which he proposes to subject to a thorough examination.[ ] footnotes: [ ] 'les terramares et les pilotages du parmesan;' milan, . (extract from the 'atti della società italiana di scienze naturali.') [ ] 'matériaux pour l'histoire positive et philosophique de l'homme,' by g. de mortillet. paris, : vol. i. p. . chapter v. weapons, instruments, and utensils contained in the various lacustrine settlements in europe, enabling us to become acquainted with the manners and customs of man during the bronze epoch. we have just spoken of the discovery and investigation of the _lacustrine habitations_ found in various parts of europe, and also of the _palustrine villages_ of northern italy. these rich deposits have thrown a considerable light on the primitive history of the human race. with the elements that have been thus placed at our disposal, it will be possible to reconstruct the domestic life of the tribes of the bronze epoch, that is, to describe the weapons, instruments, and utensils which were proper to the every-day proceedings of this period. in order to give perspicuity to our representation or account, we have classed the lacustrine habitations under the head of the _bronze _epoch. but we must by no means forget that these lacustrine villages contained other objects besides those belonging to the bronze epoch; there were also found in them a number of articles which must be referred to the preceding period, that is, the polished-stone epoch. it is a question indifferent to our purpose, whether the lacustrine villages were constructed during the stone age, as inferred from the presence in some settlements of stone objects only, or whether the habitations were built during the bronze epoch, some of the articles made of stone and dating back to the preceding period being still preserved in use. for it is certain that the larger number of lacustrine settlements do not go back beyond the bronze epoch. but as certain objects made of stone form a portion of the implements found in these ancient habitations, we must commence by describing these relics of the stone age; although we shall considerably abridge this description, so as to avoid repeating those details which we have already given in the preceding chapters. the stone weapons and instruments are found to consist, in switzerland as elsewhere, of hatchets, spear-heads and arrow-heads, hammers, saws, knives and chisels. the hatchets and hammers are made of various materials, as flint, quartzite, diorite, nephrite, jade, serpentine, &c. but the other weapons and implements are, nearly all of them, of flint. the hatchet was in continual use, not merely as a weapon but as a tool; thus, very numerous specimens of it are found in the swiss lakes. the hatchets, however, are generally speaking, small in size. their length varies from to inches, and their width, at the cutting edge, from - / to inches. fig. represents one of the flint hatchets. they are the same shape as the danish hatchets during the polished-stone epoch. [illustration: fig. .--stone hatchet from the lacustrine habitations of switzerland.] the most simple plan of fixing a handle to the small-sized hatchets, which were in fact chisels, consisted in inserting them into a piece of stag's horn, hollowed out for this purpose at one end. in this way they obtained a kind of chisel which was very ready of use. fig. represents this kind of handle. [illustration: fig. .--stone chisel with stag's-horn handle from the lacustrine habitations of switzerland.] there was also another mode of fixing handles to these instruments. the shaped flint was previously fixed in a holder of stag's horn. this holder was itself perforated through the middle with a round hole, in order to receive a wooden handle. it then became a complete hatchet. fig. represents one of these hatchets fitted with a handle, in a way similar to many of the specimens in the museum of saint-germain. [illustration: fig. .--flint hammer, fitted with a stag's-horn handle.] this mode of insertion into a handle is frequently met with during the polished-stone epoch, as we have already stated upon the authority of boucher de perthes (see fig. ). there was also another way of adapting for use the stone chisels and hammers. the following is the mode employed. the flint was inserted into a short holder of stag's horn, hollowed out at one end for this purpose, the other end of the piece of horn being cut square. this squared end, which was thinner than the rest of the holder, was fitted into a wooden handle, which had been perforated with a hole of the same shape and size. m. desor, in his 'mémoire sur les palafittes,' supplies the following sketch (fig. ), as representing these double-handled hatchets. [illustration: fig. .--stone hatchet, with double handle of wood and stag's horn.] it is very seldom that hatchets of this type are met with in a complete state in the lacustrine habitations of switzerland; the handles have generally disappeared. in other localities, where the hatchets are very plentiful, very few holders are found. is it not the case that in these spots the stone was the special object of work and not the handles? there were, in fact, in switzerland, as in france and belgium, workshops devoted to the manufacture of these articles. the large number of hatchets, either just commenced or defective in workmanship, which have been found in some of the principal lacustrine settlements leave no doubt on this point. the finest and most carefully-wrought instruments are the hammers and double, or hatchet-hammers. most of them are made of serpentine. one of the ends is generally rounded or flattened, whilst the other tapers off either into a point or a cutting edge, as represented in figs. and , taken from m. desor's work. they are perforated with a round hole intended to receive a handle of wood. this hole is so sharply and regularly cut out, that it is difficult to believe it could have been made with nothing better than a flint tool. metal alone would appear to be capable of effecting such finished work. this is one of the facts which tend to the idea that the lacustrine settlements, which have been ascribed to the stone age, belong rather to the bronze epoch. [illustration: fig. - .--serpentine hatchet-hammers, from the lacustrine habitations of switzerland.] fig. represents another hatchet-hammer obtained from the swiss lakes. [illustration: fig. .--another hatchet-hammer, from the lacustrine habitations of switzerland.] the knives and saws have nothing remarkable about them. they are mere flakes of flint, long and narrow in shape, the cutting edge or teeth being on the widest side. there are some which are fitted into handles of stag's horn, as represented in fig. , taken from m. desor's work. [illustration: fig. .--flint saw fitted into a piece of stag's horn.] they must have been fastened into the handles by means of bitumen, for traces of this substance have been found on some of the handles. the same plan was adopted in order to fix the hatchets in their holders. the spear-heads (fig. ) are very skilfully fashioned; their shape is regular, and the chiselling very perfect, although inferior to that observed in denmark. they are made level on one side, and with a longitudinal middle ridge on the other. [illustration: fig. .--flint spear-head from the lacustrine settlements of switzerland.] the arrow-heads are very varied in shape (fig. ). in delicacy of workmanship they are in no way inferior to the spear or javelin-heads. [illustration: fig. .--various shapes of flint arrow-heads, from the lacustrine settlements of switzerland.] the cutting of these small objects must have required much labour and skill. some are toothed on the edges, which must have rendered the wounds inflicted by them much more dangerous. the greater part of these arrow-heads are made of flint, but some have been found the material of which is bone, and even stag's horn. the arrow-heads were fixed into the shafts by means of bitumen. this plan is represented in figs. and , which are given by m. mortillet in his 'promenades préhistoriques à l'exposition universelle.' [illustration: fig. .--arrow-head of bone fixed on the shaft by means of bitumen.] [illustration: fig. .--stone arrow-head fixed on the shaft by means of bitumen.] sometimes they were merely attached to the shaft by a ligature of string (fig. ). [illustration: fig. .--arrow-head fixed on the shaft by a ligature of string.] a few relics have been discovered of the bows which were used to impel these arrows. they were made of yew, and roughly cut. tools and instruments of bone seem, like those made of flint, to have been much in use. in addition to the arrow-heads which we have just mentioned, there have also been found piercers, or bodkins of various shapes (figs. and ), chisels for working in wood (fig. ), pins with lenticular heads (fig. ), needles perforated sometimes with one eye and sometimes with two, and occasionally hollowed out round the top in a circular groove, so as to attach the thread. figs. , , and are given by m. desor in his 'mémoire sur les palafittes.' [illustration: fig. .--bone bodkin, from the lacustrine habitations of switzerland.] [illustration: fig. .--bone bodkin, from the lacustrine habitations of switzerland.] [illustration: fig. .--carpenter's chisel, from the lacustrine habitations of switzerland.] [illustration: fig. .--bone needle.] it is probable that, as during the reindeer epoch, garments were sewn by means of the needle and the bodkin, the latter piercing the holes through which the needle passed the thread. that kind of needle which has a hole in the middle and is pointed at the two ends, which is found in large numbers in the lacustrine settlements, must doubtless have been used as a hook for fishing. when the fish had swallowed the bait, the two points stuck into the flesh, and it was then easy to pull out the captive. some of these fish-hooks are carved out of boars' tusks. stag's horn was likewise employed for several other purposes. a kind of pick-axe was sometimes made of it (fig. ); also harpoons (fig. ), harpoons with a double row of barbs (fig. ), and small cups of conical shape (fig. ), perforated with a hole in the upper part so that they could be suspended if required. [illustration: fig. .--pick-axe of stag's horn.] [illustration: fig. .--harpoon made of stag's horn, from the lacustrine habitations of switzerland.] [illustration: fig. .--harpoon made of stag's horn, from the lacustrine habitations of switzerland.] [illustration: fig. .--vessel made of stag's horn.] the taste for personal adornment was not foreign to the nature of the primitive people of switzerland. canine teeth and incisors of various animals, rings and beads made of bone or stag's horn, all united in a necklace, formed one of their most usual adornments. they also made use of hair-pins and bone combs. these pins were finished off with a knob, and combined elegance and simplicity in their shape; they would, indeed, be no disfigurement to the _coiffure_ of the women of modern times. such were the instruments, utensils and tools, used for the purpose of domestic life, which have been found in the lacustrine habitations of switzerland belonging to the stone age. we will now pass on to the objects of the same character, peculiar to the bronze epoch. the quantity of bronze objects which, up to the present time, have been collected from the swiss lakes is very considerable. the finest collection in the country, that of colonel schwab, contained in , according to a catalogue drawn up by dr. keller, no less than specimens. most of these objects have been cast in moulds, as is evident from the seams, the traces of which may be observed on several of the specimens. among the most remarkable of the relics of the bronze epoch which have been recovered from the swiss lakes, the hatchets or celts are well deserving of mention. they are from to inches in length, and weigh from to pounds. their shapes are varied; but all possess the distinctive characteristic of being adapted to fit longitudinally on their handles, and not transversely, as in the stone age. it is but seldom that they are not furnished with a hole or ear, so as to furnish an additional means of attachment. we have in the first place the hatchet with wings bent round on each side of the blade, so as to constitute a kind of double socket, intended to receive a handle divided in the middle and bent into an elbow. this is the most prevalent type. sometimes, as may be noticed in fig. , the upper end is pierced with an eye, doubtless intended to hold a band for fixing firmly the curved handle. this arrangement is peculiar to the hatchets of large size, that is, to those which had the most strain put upon them. another type which is very rare in switzerland--only one specimen of it existing in the museum of neuchâtel--is that (fig. ) in which the wings, instead of bending back upon the blade perpendicularly to the plane of the cutting edge, turn back in the same plane with it, or in the thickness of the blade. [illustration: fig. .--bronze winged hatchet, from the lacustrine habitations of switzerland.] [illustration: fig. .--winged hatchet (front and side view), from the lacustrine habitations of switzerland.] there is also the hatchet with the ordinary socket, either cylindrical (fig. ) or angular. this shape is very common in france, where they are known by the name of _celts_. [illustration: fig. .--socketed hatchet from the lacustrine habitations.] [illustration: fig. .--knife hatchet (front and side view), from the lacustrine habitations.] m. morlot has given the name of _knife-hatchets_ (fig. ), to those instruments, the perforated ears of which are scarcely, if at all developed, and could by no means serve to give firmness to a handle. it is probable that these instruments were grasped directly by the hand; and that the mere rudiments of wings which may be noticed, were merely intended to substitute a rounded surface for a sharp ridge. figures , , and , are taken from m. desor's 'mémoire sur les palafittes.' next to the hatchets we must mention the chisels for wood-work (fig. ), which are cut out to a great nicety, and in no way differ from our present chisels, except in the mode of fitting to the handle, which is done by means of a socket. [illustration: fig. .--carpenter's chisel, in bronze.] [illustration: fig. .--hexagonal hammer.] [illustration: fig. .--knife with a tang to fit into a handle, from the lacustrine settlements of switzerland.] there has also been discovered a kind of prismatically shaped hexagonal hammer (fig. ), likewise provided with a socket, the length of which is about inches. this hammer forms a portion of the collection of colonel schwab. the knives are the most numerous of all the sharp instruments. the workmanship of them is, in general, very skilfully executed, and their shape is very elegant. some of them have a metallic handle; but the greater part terminate in a kind of tang intended to fit into a handle of wood or stag's horn, as represented in fig. , taken from m. desor's 'mémoire sur les palafittes.' we also find knives furnished with a socket (fig. ). the blade measures from to inches in length, and is often adorned with tracings; in some instances the back of the blade is very much thickened. [illustration: fig. .--socketed knife, from the lacustrine settlements of switzerland.] together with the knives we must also class the sickles or reaping hooks. these implements have been collected in somewhat large quantities in the settlements of auvernier and cortaillod (lake of neuchâtel). they are of good workmanship, and frequently provided with ridges or ribs in the metal of the blade. fig. , given by m. desor in his work, represents a sickle of this kind which was found by the author at chevroux. [illustration: fig. .--bronze sickle, found by m. desor at chevroux.] the largest of these sickles does not exceed inches in length. they were fitted into a wooden handle. we cannot of course describe all the bronze objects which have been recovered from the swiss lakes. after having mentioned the preceding, we shall content ourselves with naming certain saws of various shapes--razors, actual razors, indicating no small care given to personal appearance--bodkins, or piercers--needles, with eyes either at the end or some distance from the end, articles of fishing tackle, such as single and double fishing-hooks (figs. and ), with a plain or barbed point--harpoons, various small vessels, &c. [illustration: fig. .--bronze fish-hook, from the lacustrine settlements of switzerland.] [illustration: fig. .--double fish-hook, from the lacustrine settlements of switzerland.] we shall dwell, although briefly, on the various objects of personal ornament which have been found in the swiss lacustrine settlements of the bronze epoch. we will mention, in the first place, the hair-pins, &c. which have been recovered from the various lakes. the most curious fact about them is, that no one has ever found two exactly alike both in shape and dimensions. we borrow from m. desor's work the four following figures representing various shapes of pins. some have a round head (fig. ), and others a flat (fig. ), or cylindrical head (fig. ); others, again, are finished off with a twisted end to which is attached a movable end (fig. ). [illustration: fig. .--hair-pin, found by m. desor in one of the swiss lakes.] [illustration: fig. .--hair-pin, found by m. desor in one of the swiss lakes.] [illustration: fig. .--hair-pin with cylindrical head.] [illustration: fig. .--hair-pin with curled head.] the round-headed pins are sometimes massive in shape and unornamented, that is, exactly similar to the bone pins of the stone age; sometimes, and even more frequently, they are perforated with one or more round holes and adorned with a few chasings. the flat-headed pins differ very much in the diameter of the button at the end, which is sometimes of considerable size. there are some, the head of which is nothing more than a small enlargement of the pin, and others, in which there are two or three of these enlargements, placed a little way apart and separated by a twist. their sizes are very various, and in some cases are so exaggerated, that it is quite evident that the objects cannot have been used as hair-pins. in colonel schwab's collection, there is one inches long, and m. troyon has mentioned some and inches long. at the _exposition universelle_ of , in the collection sent by m. desor, the visitors' admiration might have been called forth by some of the pins which had been repolished by the care of the learned swiss naturalist. they were certainly very elegant, and ladies of the present day might well have decorated themselves with these ornaments, although they dated back to an era so many thousands of years ago. among many savage tribes, the dressing of the hair, especially among the men, is carried to an excessively elaborate pitch. the head of hair of an abyssinian soldier forms a species of lofty system of curls which is meant to last a whole lifetime. he carries with him a long pin, furnished with a thick button, owing to the impossibility of reaching his skin through his _coiffure_ with the extremities of his fingers. in the same way the new zealanders wear an enormous "chignon," feet high and ornamented with ribbons. the chinese and the japanese also devote excessive attention to the dressing of their hair. it is, therefore, probable that the inhabitants of the lacustrine villages, both men and women, devoted an immense amount of care to the cultivation of their _coiffure_. in the tombs of the bronze epoch, pins have been found - / feet in length, with large knobs or buttons at the end, similar to those used by the abyssinian soldiers of our own day. the combs, which resembled those of the present new zealanders, although inches long, had only six to eight teeth, and must have been better fitted to scratch their heads than to dress their hair. bracelets, too, have been found in some considerable numbers in the swiss lakes. they are very varied in their shapes, decidedly artistic in their workmanship, and often set off with carved designs. some (fig. ) are composed of a single ring of varying width, the ends of which almost meet and terminate by a semi-circular clasp; others (fig. ), are a combination of straight or twisted wires ingeniously joined to one another. [illustration: fig. .--bronze bracelet, found in one of the swiss lakes.] [illustration: fig. .--another bronze bracelet.] we also find certain rings, cylindrical in shape, and made all in one piece (fig. ), which were probably placed round the legs. [illustration: fig. .--bronze ring.] some of these ornaments remain, even up to the present day, in a perfect state of preservation. in an urn which was recovered from the settlement of cortaillod, six specimens were discovered, the designs of which appeared quite as clearly as if they had only just been engraved. there is one point which must be remarked, because it forms an important _datum_ in respect to the size of the swiss people during the bronze epoch; this is, that most of the bracelets are so small that they could scarcely be worn nowadays. they must, therefore, have been adapted to very slender wrists--a fact which naturally leads us to believe that all the other limbs were small in proportion. this small size in the bracelets coincides with the diminutiveness of the sword-hilts which have been found in the lacustrine habitations of switzerland. earrings, also, have been found in great numbers in the swiss lakes. they are either metallic plates, or wires differently fashioned; all, however, testifying to a somewhat developed degree of taste. next after these trinkets and objects of adornment we must class certain articles of a peculiar character which must have been pendants or appendages to bracelets. all these ornaments are, in fact, perforated at the top with a circular hole, intended, no doubt, to have a thread passed through it, by which it was hung round the neck. some of them (fig. ) are small triangular plates of metal, frequently ornamented with engraved designs; others (fig. ), are in open-work, and include several branches, each terminated by a hole similar to that at the top. some, again, assume the form of a ring not completely closed up (fig. ), or rather, perhaps, of a crescent with wide and almost contiguous horns. in the same class may be placed the rings (fig. ) to which were suspended movable ornaments in the shape of a double spiral. [illustration: fig. .--bronze pendant, from the lacustrine habitations of switzerland.] [illustration: fig. .--another bronze pendant, from the lacustrine habitations of switzerland.] [illustration: fig. .--bronze ring, from the lacustrine habitations of switzerland.] [illustration: fig. .--another ornamental ring.] the four bronze objects, representations of which we have just given, are designed from the sketches supplied by m. desor in his 'mémoire sur les palafittes.' some few trinkets of gold have been found in the lacustrine settlements of the bronze epoch; but this sort of "find" is very rare. they are in the form of earrings, and may be seen in the collection of colonel schwab. chapter vi. industrial skill and agriculture during the bronze epoch--the invention of glass--invention of weaving. the manufacture of pottery, which appears to have remained stationary during the stone age, assumed a considerable development during the bronze epoch. the clay intended for making pottery was duly puddled, and the objects when moulded were baked in properly formed furnaces. at this date also commences the art of surfacing articles of earthenware. the specimens of pottery which have been found in the settlements of man of this period are both numerous and interesting; entire vessels have indeed been discovered. we notice indications of very marked progress beyond the objects of this kind manufactured in the preceding age. they are still fashioned by the hand and without the aid of the wheel; but the shapes are both more varied in their character and more elegant. in addition to this, although in the larger kind of vessels the clay used is still rough in its nature and full of hard lumps of quartz like the material employed in the stone age, that of the smaller vessels is much finer, and frequently covered with a black lead coating. most of these vessels are characterised by a conical base, a shape which we had before occasion to point out in the stag's-horn vessels of the stone age. if, therefore, it was requisite to place them upright, the lower ends of them had to be stuck into the earth, or to be placed in holders hollowed out to receive them. some of these supports, or holders, have been discovered. they are called _torches_, or _torchères_, by french archæologists. figs. and give a representation of a bronze vessel from the lacustrine habitations of switzerland with its support or _torchère_. [illustration: fig. .--earthenware vessel with conical bottom, from the lacustrine habitations of switzerland.] [illustration: fig. .--earthen vessel placed on its support.] in a general way, the vessels made with conical bases have no handles; but others, on the contrary, are provided with them (fig. ). they are nearly always ornamented with some sort of design, either mere lines parallel to the rim, triangles, chevrons, or rows of points round the handle or the neck. even the very roughest specimens are not altogether devoid of ornamentation, and a stripe may often be observed round the neck, on which the fingers of the potter have left their traces. [illustration: fig. .--fragment of an earthen vessel with a handle.] these vessels were intended to contain beverages and substances used for food. out of one of them m. desor took some apples, cherries, wild plums, and a large quantity of nuts. some of these vessels, perforated with small holes, were used in the manufacture of cheese. dishes, porringers, &c., have also been found. relics of the pottery of the stone age are very frequently recovered from the swiss lakes; but vessels in an entire state are seldom met with. it is, however, stated as a fact, that considerable accumulations of them once existed; but, unfortunately, the importance of them was not recognised until too late. an old fisherman of the lake of neuchâtel told m. desor that in his childhood he had sometimes amused himself by pushing at _these old earthen pots_ with a long pole, and that in certain parts of the lake there were _real mountains_ of them. at the present day, the "old earthen pots" are all broken, and nothing but pieces can be recovered. these relics are, however, sufficient to afford a tolerably exact idea of the way in which the primitive swiss used to fashion clay. they seem to denote large vessels either cylindrical (figs. and ) or bulbous-shaped with a flat bottom, moulded by the hand without the aid of a potter's wheel. the material of which they are composed is rough, and of a grey or black colour, and is always mingled with small grains of quartz; the baking of the clay is far from satisfactory. [illustration: fig. .--vessel of baked clay, from the lacustrine settlements of switzerland.] [illustration: fig. .--vessel of baked clay, from the lacustrine settlements of switzerland.] the ornamentation is altogether of an ordinary character. it generally consists of mere lines traced out in the soft clay, either by the finger, a pointed stick, or sometimes a string was used. there are neither curves nor arabesques of any kind; the lines are almost always straight. a few of the vessels are, however, decorated in a somewhat better style. some are provided with small projections perforated with holes, through which might be passed a string for the purpose of hanging them up; there are others which have a row of studs arranged all round them, just below the rim, and others, indeed, in which hollows take the place of the studs. several have been met with which are pierced with holes at different heights; it is supposed that they were used in the preparation of milk-curd, the holes being made to let out the whey. the vessels of this period are entirely devoid of handles; this ornament did not appear until the bronze age. mill-stones, or stones for crushing grain, are not unfrequently found in the swiss lakes. at some date during the period we are now discussing we must place the discovery of glass. glass beads of a blue or green colour are, in fact, found in the tombs of the bronze epoch. what was their origin? chemistry and metallurgy combine to inform us that as soon as bronze foundries existed glass must have been discovered. what, in fact, does glass consist of? a silicate with a basis of soda and potash, combined with some particles of the silicates of iron and copper, which coloured it blue and green. as the scoria from bronze foundries is partly composed of these silicates it is indubitable that a kind of glass was formed in the earliest metal-works where this alloy was made. it constituted the slag or dross of the metal works. thus, the classic tradition which attributes the invention of glass to certain phoenician merchants, who produced a mass of glass by heating on the sand the _natron_, that is _soda_, brought from egypt, ascribe too recent a date to the discovery of this substance. it should properly be carried back to the bronze epoch. the working of amber was carried out to a very great extent by these peoples. ornaments and objects of this material have been discovered in great abundance in the lacustrine settlements of switzerland. on the whole, if we compare the industrial skill of the bronze age with that of the preceding age, we shall find that the later is vastly superior to the earlier. the art of weaving seems to have been invented during the stone age. we have positive and indisputable proofs that the people who lived during this epoch were acquainted with the art of manufacturing cloth.[ ] all the objects which we have thus far considered do not, in fact, surpass those which might be expected from any intelligent savage; but the art of preparing and manufacturing textile fabrics marks out one of the earliest acquisitions of man's civilisation. in the museum of saint-germain we may both see and handle some specimens of woven cloth which were met with in some of the lacustrine settlements in switzerland, and specially at robenhausen and wangen. this cloth, which is represented in fig. , taken from a specimen in the museum of saint-germain, is formed of twists of interwoven flax; of rough workmanship, it is true, but none the less remarkable, considering the epoch in which it was manufactured. it is owing to the fact of their having been charred and buried in the peat that these remains of pre-historic fabrics have been kept in good preservation up to the present time. [illustration: fig. .--cloth of the bronze age, found in the lacustrine settlements of switzerland.] balls of thread and twine have also been found; likewise ends of cord, and ropes made of bark, nets with large and moderately-sized meshes, which we have previously represented, and lastly some fragments of a basket of straw or osier. ribs of animals, split through and tapering off at one end, have been considered to be the teeth of the cards or combs which were used for unravelling the flax. the whole comb was formed of several of these bones joined firmly together with a band. [illustration: fig. .--the first weaver.] there were also found in the swiss lakes a large number of discs made of baked earth perforated with a hole in their centre, of which we here give a representation (fig. ), taken from one of the numerous specimens in the museum of saint-germain. these are ordinary spindle-whorls. [illustration: fig. .--spindle-whorls made of baked clay, found in the lacustrine settlements of switzerland.] also, terra cotta weights pierced with a hole through the centre were intended to support the thread of flax in the weaving loom. the thread passed through the hole and was stopped by a knot at its extremity. we think that this interpretation of the use of these objects can hardly be called in question. we also find in the lacustrine settlements woven fabrics, threads, strings, combs used for carding the flax, and spindle-whorls; the co-existence of all these objects proves that the invention of the art of weaving may be fixed at this date. the loom of the weaver may, therefore, be traced back to the most remote ages. acting upon this idea we have given a representation of _weaving in pre-historic times_. the weaving-loom is so simple a matter that the men of the bronze age were enabled to produce it in nearly the same form as that in which it exists in the present day for the manufacture of plain kinds of cloth in various districts of the world where the art is still in a barbaric condition. the loom being upright, not horizontal as with us, the terra cotta weights just mentioned were used to keep the threads of the warp stretched. this seems to be the only difference. but, as we again repeat, the weaver's loom, on the whole, must have differed but very slightly from that of the present day. its productions bear testimony to the fact. metal weapons and implements were at first obtained by means of exchange. but very soon the art of manufacturing bronze became prevalent in switzerland, and foundries were established there. no doubt can be entertained on this point, as a mould for celts or hatchets has been found at morges and also a bar of tin at estavayer. during this epoch the shape of the pottery became more advanced in character, and ornamentation was the rule and not the exception. after the indispensable comes the superfluous. taste in ornamentation made its appearance and soon developed itself in ceramic objects of an elegant style. articles of pottery now assumed more pleasing outlines, and were ornamented with various designs. progress in artistic feeling was evidently manifested. the simplicity and monotony of ornamentation during this epoch is especially remarkable. art was then confined to the mere representation of a certain number of lines and geometrical figures. they were similar to those represented in fig. , and were applied to all kinds of objects--weapons, vases, utensils and trinkets. none of them attempt any delineation of nature; this idea does not seem to have entered into the head of man during the bronze epoch. in this respect they were inferior to their predecessors, the inhabitants of the caves of périgord, the contemporaries of the mammoth and the reindeer. [illustration: fig. .--principal designs for the ornamentation of pottery during the bronze epoch.] during the period we are now considering, commercial intercourse had assumed an activity of a totally different character from that manifested during the stone age. it became necessary to procure tin, which was indispensable for the manufacture of bronze. as no tin ore could be found in switzerland, the inhabitants, doubtless, went to saxony in order to obtain it. the traffic must have been carried out by means of barter, as is customary among all infant nations. flint, which likewise did not exist in switzerland, was necessarily procured from the surrounding countries which were more fortunate in this respect. no country was more favoured on this point than france; commerce must, therefore, have existed between the two countries. at concise, in switzerland, some pieces of white coral were found, and at meilen, on the banks of the lake of zurich, some fragments of amber; from this we may conclude that during the bronze epoch the inhabitants of switzerland traded with the inhabitants of the shores of the mediterranean and the baltic. among the other specimens of foreign productions, we must not omit to mention graphite, which was used to surface pottery, amber beads, and even a few glass trinkets suitable for female adornment. we will now pass on to the system of food adopted by man during the bronze epoch. researches made in various lacustrine settlements have furnished us with very circumstantial information upon the system of food customary among the earliest inhabitants of switzerland. from them we learn that these men did not live solely upon the products of fishing and hunting, but that they possessed certain ideas of agriculture, and also devoted themselves to the breeding of cattle. we shall enter into a few details as to this eminently interesting aspect of their history, taking as our guides professors heer and rütimeyer, the first of whom has carefully examined the vegetable remains, and the second the animal relics which have been found in the lacustrine settlements of switzerland. at meilen, moosseedorf, and wangen, some charred cereals have been found, viz., barley and wheat. the latter was the most abundant, and, at wangen in particular, there were several bushels of it, either in ears or in thrashed corn collected in large heaps. these grains are almost the same shape and size as the wheat of the present time. several ears of six-rowed barley (_hordeum hexastichon_) were found, which differ from our common barley in having smaller grains arranged in six rows. de candolle is of opinion that this is the species which was cultivated by the ancient greeks, egyptians, and romans. this corn was preserved in large earthen vessels, as may be gathered from the contents of some of them, still in an entire state. what preparation did the corn undergo in order to render it fit for human food? on this subject we have tolerably exact data to go upon. the grain was bruised by hand, either between two stone discs or mill-stones, or in a mortar by means of a round pestle. in almost all of the lacustrine villages, some of these mill-stones made of granite or sandstone have been met with, a few of which are as much as feet in diameter. m. heer is of opinion that the grain was parched before being pounded, and then placed in vessels and slightly soaked. in this state it was fit for eating. at the time of the conquest of the canary islands by the spaniards, it was remarked that the natives prepared their corn in this manner; and in the present day the inhabitants of the same regions still feed on parched grain. nevertheless, the earliest inhabitants of western switzerland also made real bread, or rather wheat-cakes, for leaven was not then known. charred fragments of these loaves have been found, the grain of which is badly ground, thus affording us the opportunity of recognising the species of corn of which they are composed. these fragments are flat, and indicate that the whole cake was of a circular form. no doubt, after being bruised and wetted, the grain was made into a sort of dough, which was baked between two heated stones--a process we have previously described as having been practised in the stone age. in order to cultivate cereals, it was, of course, necessary for the ground to undergo some preliminary preparation. it was at least necessary to break it up so as to mellow it, and to make furrows in which to sow the seed. we are reduced to mere conjecture as to all the details of these operations, for no agricultural implements have been discovered in any of the settlements of man belonging to the bronze epoch. perhaps, as m. heer suggests, they made use of the stem of a tree with a projecting crooked branch, and adapted it so as to perform the functions of the plough. wild fruits and berries formed a considerable portion of the food of the earliest lacustrine peoples; and, from certain indications which have been brought to our notice, we have reason to believe that several varieties of trees were the objects of their intelligent culture; in short, that they were cultivated in orchards and gardens. the settlement of robenhausen on the lake of pfæffikon, has furnished us with the most valuable information on this point. the lacustrine villages of wangen (lake of constance), and concise (lake of neuchâtel) have also been the scenes of curious discoveries. in all of these settlements a large number of charred apples have been met with, cut in two, and sometimes four pieces, and evidently stored up for the winter. these apples are no larger than walnuts, and in many of the swiss forests a species of apple still exists which appears to be the same sort as those found in the lacustrine settlements. pears have been discovered only in the settlement of wangen; they were cut up and dried just like the apples. in the mud of the lakes, stones of the wild plum and the bird-cherry, or sainte-lucie plum, were found; also the seeds of blackberries and raspberries, the shells of beech-nuts and hazel-nuts, and several species of the water-chestnut, which is now only to be met with at two points of the swiss alps. we must also add that m. gilliéron collected in the settlement of the isle of saint-pierre, oats, peas, lentils, and acorns, the latter evidently having been intended for the food of swine. this discovery is an important one, because oats had, hitherto, never been met with anywhere. we shall complete this list of names by enumerating the other vegetables which have been ascertained to have existed in the lake settlements, the berries and seeds of some of which were used as food, &c. they are the strawberry, the beech, the yew, the dog-rose, which is found in hedges, the white and yellow water-lily, the rush, and the forest and the marsh pine. there are no traces of the vine, rye, or hemp. fig. , representing _the cultivation of gardens during the bronze epoch_, is intended to sum up and delineate materially all the ideas we have previously suggested concerning the agricultural and horticultural knowledge possessed by man during the bronze epoch. a gardener is tilling the ground with a horn pick-axe, a representation of which we have previously given. others are gathering fruit from trees which have been planted and cultivated with a view of increasing the stock of food. [illustration: fig .--the cultivation of gardens during the bronze epoch.] the sheep and oxen which may be noticed in this figure indicate the domestication of these animals and of their having been reared as tame cattle. the dog, the faithful companion of man, could scarcely have been omitted in this assemblage of the auxiliary or domestic animals of the bronze epoch. the bones which have been found in the lacustrine settlements of switzerland have enabled us to reconstruct with some degree of accuracy the _fauna_ of this epoch, and to ascertain what species of animals were then in subjugation to the yoke of man. professor rütimeyer is of opinion that the whole of these bones may be referred to about seventy species of animals--ten of which are fish, three reptiles, twenty birds, and the rest mammiferous animals. the remains most commonly met with are those of the stag and the ox, the former wild, and the latter domestic. next in order comes the pig, remains of which are also very abundant; then follows the roe, the goat, and the sheep, all of which are much less common. the remains of the fox are met with almost as often as those of the latter species, and in spite of the foetid smell of this animal it certainly was used for food--a fact which is proved by its bones having been split open and notched with knives. it is, however, very probable that this kind of sustenance was turned to as a last resort only in cases when no other more suitable food could be obtained. the long bones which have been found in lakes, like those met with in caves and kitchen-middens, have been split in order to extract the marrow. just as in the kitchen-middens, the softer parts are always gnawed, which shows us that the dog had been there. the repugnance which is felt by so many nations for the flesh of the hare is a very curious fact, and shows us how difficult it is to root out certain prejudices. this repugnance may be traced back as far as pre-historic ages. neither the diluvial beds, the caves, the kitchen-middens, nor the lacustrine settlements have, in fact, furnished us with any traces of the hare. even in the present day, the laplanders and greenlanders banish this animal from their alimental list. among the hottentots the women eat it but not the men. the jews, too, look upon it as unclean, and many years have not elapsed since the bretons would hardly endure to hear it spoken of. the antipathy which is thus shown by certain modern nations to the flesh of the hare has, therefore, been handed down to them from the primitive ages of mankind. the researches of prof. rütimeyer have led to the conclusion that there existed in switzerland during the stone age six species of domestic animals--the ox, the pig, the goat, the sheep, the dog, and the horse, the latter being very rare. there were, also, three specimens of the bovine race; the two wild species of the ox genus, namely, the urus and the bison, both very anciently known, had been increased by a third, the domestic ox. the bones belonging to the stone age seem to point to the existence of a larger proportion of wild beasts than of domestic animals; and this is only what might be expected, for the art of domesticating animals was at this epoch still in its infancy, but a commencement had been made, and the practice continued to spread rapidly during the following age. in fact, agriculture and the breeding of cattle made considerable progress during the bronze epoch. there were brought into use various new breeds of cattle. the ox became a substitute for the bison; the sheep was bred as well as the goat; and all these animals were devoted to the purpose of providing food for man. [illustration: fig. .--a feast during the bronze epoch.] we may here pause for a moment and contemplate, with just pride, this marvellous resuscitation of an era long ago buried in the darkness of bygone ages. by means of the investigations of science, we know that the primitive inhabitants of switzerland dwelt in wooden villages built on lakes; that they were hunters, fishers, shepherds, and husbandmen; that they cultivated wheat, barley, and oats; that they brought into a state of servitude several species of animals, and devoted to the requirements of agriculture the sheep and the goat; that they were acquainted with the principal rudiments of the baker's art; that they stored up apples, pears, and other fruits or berries for the winter, either for their own use or that of their cattle; that they understood the art of weaving and manufacturing flaxen fabrics; that they twisted up cord and mats of bark; and, lastly, that as a material for the manufacture of their implements and weapons they availed themselves of stone, bronze, animals' bones, and stag's horn. it is equally certain that they kept up some kind of commercial intercourse with the adjacent countries; this must have been the case, if it were only for the purpose, as before mentioned, of procuring flints, which are not found in switzerland; also amber and white coral, numerous relics of which have been met with in the settlements of meilen and concise. though there may still remain many an obscure page in the history of mankind during the bronze epoch, it must, nevertheless, be confessed that, as far as switzerland is concerned, a bright light has of late years been thrown on that branch of the subject which refers to man's mode of existence in these regions during the bronze epoch. footnote: [ ] see 'the lake dwellings of switzerland,' &c. p. , by dr. f. keller. translated and edited by dr. j. e. lee. london, . chapter vii. the art of war during the bronze epoch--swords, spears, and daggers--the bronze epoch in scandinavia, in the british isles, france, switzerland, and italy--did the man of the bronze epoch entertain any religious or superstitious belief? the swiss lakes have furnished us with elements which afford us some knowledge of the state of man's industrial skill during the bronze epoch, and also enable us to form a due estimation of the manners and customs of the people of these remote ages. but if we wish to become acquainted with all the details which concern the art of war at the same date, we must direct our attention to the north of europe, that is to say, to the scandinavian peoples. nevertheless, before we touch upon the important pre-historic relics found in denmark, we must say a few words concerning the traces of the art of war which have been furnished by the investigations made in the swiss lakes. the warlike accoutrements of the bronze epoch are, like those of the stone age, composed of spear-heads and arrow-heads, poniards and, in addition, swords. swords are, however, but rarely met with in the swiss lakes. the few which have been found are straight, short, double-edged, and without hilts. in the museum of neuchâtel there is a sword (fig. ) which was discovered forty years ago at concise, at a time when no one suspected the existence of any such thing as lacustrine settlements; m. desor has supplied a sketch of it in his 'mémoire sur les palafittes.' this sword measures inches in length, and has on its surface four grooves which join together on the middle ridge of the blade. the handle, which is terminated by a double volute, is remarkably small, being only inches in length. daggers (fig. ), too, like the swords, are but rarely found in the swiss lakes. from a specimen found in the lake of bienne, we see that the blade was fixed to the handle by means of a series of rivets arranged in a single line. this dagger is, like the sword found at concise, ornamented with grooves symmetrically placed on each side of the projecting ridge which divides the blade into two equal portions. [illustration: fig. .--bronze sword, in the museum of neuchâtel.] [illustration: fig. .--bronze dagger, found in one of the swiss lakes.] in the collection of colonel schwab, there are two daggers of an extraordinary character, having hilts enriched with silver. the spear-heads (fig. ) are not inferior either to the swords or the daggers in the skill and finish of their workmanship. they are formed of a nearly oval blade, strongly consolidated in the middle by a rounded ridge, which is prolonged so as to form a socket intended to hold a thick wooden handle. the length of the daggers varies from to inches. [illustration: fig. .--bronze spear-head, found in one of the swiss lakes.] the arrow-heads (fig. ) are, except in their material, identical with those of the preceding age. they are triangular, with more or less pointed barbs, and provided with a stem, by which they were fastened to the stick. a few have, however, been found which are made with sockets. they do not exceed to inches in length. [illustration: fig. .--bronze arrow-heads, found in a lacustrine settlement of switzerland.] we shall now pass on to the consideration of the relics found in the tombs of scandinavia, great britain, ireland and france; which remains will throw some light on the subject of the weapons and warlike instruments belonging to the bronze epoch. the scandinavian states (denmark, sweden, and norway) are very rich in instruments belonging to the bronze epoch. the workmanship of the swords and other weapons of war is much more elaborate here than anywhere else, on account of the tardy introduction of metal into these countries. these weapons are nearly always adorned with somewhat complicated designs, among which curved lines and spiral scrolls are the most prevalent. the danish swords of the bronze epoch (figs. , ) are of quite a peculiar shape. the hilt is firmly fixed to the blade by means of two or more rivets. the daggers and poniards only differ from the swords in the smallness of their dimensions. [illustration: fig. .--scandinavian sword.] [illustration: fig. .--hilt of a scandinavian sword.] some of the hatchets seem to have been copied from models belonging to the stone age; these are probably the most ancient, and their ornamentation is of a very scanty character. others are winged or with sockets, and a few have been found perforated with a transverse hole, like those which have long been used by civilised nations. in this hole a wooden handle was inserted, which was fixed by means of a strap, or merely forcibly driven in. the rarely-found specimens of this kind are sharply defined in shape and splendidly ornamented. figs. and , taken from sir j. lubbock's work, represent the probable way in which handles were fitted to the various kinds of hatchets used in the north. [illustration: fig. .--mode of fixing the handle to a scandinavian hatchet.] [illustration: fig. .--another mode of fixing the handle to a scandinavian hatchet.] the blades of the bronze knives found in scandinavia are, like those of switzerland, somewhat curved in their shape, but the handles are much more richly ornamented. two of these knives have furnished us with the only examples known of any representation of living beings during the bronze epoch. we may notice that on one of these knives, which is represented in fig. , taken from sir j. lubbock's work, a swan is roughly carved at the offset of the blade. [illustration: fig. .--danish bronze knife, of the bronze epoch.] in another knife, which is represented in fig. , taken from the same work, the handle is formed by a human figure, executed with some degree of fidelity. the figure is in a standing position, and holds in front of it a nearly cylindrical-shaped vessel; the individual is represented as wearing large earrings. there is every reason to believe that this last-mentioned article belongs to the end of the bronze epoch, or else to a transitionary epoch between this and the following, for the blade is straight, like those of all the knives belonging to the iron age. [illustration: fig. .--danish bronze knife of the bronze epoch.] the same thing may, doubtless, be said of several razors (fig. ) with straight blades, which appear even overloaded with ornaments; among these embellishments is an attempt to represent a sort of vessel. [illustration: fig. .--blade of a danish razor of the bronze epoch.] these designs evidently point to some very advanced period in the bronze epoch; and perhaps these objects may belong to the commencement of the iron age. what, we may ask, was the wearing apparel of man during the period we are describing? a very important discovery, made in , in a _tumulus_ in jutland (denmark), has lately supplied us with the most accurate _data_ respecting the way in which the inhabitants of the north of europe were clothed during the bronze epoch. in this _tumulus_ mm. worsaae, and herbst found three wooden coffins, one of which was smaller than the two others, and was no doubt that of a child. one of the two larger coffins was minutely examined by these _savants_, and measured inside feet in length and inches in width. it was closed up by means of a movable lid. by an extremely rare chance the soft parts of the body had been to some extent preserved, and had become converted into a black greasy substance. the bones were decomposed, and had decayed into a kind of blue powder. the brain had preserved its normal conformation. they found it at one end of the coffin (where the head had lain); it was still covered with a woollen cap, about inches high, to which several black hairs were adhering. several woollen garments, in which the body had been buried, were also found in different parts of the coffin. we add a description of these garments. there was in the first place a coarse cloak (fig. ) which appeared shaggy in the inside, and was scalloped out round the neck. this cloak was feet inches long, and wide in proportion. next there were two shawls nearly square in shape (fig. ), ornamented with a long fringe, and measuring - / feet in length, and - / feet in width. afterwards came a shirt (fig. ), also scalloped out round the neck, and drawn in at the waist by means of a long narrow band. lastly, at the feet of the body, two pieces of woollen material were found, which were inches long, by inches wide, and bore the appearance of having been the remains of gaiters. close to the latter were also found vestiges of leather, evidently belonging to feet-coverings of some kind. [illustration: fig. .--woollen cloak of the bronze epoch, found in , in a tomb in denmark.] [illustration: fig. .--woollen shawl found in the same tomb.] [illustration: fig. .--woollen shirt, taken from the same tomb.] the whole body had been wrapped up in the skin of an ox. the coffin also contained a box, tied up with strips of osier or bark, and in this box was a smaller one, in which were found two woven woollen caps (fig. , ), a comb (fig. ), and a bronze razor. [illustration: fig. .--first woollen cap found in the same tomb.] [illustration: fig. .--second woollen cap found in the same tomb.] [illustration: fig. .--bronze comb found in the same tomb.] we must not forget to mention a bronze sword, placed on the left side of the body, in a wooden sheath; this sword measured about inches in length. there is no doubt that all these relics were those of a warrior of the bronze epoch; there is the less reason to doubt this, owing to the fact, that the objects taken from the two other coffins most certainly belonged to that period. these were a sword, a knife, a bodkin, an awl, a pair of tweezers, a double button, and a small bronze bracelet; also a double tin button, a ball of amber and a flint spear-head. [illustration: fig. .--warriors during the bronze epoch.] the shape of the swords and knives shows that this burial-place in jutland must be referred to the latter part of the bronze epoch--to a time, perhaps, when iron was first used. following out the _data_ afforded by these records, and all the discoveries which have been made in other tombs, we have given in fig. , a representation of _warriors of the bronze epoch_. the accoutrements of the horseman of pre-historic ages are composed of a bronze sword, like those found in the tombs in denmark, and a bronze hatchet and sword-belt. his horse is decked with round bronze discs, which, in after times, formed among the romans the chief ornament of this faithful and intrepid auxiliary of man in all his combats. the horseman's head is bare; for no helmet or metallic head-covering has ever, at least, to our knowledge, been discovered in the tombs of the bronze epoch. the spear and bronze hatchet are the weapons of the foot-soldiers. next to the scandinavian regions, great britain and ireland occupy an important place in the history of the civilisation of the bronze epoch. the same type of implements are found in these countries as in denmark and switzerland. hatchet-moulds (fig. ) are also found there--a circumstance which proves that the founder's art was known and practised in these countries. the dublin museum contains a beautiful collection of various objects belonging to the bronze epoch. [illustration: fig. .--bronze hatchet-mould found in ireland.] some of the departments of france have also furnished objects belonging to the same period; but there is nothing peculiar among them which deserves mention. did any kind of religious worship exist among the men of the bronze epoch? nothing would be more interesting than any discovery bearing on this point; but up to the present time no vestiges of anything in the shape of an idol have been found, nor anything whatever which authorizes us unhesitatingly to answer this question in the affirmative. the only thing which might prove the existence of any religious feeling, is the discovery, in various lacustrine settlements, of a certain number of crescent-shaped objects, most of them made of very coarse baked earth and some of stone. the dimensions of these crescents vary considerably; there are some which measure as much as inches from one point to the other. they are ornamented with perfectly primitive designs, as shown in fig. , drawn at the museum of saint-germain from one of the numerous specimens of this class of objects. [illustration: fig. .--stone crescent found in one of the swiss lakes.] several archæologists consider these crescents to have been religious emblems or talismans which were suspended either outside or inside the habitations. dr. keller is of opinion that they bear some relation to the worship of the moon--an hypothesis which is not at all an impossible one; for all nations who have not attained to a certain degree of moral and intellectual culture adore the heavenly bodies as the sources of light and heat. m. carl vogt, in considering the crescents which have been discovered in such large quantities in the lacustrine habitations, cannot admit that they indicate that any religious belief existed among these ancient nations. he attributes to these objects a very different kind of use, and, as we shall presently show, rather an odd one. in the lectures on _pre-historic man_ which were delivered by prof. carl vogt at antwerp, in , and have been reported by the belgian journals,[ ] when speaking on the subject of the crescents belonging to the bronze epoch, he expresses himself as follows:-- "my opinion is that these crescents were used as resting-places for the head during the night. among many savage tribes we find the attention paid to the dressing of the hair carried to a high pitch, especially among the men; it was not until a later period that woman also devoted her cares to the culture of her _coiffure_. now this care is, by many nations, carried out to a really curious extent. they inflict the most severe tortures on themselves in order to satisfy their vanity. everyone has seen, in the 'magasin pittoresque' and other illustrated journals, the strange head-dresses of the abyssinian soldiers. they really seem to form a kind of fleece, and it may be noticed that each soldier carries in this hairy construction a large pin. "well, all this tends to explain the use of these crescents. in abyssinia, as soon as a young girl is married it becomes her duty to devote herself to her husband's head of hair. this head of hair is made to assume a certain shape, which it has to retain during his whole lifetime. the labour which this process necessitates lasts for three years. each hair is twisted round a stem of straw, and remains so until the straw perishes. the man's head is thus covered with a whole system of spirals, the top of which is a foot from the surface of his head. during the whole remainder of his life this _coiffure_ must never be again disturbed. when asleep, the abyssinian rests the nape of his neck on a triangle which he carries about everywhere with him. he has also a long pin, as it would be impossible for him to reach the skin of his head with the end of his finger. "the same custom exists among the new zealanders, who also have an apparatus upon which they rest their necks, in order, when asleep, to save their _coiffures_. they wear an enormous chignon, two feet high and ornamented with ribbons, of which they are very proud. the only difference between this chignon and certain others which i need not mention is, that the former cannot be removed at will. this object, thus adorned, rests, during the sleep of its owner, on a sort of framework. "the chinese and japanese sleep, in the same way, on a bedstead bevelled off at the head; and in the egyptian hieroglyphical drawings we find instruments evidently meant for the same use. "it is very probable that during the bronze epoch great attention was devoted to the hair, and this is the more probable as in every tomb belonging to this period we find pins from feet to - / feet in length, furnished with large knobs, and of the same shape as the pins used by the abyssinian soldiers; and also, because during the stone age, as well as the bronze age, a kind of comb is found which is similar to that which is now used by the new zealanders to scratch, rather than to comb, their heads. the heads of the pins are often very richly ornamented; they are of the most varied shapes, and are extremely common both in the tombs and also in the lacustrine dwellings. "we have the less right to be astonished at our ancestors sleeping with their heads resting on such a machine as we have just described, knowing, as we do, that the hussars of frederick the great used to spend the whole night in arranging their _coiffures_!" thus, while dr. keller and many other archæologists ascribe the _crescents_ found in the swiss lakes to some kind of religious worship, m. vogt, whose idea is of a much more prosaic character, does not attribute them to any other worship but that of _self_ as represented by the hair! the reader can take his choice between these two explanations. we shall only remark, in corroboration of dr. keller's opinion, that certain gallic tribes used for a religious symbol this very crescent which m. vogt would make out to be a pillow--a stone pillow which, as it seems to us, must have been very hard, even for primitive man. various objects found in the dwellings of man belonging to the bronze epoch appear to have been religious symbols. such, for instance, are the designs so often met with on swords, vases, &c. these drawings never represent objects in nature; they seem rather to be cabalistic signs or talismans. most of them bear some relation to a circle; sometimes they are single circles, and sometimes combinations of circles. many authors have had the idea of attributing them to the worship of the sun. another sign was still more often used, and it was known even as early as the stone age--we speak of the cross. it is one of the most ancient symbols that ever existed. m. g. de mortillet, in a work entitled 'la croix avant le christianisme,' has endeavoured to establish the fact, that the cross has always been the symbol of a sect which contended against fetishism. this much is at least certain, that it is one of the most ancient symbolical signs; for it is found depicted on objects belonging to the stone age, and on some of the earliest relics of the bronze age. at the time of the etruscans the cross was generally prevalent as a sign. but at a later period christianity exclusively monopolized this religious symbol. a third figure is sometimes found on various objects belonging to the bronze epoch; this figure is the triangle. it is, on the whole, very probable that all these signs which are not connected with any known object, bear some relation to certain religious or superstitious ideas entertained by the men of the bronze epoch; and, as a consequence of this, that their hearts must have been inspired with some degree of religious feeling. footnote: [ ] _indépendance belge_, november and december, . chapter viii. mode of interment and burial-places of the bronze epoch-- characteristics of the human race during the same period. the question naturally arises--what was the mode of interment, and what was the nature of the burial-places employed by man during the bronze epoch? in the early part of this period the dead were still buried in those sepulchral chambers which are now called by the name of _dolmens_; nilsson and lubbock have drawn somewhat confused and arbitrary distinctions in discussing these burial-places; but it may be positively asserted that towards the conclusion of this period the practice of burning dead bodies was commenced. in a work, published in , and entitled 'le danemark à l'exposition universelle,' being a sort of catalogue of the objects which were exhibited in the galleries devoted to the _history of labour_, in the exhibition in the champ de mars, in , we find several pages which we shall quote, as they seem to recapitulate pretty clearly the ideas which are now current among scientific men concerning the burial-places and funeral customs of the bronze epoch:-- "the study which, during the last few years, has been devoted by m. worsaae to the tombs belonging to the bronze epoch, has thrown much light," says m. valdemar schmidt, "on the commencement of the bronze age in denmark. it appears that at the first beginning of the bronze epoch the dead were buried in a manner similar to that practised during the stone age, that is to say, the bodies of the defunct were deposited in sepulchral chambers made of stone, and covered by _tumuli_; the only difference is, these chambers are rather small, and generally contain but one skeleton. but to make up for this, several of these small sepulchral chambers, or rather stone coffins, are sometimes found in the same _tumulus_. "these chambers present, however, in some respects, great similarities with those of the stone age; thus, beds of flint which have been subjected to the action of fire are often found spread over the ground, and on these beds skeletons are met with which appear to have been placed in a contracted position before they were buried, exactly following the practice of the stone age. "after this class of tombs, we have another, in which the sepulchral chamber, though always made of stone, is not covered with a stone slab but with a _wooden roof_. elsewhere, skeletons have been found along with bronze weapons deposited in a sort of _wooden framework_, which has in many cases entirely perished except a few minute fragments. these cases were covered with small stones, which now seem to lie immediately upon the skeleton. "lastly, in all the danish provinces large oak coffins are found, formed of hollowed-out trunks of trees; these also contain human bodies, which seem to have been buried in woollen garments. "with regard to the funeral rites observed, these tombs do not appear to have differed much. the bodies were deposited in them with their implements, weapons, and utensils, either of bronze or stone; but, in addition, at the bottom of the tomb, animal skins, generally those of oxen, were often spread. "next, a new period succeeded, when the bodies were burned, and the remains collected together. all the ancient customs were not, however, at once given up. thus, as the dead were formerly buried in woollen garments, the _débris_ of the bones were now wrapped in pieces of cloaks made of the same material. subsequently, however, this custom also disappeared, and the ashes and remains of bones were simply collected together in urns. this custom was observed until the bronze epoch, and characterises, so to speak, its second and last period--which was, however, the longest of that age. "there were, then, in short, two distinct epochs in the bronze age; firstly, that _in which the dead were quite simply interred_, either in small sepulchral chambers or wooden coffins, and, secondly, that _in which the bodies of the dead were incinerated_. "one of the most remarkable 'finds,' as regards the first period of the bronze epoch, was made in , in the two mounds known by the names of treenhöi and kengehöi, and situated near kongeaa, in jutland. in each of these _tumuli_ two people had been buried, both having a double coffin, made of magnificent trunks of oak-trees. the skeletons had been almost entirely destroyed by the damp which, on the contrary, had preserved the garments. these individuals seem to have been dressed almost like the scotch; at least they must have worn a sort of woollen petticoat, and bands by way of trousers, very like those worn by the warriors depicted in the carlovingian miniatures, and, in addition, a cloak, a cap, and also perhaps a shawl. with these garments were found some bronze swords in wooden sheaths; also some bronze knives, a comb, some boxes, cups, small wooden coffers, a tin ball, and, lastly, in one of the coffins, a small flint arrow-head. a fragment of the cloak was to be seen in the palace of the champ de mars (no. ). "another 'find' made a few miles from this _tumulus_, at höimp, in north schleswig, has also brought to light skeletons in oak coffins together with bronze implements. "discoveries of no less interest have been made in zealand. thus, in , in a _tumulus_ at höidegaard, near copenhagen, a tomb belonging to the first period of the bronze epoch was found; it was searched in the presence of some of the principal danish archæologists. the tomb was placed at a distance of more than feet below the summit of the _tumulus_, and was built of stones; it was more than feet in length, and its width on the eastern side was about feet, and on the western side inches. the bottom was lined with a layer of small flint stones, on which was found, in the first place, a skin, doubtless that of an ox, and above it, besides a piece of tissue containing remains of human bones, a bronze sword with a wooden sheath, covered with leather, and in a perfect state of preservation; lastly, a box containing the following articles:-- st, a fragment of an amber bead; nd, a piece of reddish stone; rd, a small shell, which can be none other than the _conus mediterraneus_; it is perforated so as to be worn as a pendant for the neck; th, a fragment of a flint point, doubtless an amulet; th, the tail of a serpent (_coluber lævis_); th, a small cube of pine or fir-wood, and th, a bronze knife with a convex blade and ornamented handle. "according to the investigations of various savants, these bones belong to a man, who, to judge from the objects placed by his side in his tomb, must have been some distinguished personage, and perhaps combined the functions of a warrior and a sorcerer. the cube of pine-wood leads us to conjecture that that tree had not then completely disappeared, and from this fact we may infer that the period at which the sorcerer in question lived was very remote. it is, however, possible that this piece of pine-wood, as well as the shell, were introduced from some other country. the existence of the _conus mediterraneus_ seems to establish the fact that denmark had already formed some kind of connection with the mediterranean. "_the second period of the bronze epoch_ is characterised by the custom of the cremation of the dead, which generally took place in the following way: the body of the defunct was usually placed, together with his weapons and ornaments, on the funeral pile, which was built on the exact spot which was destined to form the centre of the _tumulus_; the fire was then lighted, and, after the body was consumed, the remains of the bones were collected together in an urn. the rubbish that resulted was left on the spot, surrounded with stones, and covered with earth till the _tumulus_ was complete. the urn which contained the ashes was then placed in another part of the _tumulus_. this course of procedure was not the only one employed; in some cases the weapons and other articles of adornment were not placed upon the funeral-pile, but were afterwards brought and placed round the urn. "the number of tombs of the bronze epoch which have been discovered in denmark is very considerable. there are thousands of _tumuli_, and many of them contain a large number of funeral urns. a great many of these _tumuli_ have been searched at various times and have produced a number of different bronze articles. the museum of copenhagen possesses no less than swords dating back to the bronze epoch."[ ] twenty years ago, however, a very curious discovery was made at lübeck (pomerania), for it exhibited, so to speak, in the same tomb, the three modes of interment belonging to the pre-historic epochs of the stone, bronze, and iron ages. at waldhausen, near lübeck, a _tumulus_ was found, which was feet inches in height. this _tumulus_ was pulled down in horizontal layers, and the following details were successively brought to light. at the top was a very ancient burial-place, evidently belonging to the iron age; for the skeleton it contained was accompanied by an object made of rusty iron and several earthenware articles. it was buried in loose earth. underneath this, and half way down the _tumulus_, there were some small enclosures composed of uncemented walls, each one containing a sepulchral urn filled with calcined bones, as well as necklaces, hair-pins, and a bronze knife. lastly, at the base of the _tumulus_, there was a tomb belonging to the stone age. it was formed of large rough blocks of stone, and contained, in addition to the bones, some coarse specimens of pottery, with flint hatchets. it is evident that the first inhabitants of the country began by building a tomb on the bare ground, according to the customs of the age, and then covered it up with earth. during the bronze epoch another burial-place was made on this foundation, and a fresh heap of earth doubled the height of the mound. lastly, during the iron age, a dead body was buried in a grave hollowed out on the top of the same mound. here, then, we have a clear delineation of the three different modes of interment belonging to the three pre-historic periods. in short, during the bronze epoch, the dead were generally buried in sepulchral chambers, and sometimes, exceptionally, they were burned. the custom of funeral feasts still remained in full force. the pious practice of placing by the side of the dead body the instruments or weapons which the individual had been fond of during his lifetime, was likewise still kept up; and it is, moreover, owing to this circumstance that archæological science is now enabled to collect numerous vestiges of the ancient customs of these remote ages. but we must call attention to the fact that, at the end of and after this epoch, the hatchets and instruments which were placed in the tombs were often of much smaller dimensions than those employed for every-day use. they were small and delicately-made hatchets, intended as _votive_ offerings. some might, perhaps, conclude from this that the heirs, animated by a feeling of economy, had contented themselves with depositing very diminutive offerings in the tombs of the dead. the human race was already becoming degenerate, since it curtailed its homage and its offerings to the dead! in order to bring to a conclusion all the details which concern the bronze epoch, the question will naturally arise, what was the human type at this epoch, and did it differ from that of the preceding age? unfortunately, the positive information which is required for the elucidation of this question is entirely wanting; this deficiency is owing to the extreme rarity of human bones, both in the lacustrine settlements of switzerland, and also in the tombs belonging to that epoch which have been searched in different european countries. the whole of the lacustrine settlements of switzerland have furnished no more than some seven skeletons, one of which was found at meilen, two at nidau, one at sutz, one in the settlement of bienne, and two at auvernier. the first, that is the skeleton found at meilen, near lake zurich, is the only one which belongs to the stone age; the six others are all of the bronze or iron ages. the skeleton found at meilen is that of a child; the skull, which is in a tolerable state of preservation, although incomplete, occupies, according to the observations of mm. his and rütimeyer, a middle place between the long and short heads. figs. and , representing this skull, are taken from m. desor's work, entitled 'mémoire sur les palafittes.' from the mere fact that it is a child's skull, it is almost impossible to make any use of it in ascertaining the characteristic features of the race to which it belongs; for these features are not sufficiently marked at such an early age. the skull is of a very elongated shape, that is to say, it belongs to the _dolichocephalous_ type. the upper part of the skull is flattened, and it has an enormous occipital development; but, on the other hand, there is scarcely any forehead. if these special features might be generally applied, they would not prove much in favour of the intellectual capacity of the helvetic nation, or of its superiority over the races of anterior ages; it represents, in fact, a very low type of conformation, which, however, harmonises perfectly with the rough manners and cruel practices of the gallic tribes. [illustration: fig. .--skull found at meilen, front view.] [illustration: fig. .--skull found at meilen, profile view.] at the time of the discovery, this skull was accompanied by various bones belonging to the body and limbs, which show by their extraordinary bulk that their owners were men of very large size. we have already remarked upon the large size of the men existing in the stone age, that is to say, at the time of the first appearance of mankind. thus, the human type had changed but little since its first appearance on the globe. the settlement of auvernier, in the lake of neuchâtel has, as we have before said, contributed two skulls. one belonged to a child about eight years of age, and the other to an adult. the child's skull differs very slightly from the one found at meilen. it is small, elongated, and has a low and narrow forehead. that of the adult presents the same characteristics, and, in addition, an extraordinary development of the occiput, a feature which is not observable in the former, probably, on account of the youth of the subject. these two skulls seem, therefore, to show that the population of the lacustrine settlements had not at all changed at the beginning of the bronze epoch. a discovery made in the neighbourhood of sion has confirmed these first ideas. at this spot, in tombs of rough stone, there were found some bodies bent into a contracted position, and accompanied by certain bronze objects. according to mm. his and carl vogt, the skulls found at sion agree tolerably well with those discovered at meilen and auvernier; and, in addition to this, the same shape is perpetuated down to our own days in german switzerland, where it strongly predominates, and constitutes what is called the helvetic type. the _data_ which have been collected up to the present time are not sufficient to enable us to make any positive assertion respecting the development of the intelligence of man during the bronze epoch. the few skulls which have been recovered are always in an incomplete state, and do not justify us in forming any exact opinion on this matter. but when we are considering the degree of intelligence possessed by our ancestors at this period of man's development, there are things which will enlighten us far better than any fragments of bones or any remains of skeletons; these are the works which have been executed by their hands. the fine arts had already begun to throw out promising germs, industrial skill had become an established fact, agriculture was in full practice, and bronze was made to adapt itself to all the caprices and all the boldest ideas of the imagination. what more can be necessary to prove that man, at this epoch, was already comparatively far advanced in intellectual culture? in concluding our account of the bronze epoch, the question naturally arises whether it is possible to form any estimate of the exact space of time embraced by this period of man's history. we shall endeavour here to give, not the solution of the problem, but merely an idea of the way in which scientific men have entered on the question. morlot, the swiss archæologist and naturalist, who has written a great deal upon the subject of the lacustrine settlements, was the first to endeavour to estimate the duration of the stone age, as well as that of the bronze epoch, and the following is the way in which he set about it. in the neighbourhood of villeneuve there is a cone or hillock formed of gravel and _alluvium_, slowly deposited there by the stream of the tinière which falls at this spot into the lake of geneva. this cone was cut in two, to lay down the railway which runs along the side of the lake. its interior structure was thus laid bare, and appeared to be perfectly regular, a proof that it had been gradually formed during a long course of ages. there were three layers of vegetable earth placed at different depths between the deposits of _alluvium_, each of which double layers had in its turn formed the outer surface of the cone. the first layer was found at a depth of feet inches from the top, and was to inches thick. in it were found some relics of the roman epoch. the second, situated feet inches lower, measured inches in depth, and was recognised as belonging to the bronze age; it contained a pair of bronze pincers and some fragments of unglazed earthenware. the lower bed lay at a depth of feet from the top, and varied in thickness from to inches. it contained some rough earthenware, charcoal, and animal bones, all pointing to the stone age, but to the latest times of that period. after having carefully examined these different beds and ascertained the regular structure of the cone, morlot fancied that he could calculate approximately the age of each of them. he took for his base of operations two historical dates; that of the entrance of the romans into helvetia, fifty-eight years before christ, and that of their decisive expulsion towards the end of the fifth century of the christian era. by comparing these two dates, he came to the conclusion that the roman layer was at the most eighteen and at the least thirteen centuries old. then remarking that since that epoch the cone had increased feet inches, and always going upon the hypothesis that the increase was the same as in subsequent ages, he came to the conclusion that the bed corresponding with the bronze epoch was at least and at the most years old; and that the layer belonging to the stone age, forming the entire remainder of the cone, was from to , years old. another calculation, the conclusions of which agree tolerably well with these, was made by m. gilliéron, professor at the college of neuveville. we have already said that the remains of a pile-work belonging to the stone age was discovered near the bridge of thièle, between the lakes of bienne and neuchâtel. it is evident that the valley, the narrowest part of which was occupied by the lacustrine settlement, was formerly almost entirely under water, for below this point it suddenly widens out and retains these proportions as far as the lake of bienne. the lake must, therefore, have retired slowly and regularly, as may be ascertained from an examination of the mud deposited by it. if, therefore, we know its annual coefficient of retreat, that is to say, how much it retired every year, we should be able to estimate with a sufficient degree of approximation the age of the settlement of the bridge of thièle. now there is, not far from the lake, at about feet from the present shore, an old abbey, that of saint-jean, which is known to have been built about the year . a document of that time mentions that the cloister had the right of fishing in a certain part of the lake; and there is some likelihood that it was built on the edge of the lake; a supposition which naturally presents itself to the mind. the lake, then, must have retired feet in years. this granted, m. gilliéron easily calculated the time which would be taken for a retreat of , feet, this number representing the distance from the present shore to the entrance of the defile which contains the settlement of the bridge of thièle. he found by this means that the settlement is at least years old, a figure which confirms those of morlot. the preceding calculations assign to the stone age in switzerland an antiquity of to years before the christian era, and to the bronze epoch an antiquity of years before the same era. there is still much uncertainty in the figures thus given to satisfy public curiosity; but there is at least one fact which is altogether unquestionable--that these calculations have dealt a fatal blow to recognised chronology. footnote: [ ] 'le danemark à l'exposition universelle de , by valdemar schmidt,' vol. i. pp. - . paris, . ii. the iron epoch. chapter i. essential characteristics of the iron epoch--preparation of iron in pre-historic times--discovery of silver and lead--earthenware made on the potter's wheel--invention of coined money. without metals, as we have said in one of the preceding chapters, man must have remained for ever in a state of barbarism. to this we must add, that the civilisation of man has made progress just in proportion to the degree of perfection he has arrived at in the working of the metals and alloys which he has had at his disposal. the knowledge and use of bronze communicated a strong impulse to nascent civilisation, and was the means of founding the first human communities. but bronze is far from possessing all the qualities which ought to belong to metals when applied to various industrial purposes. this alloy is neither hard nor elastic enough to make good tools; and, in addition to this, it is composed of metals which in a natural state are very scarce. man requires a metal which is cheap, hard, easy to work, and adapted to all the requirements which are exacted by industrial skill, which is so manifold in its works and wants. a metal of this sort was at length discovered, and a new era opened for the future of men. they learned how to extract from its ore iron--the true king of metals, as it may well be called--on account of its inestimable qualities. from the day when iron was first placed at man's disposal civilisation began to make its longest strides, and as the working of this metal improved, so the dominion of man--his faculties and his intellectual activity--likewise enlarged in the same proportion. it is, therefore, with good reason that the name of _iron epoch_ has been given to the latest period of the development of primitive man, and it is not surprising that the last portion of the iron epoch formed the commencement of historical times. after this period, in fact, man ceased to live in that half-savage state, the most striking features of which we have endeavoured to portray. as the use of iron essentially characterises this epoch in the history of mankind, we ought to give an account of the processes of manufacture employed by the primitive metallurgists, that is to say, we should inquire how they proceeded at this epoch to extract iron from its native ore. the art of metallurgy had made great progress during the bronze epoch. there were at that time considerable workshops for the preparation of bronze, and small foundries for melting and casting this alloy. when once formed into weapons, instruments, and tools, bronze objects were fashioned by artisans of various professions. the moulder's art had already attained to a high degree of perfection, a fact which is proved by the gigantic bronze objects which we have already mentioned, as well as the castings, so many of which have been represented in the preceding pages. the phenomenon of _tempering_ was well known, that is the principal modifications which are experienced by bronze in its cooling, whether slow or sudden. it was well known how to vary the proportions of the tin and copper so as to obtain bronze of different degrees of hardness. all the means of soldering were also familiarly known. damascening was introduced in order to diversify the appearance of wrought metallic objects. the cutting qualities of instruments were increased by forging them and consolidating them by hammering. they had even gone so far as to discover the utility of the addition of certain mineral salts in the founder's crucible in order to facilitate the fusion of the bronze. thus at the end of the bronze epoch the knowledge of metals had attained to a comparatively considerable development. hence we may conclude that the substitution of iron for bronze took place without any great difficulty. owing to the natural progress and successive improvements made in metallurgic art, the blacksmith made his appearance on the scene and took the place of the bronze-moulder. what, however, was the process which enabled our earliest metallurgists to extract iron from its native ore? native iron, that is metallic iron in a natural state, is eminently rare; except in aërolites it is scarcely ever found. according to pallas, the russian naturalist, certain siberian tribes have succeeded, with a great amount of labour, in obtaining from the aërolites which have been met with in their country small quantities of iron, which they have made into knives. the same practice existed among the laplanders. lastly, we are told by amerigo vespucci that in the fifteenth century the indians at the mouth of the la plata river were in the habit of making arrow-heads and other instruments with iron extracted from aërolites.[ ] but, as we hardly need observe, stones of this kind do not often drop down from the skies, and their employment is of too accidental a character ever to have suggested to men the right mode of the extraction of iron. it is, therefore, almost certain that the first iron used was extracted from its ore just like copper and tin, that is, by the reduction of its oxide under the influence of heat and charcoal. in opposition to this explanation, some bring forward as an objection the prodigiously high temperature which is required for the fusion of iron, or, in fact, the almost impossibility of melting iron in the primitive furnaces. but the fusion of iron was in no way necessary for the extraction of this metal; and if it had been requisite to procure liquid iron, primitive industrial skill would never have succeeded in doing it. all that was necessary was so to reduce the oxide of iron as to obtain the metal in a spongy state without any fusion. the hammering of this spongy mass when in a red-hot state soon converted it into a real bar of iron. if we cast a glance on the metallurgic industry of some of the semi-barbarous nations of ancient times, we shall find, as regards the extraction of iron, a process in use among them which will fully justify the idea we have formed of the way in which iron must have been obtained in primitive times. gmelin, the naturalist, during his travels in tartary, was a witness of the elementary process which was employed by these northern tribes in procuring iron. there, every one prepares his own iron just as every household might make its own bread. the furnace for the extraction of iron is placed in the kitchen, and is nothing but a mere cavity, inches cube, which is filled up with iron-ore; the furnace is surmounted by an earthen chimney, and there is a door in front of the furnace for introducing the ore, this door being kept closed during the smelting process. in an orifice at the side the nozzle of a pair of bellows is inserted, which are blown by one man whilst another introduces the ore and charcoal in successive layers. the furnace never holds more than - / lbs. of ore for each operation. when this quantity has been placed in the furnace, in small pieces one after the other, all that is done is keeping up the action of the bellows for some minutes. lastly, the door of the furnace is opened, and the ashes and other products of combustion having been drawn out, a small mass of spongy iron is found, which proceeds from the reduction of the oxide of iron by means of the charcoal, without the metal being in a state of fusion, properly so called. this small lump of iron was cleaned with a piece of wood, and was put on one side to be subsequently welded to others, and hammered several times when in a red-hot state; and by means of several forgings the whole mass was converted into a single bar. this same process for the extraction of iron from its natural oxide, without fusion, is practised by the negroes of fouta-djallon, in senegal. after having become acquainted with the elementary process which is practised by the semi-barbarous tribes of the present day, we shall find but little difficulty in understanding all that morlot, the swiss naturalist, has said as to the iron-furnaces of pre-historic man, and shall probably agree in his opinions on the subject. morlot, in his 'mémoires sur l'archéologie de la suisse,' has described the vestiges of the pre-historic furnaces intended for the preparation of iron, which were found by him in carinthia (austria). according to m. morlot, the plan adopted for extracting iron from its oxide in pre-historic times was as follows:--on the side of a slope exposed to the wind, a hole was hollowed out. the bottom of this hole was filled up with a heap of wood, on which was placed a layer of ore. this layer of ore was covered by a second heap of wood; then, taking advantage of a strong breeze rising, which had to perform the functions of the bellows, the lowest pile of wood was kindled at its base. the wood by its combustion was converted into charcoal, and this charcoal, under the influence of heat, soon reduced the iron oxide to a metallic state. when the combustion had come to an end, a few pieces of iron were found among the ashes. by increasing the size of the apparatus used, far more considerable results were of course obtained. in dalecarlia (sweden), m. morlot found smelting-houses, so to speak, in which the original hole, of which we have just been speaking, is surrounded with stones so as to form a sort of circular receptacle. in this rough stone crucible layers of charcoal and iron-ore were placed in succession. after having burnt for some hours, the heap was searched over and the spongy iron was found mixed with the ashes at the bottom of the furnace. the slowness of the operation and the inconsiderable metallic result induced them to increase the size of the stone receptacle. they first gave to it a depth of feet and then of feet, and, at the same time, coated the walls of it with clay. they thus had at their disposal a kind of vast circular crucible, in which they placed successive layers of iron-ore and wood or charcoal. in this altogether elementary arrangement no use was made, as it seems, of the bellows. this amounts to stating that the primitive method of smelting iron was not, as is commonly thought, an adaptation of the _catalan furnace_. this latter process, which, even in the present time, is made use of in the pyrenean smelting works, does not date back further than the times of the roman empire. it is based on the continual action of the bellows; whilst in the pre-historic furnaces this instrument, we will again repeat, was never employed. these primitive furnaces applied to the reduction of iron-ore, traces of which had been recognised by morlot, the naturalist, in austria and sweden, have lately been discovered in considerable numbers in the canton of berne by m. quiquerez, a scientific mining engineer. they consist of cylindrical excavations, of no great depth, dug out on the side of a hill and surmounted by a clay funnel of conical form. wood-charcoal was the fuel employed for charging the furnaces, for stores of this combustible are always found lying round the ancient smelting works. in an extremely curious memoir, which was published in by the jura society of emulation, under the title of 'recherches sur les anciennes forges du jura bernois,' m. quiquerez summed up the results of his protracted and minute investigations. a few extracts from this valuable work will bring to our knowledge the real construction of the furnaces used by pre-historic man; of these furnaces having been discovered by m. quiquerez in the district of the bernese jura. we will, however, previously mention that m. quiquerez had represented, or materialised, as it were, the results of his interesting labours, by constructing a model in miniature of a siderurgical establishment belonging to the earliest iron epoch. this curious specimen of workmanship showed the clay-furnace placed against the side of a hill, the heaps of charcoal, the scoriæ, the hut used as a dwelling by the workmen, the furnace-implements--in short, all the details which formed the result of the patient researches of the learned swiss engineer. m. quiquerez had prepared this interesting model of the ancient industrial pursuits of man with a view of exhibiting it in the _exposition universelle_ of , together with the very substances, productions, and implements which he had found in his explorations in the jura. but the commission appointed for selecting objects for admission refused to grant him the modest square yard of area which he required for placing his model. how ridiculous it seems! in the immense champ de mars in which so many useless and absurd objects perfectly swarmed, one square yard of space was refused for one of the most curious productions which was ever turned out by the skilful hands of any _savant_! the result of this unintelligent refusal was that m. quiquerez' model did not make its appearance in the _exposition universelle_ in the champ de mars, and that it was missing from the curious gallery of the history of labour, which called forth so much of the attention of the public. for our readers, however, it will not be altogether lost. m. quiquerez has been good enough to forward to us from bellerive, where he resides (near délémont, canton of basle, switzerland) a photograph of his curious model of a pre-historic workshop for the preparation of iron. from this photograph we have designed the annexed plate, representing a _primitive furnace for the extraction of iron_. [illustration: fig. .--primitive furnace for smelting iron.] this composition reproduces with tolerable accuracy the model in relief constructed by the author. the furnace is shown; it is nothing but a simple cavity surmounted by a conical chimney-funnel, and placed against the side of a hill. steps made of rough stone, placed on each side of the mound, enable the workmen to mount to the summit. the height of the funnel is about feet. at the side of the furnace stands the hut for the labourers, constructed of a number of round poles placed side by side; for centuries past huts of this kind have been erected in almost every country. on the right, in the foreground, we may notice a heap of charcoal intended to be placed in the furnace in order to reduce the ore; on the left, there is the store of ore called in the ironworks the _ore-pen_. the provision of iron-ore is enclosed between four wooden slabs, forming a quadrangular space. in the centre are the scoriæ which result from the operations carried on. a workman is extracting the cake of spongy iron from the ashes of the furnace; another is hammering on the anvil a piece of iron drawn from the furnace in order to forge it into a bar. round the furnace various implements are scattered about, such as the anvil, the pincers, the hammer, &c. all the instruments are designed from various specimens found by the author. after these explanations, we may now give some extracts from m. quiquerez' work, and we trust our readers will find no difficulty in comprehending the details given by the learned engineer, describing the primitive furnaces for the extraction of iron which he discovered in the bernese jura. m. quiquerez has remarked two kinds of primitive furnaces for the fabrication of iron, or, rather, two stages of improvement in their construction. the first sort, that which the author considers as dating back to the most remote antiquity, is not so numerous as the others; the second kind form the largest number of those which he has explored. "furnaces of the first kind," says m. quiquerez, "consisted of nothing but a small cylindrical excavation of no great regularity in shape, with a cup-shaped bottom, hollowed out in the side of a hill so as to give more natural height on one side; the front of the furnace was closed up by fire-proof clay, supported with stones. this cavity was plastered over with to inches of clay, generally of a whitish colour, which became red after coming in contact with the fire. these smelting-furnaces were not more than to inches in depth, as seemed to be shown by the upper edges being rounded and more or less scoriated. the front, which was always more or less broken, had an opening at its base to admit a current of air, and to allow the workmen to deal with the melted material; but this opening seems to show that the piece of metal which had been formed during the operation must have been extracted by breaking in the front. "the second kind of furnace, which is by far the most numerously found and widely distributed, is, in fact, nothing but an improvement of that which preceded it, the edges of the furnace or crucible being considerably raised in height. they vary in depth from - / to feet, with a diameter of most irregular dimensions, from inches upwards, and a thickness of inches to feet. they are likewise formed of fire-proof clay, and their average capacity is about gallons. "the constructor, having dug out in the side of the hill an opening circular, or rather semi-circular, at the base, with a diameter nearly three times as wide as the future furnace, arranged in the centre of this hole a kind of furnace-bed made of plastic clay at bottom, and covered with a layer of fire-proof clay on the top of it. the bed of the furnace, which lies on the natural and hardly levelled earth, is, generally speaking, not so thick as the side walls, which are formed of sandy or siliceous clay, always fire-proof on the inside, but sometimes of a more plastic nature on the exterior; the empty space left between the walls of the furnace and the solid ground round it was filled up with earth and other material. in front the furnace was enclosed by a rough wall, sometimes straight and sometimes curving, built, without mortar, of rough limestone, and dressed with earth to fill up the gaps. in front of the furnace an opening was made in this wall, taking its rise a few inches above the bottom of the furnace, and increasing in size in an outward direction, so as to enable the workmen to see into, and work in, the furnace. "the work thus commenced was carried up to the requisite height; and when the excavation in the side of the hill was not lofty enough, the dome of the furnace was raised by placing buttresses against the fire-clay, so as to prevent the earth falling in. when these furnaces were established on almost level ground, as is sometimes the case, they form a truncated cone, with a base varying in size according to the height of the apparatus. "the furnace was not always built upright; it often deviated from the perpendicular, leaning to one side or the other to an extent as considerable as its own diameter, but no constant rule as to this can be recognised. the internal shape was just as irregular, changing from circular to oval, without any apparent motive beyond want of care in the workman. the crucibles or furnaces are sometimes larger at the top than at the bottom, and sometimes these proportions are reversed, but always with extreme irregularity. we have noticed some which at a point or inches above the crucible were perceptibly contracted on three sides, thus representing the first rudiments of the appearance of our modern furnaces. but this, perhaps, was nothing but a caprice on the part of the builder. "the furnace thus being established, the wood was withdrawn which had formed the cone, if, indeed, any had been used, and at the hole made at the base of the crucible a clod of fire-clay some inches in height was placed, so as to form a dam, and to confine in the crucible the molten or soft metal; the scoriæ, being of a lighter nature and floating at the top, made their escape over the top of the dam. as the latter were not very liquid, their issue was promoted by means of pokers or wooden poles, perhaps damped, with which also the metal was stirred in the crucible. "in neither of these two kinds of furnaces do we find any trace of bellows, and a more or less strong draught must have been procured through the opening made for the escape of the scoriæ, according to the elevation of the dome of the furnace. the limestones which have been found in certain furnaces were probably employed with a view of increasing the draught; they doubtless belonged to the upper part of the furnace, where they had been fixed so as to add height to the orifice. this rudimentary plan must have been likewise used in the earliest crucibles. the mode of obtaining a draught which we have just pointed out is indicated most plainly by the scorification of the walls of the furnace on the side opposite to the air-passage; this side has evidently experienced a more intense heat, whilst on the other the walls are much less affected by the fire, and in some cases pieces of the mineral still remain in a pasty or semi-molten state, just as they were when the work of the furnace ceased.... "the absence of any machine in the shape of bellows in the ancient metal works of the jura appears all the more remarkable as these implements were known both to the greeks and romans; hence we may at least infer, not only that these nations did not introduce the art of iron-working into the jura, but that it must have existed at a much earlier period. it must also be remarked that the openings in the furnaces are not placed in the direction of the winds prevailing in the country--a plan which might have increased the draught--but are made quite at hazard, just as the nature of the spot rendered the construction of the furnace more easy. "... in respect to fuel it must be remarked that in all the siderurgical establishments which we have discovered, certain features indicate that wood carbonised in a stack was exclusively used as fuel. the furnaces are too small for the employment of rough wood; added to this, charcoal stores are placed near the furnaces; and charcoal burnt in a stack is constantly met with all round the sites, in the scoriæ, and all the _débris_. we must, besides, mention the discovery, at bellelay, of a charcoal store feet in diameter, situated under a compact bed of peat feet in thickness. it was established on the solid earth, anterior to the formation of the peat. now from this very peat a parcel of coins belonging to the fifteenth century was recovered, over which only feet of peat had grown in a period of years. there, too, at a depth of feet, were found the scattered bones of a horse, with the foot still shod with those undulating edged shoes with elongated and strongly punched holes, in which were fitted the ends of nails of the shape of a t, the heads of which were conical. this kind of shoe is found in the celtic settlements, the villages, habitations, and ironworks, also in the pasturages and forests of the country, but rarely in the roman camps; in the latter they are always in less number than the wider metallic shoes, which are larger, and furnished with a groove indicating the line in which the nail-holes were punched. the calculations which have been made from the discovery of the coins of the fifteenth century (a.d. ) would give an antiquity of at least twenty to twenty-four centuries to the horse-shoe we have just mentioned, for the animal must have died and been devoured on the then existing surface of the ground, and could not have been buried in the peat, as the bones, instead of lying grouped together, were dispersed in every direction. these same calculations would carry back the date of the charcoal-store to an era years ago. "owing to the imperfection of the furnaces, the quantity of charcoal used must have been quadruple the present consumption for the same results. the metal, as it was extracted from the ore, fell down into the bottom of the crucible. in proportion as the mass of metal increased, a workman, with a poker made of damp green wood, brought out the scoriæ which floated on the top, and stirred the metal so as to fine it. it is proved that these wooden pokers or poles were made use of in all the furnace-works. a quantity of morsels of scoriæ is found which, having been in a soft state when extracted, have retained the imprint of the piece of wood, the end of which was evidently charred. m. morlot, in his article on the roman ironworks at wocheim, in upper carniola, has also noticed the existence, in the scoriæ, of frequent traces of pokers, sometimes round and sometimes three-cornered in shape, but all of them must have been made of iron, whilst throughout the whole of the jura we have never recognised the traces of any but wooden implements of this kind. "owing to the imperfection of the furnaces, and especially, the deficiency in the draught caused by the want of bellows, the metal contained in the ore could be but very imperfectly extracted; the scoriæ are therefore still so very rich in iron that, about twenty years ago, the manager of the ironworks at untervelier tried to use them over again as ore. accumulations of this dross, measuring from to yards square, may be seen near certain furnaces-a fact which would infer a somewhat considerable production of iron. the examination of these scoriæ proves that iron was then made by one single operation, and not liquid pigs fit for casting, or to be converted into iron by a second series of operations. "the iron produced was introduced into commerce in large blocks, shaped like two quadrangular pyramids joined at the base, weighing from to lbs. one of these pieces was found near a furnace which had been demolished in order to establish a charcoal furnace, in the commune of untervelier, and another in one of the furnaces of boécourt. "all round the furnaces there have been found numerous remains of rough pottery; it is badly baked, and made without the help of the wheel, from clay which is mingled with grains of quartz--the pottery, in fact, which is called celtic. pieces of stag's horn have also been discovered, which must have been used for the handles of tools; also iron hatchets. one of them has a socket at the end made in a line with the length of the implement; it is an instrument belonging to the most remote period of the iron age. the others have transversal sockets like our present hatchets. one of the latter was made of steel so hard that it could not be touched with the file. with regard to coins, both gallic and roman were found, and some of the latter were of as late a date as that of the constantines. the persistence in practising the routine of all the most ancient processes may be explained by the monopoly of the iron-working trade being retained in the same families. we have the less need to be surprised at this, because we may notice that the wood-cutters and charcoal-burners of our own days, when they have to take up their abode in a locality for any length of time, and to carry on their trade there, always make certain arrangements which have doubtless been handed down from the most primitive times. in order to protect their beds from the damp, they make a kind of shelf of fir-poles which is used as a bedstead. some of them have two stories; the under-one intended for the children, and the one above for the parents. moss, ferns, and dried grass form the mattress. coverlets impossible to describe were made good use of, and some were even made of branches of fir-trees. these bedsteads take the place both of benches and chairs. a stone fire-place, roughly arranged in the centre of the hut, fills the double function of warming in winter and cooking the food all the year round. we may also add, that the fire, which is almost always kept lighted, and the ashes spread over the floor all round, preserve the hut from certain troublesome insects, which lose their lives by jumping imprudently into this unknown trap. the smoke finds no other issue but through a hole made in the roof."[ ] such is the description given by m. quiquerez of the iron furnaces of a really pre-historic character, those, namely, which are characterised by the absence of bellows. we think, however, that there must have been holes below the hearth which afforded access to currents of air, and, by being alternately open or closed, served either to increase or diminish the intensity of the draught. but bellows, properly so called, intended to promote the combustion and chemical reaction between the oxide of iron and the charcoal did not then exist. the addition of the bellows to iron-furnaces brought an essential improvement to the art of the manufacture of iron. another improvement consisted in making, at the bottom of the stone receptacle where the fuel and the ore were burnt together, a door composed of several bricks which could be readily moved. at the completion of each operation they drew out, through this door, the cake of iron, which could not be so conveniently extracted at the upper part of the furnace, on account of its height. the hammering, assisted by several heatings, finally cleared the iron, in the usual way, from all extraneous matter, consolidated it, and converted it into the state of bar-iron fit for the blacksmith's use, and for the fabrication of utensils and tools. these improved primitive furnaces are well-known to german miners under the name of _stucköfen_ ("fragment-furnaces"). they are modified in different ways in different countries; and according to the arrangement of the furnace, and especially according to the nature of the ferruginous ores, certain methods or manipulations of the iron have been introduced, which are nowadays known under the names of the swedish, german, styrian, carinthian, corsican, and catalan methods. the ancient furnaces for the extraction of iron may be combined under the name of _smelting-forges_ or _bloomeries_. the invention of siliceous fluxes as applied to the extraction of iron, and facilitating the production of a liquid scoria which could flow out in the form of a stream of fire, put the finishing stroke to the preparation of iron. the constructors next considerably increased the height of the stone crucible in which the fuel and the ore, now mingled with a siliceous flux, were placed, and the _blast furnace_, that is, the present system of the preparation of iron, soon came into existence. but, there may be reason to think, neither of these two kinds of furnaces belongs to the primitive ages of mankind which are the object of this work. in the iron epoch--that we are considering--the furnace without bellows was possibly the only one known; the iron was prepared in very small quantities at a time, and the meagre metallic cake, the result from each operation, had to be picked out from among the ashes drawn from the stone receptacle. gold, as we have already said, was known to the men of the bronze epoch. silver, on the contrary, did not come into use until the iron epoch. another characteristic of the epoch we are now studying is the appearance of pottery made on the potter's wheel, and baked in an improved kind of furnace. up to that time, pottery had been moulded by the hand, and merely burnt in the open air. in the iron epoch, the potter's wheel came into use, and articles of earthenware were manufactured on this wheel, and baked in an unexceptionable way in an oven especially constructed for the purpose. there is another fact which likewise characterises the iron epoch; this was the appearance of coined money. the earliest known coins belong to this period; they are made of bronze, and bear a figure or effigy not stamped, but obtained by melting and casting. the most ancient coins that are known are greek, and date back to the eighth century before christ. these are the coins of Ægina, athens, and cyzicum, such as were found many years ago in the duchy of posen. in the lacustrine settlement of neuchâtel, coins of a remote antiquity have also been found. we here represent in its natural size (fig. ), taken from m. desor's work, a bronze coin found in the settlement of la tène in the lake of neuchâtel. but these coins are not more ancient than the greek specimens that we have before named. they are shown to be gallic by the horned horse, which is a gallic emblem. [illustration: fig. .--bronze coin, from the lake of neuchâtel.] at tiefenau, near berne, coins have been found of a nearly similar character associated with others having on them the effigy of apollo, and bearing an imprint of _massilia_ (marseilles). as the foundation of this phocæan colony dates back to the sixth century before christ, these coins may be said to be among the most ancient which exist. glass became known, as we have before stated, in the bronze epoch. in short, the essential features which distinguish the iron epoch are, iron instruments, and implements combining with those of bronze to replace stone in all the uses for which it was anciently employed--the knowledge of silver and lead, the improvement of pottery, and the introduction of coined money. with regard to its chronological date we should adopt that of about years before the christian era, thus agreeing with the generality of authors--the date of the bronze epoch being fixed about years before christ. after these general considerations, we shall pass on to give some account of the manners and customs of man during the iron epoch, or, at least, during the earlier portion of this period, which ere long became blended with historic ages. when we have completed our study of man in the earlier period of the iron epoch, we shall have terminated the rapid sketch which we have intended to trace out of primitive man and his labours. this period commenced, as we have just stated, about years before christ, and ultimately merged into the earliest glimmer of historical records. our task now is to describe all we know about man at this date of nascent civilisation. afterwards, the earliest historians--and among them, herodotus, the father of history--are the authorities whom we must consult for an account of the actions and exploits of the human race in europe. footnotes: [ ] details as to the relation of the stone age to the bronze and iron ages may be found in 'researches into the early history of mankind,' by edward b. tylor. chap. viii., 'pre-historic times,' by sir j. lubbock, chaps. i. and ii. [ ] 'de l'age du fer, recherches sur les anciennes forges du jura bernois,' by a. quiquerez, engineer of the jura mines. porrentruy, ; pp. - , - . also, 'matériaux pour l'histoire positif de l'homme,' by g. de mortillet, vol. ii. pp. - . chapter ii. weapons--tools, instruments, utensils, and pottery--the tombs of hallstadt and the plateau of la somma--the lake-settlements of switzerland--human sacrifices--type of man during the iron epoch--commencement of the historic era. the most valuable traces of the manners and customs of man during the earlier period of the iron epoch have been furnished by the vast burial-ground discovered recently at hallstadt, near salzburg in austria. m. ramsauer, director of the salt-mines of salzburg, has explored more than tombs in this locality, and has described them in a work full of interest, a manuscript copy of which we have consulted in the archæological museum of saint-germain. as the tombs at hallstadt belong to the earlier period of the iron epoch, they represent to us the natural transition from the epoch of bronze to that of iron. in fact, in a great number of objects contained in these tombs--such as daggers, swords and various ornaments--bronze and iron are combined. one sword, for instance, is formed of a bronze hilt and an iron blade. this is represented in figures , , and , drawn from the sketches in m. ramsauer's manuscript work entitled 'les tombes de hallstadt,' in which this combination of the two metals is remarked upon; the sword-hilts being formed of one metal and the blades of another. [illustration: fig. .--sword, from the tombs of hallstadt (with a bronze hilt and iron blade).] [illustration: fig. .--sword, from the tombs of hallstadt (with a bronze hilt and iron blade).] [illustration: fig. .--dagger, from the tombs of hallstadt (bronze handle and iron blade).] [illustration: fig. .--dagger, from the tombs of hallstadt (bronze handle and iron blade).] by taking a rapid survey of the objects found in the tombs of hallstadt, we can form a somewhat accurate idea of the first outset of the iron age. the first point which strikes us in this period, is the utter change which had taken place in the interment of the dead. during the stone age, the dead were placed in small subterranean crypts, that is in _dolmens_ or _tumuli_. during the bronze age it became to a great extent customary for men to burn the dead bodies of their friends. this custom was destined to become more and more prevalent century after century, and during historic times it became universal among a great many nations. in fact, in the tombs of hallstadt, several little earthen vessels containing ashes may be seen. sometimes only part of the body was burnt, so that a portion of a skeleton was found in these tombs, and near it the ashes of the parts which the fire had consumed. the remains found in the tombs of hallstadt are almost equally divided between these two modes of inhumation. about half of the tombs contain nothing but ashes; in the other half, corpses are laid extended, according to the custom which was most prevalent in the iron age. lastly, as we have just stated, some of them contained skeletons which were partially burnt. sometimes it was the head, sometimes the whole bust, or sometimes the lower limbs which were consumed, the ashes being deposited by the side of the intact portions of the skeleton. fig. , which is designed from one of the illustrations in m. ramsauer's manuscript work 'les tombes de hallstadt,' in the museum of saint-germain, represents a skeleton, part of which (the chest) has been consumed. the ashes are contained in small earthen vessels which are seen near the corpse. [illustration: fig. .--funeral ceremonies during the iron epoch.] [illustration: fig. .--a skeleton, portions of which have been burnt, from the tombs of hallstadt.] from the _data_ which we have acquired as to this custom of burning dead bodies during the iron epoch, we have been able to represent _the funeral ceremonies of the iron epoch_ in the preceding figure. the corpse is placed on a funeral pile, and the stone door of the tumulus is raised in order to deposit in it the cinerary urn. the relations of the deceased accompany the procession clothed in their handsomest garments and adorned with the bronze and iron ornaments which were then in vogue. one of those present may be seen throwing some precious objects into the flames of the funeral pile in honour of the deceased. the tombs of hallstadt are the locality in which the largest number of objects, such as weapons, instruments and implements, have been met with, which have tended to throw a light upon the history of the transition from the bronze to the iron epoch. all these objects are either of bronze or iron; but in the weapons the latter predominates. swords, spear-heads, daggers, knives, socketed hatchets and winged hatchets form the catalogue of the sharp instruments. in the preceding pages (figs. , , and ) we have given representations of swords and daggers designed from the specimens in the museum of saint-germain. in all these weapons the handle is made of bronze and the blade of iron. warriors' sword-belts are frequently formed of plates of bronze, and are embellished with a _repoussé_ ornamentation executed by the hammer. in fig. we give a representation of a necklace with pendants which is most remarkable in its workmanship. it may be readily seen that art had now attained some degree of maturity. this necklace was a prelude to the marvellous works of art which were about to be brought to light under the skies of greece. [illustration: fig. .--a necklace with pendants, from the tombs of hallstadt.] the bracelets which have been met with by hundreds, hair pins and bronze fibulæ are all wrought with taste, and are often adorned with very elegant pendants. in figs. and we show two bracelets, the sketches for which were taken from the designs in the manuscript of the 'tombes de hallstadt.' [illustration: fig. .--bracelet, from the tombs of hallstadt.] [illustration: fig. .--bracelet, from the tombs of hallstadt.] we may add a few amber necklace-beads and some of enamel, and we have then concluded the series of personal ornaments. in the tombs of hallstadt, nearly bronze vessels have been discovered, some of which are as much as inches in height. these bronze vessels were composed of several pieces skilfully riveted but not soldered. plates and are reproduced from the same beautiful manuscript. [illustration: fig. .--bronze vase, from the tombs of hallstadt.] [illustration: fig. .--bronze vase, from the tombs of hallstadt.] in the tombs of hallstadt some small glass vessels have also been discovered. remains of pottery are very plentiful, and a decided improvement is shown in their workmanship. some gold trinkets were also met with in these tombs. the gold was, doubtless, obtained from the mines of transylvania. african ivory abounds in these graves--a fact which indicates commercial intercourse with very distant countries. this product, as well as the glass, was introduced into europe by the phoenicians. the inhabitants of central europe obtained ivory from tyre and sidon by means of barter. the ivory objects which were found at hallstadt consisted of the heads of hair-pins and the pommels of swords. there were no traces whatever of money, the use of it not being then established in that part of europe. the population which lived in the vicinity of the salzburg mines were in reality rich; for the salt-mines were a source of great wealth to them at a period when the deposits of rock-salt in poland, being still buried in the depths of the earth, were as yet unknown or inaccessible. in this way, we may account for the general opulence of these commercial nations, and for the elegance and taste displayed in the objects which have been found in the tombs of hallstadt. guided by these various remains, it is not difficult to reproduce an ideal picture of _the warriors of the iron epoch_, a representation of which we have endeavoured to give in fig. . the different pieces of the ornaments observed on the horseman, on the foot-soldier, and also on the horse, are drawn from specimens exhibited in the museum of saint-germain which were modelled at hallstadt. the helmet is in perfect preservation and resembles those which, shortly after, were worn by the gallic soldiers. the bosses, also, on the horse's harness, ere long came into use both among the gauls and also the romans. [illustration: fig. .--warriors of the iron epoch.] next to the tombs of hallstadt, we must mention the tombs discovered on the plateau of la somma, in lombardy, which have contributed a valuable addition to the history of the earliest period of the iron epoch. on this plateau there were discovered certain tombs, composed of rough stones of a rectangular form. in the interior there were some vases of a shape suited to the purpose, containing ashes. the material of which they were made was fine clay; they had been wrought by means of the potter's wheel, were ornamented with various designs, and also provided with encircling projections. on some of them, representations of animals may be seen which indicate a considerable progress in the province of art. the historic date of these urns is pointed out by _fibulæ_ (clasps for cloaks), iron rings and bracelets, sword-belts partly bronze and partly iron, and small bronze chains. the tombs of la somma belong, therefore, to a period of transition between the bronze and iron epochs. according to m. mortillet, they date back to the seventh century before christ. under the same head we will class the tombs of saint-jean de belleville, in savoy. at this spot several tombs belonging to the commencement of the iron epoch have been explored by mm. borel and costa de beauregard. the latter, in a splendid work published in savoy, has given a detailed description of these tombs.[ ] some of the skeletons are extended on their backs, others have been consumed, but only partially, like those which we have already mentioned in the tombs of hallstadt. various objects, consisting chiefly of trinkets and ornaments, have been met with in these tombs. we will mention in particular the _fibulæ_, bracelets and necklaces made of amber, enamelled glass, &c. in figs. and we give a representation of two skeleton arms, which are encircled with several bracelets just as they were found in these tombs. [illustration: figs. , .--fore-arm, encircled with bracelets, found in the tombs of belleville (savoy).] the lacustrine settlements of switzerland have contributed a valuable element towards the historic reconstruction of the iron epoch. in different parts of the lakes of bienne and neuchâtel there are pile-works which contain iron objects intermingled with the remains of preceding ages. but there is only one lacustrine settlement in switzerland which belongs exclusively to the earliest period of the iron age--that of la tène on the lake of neuchâtel. most of the objects which have been met with in this lacustrine settlement have been recovered from the mud in which they had been so remarkably preserved, being sheltered from any contact with the outer air. there are, however, many spots in which piles may be seen, where objects of this kind have not been found; but if subsequent researches are attended with any results, we shall be forced to attribute to the settlement of la tène a considerable degree of importance, for the piles there extend over an area of acres. the remains of all kinds which have been found in this settlement are evidently of gallic origin. it is an easy matter to prove this by comparing the weapons found in this settlement with those which were discovered in the trenches of alise-sainte-reine, the ancient _alesia_, where, in its last contest against cæsar, the independence of ancient gaul came to an end. m. de rougemont has called attention to the fact that these weapons correspond very exactly to the description given by diodorus siculus of the gallic weapons. switzerland thus seems to have been inhabited in the earliest iron epoch by gallic tribes, that is to say, by a different race from that which occupied it during the stone and bronze epochs; and it was this race which introduced into switzerland the use of iron. among the objects collected in the lake settlement of la tène, weapons are the most numerous; they consist of swords and the heads of spears and javelins. most of them have been kept from oxidation by the peaty mud which entirely covered them, and they are, consequently, in a state of perfect preservation. the swords are all straight, of no very great thickness, and perfectly flat. the blade is from to inches in length, and is terminated by a handle about inches long. they have neither guards nor crosspieces. several of them were still in their sheaths, from which many of them have been drawn out in a state of perfect preservation, and even tolerably sharp. fig. represents one of the iron swords from the swiss lakes, which are depicted in m. desor's memoir. [illustration: fig. .--iron sword, found in one of the swiss lakes.] on another sword, of which we also give a representation (fig. ), a sort of damascening work extends over almost the whole surface, leaving the edges alone entirely smooth. [illustration: fig. .--sword with damascened blade, found in one of the swiss lakes.] m. de reffye, the archæologist, accounts for this fact in the following way:--he is of opinion that the body of the blade is made of very hard unyielding iron, whilst the edges are made of small strips of mellower iron which have been subsequently welded and wrought by the hammer. this mode of manufacture enabled the soldier, when his sword was notched, to repair it by means of hammering. this was a most valuable resource during an epoch in which armies did not convey stores along with them, and when the soldier's baggage was reduced to very little more than he could personally carry. several of these damascened blades have been found in the trenches of alise. the sheaths, the existence of which now for the first time comes under our notice, are of great importance on account of the designs with which they are ornamented. most of these designs are engraved with a tool, others are executed in _repoussé_ work. all of them show great originality and peculiar characteristics, which prevent them from being confounded with works of roman art. one of these sheaths (fig. ), which belongs to m. desor's collection and is depicted in his memoir, represents the "horned horse," the emblem of gaul, which is sufficient proof of the gallic origin of the weapons found in the lake of la tène. below this emblem, there is a kind of granulated surface which bears some resemblance to shagreen. [illustration: fig .--sheath of a sword, found in one of the swiss lakes.] this sheath is composed of two very thin plates of wrought iron laid one upon the other, except at the base, where they are united by means of a cleverly-wrought band of iron. at its upper extremity there is a plate, on one side of which may be seen the designs which we have already described, and on the other a ring, intended to suspend the weapon to the belt. the lance-heads are very remarkable on account of their extraordinary shape and large size. they measure as much as inches long, by to inches wide, and are double-edged and twisted into very diversified shapes. some are winged, and others are irregularly indented. some have perforations in the shape of a half-moon (fig. ). the halberd of the middle ages was, very probably, nothing but an improvement on, or a deviation from, these singular blades. [illustration: fig. .--lance-head, found in one of the swiss lakes.] fragments of wooden staves have been met with which had been fitted into these spear-heads; they are slender, and shod with iron at one end. the care with which these instruments are wrought proves that they are lance-heads, and not mere darts or javelins intended to be thrown to a distance and consequently lost. they certainly would not have taken so much pains with the manufacture of a weapon which would be used only once. it is altogether a different matter with respect to the javelins, a tolerably large number of which have been found in the lacustrine settlements of la tène. they are simple socketed heads (fig. ), terminating in a laurel-leaf shape, about to inches in length. [illustration: fig. .--head of a javelin, found in the lacustrine settlement of la tène (neuchâtel).] it appears from experiments ordered by the emperor of the french, that these javelins could only have been used as missile weapons, and that they were thrown, not by the hand merely grasping the shaft (which would be impossible to do effectually on account of their light weight), but by means of a cord or thong, which was designated among the romans by the name of _amentum_. these experiments have shown that a dart which could be thrown only feet with the hand, might be cast four times that distance by the aid of the _amentum_. there probably existed among the gauls certain military corps who practised the use of the _amentum_, that is to say, the management of _thonged javelins_, and threw this javelin in the same way as other warriors threw stones by means of a sling. this conclusion, which has been drawn by m. desor, seems to us a very just one. javelins of the preceding type are very common in the trenches of alise. in this neighbourhood a large number of iron arrows have also been found which have never been met with in the lacustrine settlement of la tène. war was not the only purpose for which these javelins were used by the men of the iron epoch. hunting, too, was carried on by means of these missile weapons. the bow and the thonged javelin constituted the hunting weapons of this epoch. we have depicted this in the accompanying plate, which represents _the chase during the iron epoch_. [illustration: fig. .--the chase during the iron epoch.] next to the weapons come the implements. we will, in the first place, mention the hatchets (fig. ). they are larger, more solid, and have a wider cutting edge than those used in the bronze epoch; wings were no longer in use, only a square-shaped socket into which was fitted a wooden handle, probably made with an elbow. [illustration: fig. .--square-socketed iron hatchet, found in one of the lakes of switzerland.] the sickles (fig. ) are likewise larger and also more simple than those of the bronze epoch; there are neither designs nor ornaments of any kind on them. [illustration: fig. .--sickle.] with the pruning-bills or sickles we must class the regular scythes (fig. ) with stems for handling, two specimens of which have been discovered in the lake settlement of the tène. their length is about inches, that is, about one-third as large as the scythes used by the swiss harvest-men of the present day. one important inference is drawn from the existence of these scythes; it is, that at the commencement of the iron epoch men were in the habit of storing up a provision of hay, and must consequently have reared cattle. [illustration: fig. .--scythe, from the lacustrine settlements of switzerland.] the iron fittings at the ends of the boat-hooks used by the boatmen on the lake are frequently found at la tène; they terminate in a quadrangular pyramid or in a cone (fig. ). some still contain the end of the wooden pole, which was attached to it by means of a nail. [illustration: fig. .--iron point of boat-hook, used by the swiss boatmen during the iron epoch.] next in order to these objects, we must mention the horses' bits and shoes; the first being very simply constructed so as to last for a very long period of time. they were composed of a short piece of iron chain (fig. ), which was placed in the horse's mouth, and terminated at each end in a ring to which the reins were attached. [illustration: fig. .--horse's bit, found in the lake of neuchâtel.] the _fibulæ_ (fig. ), or clasps for cloaks, are especially calculated to attract attention in the class of ornamental objects; they are very elegant and diversified in their shapes, their dimensions varying from - / to inches. they are all formed of a pin in communication with a twisted spring bent in various ways. they are provided with a sheath to hold the end of the brooch pin, so as to avoid any danger of pricking. a large number of them are in an excellent state of preservation, and might well be used at the present day. [illustration: fig. .--_fibula_, or iron brooch, found in the lake of neuchâtel.] these brooches, which we have already called attention to when speaking of the tombs of hallstadt, were also used by the etruscans and the romans; their existence in the pre-historic tombs tends to prove that, like the above-named nations, the swiss and germans wore the toga or mantle. these _fibulæ_ have a peculiar character, and it is impossible to confuse them with the roman _fibulæ_. they are, however, similar in every way to those which have been found at alise. there have also been found in the swiss lakes, along with the _fibulæ_, a number of rings, the use of which is still problematical. some are flat and others chiselled in various ways. it is thought that some of them must have been used as buckles for soldiers' sword-belts (fig. ); but there are others which do not afford any countenance to this explanation. neither can they be looked on as bracelets; for most of them are too small for any such purpose. some show numerous cuts at regular intervals all round their circumference; this fact has given rise to the supposition that they might perhaps have served as a kind of money. [illustration: fig. .--iron buckle for a sword-belt, found in the lake of neuchâtel.] in the lake-settlement of la tène (lake of neuchâtel), iron pincers have also been found (fig. ), which were doubtless used for pulling out hair, and are of very perfect workmanship; also scissors with a spring (fig. ), the two legs being made in one piece, and some very thin blades (fig. ), which must have been razors. [illustration: fig. .--iron pincers, found in the lake of neuchâtel.] [illustration: fig. .--iron spring-scissors, found in the lake of neuchâtel.] [illustration: fig. .--razor.] the specimens of pottery belonging to this date do not testify to any real progress having been made beyond the workmanship of the bronze epoch; the clay is still badly baked, and of a darkish colour. it certainly is the case, that along with these remains a quantity of fragments of vessels have been picked up, and even entire vessels, which have been made by the help of the potter's wheel and baked in an oven, and consequently present the red colour usual in modern earthenware. but archæologists are of opinion that this class of pottery does not date back beyond the roman epoch; and this opinion would seem to be confirmed by the existence, in the midst of the piles at the settlement of la tène, of a mass of tiles, evidently of roman origin. the conclusion to be drawn from these facts is, that many of the pile-works in the swiss lakes continued to be occupied when the country was under the roman rule. one of the characteristics of the iron epoch is, as we have before stated, the appearance of coin or money. in , m. desor recovered from the lake of la tène five coins of unquestionable gallic origin. they are of bronze, and bear on one side the figure of the horned horse, and on the other a human profile. in fig. , we gave a representation of these curious specimens of coin found by m. desor in the lacustrine settlements of the lake of neuchâtel. the marks of the mould still existing on each side show that these coins were cast in a series, and that after the casting the coins were separated from one another by means of the file. coins of a similar character have been discovered, as we before observed, at tiefenau, near berne, with others bearing the effigy of diana and apollo, and the imprint of _massilia_, the latter date from the foundation of marseilles, and could not, therefore, be anterior to the sixth century before the christian era; it is probable that those discovered along with them must be referred to nearly the same epoch. such are the relics of instruments, tools, weapons, &c., made of iron and recovered from the lacustrine settlement of la tène, that is, from the lake of neuchâtel. we must add that, near berne, at a spot which is designated by the name of the "battle-field of tiefenau," because it appears to have been the theatre of a great conflict between the helvetians and the gauls, a hundred swords and spear-heads have been picked up, similar to those found at la tène; also fragments of coats of mail, rings, _fibulæ_, the tires of chariot-wheels, horses' bits, and lastly, gallic and marseillaise coins in gold, silver, and bronze. this field of battle appears, therefore, to have been contemporary with the settlement at la tène. in addition to these valuable sources of information--la tène and tiefenau--switzerland also possesses _tumuli_ and simple tombs, both constituting records useful to consult in respect to the iron epoch. but on this point, it must be remarked that it is often difficult, with any degree of security, to connect them with the two preceding sites; and that considerable reserve is recommended in attempting any kind of identification. upon the whole, the iron age, looking even only to its earliest period, is the date of the beginning of real civilisation among european nations. their industrial skill, exercised on the earliest-used materials, such as iron and textile products, furnished all that was required by the usages of life. commerce was already in a flourishing state, for it was no longer carried on by the process of barter only. money, in the shape of coin, the conventional symbol of wealth, came into use during this epoch, and must have singularly facilitated the operations of trade. agriculture, too, had advanced as much as it could at this earliest dawn of civilisation. the remains of cereals found in the lake-settlements of switzerland, added to the iron instruments intended to secure the products of the cultivation of the ground, such as the scythes and sickles which we have previously depicted (figs. and ), are sufficient to show us that agriculture constituted at that time the chief wealth of nations. the horse, the ass, the dog, the ox, and the pig, had for long time back been devoted to the service of man, either as auxiliaries in his field-labours, or as additions to his resources in the article of food. fruit-trees, too, were cultivated in great numbers. [illustration: fig. .--agriculture during the iron epoch.] as a matter of fact, we have no acquaintance with any of the iron and bronze instruments which were used by men of the iron epoch in cultivation of the ground. scythes and sickles are the only agricultural implements which have been discovered. but even these instruments, added to a quantity of remains of the bones of cattle which have been found in the lacustrine and palustrine settlements, are sufficient to prove that the art of cultivating the earth and of extracting produce from its bosom, rendered fertile by practices sanctioned by experience, existed in full vigour among the men who lived during the period immediately preceding historic times. the plate which accompanies this page is intended to represent in a material form the state of agriculture during the iron epoch. we may notice the corn-harvest being carried on by means of sickles, like those found in the lacustrine settlements of switzerland. a man is engaged in beating out, with a mere stick, the wheatsheaves in order to thrash out the grain. the grain is then ground in a circular mill, worked by a horizontal handle. this mill is composed of two stones revolving one above the other, and was the substitute for the rough primitive corn-mill; it subsequently became the mill used by the romans--the _pistrinum_--at which the slaves were condemned to work. indications of an unequivocal character have enabled us to recognise as a fact, that human sacrifices took place among the helvetians during this period. it is, however, well known, from the accounts of ancient historians, that this barbarous custom existed among the gauls and various nations in the north of europe. in a _tumulus_ situated near lausanne, which contained four cinerary urns, there were also found the skeletons of four young females. their broken bones testified but too surely to the tortures which had terminated their existence. the remains of their ornaments lay scattered about in every direction, and everything was calculated to lead to the belief that they had been crushed under the mass of stones which formed the _tumulus_--unhappy victims of a cruel superstition. not far from this spot, another _tumulus_ contained twelve skeletons lying in all kinds of unusual postures. it is but too probable that these were the remains of individuals who had all been immolated together on the altar of some supposed implacable divinity. what was the character of the type of the human race during the iron epoch? it must evidently have been that of the present era. both the skulls and the bodies of the skeletons found in the tombs of this epoch point to a race of men entirely identical with that of our own days. we shall not carry on our study of pre-historic mankind to any later date. we have now arrived at an epoch upon which sufficient light has been thrown by oral tradition combined with historical records. the task of the historian begins at the point where the naturalist's investigations come to an end. footnote: [ ] 'les sépultures de saint-jean de belleville,' with lithographed plates. primitive man in america. primitive man in america. the development of mankind has, doubtless, been of much the same character in all parts of the world, so that, in whatever quarter of the world man may come under our consideration, he must have passed through the same phases of progress ere he arrived at his present state. everywhere, man must have had his stone age, his bronze epoch, and his iron epoch, succeeding one another in the same order which we have ascertained to have existed in europe. in the sketch which we have drawn of primitive man we have devoted our attention almost entirely to europe; but the cause simply is, that this part of the world has, up to the present day, been the principal subject of special and attentive studies in this respect. asia, africa, and america can scarcely be said to have been explored in reference to the antiquity of our species; but it is probable that the facts which have been brought to light in europe, would be almost identically reproduced in other parts of the world. this is a fact which, as regards _dolmens_, has been already verified. the sepulchral monuments of the stone age, which were at first believed to be peculiar to france, and, indeed, to one province of france, namely brittany, have since been met with in almost every part of the world. not only have they been discovered all over europe, but even the coasts of africa bring to our notice numerous relics of them; also, through the whole extent of asia, and even in the interior of india, this same form of sepulchre, bearing witness to a well determined epoch in man's history, have been pointed out and described by recent travellers. thus, the information which we possess on these points as regards europe, may well be generalised and applied to the other quarters of the world--to asia, africa, america, and oceania. america, however, has been the scene of certain investigations concerning primitive man which have not been without fertile results; we shall, therefore, devote the last few pages of our work to a consideration of the pre-historic remains of america, and to giving an account of the probable conditions of man's existence there, as they have been revealed to us by these relics. the information which has been made public on these points concerns north america only. it would be useless to dwell on the stone and bone instruments of the new world; in their shape they differ but little from those of europe. they were applied to the same uses, and the only perceptible difference in them is in the substance of which they were made. we find there hatchets, knives, arrow-heads, &c., but these instruments are not so almost universally made from flint, which is to a considerable extent replaced by obsidian and other hard stones. in the history of primitive man in north america, we shall have to invent another age of a special character; this is the _age of copper_. in america, the use of copper seems to have preceded the use of bronze; native metallic copper having been largely in use among certain races. on the shores of lake superior there are some very important mines of native copper, which must have been worked by the indians at a very early date; in fact, the traces of the ancient workings have been distinctly recognised by various travellers. mr. knapp, the agent of the minnesota mining company, was the first to point out these pre-historic mines. in , his researches having led him into a cavern much frequented by porcupines, he discovered, under an accumulation of heaped-up earth, a vein of native copper, containing a great number of stone hammers. a short time afterwards, some other excavations to feet in depth, and stretching over an extent of several miles, came under his notice. the earth dug out had been thrown on each side of the excavations; and mighty forest-trees had taken root and grown there. in the trunk of a hemlock-tree growing in this "made ground," mr. knapp counted rings of growth, and this tree had probably been preceded by other forest-giants no less venerable. in the trenches themselves, which had been gradually filled up by vegetable _débris_, trees had formerly grown which, after having lived for hundreds of years, had succumbed and decayed; being then replaced by other generations of vegetation, the duration of which had been quite as long. when, therefore, we consider these workings of the native copper-mines of lake superior, we are compelled to ascribe the above-named excavations to a considerable antiquity. in many of these ancient diggings stone hammers have been found, sometimes in large quantities. one of the diggings contained some great diorite hatchets which were worked by the aid of a handle, and also large cylindrical masses of the same substance hollowed out to receive a handle. these sledges, which are too heavy to be lifted by one man alone, were doubtless used for breaking off lumps of copper, and then reducing them to fragments of a size which could easily be carried away. if we may put faith in professor mather, who explored these ancient mines, some of the rocks still bore the mark of the blow they had received from these granite rollers. the work employed in adapting the native copper was of the most simple character. the indians hammered it cold, and, taking into account its malleable character, they were enabled with tolerable facility to give it any shape that they wished. in america, just as in europe, a great number of specimens of pre-historic pottery have been collected. they are, it must be confessed, superior to most of those found in the ancient world. the material of which they were made is very fine, excepting in the case of the vessels of every-day use, in which the clay is mixed with quartz reduced to powder; the shapes of the vessels are of the purest character, and the utmost care has been devoted to the workmanship. they do not appear to have been constructed by the aid of the potter's wheel; but messrs. squier and davis, very competent american archæologists, are of opinion that the indians, in doing this kind of work, made use of a stick held in the middle. the workman turned this stick round and round inside the mass of clay, which an assistant kept on adding to all round the circumference. in regard to pottery, the most interesting specimens are the pipes, which we should, indeed, expect to meet with in the native country of the tobacco plant and the classic calumet. many of these pipes are carved in the shape of animals, which are very faithfully represented. these figures are very various in character, including quadrupeds and birds of all kinds. indeed, in the state of ohio seven pipes were found on each of which the manatee was so plainly depicted that it is impossible to mistake the sculptor's intention. this discovery is a curious one, from the fact that at the present day the manatee is not met with except in localities or leagues distant, as in florida. the pre-historic ornaments and trinkets found in north america consist of bracelets, necklaces, earrings, &c. the bracelets are copper rings bent by hammering, so that the two ends meet. the necklaces are composed of shell beads (of which considerable quantities have been collected) shells, animals' teeth, and small flakes of mica, all perforated by a hole so as to be strung on a thread. the earrings also are made of the same material. all these objects--weapons, implements, pottery, and ornaments--have been derived from certain gigantic works which exhibit some similarity, and occasionally even a striking resemblance, to the great earthwork constructions of the old world. american archæologists have arranged these works in various classes according to the probable purpose for which they were intended; we shall now dwell for a short time on these divisions. in the first place, we have the _sepulchral mounds_ or _tumuli_, the numbers of which may be reckoned by tens of thousands. they vary in height from feet to feet, and are generally of a circular form; being found either separately or in groups. most frequently only one skeleton is found in them, either reduced almost to ashes, or--which is more rare--in its ordinary condition, and in a crouching posture. by the side of the corpse are deposited trinkets, and, in a few cases, weapons. a practice the very contrary to this now obtains in america; and from this we may conclude that a profound modification of their ideas has taken place among the indians since the pre-historic epochs. it is now almost a certain fact that some of the small _tumuli_ are nothing but the remains of mud-huts, especially as they do not contain either ashes or bones. others, on the contrary, and some of the largest, contain a quantity of bones; the latter must be allied with the _ossuaries_ or bone-pits, some of which contain the remains of several thousand individuals. it would be difficult to explain the existence of accumulations of this kind if we did not know from the accounts of ancient authors that the indians were in the habit of assembling every eight or ten years in some appointed spot to inter all together in one mass the bones of their dead friends, which had been previously exhumed. this singular ceremony was called "the feast of the dead." we shall not say much here as to the _sacrificial mounds_, because no very precise agreement has yet been arrived at as to their exact signification. their chief characteristics are, that, in the first place, they are nearly always found within certain sacred enclosures of which we shall have more to say further on, and also that they cover a sort of altar placed on the surface of the ground, and made of stone or baked clay. in the opinion of certain archæologists, this supposed altar is nothing but the site of a former fire-hearth, and the mound itself a habitation converted into a tomb after the death of its proprietor. it will therefore be best to reserve our judgment as to the existence of the human sacrifices of which these places might have been the scene, until we obtain some more complete knowledge of the matter. the _temple-mounds_ are hillocks in the shape of a truncated pyramid, with paths or steps leading to the summit, and sometimes with terraces at different heights. they invariably terminate in a platform of varying extent, but sometimes reaching very considerable dimensions. that of cahokia, in illinois, is about feet in height, and at the base is feet long and feet wide. there is no doubt that these mounds were not exclusively used as temples, and, adopting as our authority several instances taken from indian history, we may be permitted to think that on this upper terrace they were in the habit of building the dwelling of their chief. the most curious of these earthworks are, beyond question, those which the american archæologists have designated by the name of _animal-mounds_. they consist of gigantic bas-reliefs formed on the surface of the ground, and representing men, mammals, birds, reptiles, and even inanimate objects, such as crosses, pipes, &c. they exist in thousands in wisconsin, being chiefly found between the mississippi and lake michigan, and along the war-path of the indians. their height is never very considerable, and it is but seldom that they reach so much as feet; but their length and breadth is sometimes enormously developed. many of these figures are copied very exactly from nature; but there are, on the other hand, some the meaning of which it is very difficult to discover, because they have been injured by the influence of atmospheric action during a long course of ages. in dale county there is an interesting group composed of a man with extended arms, six quadrupeds, a simple _tumulus_, and seven mounds without any artistic pretensions. the man measured feet long, and nearly feet from the end of one arm to the other. the quadrupeds are from to feet long. the representation of lizards and tortoises are frequently recognised in these monstrous figures. a group of mounds, situate near the village of pewaukee, included when it was discovered two lizards and seven tortoises. one of these tortoises measured feet. at waukesha there was found a monstrous "turtle" admirably executed, the tail of which stretched over an extent of feet. on a high hill near granville, in the state of ohio, a representation is sculptured of the reptile which is now known under the name of alligator. its paws are feet long, and its total length exceeds feet. in the same state there exists the figure of a vast serpent, the most remarkable work of its kind; its head occupies the summit of a hill, round which the body extends for about feet, forming graceful coils and undulations; the mouth is opened wide, as if the monster was swallowing its prey. the prey is represented by an oval-shaped mass of earth, part of which lies in the creature's jaws. this mass of earth is about feet long and feet wide, and its height is about feet. in some localities excavations are substituted for these raised figures; that is to say, that the delineations of the animals are sunk instead of being in relief-a strange variety in these strange works. the mind may readily be perplexed when endeavouring to trace out the origin and purpose of works of this kind. they do not, in a general way, contain any human remains, and consequently could not have been intended to be used as sepulchres. up to the present time, therefore, the circumstances which have accompanied the construction of these eminently remarkable pre-historic monuments are veiled in the darkest mystery. we now have to speak of those enclosures which are divided by american archæologists into the classes of _defensive_ and _sacred_. this distinction is, however, based on very uncertain data, and it is probable that a large portion of the so-called _sacred_ enclosures were in the first place constructed for a simply _defensive_ purpose. they were, in general, composed of a wall made of stones, and an internal or external ditch. they often assumed the form of a parallelogram, and even of a perfect square or circle, from which it has been inferred that the ancient indians must have possessed an unit of measurement, and some means of determining angles. these walls sometimes embraced a considerable area, and not unfrequently inside the principal enclosure there were other smaller enclosures, flanked with defensive mounds performing the service of bastions. in some cases enclosures of different shapes are grouped side by side, either joined by avenues or entirely independent of one another. the most important of these groups is that at newark, in the valley of scioto; it covers an area of square miles, and is composed of an octagon, a square, and two large circles. the external wall of one of these circles is even at the present day feet in width at the base, and feet high; there are several doorways in it, near which the height of the wall is increased about feet. inside there is a ditch feet in depth, and feet in the vicinity of the doors, its width being about feet. the whole enclosure is now covered by gigantic trees, perhaps or years old--a fact which points to a considerable antiquity for the date of its construction. when we reflect on the almost countless multitude, and the magnificent proportions of the monuments we have just described, we are compelled to recognise the fact that the american valleys must at some early date have been much more densely populated than at the time when europeans first made their way thither. these peoples must have formed considerable communities, and have attained to a somewhat high state of civilisation--at all events a state very superior to that which is at present the attribute of the indian tribes. tribes which were compelled to seek in hunting their means of every-day existence, could never have succeeded in raising constructions of this kind. they must therefore necessarily have found other resources in agricultural pursuits. this inference is moreover confirmed by facts. in several localities in the united states the ground is covered with small elevations known under the name of _indian corn-hills_; they take their rise from the fact that the maize, having been planted every year in the same spot, has ultimately, after a long course of time, formed rising grounds. the traces of ancient corn-patches have also been discovered symmetrically arranged in regular beds and parallel rows. can any date be assigned to this period of semi-civilisation which, instead of improving more and more like civilisation in europe, became suddenly eclipsed, owing to causes which are unknown to us? this question must be answered in the negative, if we are called upon to fix any settled and definite date. nevertheless, the conclusion to which american archæologists have arrived is, that the history of the new world must be divided into four definite periods. the first period includes the rise of agriculture and industrial skill; the second, the construction of mounds and inclosures; the third, the formation of the "garden beds." in the last period, the american nation again relapsed into savage life and to the free occupation of the spots which had been devoted to agriculture. in his work on 'pre-historic times' sir john lubbock, who has furnished us with most of these details, estimates that this course of events would not necessarily have required a duration of time of more than years, although he confesses that this figure might be much more considerable. but dr. douler, another _savant_, regards this subject in a very different way. near new orleans he discovered a human skeleton and the remains of a fire, to which, basing his calculations on more or less admissible _data_, he attributes an antiquity of centuries! young america would thus be very ancient indeed! by this instance we may see how much uncertainty surrounds the history of primitive man in america; and it may be readily understood why we have thought it necessary to adhere closely to scientific ideas and to limit ourselves to those facts which are peculiar to europe. to apply to the whole world the results which have been verified in europe is a much surer course of procedure than describing local and imperfectly studied phenomena, which, in their interpretation, lead to differences in the estimate of time, such as that between and , years! conclusion. before bringing our work to a close we may be permitted to retrace the path we have trod, and to embrace in one rapid glance the immense space we have traversed. we have now arrived at a point of time very far removed from that of the dweller in caves, the man who was contemporary with the great bear and the mammoth! scarcely, perhaps, have we preserved a reminiscence of those mighty quadrupeds whose broad shadows seem to flit indistinctly across the dim light of the quaternary epoch. face to face with these gigantic creatures, which have definitively disappeared from the surface of our globe, there were, as we have seen, beings of a human aspect who, dwelling in caves and hollows of the earth, clothed themselves in the skins of beasts and cleft flakes of stone in order to form their weapons and implements. we can hardly have failed to feel a certain interest in and sympathy with them, when tracing out the dim vestiges of their progress; for, in spite of their rude appearance, in spite of their coarse customs and their rough mode of life, they were our brethren, our ancestors, and the far-distant precursors of modern civilisation. we have given due commendation to their efforts and to their progress. after a protracted use of weapons and implements simply chipped out of the rough flint, we have seen them adopt weapons and instruments of polished stone, that is, objects which had undergone that material preparation which is the germ of the industrial skill of primitive nations. aided by these polished-stone instruments, added to those of bone and reindeer's or stag's horn, they did not fear to enter into a conflict--which every day became more and more successful--with all the external forces which menaced them. as we have seen, they brought under the yoke of servitude various kinds of animals; they made the dog and the horse the companion and the auxiliary of their labour. the sheep, the ox, and other ruminants were converted into domesticated cattle, capable of insuring a constant supply of food. after the lapse of ages metals made their appearance!--metals, the most precious acquisition of all, the pledge of the advent of a new era, replete with power and activity, to primitive man. instruments made of stone, bone, reindeer or stag's horn, were replaced by those composed of metal. in all the communities of man civilisation and metals seem to be constant companions. though bronze may have served for the forging of swords and spears, it also provides the material for implements of peaceful labour. owing to the efforts of continuous toil, owing also to the development of intelligence which is its natural consequence, the empire of man over the world of nature is still increasing, and man's moral improvement follows the same law of progression. but who shall enumerate the ages which have elapsed whilst these achievements have been realised? but thy task is not yet terminated! onward, and still onward, brave pioneer of progress! the path is a long one and the goal is not yet attained! once thou wert contented with bronze, now thou hast iron--iron, that terrible power, whose function is to mangle and to kill--the cause of so much blood and so many bitter tears; but also the beneficent metal which fertilises and gives life, affording nutriment to the body as well as to the mind. the romans applied the name of _ferrum_ to the blade of their swords; but in after times _ferrum_ was also the term for the peaceful ploughshare. the metal which had brought with it terror, devastation, and death, erelong introduced among nations peace, wealth and happiness. and now, o man, thy work is nearly done! the mighty conflicts against nature are consummated, and thy universal empire is for ever sure! animals are subject to thy will and even to thy fancies. at thy command, the obedient earth opens its bosom and unfolds the riches it contains. thou hast turned the course of rivers, cleared the mountain sides of the forests which covered them, and cultivated the plains and valleys; by thy culture the earth has become a verdant and fruitful garden. thou hast changed the whole aspect of the globe, and mayst well call thyself the lord of creation! doubtless the expanding circle of thy peaceful conquests will not stop here, and who can tell how far thy sway may extend? onward then! still onward! proud and unfettered in thy vigilant and active course towards new and unknown destinies! but look to it, lest thy pride lead thee to forget thy origin. however great may be thy moral grandeur, and however complete thy empire over a docile nature, confess and acknowledge every hour the almighty power of the great creator. submit thyself before thy lord and master, the god of goodness and of love, the author of thy existence, who has reserved for thee still higher destinies in another life. learn to show thyself worthy of the supreme blessing--the happy immortality which awaits thee in a world above, if thou hast merited it by a worship conceived in spirit and in truth, and by the fulfilment of thy duty both towards god and towards thy neighbour! alphabetical index to authors' names cited in this volume. alberti, arcelin, austen (godwin), baudot, bertrand, , bocchi, bonstetten, borel, boucher de perthes, , , , , , , , , , , , , boué (aimé), bourgeois (abbé), , , , , boutin, broca, , brun (v.), , , , , buckland, busk, , , camper, cazalis de fondouce, chantre, chevalier (abbé), christel (de), , christy, , , , , , , , , , clément, cochet (abbé), costa de beauregard, , cuvier, , dampier, , darwin, davis (dr. barnard), , , delaunay, desnoyers, , , desor, , _note_, , , , , , , , , , , , , , , dolomieu, , dumont d'urville, , dupont (Édouard), , , , , , , , , edwards (milne), , , esper, evans, , , , , falconer, , , faudel, ferry (de), , , filhol, , , , , flower, fontan, , , forchhammer, forel, foresi (raffaello), forgeais, , foulon-menard, fournet, fraas, franchet, frere, , fuhlrott, garrigou, , , , , , , , gastaldi and moro, gaudry (albert), gervais (paul), , gilliéron, , , gmelin, gosse, , gratiolet and alix, , , guérin, hannour and himelette, hauzeur, hébert, heer, hernandez, his, hochstetter, husson, huxley, , issel, jeitteler, joly, joly-leterme, keller, , , , , , , , kemp, knapp, kosterlitz, lambert (l'abbé), lartet, , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , lawrence, leguay, , , , léveillé, lewis (cornewall), lioy (paolo), löhle, lubbock (sir john), , , , , , , , , , lund, , lyell (sir charles), , , , , marcel de serres, , martin, morlot, , _note_, , , , mortillet, de, , _note_, , , , , _note_ mudge, mylne, naegeli, nilsson, , , , , noulet, osculati, otz, owen, , peccadeau de l'isle, , , , peigné delacour, penguelly, penguilly l'haridon, pereira de costa, pigorini, , , , place, pommerol, prestwich, , , pruner-bey, , , , , , , , , quatrefages, de, , , , quiquerez, , , , rabut, rames, ramsauer, , rauchet, reboux, reffye, rigollot, , robert (eugène), , rochebrune, rougemont (de), rütimeyer, , saussure, de, sauvage and hamy, schaaffhausen, , scheuchzer, schild, schmerling, , schmidt, , _note_ schwab, , silber, squier, steenstrup, , , steinhauer, stopani (l'abbé), strobel, , , , , , thioly, tournal, troyon, , _note_, , uhlmann, vallier, van beneden, , vibraye (marquis de), , , , vicq-d'azyr, vogt, , , , , , welker, wilde (sir w. r.), wood, worsaae, , , wyatt, london: printed by william clowes and sons, stamford street and charing cross. +----------------------------------------------------------------- + | transcriber's note: | | | | * obvious punctuation and spelling errors repaired. | | word combinations that appeared with and without hyphens | | were changed to the predominant hyphenated form. | | original spelling and its variations were not standardized. | | | | * corrections in the spelling of names were made when those | | could be verified. otherwise the variations were left as they | | were. | | | | * footnotes were moved to the ends of the chapters in which | | they belonged and numbered in one continuous sequence. | | the pagination in index entries which referred to these | | footnotes was not changed to match their new locations | | and is therefore incorrect. | +----------------------------------------------------------------- + available by internet archive (https://archive.org) note: images of the original pages are available through internet archive. see https://archive.org/details/b transcriber's note: text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_). text enclosed by plus signs is in bold face (+bold+). sexual life of primitive people * * * * * * by s. herbert, m.d., m.r.c.s., i.r.c.p. +an introduction to the physiology and psychology of sex.+ large crown vo. illustrated. price + / + net. +fundamentals in sexual ethics.+ an enquiry into modern tendencies. large crown vo. price + / + net. +first principles of heredity.+ second edition. containing illustrations. large crown vo. price + / + net. +first principles of evolution.+ second edition. containing illustrations, diagrams and tables. large crown vo. price + / + net. by mrs. s. herbert. +sex lore.+ a primer on courtship, marriage and parenthood. containing illustrations. large crown vo. price + / + net. by mrs. havelock ellis. +the new horizon in love and life.+ with a preface by edward carpenter and an introduction by marguerite tracy. large crown vo. price + / + net. published by a. & c. black, ltd., , & soho square, london, w. . agents america the macmillan company & fifth avenue, new york australasia the oxford university press flinders lane, melbourne canada the macmillan company of canada, ltd. st. martin's house, bond street toronto india macmillan & company, ltd. macmillan building, bombay bow bazaar street, calcutta * * * * * * sexual life of primitive people by h. fehlinger translated by s. herbert, m.d., m.r.c.s., l.r.c.p. author of "an introduction to the physiology and psychology of sex," "fundamentals in sexual ethics," etc. and mrs. s. herbert, author of "sex lore." a. & c. black, ltd. , & soho square, london, w. preface to most lay people the established order of sex relationships and marriage seems something so self-evident and stable that they cannot conceive the possibility of a variation in the established order. yet here, as in all things, the law of evolution applies. our sexual system is the outcome of a long continuous series of changes beginning with the very dawn of human history. to understand the modern sex problem rightly it is essential to know its origin and gradual development. most of the material about the sex life of primitive people is inaccessible to the ordinary reader, being hidden away in learned treatises and ponderous scientific works. the translators are, therefore, glad to have found in fehlinger's book a short comprehensive outline of the subject, which may serve as a convenient introduction. s. h. f. h. manchester, _july, _. contents chapter page i. modesty among primitive people ii. pre-marital freedom and conjugal fidelity iii. courtship customs iv. marriage v. birth and feticide vi. ignorance of the process of generation vii. mutilation of the sex organs viii. maturity and decline ix. bibliography sexual life of primitive people i modesty among primitive people in cold and temperate climates, it is necessary to clothe the body as a protection against cold. in hot parts of the world, the need for protection against the effects of the weather by means of clothing disappears, and therefore in those regions primitive people go about naked. it is only when they come under the influence of foreign civilisation that they put on clothing. it is erroneous to assume that clothing came into use because of an inborn sexual modesty. in australia, in the indonesian and melanesian islands, in tropical africa, and in south america, there are still many peoples that go about naked. it is true that many of them cover their sex organs; but the contrivances used for this purpose are not in reality intended to hide the sex region, though to our mind they seem to do so. primitive people do not cover their bodies out of modesty; "the sinfulness of nakedness" is unknown to them. karl von den steinen (pp. , ) says that the naked indian tribes of the xingu region of brazil know no secret parts of the body. "they joke about these parts in words and pictures quite unabashed, so that it would be foolish to call them indecent. they are envious of our clothing, as of some precious finery; they put it on and wear it in our presence with a complete disregard of the simplest rules of our own society, and in complete ignorance of its purpose. this proves that they still possess the pristine guilelessness of adam and eve in eden. some of them celebrate the advent of puberty in members of both sexes by noisy festivals, when the 'private parts' come in for a good deal of general attention. if a man wishes to inform a stranger that he is a father, or a woman that she is a mother, they gravely denote the fact by touching the organs from which life springs, in a most spontaneous and natural manner. it is, therefore, not possible to understand these people properly unless we put aside our conception of 'clothing,' and take them and their manners in their own natural way." the absence of sexual modesty in our sense also struck von steinen when questions about words arose. if he asked about a word which to our minds might give cause for shame, the reply was given without hesitation or any semblance of shame. nevertheless, conversations about sexual subjects gave the indians, men and women, decided pleasure; but their merry laughter was "neither impudent, nor did it give the impression of hiding an inward embarrassment. it had, however, a slightly erotic tone, and resembled the laughter aroused by the jokes in our own spinning-rooms, by games of forfeits, and by other harmless jokes exchanged in intercourse between the sexes, although the occasions and accompanying circumstances must be so very different among truly primitive people." naked savages are, however, not devoid of sexual modesty. it shows itself immediately when any remark addressed to them can be construed as an invitation to sexual intercourse, or when coarse jokes are made about sexual subjects. this is clearly shown in an account by koch-grünberg (i., p. ). his european companion wanted to perform a kind of stomach dance before some savage indians of the upper rio negro, such as is danced in places of ill repute in brazilian towns. the very indecent movements of the dancer caused the women and girls to retire shyly. the european in his attempt to "entertain" the company failed completely. yet one can converse quietly with these indians on all sexual subjects so long as they are natural; it is only obscenity that shocks them. according to eylmann, the australians, at least the men, show no modesty in sex matters, though they are by no means devoid of it in other respects. thus, _e.g._, they are ashamed of any mutilation of their bodies. young men do not cover their sex organs, but the old ones do so, because they seem to be aware that this part of the body, of which they were once so proud, bears signs of old age. the women also rarely make use of an apron, yet they show clearly marked sexual modesty. a woman is always very careful not to expose the external sex organs when she sits or lies down in the presence of men. the greatest decency is observed during the time of menstruation. in indonesia the feeling of modesty among those tribes that are in constant contact with europeans is essentially different from that of the tribes less under foreign influence. thus nieuwenhuis (i., pp. , ) mentions, for instance, the bahaus and kenyas of central borneo. of these the latter are only slightly influenced by the mohammedan malays, the former, however, relatively much more so. although members of both tribes bathe completely naked, yet the bahaus dress immediately after the bath, whilst the kenyas go naked to and from the bath. the kenya women also go naked to the spring to bring water and to bathe their children. whilst getting the boats through the rapids the kenya men take off their loin-cloths, but the bahau men never do this. when nieuwenhuis' expedition stayed some time among the kenyas, it was noticed that the people got out of the habit of going about naked at times. this was only because the malays and bahaus belonging to the expedition had told the kenyas that the white people objected to the naked appearance of the natives (which was not correct). nieuwenhuis adds: "it can thus be seen what a great _rôle_ acquired modesty plays in the evolution of clothes." the clothing of the present-day dyaks serves as a protection against the heat of the sun, and in the mountains against cold, and as a prevention of the darkening of the skin (which, particularly in women, is considered ugly); it is also used as an ornament and to scare enemies, but never for the concealment of the body. the dyaks show shame when made embarrassed before other people; on such occasions they blush right down to the breast. nieuwenhuis made use of this circumstance in the case of the bahaus in order to make them keep their promises and do their duties (ii., p. ). the eskimos in the far north of america are, as a rule, thickly clothed; but it is quite usual for them to go about naked in their snow huts without any thought of offending against decency. whoever lives for a time among naked savages becomes accustomed to their nakedness, and does not feel anything objectionable in it. Æsthetically there is this disadvantage, that the sick and the aged look very repulsive in their decline; but then again youth and strength show off to great advantage in nakedness. if the origin of clothing is not due to sexual modesty, it would at first appear strange that so many naked savages cover their sexual organs either completely or partly, wearing a pubic apron or some similar arrangement. the contrivances used are sometimes so small that they can hardly have been intended as coverings. thus the women of the karaib, aruak, and tupi tribes in the xingui region all wear a triangular piece of bark bast not more than centimetres wide and centimetres high. the lower end of the triangle runs into a perineal strip of hard bark about millimetres wide. two narrow cords coming from the two upper ends pass along the groins, and meet the narrow perineal strip coming from the lower end of the triangle. these _uluri_ only just cover the beginning of the pubic cleft, pressing tightly on it. the triangle does not reach the introitus vaginæ, which is, however, closed, or at least kept inwards, by the pressure exerted by the tightened strip of bast running from front to back. similar binders are used by the indian women of central brazil. the binder used by the trumai women is twisted into a cord, serving still less as a cover. in fact, none of these binders serve as covers, but they are intended to close up and to protect the mucous membrane. this also applies to the binders used by the various peoples living on the islands of the pacific ocean, as, _e.g._, by the mafulus of papua. various contrivances are also to be met with among many primitive men which seem to have the purpose of protecting the penis, and which really achieve that end. among certain tribes of brazil penis wraps made from palm straw are worn; other tribes use a t-shaped bandage, which is also very common in polynesia, micronesia and melanesia. the penis is pulled up by means of the t-bandage, the testicles remaining free. sometimes old men use a broad band, under which they can also push the testicles. in the new hebrides, new caledonia, and other places, the penis is tightly bandaged, and is drawn up and fastened to the girdle by means of a cord or band, the testicles hanging free. calabashes are also used to protect the penis. in melanesia the penis pin goes with the calabash. georg friederici (p. ) says about its use: "the penis pin, which is the shape of a wooden knitting needle, is stuck into the hair near the comb, and is often brought into use. the calabash, which serves the purpose of protecting the penis against injury in the bush and attacks from insects, has the disadvantage of easily becoming loose and filling quickly with water during swimming and wading. after every passage of a river reaching above the pubic region a halt had to be made, during which my men took off their calabashes and emptied them; then they put a new layer of green leaves into the round opening, stuck the penis in, and, with the help of the penis pin, pushed it in until it had completely disappeared and the calabash lay close to the abdomen." when sitting round the camp fire, and at other times, the men can be seen drawing the pins from their hair and making their toilet. the covering of the penis is undoubtedly intended as a protection of the sensitive glans. thus in the brazilian forest the penis becomes endangered by spines of leaves being brushed off the branches and boring themselves deeply into the flesh; the spines get torn when pulled out, and cause painful inflammations. for warding off insects the women of many indian tribes have tassels hanging in front of the sex organs. in the northern territory of australia both men and women wear such tassels. there are still greater dangers in the wilderness. in brazil there exists a small fish (_cetopsis candiru_) which has a tendency towards boring itself into any of the exposed orifices of the body. it slips into the urethra, and is prevented by its fins from getting out again, and thus may easily bring about the death of the victim, to whom nothing remains but to attempt an impromptu operation by slitting open the urethra with his knife. friederici remarks that it is just in those regions of tropical america where the protection of the penis is most prevalent that fish with sharp teeth (pygocentrus species) are to be found which have a tendency towards attacking protruding unprotected parts of the body, thus often causing castration in men. there is no foundation for the assumption of adolf gerson that men invented the apron or resorted to binding up of the penis in order to hide its erection, which would make them appear ridiculous, for sex matters do not appear ridiculous to primitive people. in fact, such contrivances cannot hide sexual excitement. many peoples who use them do not even have the wish to keep their excitement secret. habituation to nakedness ultimately lessens the stimulus to excitement. the following fact, stated by friederici, is worthy of notice: "during the many months in which i lived exclusively among the natives i never saw even the slightest sign of an erection in sleeping men, nor have i ever heard or read that any one else has noticed such a thing among naked primitive peoples, untouched by civilisation." clothing has nothing to do with sexual feelings or modesty among primitive people. to the people living in the tropics clothes are essentially ornamental; they are worn for reasons of vanity, not out of modesty. this can be well observed in those cases where loin-cloths which actually cover up the pubic region are raised without any consideration for people present, if there is any danger of their becoming soiled or injured. the malay women in the central part of luzon (philippines), when working in the fields, discard their wrappings without worrying in the least if observed by the men. it is the same in other places. as has been said before, among some naked peoples it is the custom for the men to fasten up the penis without any covering under a hip band. in other places they tie up the foreskin with a thread. by this means protection is also given to the glans, but it is questionable whether this was always the origin of this custom. in fact, it is doubtful whether the need for protection was always the only reason for the wearing of sheaths, binders, etc., for at least among some of the people it is connected with some ceremonial which implies its sexual significance. in the case of women, another factor may have played a _rôle_, viz., the fact that menstruation is considered an illness, as may be seen in the widespread custom of treating girls medically during menstruation. the binder may have been intended to counteract the loss of blood. the stretching of the foreskin which results from the use of penis wraps, penis binders, etc., may be looked upon as a precaution against phimosis, serving the same purpose as circumcision does among numerous peoples. sexual modesty with regard to the naked body cannot be considered innate in mankind, for it is unknown among many naked peoples. on the other hand, there is an instinctive tendency in man to hide from his fellows the effluvia of the sexual and digestive organs. thus h. ellis (p. ) gives a good explanation of the impulse towards concealment during the sex act: "both male and female need to guard themselves during the exercise of their sexual activities from jealous rivals, as well as from enemies who might take advantage of their position to attack them. it is highly probable that this is one important factor in the constitution of modesty, and it helps to explain how the male, not less than the female, cultivates modesty and shuns publicity in the exercise of sexual functions." the idea, begotten from fear, that sexual intercourse must be kept secret, became easily extended to the feeling that such intercourse was in itself wrong. the mystery surrounding sexual intercourse has certainly been one of the factors leading to its concealment. primitive man has a tendency towards endowing with supernatural powers all processes that he cannot understand; they become sacred, and hence have to be carried out in privacy. the feeling of disgust may perhaps be an additional reason for the concealment of the sex act. the objects arousing disgust vary among different peoples according to the conditions of their lives; but almost everywhere dangerous things are classed under this category, to which belong, according to the notion of primitive people, the discharges from the sexual and digestive organs. it thus comes about that primitive man is ashamed of urinating and defæcating even before persons of his own sex. even the lowest savage will seek out a very secluded spot for the fulfilment of these functions. thus koch-grünberg, for instance, says: "the indian goes deep into the wood for a certain business, comparing favourably in this respect with our own peasants." friederici writes of the melanesians that they are not at all ashamed to show the sexual parts, but are extremely shy of exposing the anus, and will always avoid letting themselves be seen during defæcation. in the central districts the people betake themselves for this purpose early in the morning to some outlying place, while those living near the sea go to the beach, each person keeping as far away as possible from his neighbour. the africans that have not yet become spoiled by contact with strangers also seek remote places (weule and schweinfurth). the negroes, however, who are under mohammedan influence, approach in this respect the beasts of the field. the tales of licentiousness among primitive people that are to be found in old works of travel are mostly invented or grossly exaggerated. looseness and laxity do not exist anywhere, though the unwritten laws which regulate the behaviour of the sexes are different from ours. unbridled indulgence is nowhere to be found; the public performance of the sex act takes place only exceptionally among some peoples, and then for ceremonial purposes. even where, on festival occasions, marital intercourse takes place as a matter of course, the couples disappear into the darkness. so far as can be judged from ethnological literature, europeans have rarely had the opportunity of observing the sex act, and then nearly exclusively among the african negroes, who must be reckoned the most sensual of all existing peoples. (see the works of leo frobenius and georg schweinfurth.) ii pre-marital freedom and conjugal fidelity travellers and missionaries, seeing things merely from the standpoint of european civilisation, have for a long time attributed to primitive people conceptions of sexual behaviour like our own. but the real truth could not be hidden for long. it is now firmly established that the moral ideas of primitive people differ as widely from ours as does their sense of modesty. they do not consider sexual intercourse _per se_ as immoral, and generally allow unmarried people full liberty. it is only where a more advanced civilisation leads to material considerations in the matter of sex relationship that, as a rule, this liberty is restricted or entirely in abeyance. should any consequences ensue from the practice of free love, the lover is generally in duty bound to marry the girl. among some tribes, however, no such obligation exists; the lover may break off his connection with the pregnant girl. frequently in cases of pre-marital pregnancy abortion is resorted to, which is very prevalent among primitive races. among some people, on the contrary, a girl who has had a child gets married the more easily, for she has given proof of her fertility. besides, the child will be an additional worker in the house. most peoples demand conjugal fidelity from their married women, though we shall hear of some exceptions. it is certainly not correct, as buschan ( , p. ) says, that the rules concerning sexual intercourse are stringent throughout for women, and that only in a childless marriage may a woman take up with another man. among many peoples, living so far apart as asia, australia, oceania and africa, we find that married men and women are in certain cases allowed intercourse with other persons. the full meaning of this arrangement is as yet unknown. the idea of sexual purity is not innate nor unchangeable. ethnographical research has fully proved that purity in our sense of the term is unknown even to-day among many peoples, and that there exist no restrictions upon sexual intercourse except for the prevention of cohabitation among blood relations. a greater or less degree of sexual liberty before marriage prevails among most of those peoples in asia that are not under the influence of islam, buddhism and hinduism. indeed, it even exists among some uncivilised hindu tribes, as, _e.g._, among the lower hindu castes of kashmir and of the punjab mountains, the various lower castes of agra-oudh, in the central provinces and berar, and in southern india; but they restrict pre-marital relationship to persons of their own community. most dravidian races, however, forbid intercourse between members of the same exogamic group, though it takes place at times in spite of this. the mongolian races generally show indifference in this respect. thus t. c. hudson (p. ) says of the nagas in manipur that they are conspicuous for their exceptionally loose pre-marital relationship, although they demand strict fidelity in marriage. pre-marital intercourse between persons to whom marriage is forbidden is not considered improper, which may be due to the fact that the nagas, like the australian tribes, are ignorant of the process of generation. among many native indian tribes the grown-up children do not sleep in their parents' huts, but in houses of their own, in which they commonly visit each other by night. should a girl become pregnant, the probable father is expected to marry her. if he refuses, he has to pay damages, and the girl is at liberty to marry some one else, which she can do without any difficulty. sometimes abortion is resorted to, especially when both persons belong to the same exogamic group, the members of which are not allowed to intermarry. the tribes of baroda, the maduvars of madras, and the ghasyas of the united provinces, permit a probationary period of cohabitation. it is considered no disgrace for a girl if the trial marriage does not result in a permanent marriage. among the garos it is an unwritten law that after certain great festivals young men and women may sleep together. otherwise these garos, like the tribes and castes previously referred to, are strictly monogamous. sexual promiscuity often occurs after feasts, and it is not restricted to the unmarried (playfair, p. ). it is only seldom that unfaithfulness on the part of married women is tolerated. but there are exceptions. gait states that in the djamna mountains the women of the thakkar, megh, and other low castes lead just as unrestrained a life after marriage as before. the djats of baluchistan are in ill repute because they incite their married women to unfaithfulness, if any advantage can be obtained thereby for the men. certain nomadic castes, such as the mirasis, prostitute their women, and the love affairs of married women of the servant class meet with no opposition whatever. in the eastern region of djamba, in the punjab, the husband is expected to allow a guest free entrance to the women's chambers. in the western part of this province the djats and pathans will often take back married women who have eloped, and not rarely a husband will recognise as his own a son who may have been born while the woman was away. in southern india married women enjoy a great deal of sexual freedom, especially in those communities where the descent is reckoned in the female line. where marriage between cousins is customary, grown-up girls are often married to quite young boys. during the immaturity of the husband the wife is allowed to have sexual relations with the father of her child husband or another near relation, sometimes even with any one member of the caste chosen by her. this custom also exists in kashmir, not only among the ladakhis, but also among other low hindu castes, and is also to be found in other parts of the world. many south indian castes allow their married women much freedom with the relatives of their husbands. the tootiyans go so far as to forbid a husband to enter his house if he finds the door locked and a relation's shoe before it. the maloyali, a mountain tribe, accept unfaithfulness on the part of their wives quite lightly, unless the partner belongs to another caste; if a woman lives for a time with a lover and has children during this time, the husband will on her return recognise the children as his own. the state of affairs is similar among the kudans and parivarams. many low hindu castes in north kanara allow their women extra-marital intercourse with men of their own or of a higher caste. among some castes, such as the irulas and kurumbas, formal marriage is completely unknown, an almost unbridled sexual promiscuity taking its place. a korawa of madras who has debts to pay either pawns or simply sells his wife. the todas and other polyandrous communities of south india do not know jealousy (rivers, , p. ; iyer, i., p. ). an exception to the rule that faithfulness in marriage is more strictly enforced than purity before marriage is to be found among the pongalakapus of madras, who allow extra-marital intercourse of married women, but punish that of unmarried girls and widows (gait). the veddahs of ceylon, who, according to paul and fritz sarasin, are physically and intellectually of the lowest human type, practise monogamy, which lasts until the death of one of the partners. marital unfaithfulness is rare, and leads to heavy punishment of the offending rival, who, as a rule, is assassinated. only where foreign influence has become apparent is there a tendency to dissolve marriage before death (paul and fritz sarasin). hose and macdougall mention that among the nomadic hunting tribes of inner borneo "the women are chaster after marriage than before." apparently neither sex practises much restraint. a girl's pregnancy generally results in her marriage with the father of the expected child. amongst the settled tribes of borneo a young man seeks a love affair as soon as he is attracted to the other sex; he may have relations with several girls one after another, but generally marries early. the marriage age of the men is about twenty, of the girls still earlier. there is no information about their marital fidelity. the dutchmen hinlopen and severijn state that in they found on the poggi islands, on the west coast of sumatra, a state of complete promiscuity. some of the men are said to get married, but only very late, between the ages of forty and fifty, when their detailed tattooing is completed; it is only seldom that a young man takes a separate wife. g. a. wilken enumerates the following east indian communities as living in sexual promiscuity: the lubus, the orang-sakai of malacca, the olo-ot, and other bornean tribes; the inhabitants of the island peling. he adduces no evidence, however; and his statement is certainly incorrect as far as the sakai of malacca are concerned. among the non-christian tribes of the philippine islands considerable pre-marital liberty prevails. among the igorotes, _e.g._, the dormitory of the unmarried girls (the _olag_) serves also as the pairing place of the marriageable young people. in the villages young people, joking and laughing, can frequently be seen going about wrapped in one blanket and with their arms round each other. there is no secrecy about the wooing; it is carried on mainly in the _olag_. marriage rarely takes place without previous intercourse, and seldom before the girl is pregnant. an exception to this rule only occurs when a rich man marries a girl against her will at the parents' wish. not infrequently a young man has affairs with two or three girls at one and the same time. the girls quite openly and unmistakably invite the men to go with them into the _olag_. as soon as a girl becomes pregnant, she at once joyfully informs the father of the child, for these people are very fond of children. if the man refuses to marry the girl, there is likely to be tears, but no one is much concerned about the infidelity itself, because the girl can find a husband later on in spite of her having borne a child; indeed, the more so, as there can be no doubt of her fertility. it is not customary for married men to enter the _olag_. a young man, however, can go there if his former love has remained single and welcomes him, because she still has hopes of becoming his wife, for it is easy to get a separation, and if a man can afford it, he may have two or three wives, though polygamy is rare. a man whose wife is pregnant does not visit the _olag_, for it is feared that this may bring about a premature birth and cause the death of the child. married women apparently remain always faithful (a. e. jenks, p. ). ferdinand blumentritt makes a statement, based on spanish information, that the girls' houses of the igorotes serve the purpose of ensuring pre-marital purity. this, however, is incorrect. very similar customs prevail among the naga tribes of assam (peal, pp. _et seq._). the pure senoi and semang tribes of the malay peninsula practise strict monogamy. marriage takes place at an early age, sometimes between boys of fourteen and girls of thirteen. even betrothals of children seem to occur. marital unfaithfulness is punished with death (martin, , p. ). in many districts of australia, indeed, among the majority of the natives of the australian continent, there exist two forms of sexual union side by side. the one form consists in a girl's being given in marriage to one man without regard to the difference in ages, and also without any consideration for feelings of personal sympathy. indeed, such is hardly possible, for the girls are given to the men at a very young age. the main cause of these unions is apparently economic. it ensures the man a housekeeper for himself who has to gather the largest share of provisions, for the result of the man's hunting yields only a very small part of the absolutely essential food. a man may have, according to his social position, one or more such housekeepers. in addition, each man and woman may form a union with one or more of the other sex merely for the purpose of sexual intercourse. unlike the "marriages" previously mentioned, these unions do not take place without any formality--there is a special ceremony for the occasion. they do not last for life, at least among some of the tribes, but are regulated from time to time. this form of sexual union is generally called _pirauru_ in ethnographical literature, after the designation in use among the tribes of the dieri, where this kind of sex community was first observed. the men of a _pirauru_ group are either consanguineous or collateral brothers, members of one and the same subdivision of the tribe; similarly, the women of a _pirauru_ group are consanguineous or collateral sisters. sexual intercourse with a _pirauru_ wife is allowed during the absence of the husband who is her usual mate, and also at special festivals. when a man's housekeeper dies, her children are cared for by one of his _pirauru_ wives until he gets another housekeeper. without the institution of _pirauru_, the younger men would be barred from sexual intercourse. many of them are without housekeepers, as most of the young women are in the possession of the older influential men. it has been said that the old men are often killed by the young men on this account (spencer, p. ). the majority of the tribes that have the institution of _pirauru_ are ignorant of the connection between sexual intercourse and conception (see chapter vi.). it is therefore not the production of progeny which seems to be the purpose of a common household between man and woman, nor of the _pirauru_ unions. institutions similar to the australian _pirauru_ also exist outside australia. codrington (p. ) has established the fact that in the solomon islands and in other parts of melanesia a woman of an exogamic group who is not yet married to one particular man may legitimately have sexual intercourse with all men of another exogamic group who are her potential husbands. the exogamic groups play a far more important _rôle_ than individual marriage. in the fijian islands every man has the right to sexual intercourse with his wife's sisters. on special ceremonial occasions intercourse is permitted between those groups of men and women who stand in the relationship of possible conjugal partners (thomson, p. ). pre-marital sexual freedom of both sexes exists, or did exist, all over the south sea islands before the advent of european influence. thus, _e.g._, robert w. williamson (pp. - ) writes of the mafulus, in the mountains of new guinea, that unmarried youths and maidens are allowed to associate with each other without any precautions. there exists a good deal of "immorality." even after marriage (which takes place with an elaborate pretence of bride capture) husband and wife are, as a rule, not faithful to each other, the marriage bond being very loose. but it is said that unfaithfulness on the part of the women (though not of the men) is considered a great offence. the injured husband used to have the right of killing the guilty man, which he did, as a rule, until the british authorities put an end to the practice. nowadays the deceived husband is generally satisfied if he receives a pig or some other article of value from the guilty rival. in africa sexual community is allowed at certain periods among the hereros (brinker, p. ). among many other bantu tribes sexual communism is customary, particularly at the initiation of the young people. the girls, too, are allowed to choose male partners for a time, and among many tribes of south africa it was customary for the girls who refused to be given to men against their will. the colonial government has now put a stop to this (theal). the statements about the hottentots of south africa vary. but the custom of _sore_, which is found among them, seems to point to the existence of an institution similar to the australian _pirauru_. schultze (pp. , ) thinks that illicit love was punished among the hottentots before the extensive immigration of the white people into south africa led to the overthrow of their old customs. either the guilty couple were beaten, with the consent of the parents, or the lover received, in addition to his own, his sweetheart's share of punishment. but schultze mentions also that the institution of _sore_, intended ostensibly for the exchange of love gifts, really means in many cases a secret agreement for intimate extra-marital relationship, though it is generally quite honourable. this institution is by no means an innovation. the hamitic tribes of east africa, who belong to the most warlike races of mankind, permit pre-marital intercourse of both sexes. a. c. hollis ( , pp. , ) says of the nandi; "the unmarried warriors, as many as ten, sleep in the huts called _sigiroinet_, where the girls visit them and remain with them a few days, living with them in free love." married women are not allowed to enter these huts. when the warriors go away for a time or go to war, their sweethearts keep the huts in order. real "family life" is unknown, for the bigger boys and girls also live alone in special huts or together with the old women; the little boys who serve the warriors sleep in their houses. there is no publicly recognised punishment for adultery; but if a husband discovers another man not belonging to his _mat_ (one of the subdivisions of each of the seven age classes) with his wife or one of his wives, he beats him severely. adultery is also not considered wrong when it concerns a couple that have previously lived together in free love in the warriors' house, even when the woman does not belong to a _mat_ comrade. when a nandi travels and wishes to remain somewhere overnight, he must first of all apply to another member of his _mat_ in the place. if there is one, and both men are married, the latter gives hospitality to the guest, commissions his wife to fulfil his wishes, and leaves the hut in order to sleep elsewhere. the wife pours water over the hands of the guest, brings him a stool and food, puts his weapons into a place of safety, and spends the night with him. should there be no member of his _mat_ in the place, the traveller betakes himself to a member of the nearest _mat_; and, after having explained the situation, he is treated exactly as if both men belonged to the same _mat_. members of different age classes do not offer each other hospitality or expect it. if the traveller is unmarried, he spends the night in the warriors' hut. children born before marriage are killed by the nandis, only one group making an exception to this rule. the masai have when travelling the same customs as the nandis. sexual intercourse with a girl or woman of the same age class is not considered wrong. a warrior marries the girl he makes pregnant. children born before marriage are considered a disgrace. a person who has relations with a woman belonging to the paternal age class must beg pardon of the older men and give as reparation two oxen or a commensurate quantity of honey wine. an old man who has sexual intercourse with his daughter or with another girl of her age is severely punished, if the affair comes to light: he is beaten, his kraal is pulled down, and his cattle are killed _ad libitum_ (hollis, , pp. , , ). of the conditions existing among the baganda in east africa the missionary john roscoe (p. ) gives us the following picture: "neither the men nor the women controlled their sexual cravings unless insurmountable obstacles came in the way. women, however, could only attain their aims by stratagem. if an unmarried girl became pregnant, the guilty man had to pay a fine, and he was induced to marry the girl. if a husband discovered his wife with another man, he had the right to kill them both. nevertheless the married women kept in strict seclusion used to receive lovers, which even the most dreadful punishments for adultery could not prevent." it has to be noticed that the social formation of classes was already greatly developed among the baganda at the time described by roscoe. the wealthy men were in a position to have as many wives as they could support, so that there was a scarcity of women for the remaining men. it is not remarkable, therefore, that these tried to meet this fact by force and cunning. although married women were secluded, single girls had a fair amount of liberty. among the bushmen of south africa, now nearly extinct, husband and wife remained faithful to each other for life. but if they became tired of each other, no hindrance was put in the way of separation and remarriage. a second husband, however, or a second wife was most probably never accepted into the family; their passionate temperament was against it (theal). about the indians of north-west brazil koch-grünberg relates: "whilst young girls enjoy the greatest liberty, their purity not being necessarily above suspicion, marriage itself is generally on a higher plane; a married couple are rarely unfaithful to each other." koch-grünberg has never noticed even the semblance of indecent behaviour between married people, nor under normal circumstances any serious quarrels or ugly scenes. the same or similar conditions prevail nearly all over south america where european influence is not yet predominant. karl von den steinen (p. ) mentions one exception to this rule. the bororos, who live on the st. lourenco river, and who were visited by him, have greatly degenerated, thanks to the civilising arts of the brazilians. a marriage is concluded without any formality and without the consent of the parents. the young wife remains with her children in her parents' house. the young husband only spends the night there; during the day he lives in the men's house when he is not hunting. the young couple have a hearth for themselves, the grandmother with the grandchildren sitting somewhat apart. thus it remains up to the death of the grandparents. the grandmother suckles the child when the young wife accompanies her husband on the hunt or fetches palm nuts from the woods; she still has milk when her children marry. young unmarried men live together in special men's houses. they look out betimes for wives. there are two customs which deserve our interest. a girl's ear-lobes are bored by her future husband. if he himself does not marry her, his son does so. furthermore, the man who puts the penis cuff on a boy becomes related to him and marries his sister or his aunt. girls were taken to the men's house quite openly by day, or were caught at night. these girls were not married to one man; any children born were fathered on those men with whom the girl had had relations. this state of affairs is the result of the overweening power wielded by the older men. the women are their possession, and a regular income of arrows and trinkets is earned by hiring out the girls to the men's house. unnatural intercourse is not unknown in the men's house, but it occurs only when there is an exceptionally great scarcity of girls. according to a statement of a native, the same conditions prevail in the remote villages, where some only of the members of a tribe have permanent possession of the women. but such information given by the natives must be accepted with great caution. no similar customs have become known anywhere else in south america. in north america the young people also had great liberty, but the married women dared not break their faith. among many tribes, especially the nomadic hunting tribes, there existed patriarchal conditions, with complete subordination of the women. intercourse with any one but their rightful husbands was taken in bad part. nowadays the indians of north america, with the exception of a small remnant living in the canadian tundra, have come under the influence of christianity. the probable existence of an earlier sex communism among the north american indians has been described in full by l. h. morgan. f. nansen reports that among the christian eskimos of the west coast of greenland the girls do not consider pre-marital motherhood as a disgrace. the green hair-band which the unmarried mothers have to wear is put on by them long before it is necessary. the young greenland girls do not deem any concealment of their love affairs necessary. in east greenland, which has not yet been reached by christianity, it is customary for a man who wants a wife simply to abduct the girl from her house or tent. the abduction is often only a pretence, for the couple have settled it all between themselves. formerly this form of marriage was in vogue all over greenland. the relations look on quietly, for it is all a private affair of those immediately concerned. should the girl really not wish to have the suitor, she will defend herself until she quietens down or the wooer renounces her. divorce also takes place without any difficulties; but generally the marriage is continued if there is a child, particularly if it should be a boy. if a man covets the wife of another, he will take her without any hesitation, if he is the stronger. among the non-christian eskimos most of the skilful hunters have two wives, but never more. the first wife is generally looked upon as the superior. temporary exchange of wives occurs up to the present time even among the christians on the west coast, especially when the people have to spend the summer hunting the reindeer in the interior of the country. as a rule, married people live on exceptionally good terms with each other. among the netchili eskimos near the magnetic north pole, however, conjugal harmony is, according to roald amundsen, not of the best. as a rule, the wife only escapes being beaten when she is stronger than the man. exchange of women is quite common. most of the girls are destined from birth for certain men, though sometimes things do not turn out as the parents wish it. when the girl is fourteen years old she seeks out her bridegroom, or he comes to her. there is no wedding. amundsen doubts whether the couple have, as a rule, any tender feelings towards each other. the girl is just given to the man by the parents, the man marrying her in order to have one more domestic drudge, for in reality the wife is nothing more nor less than a domestic animal. most eskimos offer their wives to any one. among the kamchadales, chukchee, jukagiers and tunguses of north asia the girls have pre-marital liberty, and there exists no marital fidelity. w. bogoras (p. ) describes "group marriage" among the chukchee, which seems to be an institution similar to the australian _pirauru_. there are groups, consisting of up to ten men or women, that have the right to sexual intercourse with each other; "but this right is comparatively rarely taken advantage of, only when a man has for some reason to visit the camp of one of his group companions. the host then gives up to him his place in the sleeping room, and if possible leaves the house for the night, going, for instance, to his flock. afterwards the host generally seeks an opportunity of returning the visit, so as to exercise his rights in turn." the sex communities are generally composed of neighbours and friends. the offspring of brothers and sisters in the second and third generations are, as a rule, united in the same sex community, but not brothers. bogoras thinks that the communities were originally limited to members of a group who were related, and were only later extended to other people; the ceremonies at the formation of a group seem to imply this. the persons concerned bring sacrifices and anoint themselves with blood, first in the one and then in the other camp. the admission into a group of persons who greatly diverge from each other in age is not welcomed, and single men are also not willingly admitted. the inhabitants of one and the same camp are seldom willing to form a sex community, for reciprocal relationship is intended as an exception rather than the rule, though there are deviations from this rule. every individual family of the chukchee belongs in practice to some sex community. should a family keep to themselves, it would indicate that they had no friends and no protectors in time of need. the children of members of a sex community are reckoned as near blood relations, and may not marry one another. it is quite different among the koryaks, the neighbours of the chukchee. they demand abstinence from the girls before marriage, and there is rarely any transgression against this law. pregnancy before marriage is a disgrace, and unmarried mothers are forced to give birth in the wilderness. children born before marriage are killed. after the advent of puberty the girls sleep in their "combinations," which are fashioned in such a way as to exclude undesirable intercourse. intercourse between engaged couples is also looked upon as sinful. sometimes the girl lives with relatives in another place for a time, or is kept hidden until the bridegroom works off at her parents' home the service which he owes to them. incest is strictly avoided, for it is feared that the evil-doers must die in consequence of it. the various prohibitions existing at the present day with regard to the marriage of certain consanguineous or adopted relations are only of recent date; they were unknown formerly (jochelson, p. ). perhaps the other existing sexual customs are also the result of missionary activities. the above examples, chosen at random, plainly show that the conceptions of sexual morality generally held by primitive people are different from those prevalent under european civilisation. very often these primitive customs have been greatly influenced or altogether exterminated by the example or the power of the european colonists. whether this was of benefit to the races cannot be discussed here. after all, european morality is not so very superior to that of the "savages." as georg friederici (p. ) pertinently says: "almost everywhere in our society we shut our eyes to the fact that our young men do what is forbidden to them, but is permitted to the melanesian and polynesian girls. we admit the state regulation of prostitution or, to avoid greater scandal, even street prostitution; yet we set out in moral indignation to reform the customs of primitive peoples which have proved their value and are consistent with their moral laws. having nothing better to put in their place, we merely introduce among them what happens to be our own canker." everywhere the fight against the traditional moral ideals has resulted merely in the introduction of prostitution, with all its corruption. we should therefore refrain from reforms that are misplaced, and should not attack customs that cannot be replaced by better ones, and that do not stand in the way of colonisation. iii courtship customs very often we find among primitive people that marriage is preceded by a pretended bride capture, though the couple themselves and their relations have agreed to the union. this gave occasion to the belief that the capture of women was formerly a widespread and original form of marriage. the pretended capture does not, however, seem to imply the existence of true "marriage by capture," but rather seems to indicate the fact that formerly brides were often given to men against their will and had to be forced to go with them. the fact that often the abducting bridegroom is in fun beaten by the brothers or other male relations of the girl does not exclude this conclusion, for the thrashing may be a later embellishment of the game of abduction, its purpose being to increase the pleasure of the guests by satisfying their spectacular desire. it is worthy of note that in assam among the matriarchal garos there is a pretended capture of the bridegroom. it would be a mistake to conclude from this that formerly mother-rule actually existed among the garos. in the report on the ethnographical survey of the indian central provinces (v., p. ) it is stated that it was formerly customary among the kulams to capture men for those of their girls who would otherwise have remained unmarried. among the peoples whose girls are married at a very young age no wooing is customary, as, _e.g._, among the dravidian indians, the australians, their near relations, and others. marriage in these cases takes place without any or with very little ceremony (jagor, spencer, howitt). it has been impossible so far in india to check the evil custom of child marriage; on the contrary, it is becoming more prevalent among the animistic tribes. child engagements rather than child marriages are prevalent among many peoples, as among the asiatic polar races and the eskimos of north america. but among most of these peoples free courtship exists. thus jochelson writes about the koryaks in the extreme north-east of asia: "if a koryak falls in love with a girl, he generally sends a match-maker to the father of the girl; but this is not always the case, and particularly so if the parents do not agree to the son's choice. frequently the young man, without telling anybody of his intentions, goes to the girl's home and does all the work there which is seemly for a man. the father-in-law accepts his services also in silence. if he is pleased with the bridegroom, he entrusts him with commissions; otherwise he lets him feel that he must leave the house. the bridegroom's service lasts from six months to three years. this service cannot be conceived as 'payment' for the bride, for the wealthier of the konaks could pay with reindeer instead of working off the price of the bride. besides, the bride receives a dowry of reindeer, which is worth much more than the service given by the son-in-law. this service is only an empty formality, if the wooer is an older man. it rather seems as if the main purpose of the service is to put the bridegroom to the test, for it is not the actual work done that is of most importance, but the harsh treatment that he has to endure and the meagre and laborious life that he is forced to lead. the service comes to an end whenever the father-in-law decides. the man then leads his bride home without any formality, although she at first pretends to struggle against it; she gives up this pretence as soon as the man succeeds in touching her sex organs. should a girl really not care for the man intended for her, she will attempt to escape in reality; but she is ultimately forced by her parents into marriage. often, however, the girl's inclination is taken into consideration before she is given into marriage." among the inland tribes of borneo young people get married as soon as they have reached maturity. the young man sends a confidential friend to the parents of the girl desired, who, as a matter of form, make objections and invent all manner of excuses. only after the second or third visit of the go-between is the matter taken at all seriously and a decision arrived at. if the parents agree, they receive from the go-between presents sent by the bridegroom, and the girl sends her lover strings of pearls. the time of the new moon is considered the best time for marriage. the wedding day is kept count of by both parties having strings with an equal number of knots, from which one knot is cut off each day. the marriage is celebrated with festivities, the bridegroom and guests appearing in war dress; there is great feasting and much ceremony (hose and mcdougall, ii., pp. _et seq._). among the mafulu, a hill tribe of new guinea, child engagements are frequent, but the courting of adults seems to predominate. r. w. williamson writes (p. ) that in one case known to him a girl of sixteen or seventeen years old was looked upon as married to the yet unborn son of a chief. when the boy died in early childhood, the girl was reckoned to be his widow. if a young mafulu youth wishes to marry and does not know where to look for a bride, he will sometimes light a fire outside the village; he will wait to see in which direction the next gust of wind will blow the smoke, and there he will turn to seek a wife. often the youth carries about with him a bag with small pieces of wood and stone. he rubs a piece of tobacco between two pieces and sends it to the girl of his choice by one of her female relatives. he believes that by this procedure the girl's heart will be turned towards him through some mysterious power. the young men often obtain the necessary pieces of wood or stone from a magician. the offer of marriage is also made through a third person, generally a woman. the consent of the parents is necessary; the marriage takes place without any special ceremony. among the pigmy races of asia and africa child marriage exists side by side with adult courtship. of the negritos of zambales (philippine islands) w. a. reed (p. ) says that the suitor has to pay a price for the bride. the parents try to bargain for as much as possible, and it is only when these demands have been fulfilled that the daughter has any choice in the matter. the young man who has found a suitable girl informs his family of the fact; they decide how much the girl is worth and how much must be paid for her. thereupon the suitor or a relative inquires of the girl's family whether they agree to the marriage. if they do, the purchase price is brought within a few days, and in case this proves satisfactory to the parents these give their consent. in many cases the girls are already in early youth promised to the boys chosen by the parents, but the children remain with their parents until maturity. sometimes little girls are given to grown-up men, so that the difference in ages is great, and the girls very unwillingly obey their parents' will. when two families have daughters _and_ sons the girls are exchanged as wives without either of the families paying a price. it is said that slaves and stolen strange children are given as payment for the bride. it is doubtful, however, according to w. a. reed, whether this still occurs. in many parts of the country the settlement of the price is followed by feasting and dancing, at which pretended capture of the bride plays a great _rôle_. among the hamites of east africa the custom exists of assigning girls still far from mature as wives to certain adult men. if, _e.g._, a masai wishes to marry, he courts a very young girl, whose father receives presents repeatedly. after the ritual operation is performed upon the girl the young man goes to live in the house of his father-in-law, bringing with him as gifts three cows and two oxen. when the time comes for taking the bride home, an additional present of three sheep is made. the girl puts on her bridal dress and follows the man without further ceremony. a man who possesses a big herd of cattle can have many wives, some rich men having as many as ten or twenty wives (hollis, , pp. , ). among the negroes adult people have the right to choose their mates, though choice is restricted through various traditional considerations. child engagements are not uncommon. thus among the bantus it is even to-day often customary to assign children at an early age to each other for marriage. weule (p. ) says of the jaos in east africa: "it is a general custom for a woman who has just given birth to a child to say to a pregnant neighbour: 'i have a daughter' (or 'a son'); 'if your child proves to be a son' (or 'a daughter'), 'they shall marry each other.' the other generally agrees, and this arrangement is adhered to later. for adults there exist no special rules in the choice of mates nowadays, and it is doubtful whether such existed previously. if a serf wants to marry, he tells his father, who informs the master. the latter then speaks with the father of the chosen girl. if the father agrees, the daughter is brought in and asked for her opinion. if she is not willing to marry the suitor, the affair is at an end. if she agrees, the relatives, with the master at the head, consult together, and the decision is then made. among the mokondes in the north of the rowuma river the young man looking out for marriage lets his parents negotiate with the girl's parents. if they come to an agreement, the bridegroom gives the bride's parents a present, which makes the affair binding. among the more conservative classes the eldest brother of the girl's mother also has a voice in the matter, getting a share of the bridegroom's presents. in olden times a makonde boy lived after his circumcision with one of his maternal uncles, into whose family he afterwards married. if there were no girls in the family, he waited for a cousin. the young man had to do all the work at his uncle's house until the daughter grew up. among the makuas the suitor himself goes to the girl's father, who again must get the consent of the mother's eldest brother. often all the brothers, instead of one, must be consulted. the suitor goes the next day for his answer. if the answer is 'yes,' the time for the wedding is appointed, at which well-meant speeches are made, and advice is given to the bridal pair. as a rule, the couple are more or less of the same age, but it sometimes happens that young girls are married by men much older than themselves." of the hottentots schultze (p. ) writes: "a man who wishes to get a confession of love from the girl of his choice gives her a little piece of wood. if the two have come to an agreement, they break it, each holding at one end, and then they throw the broken pieces at each other's chest. the couple then commence courting, during which time they are not allowed to speak a word with each other or to reach each other anything. an intermediary acts between them for this purpose. transgressions have to be expiated by presents. it is all an amorous game of hide-and-seek, which has hardened into a rigid custom. it can continue thus for months or for a year, and longer, before the affair ripens. this can happen in two ways: either openly by the parents' consent being asked, or secretly by means of a symbolic action which expresses the girl's agreement to complete surrender. the young man draws off one of his skin shoes and throws it to the girl in private. if she disregards the shoe, the proposal for an early union is rejected; in the contrary case she gives the shoe back. when the wedding is to come off, the parents negotiate with each other for some time, but more in pretence than real earnest. when an agreement has been reached, the marriage is celebrated with feasting." among the indians marriage is entered into by free courtship, though girls in particular, just as with us, are greatly dependent upon the will of their parents. the girls marry sometimes at a very early age, but marriage before maturity seems non-existent. koch-grünberg (i., pp. , ) says of the siusis that the choice of partners is not always the affair of those directly concerned. often the parents, or the father alone, choose the husband for the daughter. the parents have no such strong influence on the son's choice. the wedding is celebrated by dancing, which goes on for several days at the house of the bride's father. at the end of the festivities the latter makes a long speech to his son-in-law, and gives him over his daughter as wife, wherewith the marriage is consummated. the young wife goes to her husband's house, which, as a rule, also serves as the home of her parents-in-law. the trousseau is generally small. among the kobeua indians of the upper rio negro a young man wishing to marry asks the permission of the father of his bride-elect. if he consents, the bridegroom remains for five days in the house of his parents-in-law, and a big dance and banquet is held, in which many guests take part. at the end of the feast the father gives over his daughter to his son-in-law, whereupon the couple go off, the father breaking out into a ceremonial lament. amongst some races capture of women is said to be still customary. in any case the wife has to be from another tribe. evidence of woman capture is still to be found in the tradition of the tribe (koch-grünberg, ii., pp. , ). the bakairis have no wedding celebrations. the marriage is discussed by the parents. if they come to an agreement, the bride's father receives some trifles as a present. the bridegroom hangs up his hammock above that of the girl, and everything is settled. it is only where the tribe has fallen into decay that great differences in the ages of the married people occur, and that older men in particular have the privilege of possessing young wives (compare chapter ii.). divorce can be got without difficulty, even when the man is unwilling. among the paressis the marriage is arranged by the parents on both sides, and the bride, after having received a few presents, is led by her parents without any formality to her bridegroom's hammock (von den steinen, pp. , ). the custom of paying a price for the bride, prevalent among many races all over the world, is frequently spoken of as marriage by purchase. the price is very varied, and its value very unequal, but as a rule it is relatively small, and not infrequently it is so small as to have no economic value for the parents-in-law. among the animistic tribes of british india, who, as a rule, pay a price for the bride, the sum may be as much as rupees. generally more is paid for a virgin than for a widow; but there are some indian castes of manual labourers among whom the woman takes a share in the industrial work, and among whom the reverse is the case. it sometimes happens that the price is adjusted according to the age of the bride. often brides are exchanged between two families, so that the payment of a price is dispensed with. "marriage by service" still persists in various places, especially in asia. here the future son-in-law, instead of paying a price for the bride, has to work a certain number of years for the father of the bride. among most primitive people the woman represents labour power in the house, as the men, either wholly or to a large extent, occupy themselves with social concerns (e. hahn). domestic prosperity depends wholly on the women's work. thus it can easily be seen how the custom came about of demanding some service from the man who wanted a wife. real purchase of a wife occurs only exceptionally among primitive people. it is never the rule, nor is the woman a real object of barter. if actual sale of women occurs in some cases, it is only an exception. such cases are only frequent where the influence of islam is most pronounced. the bride price is wholly or partly paid back should the wife run away, or even if she meets with an early death. if there are sisters, the forsaken husband or widower may sometimes forego the restitution of the price paid and accept one of the sisters as his wife. in india a price for the bridegroom is paid, not only among the upper castes of the civilised races, but also occasionally among the lower castes and among the primitive natives. iv marriage by far the greatest number of primitive peoples are monogamous. only in relatively few cases is there polyandry. polygyny often occurs among persons who are specially favoured, either economically or socially; but it is nowhere the form of marriage of the majority of the population. the polygyny reported among certain tribes generally refers only to chiefs, magic doctors, or some other special persons who have more than one wife. sexual group communism at the side of monogamy or polyandry has been found in various places, but it is wrong to speak of it as "group marriage." this is evident from the previously quoted examples of the _pirauru_ in australia, the sex communities among the chukchee, the nandi, masai, and others. it is possible, of course, that monogamy which now co-exists with certain cases of sex communism may have been a later addition, but this is not proven. it is more likely that the pairing instinct (not identical with the instinct of procreation) is characteristic of our sub-human ancestors. in fact, even in the animal world there are numerous examples of monogamy (p. deegener). it has been established that in africa, indonesia, melanesia, and elsewhere, the small children remain with their parents, while the bigger children are lodged together in special boys' and girls' houses, and are, as it were, brought up communally. the relationship of the children to their own parents is not notably closer than that between them and other persons of the same age class. we must not look upon this child communism solely as a curiosity, but as the relic of a very ancient primitive institution. most likely there is some connection between child communism and the interchange of children which is customary, for example, among the dravidian races of india ("ethnographical survey of the central india agency") and on the murray islands, in the torres straits (australia). according to w. h. r. rivers ( , p. ), the interchange of children between families is very frequent here without the peoples being able to give any explanation of it. nor do other social and religious institutions offer any indication as to the origin of this custom. rivers surmises that it has been preserved from a social organisation in which "children were largely common to the women of the group so far as nurture was concerned." at any rate, this adoption _en masse_ will help civilised man to understand that less civilised peoples have ideas about parenthood different from those that exist among us, and also that group motherhood is not absurd. the existence of group motherhood among primitive communities--whose members were much more dependent on each other in the struggle for existence than are the members of much more advanced societies--must often have been of considerable advantage to these communities. on the assumption of "group motherhood" it is easily explainable that children use the same mode of address for their own sisters and brothers as for all the other children of the group, and that all the women of equal ages are called "mother." hence the classificatory system of relationship ceases to be puzzling. it becomes clear why under this system whole groups of persons designate each other as husbands and wives, and why the children of all the persons of these groups call each other brothers and sisters, etc. the assumption is justified that man in a low state of civilisation knew only group relationship; further distinctions were derived only later from these relationships, the present-day classificatory system arising ultimately from them. among the peoples where rivers could examine this system there were indications of a development in the direction of using it rather for the distinction of real blood and marriage relationship than for the distinction of social position, for which it was originally intended. a connection between marriage regulation and the classificatory system of relationships exists not only among the dravidian races, but also among the north american indians, and certainly among other branches of the human race. rivers says: "the classificatory system in one form or another is spread so widely over the world as to make it probable that it had its origin in some universal stage of social development"; and further he says: "the kind of society which most readily accounts for its chief features is one characterised by a form of marriage in which definite groups of men are the husbands of definite groups of women." rivers does not mean thereby institutions like the _pirauru_, but a permanent group marriage. it may be objected against this latter assumption that permanent (not occasional) sex communism does not necessarily need to be connected with communism of children. it is quite possible that monogamy and child communism may exist side by side, as, _e.g._, among the murray islanders. but even if group marriage did really exist in some places, and if the existence of child communism would prove this, it still cannot be asserted that it is a phase of development through which all human races have passed. for the assumption of a parallel development of all races is untenable. it is true the basic psychic organisation is the same for all human beings, being due to the common descent of mankind. but owing to the continual adaptation to changing environmental conditions, it was not preserved, but underwent different changes. there is no ground for the assumption that, while environmental changes brought about bodily modifications, mental changes did not take place also, therewith leading at the same time to differences in social culture. on the contrary, we must rather assume that together with anthropological variations among the races there also arose variations in social development, the different civilisations resulting from differentiated mental dispositions and deviating more and more from each other. certain elements of the original primitive civilisation have been preserved in the various later developments, but not everywhere the same elements, nor were the differentiations that did take place all of the same degree. certain fundamental conceptions may remain unchanged for long periods, and may produce analogous phenomena in different civilisations. since deviations from monogamy are extremely rare among primitive peoples, the assumption is justified that monogamy is one of the fundamental factors of human civilisation. how could its practically universal occurrence be explained otherwise? there can be no question of convergence, nor has a world-wide transmission of a cultural element that has arisen later been proved up to the present. the opinion, first expressed by l. h. morgan, that the classificatory relationship system is evidence of the existence of group marriage (not merely in the form of _pirauru_ existing at the side of monogamy), is contradicted by the etymological meaning of the terms used by primitive people, which are generally translated by "father," "mother," "grandfather," "brother," "sister," "child," etc. these collective names show nowhere an allusion to procreation, but only to age differences: father and mother are the "elder," the "big ones," the "grown-ups"; the children are the "little ones," the "young ones"; brothers and sisters are the "comrades." we often find that among the australian negroes and the south sea islanders no distinction is made between father and mother. all persons of an older generation of a horde or a totem (or of a phratry respectively) are simply the "elder," the "big ones." if a native wishes to indicate more clearly the sex of a person of an older class, he must add the word "man" or "woman" (or the adjective "male" or "female"). it often happens that grandparents and grandchildren use the same form of address, which in no way refers to descent (cunow). other facts point to the same conclusion. where the _pirauru_ exists in australia, the same form of address is used for persons standing in _pirauru_ relationship to the speaker as for members of the same age class who have no such relationship. this could not be so if the appellation had originated from common sexual relationship. cunow rightly concludes: "sexual communities can be proved to exist here and there among primitive peoples, but the nomenclature of the classificatory relationships has not grown out of such group relationships. these so-called group marriages are rather adventitious growths, playing only a secondary _rôle_ in the history of the family." buschan ( , p. ) looks upon the pre-marital sexual freedom of girls among many primitive peoples (most probably among the majority of them) as a relic of communal marriage from earlier times. he assumes that the girls had promiscuous relationships with the other sex. this, however, is not the case. as a rule, couples meet together for a time, and only rarely does a person have relationship with several persons at the same time. the conditions are essentially the same as in europe, except that amongst "savages" a love affair going as far as intercourse is not considered immoral. the assumption of many authors that man is polygynous is far from being proved, at least not in the sense that the majority of men are inclined to have relationship with several women at the same time. it cannot, however, be disputed that after some time the relationship between two people tends to lose its attraction, often causing a breaking of the marriage vow. there is a custom among many peoples that a man's widow falls to his younger brother (or cousin)--the _levirate_. according to another custom, a man has the right to marry the sisters of his wife. both these customs have been explained as being relics of a form of marriage in which brothers married several sisters or sisters married brothers at the same time (frazer, ii., p. ). but it seems much more likely that we have here before us merely a case of property rights. even if constancy in marriage is not the rule, especially among primitive people, yet we must still regard the permanent living together of one man and one woman as a state that has always prevailed amongst human beings (westermarck). many of the speculations, at first sight so learned, about the apparently intricate paths in the development of marriage, remain merely speculations which cannot stand the test of modern ethnological research. heinrich schurtz (p. ) makes the pertinent remark that nothing excited the hostile camps of the sociological idealists and naturalists more than the dispute about promiscuity in primitive times. while the one party painted with zest the indiscriminate and irregular sex relationship of primitive races, claiming it as an established original stage in human development, the adherents of idealism rose in indignation against a theory that places primitive man far below the level of the higher animals, and that leaves the riddle unsolved how such a chaos could lead to the idea of sexual purity and a spiritualisation of the sexual impulse. in this battle for and against promiscuity even facts were unfortunately too often not respected, attempts being made to disregard them at any cost. this cannot be good for the ultimate victory of truth. facts should not be passed over, but should be taken into full consideration. in this conflict of opinions the institution of _pirauru_ especially has fared particularly badly. some anthropologists wanted to do away with it altogether at any price (for instance, josef müller); others drew conclusions from it that are utterly unjustified. but even if this were not so, even if the _pirauru_ could be used as a proof of previous sexual promiscuity, it still does not follow that it was a general custom in man, for the majority of the peoples show no trace of it. first of all, it must be noticed that even the _pirauru_ possesses various restrictions upon marriage with persons outside certain groups, which alone exclude unrestrained promiscuity. furthermore, individual marriage, the binding force of which is undoubtedly even stronger and closer, is well known to exist beside it. there is a good deal of probability for the assumption of schurtz that marriage regulations establishing the right of several men to one wife may first have arisen from mere friendly acts, or the original sexual licentiousness may have developed occasionally under specially favourable circumstances into the institution of _pirauru_, while at other places such a systematic development did not take place. it is easily to be understood that lower civilisations will show a looser standard of the marriage bond than those where many interests of a rich cultural development require the strengthening of this bond. sexual needs may also have brought about the origin of the _pirauru_ institutions. thus there exist in australia tribes among which the loan of wives was customary owing to the scarcity of women. there is only one step from this state of affairs to the _pirauru_. among many tribes complicated marriage restrictions make a "legitimate" marriage very difficult, and this may easily lead to other sex relationships taking the place of marriage. it is a mistake to assume hastily that customs among primitive people that appear strange to us must therefore be ancient and be relics of a primitive state. every primitive race has a long history behind it, and it is not likely that it has remained static all the time. primitive people are not stationary in development; there is much change among them in the course of generations. this applies also to customs and habits which seem absolutely stable. external conditions may produce new developments, or result in foreign influences. not everything, therefore, that is peculiar to uncivilised races of the present day must be looked upon as primitive. polyandry deserves our special consideration. as a recognised social institution it has so far been definitely established only among the indian peoples and castes, as well as in tibet, on the borders of northern india. in exceptional cases polyandry occurs among the eskimos and the asiatic polar races. the older accounts of polyandry occurring in australia are not confirmed by the new ethnographical literature. the reports about polyandry among the american indians are also incorrect. john roscoe ( , pp. _et seq._) has proved its existence among the bahima and baziba tribes of central africa, though here polyandry is not the rule, but is only practised occasionally. if a man is poor, if he cannot get together the number of cows required for the bride price, or if he is unable to support a wife, he can combine with one or several of his brothers and take a wife in common with them. it is easy to get the women for this purpose. furthermore, among these tribes the housewife may be claimed by a guest, while exchange of wives also occurs. in india polyandry is prevalent among the peoples of the himalayan mountains and among some southern indian tribes. some cases of this curious form of marriage are already mentioned in the ancient indian literature. it may be assumed, therefore, that it was more prevalent formerly than at present. this institution was certainly never very general nor of great importance in the life of the people of india. at the present time it is restricted to a number of comparatively small tribes and castes. two forms of polyandry can be distinguished among them, namely, the fraternal form, where several brothers or cousins have one wife in common, and the matriarchal form, where a woman has several husbands, not necessarily related to each other. in northern india polyandry is general among the tibetans and bhotias of the himalayan border districts. here, when the oldest of several brothers takes a wife, she has the right--but not the duty--to have sexual relationship with the other brothers living in the same household. if a younger brother also marries, the other still younger brothers have the choice in which household they wish to live. the surplus women become nuns. this system is said to be due to the poverty of the country. the himalayan peoples, being intent on preventing the increase of the population and a further reduction of the means of existence, consign many women to celibacy and childlessness. yet at the same time they make it possible, by this system, for the socially privileged man to satisfy his sexual needs. the children of polyandrous marriages belong, as a rule, legally to the oldest brother. but it also occurs that each brother in turn, according to his age, has a child assigned to him regardless of whether the brother concerned was on the spot at the time of the child's conception. sometimes the mother has the right to name the father of each of her children. fraternal polyandry also exists in cashmir and among certain sudra castes of the punjab mountains. in the punjab, however, the rajputs and other castes of that neighbourhood are also influenced by polyandry. the ceremonies which take place at marriage in the punjab bear traces of "marriage by capture." the dwellings of the polyandrous castes of this district consist of two rooms, one for the woman and one for the group of brothers. in tibet, as also among the polyandrous southern indians, they have, however, mostly one room. the surplus women in the punjab become objects of commerce. in the native state of bashar, for instance, an active export trade is carried on with the surplus women, for whom sums up to rupees are given. among the dyats in the punjab, the gudyars in the united provinces, as among all the hindu castes in the mountain districts of ambala, polyandry existed until lately; but it is said not to do so there any longer. in ambala not only brothers, but also first cousins, were considered to be husbands of the oldest brother's wife. further, in east india the santal caste ( , , persons in bengal, bihar and orissa) is the only community among which a similar custom exists. among the santals not only have the younger brothers access to the wife of the older brother, but the husband also may have relations with the younger sisters of his wife. this state of affairs may perhaps be looked upon as sexual communism among a small group. in ladakh, too, and in other places of cashmir, the wife common to several brothers may bring with her her sister into the marriage as co-partner. in the punjab the fraternal husbands may also marry a second and third wife. among indian migratory labourers it seems to have been formerly the rule that the brother remaining at home served as a conjugal substitute for the husband temporarily absent. nowadays this custom has almost disappeared. in southern india polyandry is a recognised institution among the toda and kurumba of the nilgiri mountains, as also among a number of the lower castes, especially on the coast of malabar. here polyandry and polygyny occasionally co-exist side by side. the polyandry among the toda has been described in detail by w. h. r. rivers. the whole tribe is divided into two endogamous groups, which, again, are split up into a number of exogamous sub-groups. the husbands shared in common by a woman are in most cases brothers; they are rarely other members of the same exogamous group and of the same age class. when the husbands are brothers, there never ensue any quarrels about access to the wife. all the brothers are reckoned as fathers of a child. yet it often occurs that a toda only calls one man his father. it is exclusively external circumstances that are here decisive; often one of the fathers is more influential and more respected than his brothers, and naturally the sons prefer to speak of him as their father. if only one of the fathers is alive, the offspring always describe him as their father. if the husbands are not real brothers, they live, like these, in one household, but the children are allotted to single definite fathers. that man is considered the father of a child who in the seventh month of the mother's pregnancy has gone with her through the ceremony of the presentation of bow and arrow (which is also customary in fraternal polyandry). the husbands may take turns in the practice of this ceremony at every pregnancy; it results, therefore, frequently that the first two or three children belong to one and the same man, the other husbands acquiring formal father-right only at the later births. if the husbands separate and give up the common household, each one takes with him the children belonging to him by right of the bow-and-arrow ceremony. as everywhere else in india, polyandry has fallen into decay among the toda. it may happen that several men have in common several wives, or that of a group of brothers each has his own wife. but polyandry has remained up to the present time the prevalent form of marriage among these hill-folk. the surplus girls used formerly to be killed without exception; and it is certain, says rivers, that girl infanticide is still practised to some extent, although the toda themselves deny this. it must be noted that child marriage exists among the toda. matriarchal polyandry, which, in contradistinction to fraternal polyandry, goes with descent through the mother, still occurs among the munduvars of the travancore plateaus, the nayars in some parts of travancore and cochin, the western kallan, and also among some other southern indian communities. among numerous other races having mother descent, but not among all, relics of the former existence of matriarchal polyandry have been established. the secular authorities, and no less the european missions, are trying hard to exterminate this form of marriage. it is difficult to trace any connection between the polyandry in the north and that in the south of india. it is most probable that this custom was carried into southern india by the tibetan conquerors in ancient times. many southern indian polyandrous races, like the toda and the nayar, are distinguished from their real dravidian neighbours by their more powerful build, lighter colouring, higher noses, etc. furthermore, the architecture of the malabar temples bears traces of tibetan influence. the demon masks carved thereon show almost the same faces as the tibetan masks. among the kallan the tradition of northern descent has been preserved up to the present time, and they bury their dead with their faces turned towards the north. exogamy is the custom which forbids the choice of partners for marriage within a certain group, and which has the effect of preventing near relations from sexual intercourse. it is found very frequently among primitive people, and is very prevalent, as sir j. g. frazer shows in his book "totemism and exogamy." this, however, does in no way justify the assumption that it was a general stage of civilisation of all mankind, and that it once existed even in those places where it is not found to-day. although european travellers, colonists and scientists had long been in contact with coloured races, it was the scotsman j. f. mclennan who first discovered the existence of exogamy. he was led to this discovery by the study of that peculiar marriage custom which consists in the pretence of forcible bride capture, though the marriage of the couple concerned has been agreed to by both families beforehand. mclennan tried to find an explanation for this custom, and came to the conclusion that capture of women, which only took place in pretence, must once have been practised in reality to a large extent. in searching for facts confirmatory of this assumption, he was struck by the fact that among savage and barbarous people the men married women not of their own, but of another, tribal group. he described this as "exogamy," in contradistinction to "endogamy," by which marriage partners are restricted in their choice to their own group. in a tribe or other social group both sexual arrangements may exist side by side, in such a manner that the tribe is closely endogamous and is divided into several exogamous groups. the theory put forward by mclennan as an explanation of the origin of exogamy is very simple and on superficial examination very convincing. he assumed that exogamy arose from a scarcity of women, which forced men to obtain wives by capture from other groups and thus gradually led to a general preference for strange women. the cause of this assumed scarcity of women was considered to be the infanticide of new-born females, which was carried on systematically, for savage people foresaw that in the struggle for existence it would be a hindrance to have a great number of women, who could take no share in the battle with enemies, and who presumably would contribute less to the food supply than the men. h. cunow also traces back the origin of exogamy to the scarcity of women and wife capture. he starts from the assumption that among the australian and other uncivilised races the number of persons in a horde is very limited. "if one assumes that the number of members of a horde is sixty, the youngest class would contain, according to present-day reckoning, about twenty-five persons, the middle class twenty, and the oldest class about fifteen persons. in the middle class there would, therefore, be only about ten women. among these a young man entering the middle class would often not find a single woman that he could take for his wife, for, after pairing marriage had become general, the few existing women had already found a spouse; they had already been disposed of. there was nothing left for the young man but to capture a woman from a strange horde as soon as possible, or to try to persuade a comrade of the same age class to let him share in his marriage relationship on the understanding that his hunting bag would contribute towards the 'household of the three.' this multiple conjugal partnership is customary among most of the australian tribes even to-day." to this it must be added that the man needs to show much less consideration for a captured strange woman than for one of his own tribe, who would run away if badly treated. nor can the young man remain single, for he himself would then have to drag his property about, which would hinder him in the hunt and expose him to the ridicule of his companions. (in reality there are many unmarried men even in australia.) the search for wives led ultimately, according to cunow, to wife capture and exogamy. infanticide, which mclennan assumes, is at present a rare exception among primitive people. almost all explorers praise their great love for children, and even malformed children are not always killed. even where infanticide does occur, the sex of the child is certainly not the factor that decides whether it is to be killed or not. the assumption that scarcity of women is brought about by girl infanticide is not correct. the female sex is, indeed, in the minority among uncivilised natives where they have been counted; but the excess of men is only small. mutual capture of women could not alter this disparity, for it is unlikely that some tribes permitted the capture of their women without retaliation. besides, even among primitive people men are careful in risking their lives. capture of women is, therefore, nowhere the rule, but is everywhere the exception. had it been the rule anywhere, the continuous fighting would have led to the extermination of the tribes in question. frazer is right when he says: "if women are scarce in a group, many men will prefer to remain single rather than expose themselves to the danger of death by trying to capture women from their neighbours." this is what really happened among many tribes of the australian natives who lived on a friendly footing with each other. it even happens that the old men who claim the women expressly forbid the young men to steal women from other tribes, because that will lead to bloodshed. further, scarcity of women is most likely overcome, as previously mentioned, by several men's sharing one wife, which arrangement, unlike the capture of women, avoids arousing the hostility of neighbours. among peaceable tribes, therefore, a numerical preponderance of men results not in exogamy, but in polyandry. but admitting that a warlike tribe has not sufficient women and therefore captures them from their neighbours, it is still unexplainable why the men should altogether avoid sexual relationship with their own women, few as they are, and have no desire for them whatsoever. this will certainly not be the result; on the contrary, the few women obtainable without force will be all the more in demand. frazer thinks that the origin of exogamy has been rightly explained by the american ethnologist l. h. morgan, who for many years lived among the exogamic indians as one of them, and thus came into direct contact with exogamy. morgan assumed that sexual promiscuity was general at a very early period in the history of mankind, and that exogamy was instituted for the deliberate purpose of preventing cohabitation between blood relations, particularly between brothers and sisters, as was previously customary. this struck promiscuity at the root; it removed its worst peculiarity, and resulted at the same time in a powerful movement towards the establishment of sexual monogamy. frazer, in supporting morgan's theory, relies exclusively on the australian natives, who, according to him, though extremely primitive savages, "carry out the principle of exogamy with a practical astuteness, logical thoroughness, and precision such as no other race shows in its marriage system." frazer finds that the effects of the australian marriage class system are in complete harmony with the deeply rooted convictions and feelings of the natives as regards sexual intercourse, and concludes that the successive tribal subdivisions have been brought about deliberately in order to avoid marriage of blood relations. according to him, it is not going too far to assert that "no other human institution bears the stamp of deliberate purpose more clearly than the exogamous classes of the australians. to assume that they serve only accidentally the purpose that they actually fulfil, and which is approved by them unreservedly, would be to test our credulity nearly as much as if we were told that the complicated mechanism of a watch has originated without human design." nearly all australian tribes have the system of division into marriage classes. every tribe consists of two main groups (called in ethnographical literature phratries or moieties), and each of these groups is again divided into two, four, or eight classes. sometimes the phratries and classes have special names, but not always. in the latter case it may be assumed that the names have been lost, while the division of the tribes into marriage groups remains. these groups are strictly exogamous. in no case are the members of the main group of the tribe (phratry) or of the same class allowed to marry each other. only members of two given classes may marry, and their children are again assigned to given classes. among some of the tribes there exists paternal descent, among others maternal descent. which of the two modes of descent prevails in australia can hardly be determined. among some tribes property is inherited in the female line. other rights of the female sex connected with mother descent are unknown. an example of the australian marriage classes is given here, namely, that of the tribe warrai, who live on the railway line running from port darwin to the south. among this tribe indirect paternal descent is the custom; _i.e._, the children belong to the main group (phratry) of the father, but to other marriage classes. phratry i. | phratry ii. --------------+---------------- adshumbitch | apungerti *aldshambitch | *alpungerti --------------+---------------- apularan | auinmitch *alpularan | *alinmitch the female marriage classes are marked with an asterisk. each member of a certain male marriage class may only marry a member of a marriage class of the other phratry, placed opposite in the table. thus, for instance, an adshumbitch man marries an alpungerti woman, an apungerti man an aldshambitch woman, etc. the children always belong to the phratry of the men, but to another marriage group of theirs. thus, for instance, the boys born from the union of an adshumbitch man with an apungerti woman belong to the apularan class, and the girls born of this marriage belong to the alpularan class. further complications arise in consequence of the totem system, which exists among most of the australian tribes. as the local groups of a tribe are numerically weak and consist of members of all marriage classes, the choice of mates is restricted to quite a small number of persons, being further limited to a great extent by the marriage of girls in childhood. but even when adults marry, they can rarely decide according to their own will, but are dependent on the circumstances of relationship. on the northern coast of australia the marriage class system does not exist, but exogamy exists there, the members of certain local groups not being allowed to marry each other. the now extinct tribes in the south-east of the continent also had no marriage class system. but it still remains a mystery how it was found out that marriages of blood relations were harmful. one objection is, that some of the australians are ignorant of the process of generation; they do not even know that pregnancy is the result of cohabitation. it is also doubtful whether the australian natives can in any case be considered as typical representatives of primitive man. if this were so, all mankind would still be in a very low state of civilisation, for the australians appear incapable of progressive development. and further, if exogamous classes were purposely instituted in order to prevent cohabitation between blood relations, how is it that other people also are excluded from sexual intercourse who are not blood relations? frazer's comparison with a watch is also badly chosen. we must take into consideration the intellectual stage of development of mankind at the time when exogamy arose, and when the watch was invented. even if we do not admit that exogamy was instituted with a conscious purpose, this does not by any means, as frazer says, do away altogether with will and purpose from the history of human institutions. there is no need to doubt that the australian system of exogamy became more and more complicated through the deliberate action of man. frazer himself assumes that the australians had an aversion to cohabitation between brothers and sisters even before it was definitely fixed by binding rules. sexual aversion between parents and children, according to him, is universal among them, whether there be in vogue the two-, four- or eight-classes system, _i.e._, whether incest between parents and children is expressly forbidden or not. "in democratic societies like those of the australian natives, the law sanctions only thoughts that have already been long the mental possession of the majority of people." hence the agreement of the marriage class system with the feelings of the people becomes explainable. since the aversion to sexual intercourse within certain classes was already in existence before the formation of marriage classes, the classificatory system being merely the formal expression of it, we have to find some explanation for it. for the appearance of this aversion marks the real beginning of exogamy, which cannot be explained by the complicated system of the australians. it is possible that the sexual aversion towards blood relations is already a characteristic trait of the human race before its truly human development, and that it may have to be looked upon as an instinct. this is the opinion of f. hellwald, which has also been upheld of late by a. e. crawley. it is assumed that among brothers and sisters, as among boys and girls who have lived together from childhood, the pairing instinct generally remains in abeyance, because the conditions are wanting that are likely to awaken this instinct. courting the favour of a person of the other sex is the process that gradually brings about the sexual excitement necessary for union. the possibility of sexual excitation between people who have lived together from childhood is decidedly lessened through habituation, if not completely inhibited. in this respect brothers and sisters reach already at puberty that state towards each other to which people married for a long time approach gradually, through the constant living together and the exhaustion of youthful passion. if brother and sister sometimes show passion for each other, it is generally the result of the same circumstances that are necessary to arouse it under normal conditions, _e.g._, a long separation. as the absence of sexual attraction between brother and sister who have grown up together is a natural thing, it is strange that cohabitation between them should have to be specially prohibited and enforced by strict measures among primitive peoples. the explanation, according to crawley, is simple. "in many departments of primitive life we find a naïve desire to, as it were, assist nature, to affirm what is normal and later to confirm it by the categorical imperative of custom and law. this tendency still flourishes in our civilised communities, and, as the worship of the normal, is often a deadly foe to the abnormal and eccentric, and too often paralyses originality. laws thus made, and with this object, have some justification, and their existence may be due, in some small measure, to the fact that abnormality increases _pari passu_ with culture. but it is a grave error to ascribe a prevalence of incest to the period preceding the law against it." all the facts tend to show that the most primitive people procured their wives by friendly arrangements. from this standpoint it would be most practical if each tribe were divided into two groups, the men of each group marrying wives from the other group. this state of affairs is actually to be found among many uncivilised peoples that are divided into two exogamous groups or phratries. it has still to be discovered how this bipartition arose. it is unthinkable that a division into two groups was intentionally brought about by the members of the groups for the purpose of preventing marriages between blood relations of a certain grade. no tribe has ever been divided in such a manner; the division must therefore be explainable in another way. the phratries are large families (in the broad sense of the word); they descend from families (in the narrower sense of the word), reciprocally supplying each other with wives. the names of the phratries are generally unintelligible, in contradistinction to the names of the totem groups, and therefore most probably older. the totem groups, of which a phratry consists, are to be considered as younger branches of the original double family, which have arisen through wives being taken from other groups whose children again received the name of their mothers. if it should be asked why the members of two phratries should constantly intermarry, it should be pointed out that among communities in the lowest stage of civilisation women are not easily procurable, and the force of external circumstances would favour the unions just mentioned (crawley, pp. _et seq._). a biological explanation of the origin of exogamy is given by herbert risley. without basing it on the assumption that primitive people have a knowledge of the harmfulness of incest, he gives the following exposition: "exogamy can be brought under the law of natural selection without extending it too far. we know that among individuals or groups of individuals there exists a tendency to vary in their instincts, and that useful variations (such as are suitable to the conditions of life) tend to be preserved and transmitted by inheritance. let us assume now that in a primitive community the men varied in the direction towards choosing wives from another community, and that this infusion of fresh blood was advantageous. the original instinct would then be strengthened by inheritance, and sexual selection would be added in the course of time. for an exogamous group would have a greater choice of women than an endogamous one, ... and in the competition for women the best would fall to the strongest and most warlike men. in this way the strengthened exogamous groups would in time exterminate the endogamous neighbours, or at least take away their best marriageable maidens. exogamy would spread partly through imitation, partly through the extermination of endogamous groups. the fact that we cannot explain how it came about that the people varied in the aforesaid direction is not fatal to this hypothesis. we do not doubt natural selection in the case of animals because we cannot give the exact cause of a favourable variation." e. westermarck holds a similar theory about the cessation of incest. he thinks that "among the ancestors of man, as among other animals, there was, no doubt, a time when blood relationship was no bar to sexual intercourse. but variations here, as elsewhere, would naturally present themselves; and those of our ancestors who avoided in-and-in breeding would survive, while the others would gradually decay and ultimately perish. thus an instinct would be developed which would be powerful enough, as a rule, to prevent injurious unions. of course it would display itself simply as an aversion on the part of individuals to union with others with whom they lived; but these, as a matter of fact, would be blood relations, so that the result would be the survival of the fittest. whether man inherited the feeling from the predecessors from whom he sprang, or whether it was developed after the evolution of distinctly human qualities, we do not know. it must necessarily have arisen at a stage when family ties became comparatively strong, and children remained with their parents until the age of puberty or even longer." it may be surmised that the impulse towards the appearance of the exogamous tendency arose through economic progress, which led to an increase of the means of existence, and this in its turn produced a more friendly relationship between neighbouring groups that previously had quarrelled about food. the men thus came into contact with strange women, and this awakened a heightened sexual feeling, in other words the instinct which is said to have led to the avoidance of incest. thus among the peoples on a very low economic level (_e.g._, the pigmies) no laws for the prevention of incest are to be found, a fact that may be held to confirm this idea. primitive people could in any case not understand the harmfulness of incest, while it is certain that strange members of the opposite sex could exert a stronger attraction, and thus render the sexual impulse permanent, which previously was periodical, as among the animals. v birth and feticide the slow increase in the population of primitive peoples, which is also to be noticed wherever the conditions of life have not been influenced by european settlers and missionaries, is chiefly due to the want of proper midwifery, and no less to the frequent practice of abortion. the opinion is often met with, particularly in older writings, that among primitive people childbirth is extremely easy. but more extended knowledge has shown how dangerous childbirth is for the primitive mother also. though childbirth is a natural physiological process, it does not always pass off quite without danger, no less under natural conditions than among highly civilised peoples. primitive people know full well that the hour of childbirth is the hardest time in a woman's life, but not all have progressed far enough in the knowledge of physiology to be able to render efficient assistance to the woman in labour. some people leave her, incredible as it may seem to us, without any assistance, either through indifference to life or through a superstitious fear of the mystery of life. such cases are, however, very rare exceptions. sometimes means are used for furthering the birth that are not only inefficacious, but actually injurious. often, however, delivery is actually furthered by the assistance given. internal manipulation is seldom resorted to, and operations are still more rare. r. w. felkin's report about the operation of cæsarian section among the negroes in uganda seems to be unique. ploss and bartels have compiled a great deal of information about childbirth among primitive people. we add here some examples from the later literature. feticide occurs most likely among all primitive peoples to a larger or lesser degree, and injures them accordingly. the reasons are the same as with us: inability to support a large number of children or aversion to the worries of child-rearing. unmarried girls procure abortion usually because the child might be a hindrance to a future marriage, particularly when the father of the expected child jilts the mother. still pre-marital births are not always considered a disgrace among primitive people. the abortives resorted to are generally inefficacious, though some native peoples have discovered really effective remedies. külz (p. ) says quite rightly, "it is to be assumed that woman everywhere, even in a low state of civilisation, has her attention directed to the occurrence of involuntary premature birth by often recurring effective causes. such external causes are not very remote from the mechanically and medically produced abortions. we only need to think of the fact that among all primitive peoples the chief work in the fields falls to the women, and that it is just heavy labour that has the tendency to interrupt pregnancy. it required only some little thought to discover this frequently observed coincidence and to learn from the involuntary interruption of pregnancy how to produce it voluntarily.... in the same way the production of abortions by poisons can easily be derived from a rational application of chance remedies producing corresponding involuntary effects.... just as primitive man discovered many medicinal plants by repeatedly partaking of them, so he also found out the specific use of some of these for feticide. this could happen the more readily as among abortive remedies in use there were many that in a way served him as food and condiment, such as nutmeg, or the papaia kernels, or others that he used at the same time for poisoning fish, or others, again, like the aperient _cajanus indicus_, which in moderate doses acts medicinally, in large doses, however, as an abortive." the use of poisons and mechanical feticide not only brings about limitation of offspring, but often results in the death of the mother. where they are very prevalent they contribute greatly to the scarcity of women, with all its attendant biological disadvantages. the contact of primitive people with europeans generally increases the frequency of abortions. this is due partly to the desire for hiding the results of sexual intercourse with strangers, partly to the incitement to loose living which the acquaintance with european culture sometimes brings about. how defective the state of midwifery is among primitive people is shown by many accounts in newer works of ethnology. thus the missionary endle writes (p. ): "the native tribes of assam and burma have no special midwives. every old woman may perform the duties of a midwife, and she does it without payment. there is no information about the treatment of the woman during parturition. the navel cord is generally cut off with a bamboo knife. the katshári do not perform this with one cut, but make five cuts in the case of a boy and seven for a girl. the mother is considered unclean for several weeks after her confinement. this is also the case among many races of southern and eastern asia, and in other parts of the world. isolation even before the confinement sometimes occurs, and is due to the belief that women in this state are unclean." among the savage tribes of formosa the birth of a child passes off so lightly that the lying-in woman is able to go on with her work on the following day. she only avoids heavy labour in the field for a month. after the birth certain superstitious ceremonies, according to old customs, are performed, such as driving away the devil, etc. among many tribes twins are held to be a misfortune, and the second child is therefore killed. this also occurs frequently in other places (w. müller, p. ). among the igorots of bontoc (philippines) the woman works in the field almost to the hour of her confinement. there are no festivities or ceremonies connected with the birth. the father of the child, if he is the husband of the woman, is present, as is also the woman's mother, but no one else. the parturient woman bends her body strongly forward, holding firmly on to the beam of the house, or she takes up an animal-like position, so that hands and feet are on the ground. medicines and baths are not resorted to for hastening the labour pains, but the people present massage the abdomen of the labouring woman. about ten days after the birth her body is washed with warm water. there is no special diet, but the mother refrains from field work for two or three months. if twins are born, it is believed to be due to an evil spirit who has had connection with the woman whilst she was asleep. no blame is attached to the mother, but the quieter of the children (and when both children are quiet, the longer one) is buried alive near the house immediately after birth. abortion is practised by married women as well as by single girls, if for some reason the child is not wanted. the mother warns her unmarried daughter against abortion, telling her that a girl who produces abortion will not get a faithful husband, but will become the common partner of several men. the foetus is driven off in the second month of pregnancy by hot baths and massage. abortion is not considered a disgrace (jenks). among the kayan of borneo there are everywhere older women who serve as midwives. one of them is called in good time to the pregnant woman. she examines her abdomen from time to time, and pretends to be able to give the child the right position. she hangs some magical remedies about the living room, and applies various remedies externally. the pregnant woman follows her usual occupation until the labour pains commence. then the midwife and other old relatives or friends assist her. the husband may also remain in the room, but he is prevented by a screen from seeing the parturient woman, who gets hold tightly of a cloth hung over or in front of her. the pains are generally of short duration, rarely lasting more than two or three hours. in order to prevent the rising of the child, the women bind a cloth tightly round the abdomen of the parturient woman, and two of them press firmly on the womb on either side. after the delivery of the child the navel cord is cut with a bamboo knife. if the after-birth does not follow soon, the women become anxious; two of them lift up the patient, and if that has no result, the navel cord is fastened to an axe in order to prevent it from re-entering the body, and presumably also to hasten the delivery of the after-birth. internal manipulations are not resorted to. the after-birth is buried. if the child is born with a caul, the caul is dried, pounded into powder, and used in later years as medicine for the child. if the labour pains are exceptionally severe or long-lasting, or if an accident happens, the news travels rapidly. everybody is overcome by fear, as the death of a parturient woman is particularly dreaded. the men and the boys take flight. if death actually ensues, most of the men remain in hiding for some time, and the corpse is quickly buried by old men and women who are least afraid of death. the pregnant women of the punan of borneo continue with their usual work until the arrival of labour pains, and they resume it immediately after the confinement. to assist delivery the body is tightly bound above the womb. nothing further is known about special help (hose and mcdougall, ii., pp. , ). the papua women are said to give birth easily, as a rule, but difficult deliveries and fatal cases do occur exceptionally. the custom exists in various places for the mother to throw the after-birth into the river or the sea after confinement (williamson, p. ; seligmann, p. ). of the mafulu williamson says that when the after-birth is thrown into the river the mother gives the new-born child some water to drink. if the child partakes of it, it is considered a good omen; otherwise the child is believed not to be viable and is drowned. williamson thinks that the purpose of this custom is to enable the mother to choose whether she wishes to keep the child alive or not. it also may happen that a childless woman accompanies the mother to the river and there adopts the child. wilful abortion also occurs very often, not only in single girls, but also in married women, who thus keep their families small. among the barriai in new pomerania the woman is confined whilst sitting on a log of wood, being massaged from above downwards by an older woman. the husband is not allowed to be present. the birth generally passes off quite easily. the navel cord is cut off with an obsidian knife. the parents may not eat pork and certain kinds of fish until the child has begun to walk. disregard of this prohibition is believed to bring about the death of the child. the parents abstain also during this time from sexual intercourse. abortives do not seem to be known, though miscarriages sometimes occur through the rough treatment of pregnant women by men (friederici, p. ). in polynesia abortion is generally produced by women professionally. this is brought about by the use of certain foods or drinks, by the application of mechanical means, etc. how widespread feticide is in melanesia can be seen from a statement of parkinson, according to whom in new mecklenburg quite young girls make no secret of having produced abortion three or four times. among the jabim (finschhafen) the mothers present their daughters with abortives when they get married (buschan, i., p. ). on the eastern islands of the torres straits (australia) the women chew as a prevention of pregnancy the leaves of callicarpa, or of a eugenia species called _sobe_, also the leaves of a large shrub called _bok_; but these remedies are inefficacious. medicines and mechanical methods are used for abortion. among the former are the leaves of the convolvulus, of clerodendron, _pouzolzia microphylla_, _macaranga tanarius_, _terminala catappa_, eugenia, _hibiscus tiliaceus_, and callicarpa. if these do not help, the abdomen is beaten with large stones, with a rope or twigs or a wand, or a heavy load is put on it. sometimes the woman leans with her back against a tree, and two men grasp a wand and press it against her abdomen, so as to bring about the delivery of the foetus. this often results in the death of the mother. on the easter island, in the eastern pacific ocean, there were several men with a knowledge of midwifery, but recently only one of them has survived. nowadays older women act as midwives. walter knoche writes ( , pp. _et seq._): "the birth takes place either in the open or in the house, the woman standing with legs spread out, or recently in a sitting position. the accoucheur stands behind the parturient woman, embracing her abdomen. the thumbs are spread out, and touch each other in a horizontal position somewhat above the navel, while the remainder of the hand is turned diagonally downwards. in this way massage is applied by a slow, rhythmical, strong and kneading movement vertically from above downwards. when the birth is sufficiently advanced, the child is drawn out; the assistant bites off the navel cord (among some brazilian indian tribes the husband does this, but on the easter island he takes no part in the delivery); then a knot is made a few centimetres from the navel. the after-birth is not specially dealt with; it is buried. the navel cord, however, is placed in a calabash, which is buried or put under a rock. after the event the lying-in woman lies down upon a mat in the house, and warm, flat, fairly heavy stones are applied to the abdomen. perhaps this is the reason why even women who have had difficult confinements still preserve a good figure. the infant remains at the mother's breast for about a year." knoche also heard that the women sometimes pass a piece of an alga into the vulva right up to the womb before intercourse with a stranger, believing this method to be a very safe one. it could, unfortunately, not be ascertained whether this precaution was formerly, as seems likely, resorted to generally in order to limit the number of children, or whether its use was only intended to keep the tribe untainted by foreign blood. the latter assumption is contradicted by the fact that "the easter island women have children from strangers living for some time on the easter island, and that nowadays the use of contraceptives in the case of strangers who come and go quickly may simply be due to the circumstance that at the birth of a child there would be no man to support it. it is most probable that the use of preventives had its origin in malthusian principles. the little island, whose population has been variously estimated by travellers of the eighteenth and the first half of the nineteenth century at a few thousand, must herewith have reached its maximum number of inhabitants, which could of necessity not be exceeded. deaths and births had therefore to balance. this employment of contraceptives in polynesia is unique, and it may be truly reckoned as a sign of a higher civilisation, together with other facts, such as the existence of a script, of stone houses and of large stone idols, the moai, which have made this lonely little island so famous. on the other oceanic islands, as, for instance, on the westward-situated tahiti, infanticide, committed by the mother as many as ten times in succession, served to limit the number of children, either on account of economy or for reasons of convenience. contraceptives are otherwise unknown in oceania." of the jao in east africa karl weule relates (p. ): "during the delivery the parturient woman lies upon her back on a mat on the floor of the hut. the older children and the husband are not allowed to be present, but a number of older women are there, amongst whom there is always a near relative of the husband, who takes special note of any evidence of extra-marital intercourse given by the parturient woman. it is the chief business of the midwives to submit the woman to a very strict _questionnaire_: 'how many men have you had, three, or four, or even more? your child will not come until you have mentioned the right father. yes, you will die, if you do not tell us how many men you have had.' such speeches are hurled at the woman from all sides. no mechanical help is given her. she rolls about in pain, under great bodily and mental torture, and shrieks and cries until all is over. the navel cord is cut off by an old woman. ancient instruments, such as are used by the east african bantu tribes, are unknown among the jao. the cutting of the navel cord seems to be performed clumsily, for umbilical rupture, which has become an ideal of beauty in many places in eastern africa, is here frequent. the after-birth and the navel cord are buried, if possible without a witness. they are considered effective magical remedies. the new-born child is washed and then wrapped in a cloth or a piece of bark fabric. a real lying-in is not kept up; the mother gets up again the same or the following day. sex intercourse can only be resumed again with the permission of the village elder. it is only given when the child can sit up, or when it is six or seven months old. children are welcome; twins are no less joyfully received. but infanticide is said to occur. if, however, children are not wanted, married women as well as girls resort to abortion. plant juices are generally used for this purpose, though sometimes mechanical means are resorted to. abortion is in no way considered reprehensible. in order to prevent conception, the woman puts herself into communication with a _fundi_, who understands something of making knots. the _fundi_ goes into the wood, seeks out two different barks, and twists them together into a cord. into the cord he rubs the yolk of an egg, for to the jao the curse of infertility abides in the egg. he knots into the cord three knots, saying at the same time, 'you tree are called thus and thus, and you thus; but you egg, you become a living animal. but now i do not want anything living.' he then twists the final knot. this cord is worn by the woman round her body. boots are also placed under her head at night to prevent conception. if the woman wishes to become pregnant again, she needs only to untie the knots in the cord, to put it into water, and then drink the water. afterwards the cord is thrown away." among the makua, on the makonda plateau in east africa, at the first sign of labour pains the woman lies down upon her back on a mat in the house. a cloth is put under her back by the helping women, which is drawn tightly and pulled up when the pains become stronger. after the birth the navel cord is cut, not with a knife, but with a splinter from a millet stalk. here, as in other phases in the life of man, an ancient implement has survived for sacred purposes long after the period of its common use. the navel cord is not tied, but dries off. the removed part is buried. the lying-in woman remains at home three or four days. among the masai an old woman is always called in as midwife. if the birth goes on normally, no superstitious or useless operations are undertaken (merker, pp. _et seq._). should an increase of labour pains appear necessary, the parturient woman is led round by the women for a few steps, and if this does not produce the desired result light massage is applied. only when these remedies prove to be inefficacious an extreme step is taken: the labouring woman is slowly lifted up by her feet by several women until her body hangs perpendicularly and her head touches the ground, whereupon the midwife massages the body in the direction of the navel. medicaments are seldom used for hastening the delivery. internal manual or operative manipulations do not seem to be practised anywhere. in the case of a narrow pelvis preventing birth, no help is available; mother and child perish. the confinement takes place on all fours or in a sitting position; in the latter case the legs and the back are pressed against the posts of the hut. for the production of abortion a decoction of dried goat dung or of _cordia quarensis_ or some other remedy is used. of the hottentots it has sometimes been reported that the women have easy births. according to schulze's inquiries (p. ), this is not always the case. the birth takes place in the side position. during very difficult births the women attempt to widen the vulva of the parturient woman. if that does not help, the perineum is deliberately torn up to the anus. no attempt is made to cure the perineal tear, for the belief exists that it would hinder the passage of the next child. all manipulations are carried out beneath the skin rug under which the woman lies. the navel cord is cut without delay; no one troubles about the delivery of the after-birth. the woman resumes her occupation generally on the seventh or eighth day. feticide is not unusual among the hottentots. a hot decoction of badger urine, drunk, if necessary, for several days in succession, is considered an effective abortive remedy. the procedure itself is characteristically called "drinking and falling" (schulze, p. ). among the uti-krag indians of the rio doce (espirito santo, brazil) the woman goes through the labour alone. she disappears in the bush, and herself bites off the navel cord; after the delivery she goes to the nearest stream to wash herself and the child, and rejoins her tribe immediately (walter knoche, , p. ). among the indians of the aiary, when a woman is taken with labour pains all the men leave their house, which is common to several families. the woman lies in her hammock in her part of the house, which is securely closed by a lattice railing. all the women remain with her and help at the birth. the navel cord and after-birth are buried immediately on the spot. after the birth the mother and the child remain strictly secluded for five days. the husband remains in the house during the lying-in period, but there is no real _couvade_ (the male lying-in custom). the women of the kobéua indians give birth in the common family house, or in an outlying hut, or even in the wood, with the assistance of all married women, who first paint their faces red for the festive occasion. the navel cord is cut off by the husband's mother with a blade of scleria grass, and is immediately buried, together with the after-birth. of twins the second born is killed, or the female if they are of different sexes. after the birth, the witch doctor performs exorcism. the parents keep up a five days' lying-in, and eight days after the birth a drinking feast is held (koch-grünberg, i., p. ; ii., p. ). among the bakairi of brazil, according to karl von den steinen (p. ), abortion is said to occur frequently. the women are afraid of the confinement. they prepare for it by drinking tea, and mechanical measures are also resorted to. the women are delivered on the floor in a kneeling position, holding firmly to a post. the hammocks must not be soiled. women who have had experience declared with emphasis, and showed by pantomime, that the pains were great. but they soon get up and go to work, the husband going through the famous _couvade_ (the man's lying-in), keeping strict diet, not touching his weapons and passing the greatest part of his time in his hammock. he only leaves the house to satisfy his physical needs, and lives completely on a thin _pogu_, manioc cake crumbled into water. there exists the belief that anything else might injure the child, as if the child itself ate meat, fish or fruit. the _couvade_ only ends when the remainder of the navel cord falls off. among the bororo, according to the same author (p. ), the woman is delivered in the wood. the father cuts the navel cord with a bamboo splinter, and ties it with a thread. for two days the parents do not eat anything, and on the third day they may only partake of some warm water. if the man were to eat he and the child would become ill. the after-birth is buried in the wood. the woman is not allowed to bathe until the reappearance of menstruation; but then, as generally after menstruation, she does it frequently. abortion by the help of internal means is said to be frequent, especially among the ranchao women. if the mother wishes to stop suckling, they squeeze the breasts out, and "dry the milk over the fire, whereupon it keeps away." medicine for sick children, which the chemist had prepared, was swallowed by the parents, as among the bakairi. among the paressi the woman is confined in a kneeling position, being held by her mother under her breast. the _couvade_ is also customary among them. vi ignorance of the process of generation the mentality of the different branches of mankind varies a great deal. a good example of this is the fact that there are peoples who do not know the connection between cohabitation and conception. there are other tribes, again, who, as we have reason to assume, did not possess this knowledge previously. in fact, ferdinand von reitzenstein thinks that there was a time when the connection between cohabitation and pregnancy was unknown to all mankind, and he adduces examples which show that traces of such a state are to be found in the legends and customs of many peoples. and, says von reitzenstein, we need hardly be surprised at this ignorance of the generative process when we consider that "it is only since the days of swammerdam, who died in , that we know that both egg and spermatozoon have to come together for fertilisation, and only since du barry ( ) that we know that the spermatozoon must penetrate the egg." the belief in supernatural conception has been preserved, not only in the christian churches, but also in the myths of the gods in most religions. originally man could not conclude from the mere appearance of a pregnant woman that the cohabitation which had occurred months ago was the cause of her condition. primitive people do not bring into causal connection phenomena separated by wide intervals. von reitzenstein writes that primitive people, who generally marry their girls before the advent of puberty, must have been turned aside from seeing the connection between cohabitation and pregnancy because these girls had no children at first in spite of having sexual intercourse. but to this it may be objected that even the lowest races must have noticed that pregnancy only occurs after the advent of the first menstruation. the appearance and abeyance of menstruation must have formed a step towards the understanding of the generative process. it is otherwise with von reitzenstein's objection that by far the largest number of cohabitations do not lead to pregnancy. even among comparatively enlightened races this observation led to the assumption that some additional supernatural process is necessary for fertilisation. among the australians, the least developed race of man, the necessity of cohabitation for pregnancy is totally unknown. baldwin spencer and frank j. gillen have shown ( , pp. _et seq._; , pp. , ) that among the natives of northern and central australia there exists the general belief that the children penetrate into the woman as minute spirits. these spirits are said to come from persons that have lived once before and are reborn in this manner. the belief in rebirth, together with the ignorance of the generative process, is very widespread in australia, _e.g._, among many tribes in queensland, in southern australia, in the northern territory and in western australia. it is now too late to get reliable information in this matter from those parts of australia where the natives are in regular contact with whites. spencer takes it as certain that the belief in asexual propagation was once general in australia. among all those tribes by whom this belief has been preserved up to the present the traditions concerning the tribal ancestors are quite definite. among the arunta, for instance, who live in the district of the transcontinental telegraph line between charlotte waters and the mcdonnel mountains, and among whom ignorance of the process of generation was first discovered, there exists the tradition that in bygone times, called _altcheringa_, the male and female ancestors of the tribe carried spirit children about with them, which they put down in certain places. these spirit children, like the spirits of the tribal ancestors, themselves enter into the women and are borne by them. the arunta believe that at the death of a person his spirit returns to a special tree or rock, out of which it came, and which is called _nandcha_. it remains there until it thinks fit once more to enter into a woman, and thus go amongst the living. all these spirits are called _iruntarinia_. but before the first rebirth of an _iruntarinia_ there arose another spirit from the _nandcha_, which is the double of the _iruntarinia_, and is called _arumburinga._ this _arumburinga_ never becomes embodied, but remains always a spirit, which accompanies its human representative whenever inclined, and, as a rule, remains invisible. only specially gifted people, particularly witch doctors, can see _arumburinga;_ they can even speak with them. among other australian tribes which believe in rebirth, no belief in spirits like the _arumburinga_ has been traced (compare b. ankermann, "totenkult und seelenglauben bei afrikanischen völkern," _zeitschrift für ethnologie,_ jahrgang , pp. _et seq._). there is, however, general agreement in the belief that the ancestral parents brought into the world the spirit children, who are continually reborn. among many tribes, as the dieri and the warramunga, it is believed that the sex changes at every rebirth, so that the ancestral spirit once takes the form of a male and the next time that of a female. the conditions are such among the australians that their ignorance of the connection between sexual intercourse and propagation is not at all surprising. spencer points out that among the australians there are no "virgins," for as soon as a girl is sexually ripe she is given to a particular man, with whom she has sexual intercourse right through life. in this respect there is no difference among the native women; yet the people see that some women have children and others none, and also that the women with children have them at unequal intervals that have no connection with sexual intercourse. besides, the women know that they are pregnant only when they feel the quickening, and that is often at a time when they have had nothing to do with a man. therefore they attempt to explain the origin of children in some other manner, which is in accordance with the very primitive mode of thought of these unprogressive people. in this connection it may be mentioned that the australian mothers attribute the birth of half-castes to their having eaten too much of the white man's flour. therefore old australians accept without question as their own the half-caste children of their wives, and treat them as such. though the natives of northern queensland know that the animals propagate sexually, they dispute this as regards human beings, because man, in contradistinction to the animals, has a living spirit, a soul, which could not be begotten by a material process. a. lang thinks that with regard to the genesis of mankind the psychology of these primitive people has obscured their knowledge of physiology. according to him, the idea that there is no connection between cohabitation and generation cannot be considered as primary in man. a proof of this ignorance of the fertilisation process among the australians is the splitting of the penis practised by them. otherwise these tribes, which have a scarcity of women and children, and which desire progeny, would not perform an operation by which the semen fails to fulfil its function in the majority of cases of cohabitation. it is becoming more and more certain that this splitting of the penis serves exclusively the purpose of lust, and is least of all intended as a deliberate birth preventative (von reitzenstein). evidences of the ignorance of generation are also to be found elsewhere in cases where the above-mentioned objection of lang does not apply. in melanesia the connection between cohabitation and conception seems to have been unknown until lately. r. thurnwald says that among the tribes on the bismarck and solomon islands visited by him this connection is well known nowadays, but the causal relationship is not so clearly conceived as by our psychologically trained physicians. as a natural phenomenon conception sometimes occurs and sometimes not. intentional and real forgetting, inexact calculation of time, and the strangeness of men towards women, who are held as inferiors, all make it appear logically probable that conception can take place without cohabitation. to this must be added the weirdness of the whole process, which is therefore given a mysterious interpretation, and also that mode of thought which connects the young product with the place where it is found, with the fruits of a plant, and with the young ones of a bird, etc. codrington reports the same conditions among the banks islanders. many tribes of central borneo, being mentally and economically far above the australian natives, assume that pregnancy only lasts four or five months, namely, as long as it is recognised externally in the woman, and that the child enters the body of the woman shortly before the sign of pregnancy. these tribes of borneo also do not know that the testicles are necessary for propagation (nieuwenhuis, p. ). in africa it has been established, at least of the baganda, that they believe in the possibility of conception without cohabitation. conceptional totemism, the assumption of impregnation by the animals venerated as totems, which exists among the bakalai in the congo region, points to a similar belief. conceptional totemism also exists among the indian tribes of north-western america (frazer, vol. ii., pp. , , and , ). among the ancient mexicans there existed, according to von reitzenstein, the belief that the children come from a supernal habitation, the flower land, to enter into the mother. various objects were thought to carry the foetal germs, especially shuttlecocks and green jewels. for this reason these were placed on the mat for the mexican bridal pair after the marriage ceremony. the rattle club is perhaps also considered as the bearer of fertility. in india various trees play a _rôle_ in fertilisation ideas. noteworthy is the belief found in various places that only the nourishment of the child is supplied by the mother before birth, while the germ of the new being comes from the father. this is the opinion of certain tribes of south-east australia described by howitt and the same belief exists among south american tribes who have the well-known _couvade_. karl von den steinen writes regarding this: "one might be tempted to explain this curious custom, which is very advantageous to the women, by the hunting life. but even if the custom suits the women, it is not evident why the men should have submitted to it. the father cuts off the navel cord of the new-born child, goes to bed, looks after the child, and fasts strictly until the rest of the navel cord falls off (or even longer). one might consider him as the professional doctor who also fasts like the student medicine-man, as otherwise his cure would be endangered and the child harmed. but not only the xingu, but many other tribes, say that the father must not eat fish, meat, or fruit, as it would be the same as if the child itself ate them; and there is no reason to doubt that this is the real belief of the natives. the medicine-man of the village is always at disposal, and he is called in in all cases when the mother or child falls ill. the father is the patient in so far as he feels himself one with the child. nor is it difficult to understand how this comes about. the native cannot very well know anything about the egg cell and the graafian follicle, and he cannot know that the mother harbours elements corresponding to the bird's egg. for the native the man is the bearer of the egg, which, to put it clearly and concisely, he lays into the mother, and which she hatches during pregnancy." this idea of the _couvade_ is confirmed by linguistic peculiarities: there are the same or similar words for "father," "testicle," "egg," and "child." the child is considered part of the father, and therefore, as long as the child is at its weakest, the father must keep diet, and must avoid anything that the other could not digest. the child is considered the reproduction of the father, and "for the sake of the helpless, unintelligent creature, representing a miniature copy of himself, he must behave as if he were a child to whom no harm must come. should the child happen to die in the first days, how could the father, with such views as he has, doubt that he is to blame, seeing that he has eaten indigestible things, particularly as all illnesses are due to the fault of others? what we call _pars pro toto_ prevails in all folk belief in connection with witch or healing magic," though it cannot be assumed "that the magic worker has a clear conception of the 'part' with which he works. the _couvade_ proceeds according to the same logic, only that in this case the whole stands for the 'part.' it comes to the same whether the enemy's hair is poisoned, and he is thus brought into a decline, or whether food is eaten which is harmful to the child detached from one's own body, because it could not digest it, at least not during the time when the detachment takes place." besides south america and australia, the _couvade_ is also frequent in asia and africa. previously it existed also in south-western europe. hugo kunike, who gives a survey of the prevalence and literature of the _couvade_, thinks that this custom arose from prohibitions which the man was subject to in matriarchal families. the prohibitions condemned the man to inactivity for some time after the birth, so that he took to his hammock. there resulted an external condition which led to an analogy with the lying-in period. there can, according to kunike, be no question of an imitation of the woman's lying-in, for with the south american indians and other primitive peoples among whom the _couvade_ is found no lying-in of the women occurs. vii mutilation of sex organs mutilations of the sex organs are performed by many primitive peoples for religious reasons. they occur much more rarely for the purpose of sex stimulation, as, _e.g._, the artificial lengthening of the small labia among the hottentots and the negro women and the slitting of the penis among the australians. the most frequent mutilation is the abscission of the foreskin of the penis. circumcision of boys is widespread in asia, africa, and australia. among the mohammedan tribes of asia and the negroes of northern and middle africa it is mostly performed with a razor. in indonesia a sharp bamboo splinter serves as the instrument for operation; in other places sharp stone splinters are used. in addition to the familiar circular abscission of the foreskin, numerous primitive peoples practise incision of the foreskin, which is split downwards in its full length. bleeding is stopped generally by very simple means, either by some kind of tampon or by styptic powders. in girls, as, for instance, on some of the indonesian islands, the operation often merely consists in the abscission of a small piece of the preputium clitoridis. among the east african tribes, however, parts of the mons veneris and of the large labia are removed, generally with a dirty razor. after the removal of the labia the two wounds are made to coalesce by letting the girl lie in a suitable position, or sometimes by a suture, which serves the purpose of closing up the vagina. a little tube is inserted to allow for micturition. the united parts are again partly severed for marriage, and completely in case of confinement. after the recovery from confinement partial occlusion is again resorted to (bartels, p. ). among the natives of southern asia living under the influence of islam circumcision of boys is practised universally, but it is also customary among many peoples that are quite free from islamitic influence. circumcision of girls is practised by various islamitic peoples of western asia and india. the operation is performed by old women. in baroda and bombay the clitoris is cut away, ostensibly in order to lessen the sensuality of the girls. in the province of sindo the circumcision of girls is fairly prevalent, especially among the pathan and baluchi tribes. it is performed shortly before marriage by the barber's wife or a female servant, who uses a razor, and it is said to make the confinement easier. among many tribes in the north-western border province the girls are also circumcised at the age of marriage, and here, besides the clitoris, the small labia are also sometimes cut away. in baluchistan among some peoples the tip of the clitoris is pinched off; while among others the labia are slashed, so that scars are formed. the operation is performed partly in childhood, partly on the bridal night; in the latter case it assures the requisite flow of blood at the first coition. among some tribes, in place of circumcision or in addition to it, the hymen is torn on the bridal night (should it still exist), and the vaginal entrance is wounded, so that bleeding is sure to take place at cohabitation. in sind the castes which prostitute their women are said to practise partial infibulation for contracting the vagina. it is reported from the punjab that formerly men leaving their home for a time used to close up the sex passage of the wives they left behind. on the philippine islands circumcision is frequently practised by the non-christian natives, but not everywhere. the igorots of luzon incise the foreskin of boys from four to seven years old at the upper side of the glans with a bamboo knife or the edge of a battle axe. they say this is necessary in order to prevent the skin from growing longer and longer. no other reason is now known to them for this operation. circumcision is practised by the mohammedans of the southern philippine islands. incision of the foreskin is customary on the indonesian islands, thus, _e.g._, on buru, ceram, the watu-bela islands, in the minahassa, partly also in the remaining north and central celebes, also on ambon and halmaheira. circumcision is customary on the aru and kei islands, on the ceram laut and goram group, in certain parts of central celebes, ambon, etc. it is doubtful whether circumcision here is due to the influence of islam. incision is practised on various islands in the western pacific ocean, according to friederici (p. ), for instance, on new guinea, on the south-east coast, among the jabim and on the astrolabe bay. in wide districts of new guinea, however, the inhabitants are not circumcised. on the island umboi, between new guinea and new pomerania, incision is customary, also in various places on the north coast of new pomerania, on the witu islands, some islands of the admiralty group, etc. if incision is performed at a very early age, the result is similar to that of circumcision. frequently, however, only completely mature young men are circumcised; in such cases the cut foreskin hangs down as an ugly brown flap. it is questionable whether this intensifies the women's excitement. as many people as possible are circumcised, in order to have the opportunity for a great festival. this is the result of the liking for numbers shown by primitive people, which is to be met with everywhere. for the operation, the person is laid on his back and held down by relatives. the boys scream and wince at the moment of cutting; but the adults are ashamed before the women, and take an areca nut, into which they bite. among the east barriari on the north coast of new pomerania, the operator--a wise man, but not the priest--pushes an oblong piece of wood under the preputium of the patient, and cuts it from the top downward with an obsidian splinter. the custom of incision is widespread in the new hebrides, new caledonia (with the exception of the loyalty islands), and also in fiji. while with the empress augusta river expedition in new guinea, a. roesike found the foreskin cut among a number of men. it was not a circumcision, nor an incision of the foreskin, but a deep cut into the glans about to ½ centimetres long, sometimes a single one, sometimes a double one crosswise. among some tribes of indonesia a mutilation is customary, which is most likely intended to intensify the lust of the women. it consists in a perforation of the glans or the body of the male organ, into which a little stick is inserted. these little sticks are called _palang_, _ampallang_, _utang_ or _kampion_, and are replaced on journeys or at work by feather quills. among some tribes several little sticks are stuck through the penis. nieuwenhuis describes this operation as follows: "at first the glans is made bloodless by pressing it between the two arms of a bent strip of bamboo. at each of these arms there are openings at the required position opposite each other, through which a sharp pointed copper pin is pressed after the glans has become less sensitive. formerly a pointed bamboo chip was used for this purpose. the bamboo clamp is removed, and the pin, fastened by a cord, is kept in the opening until the canal has healed up. later on the copper pin (_utang_) is replaced by another one, generally of tin, which is worn constantly. only during hard work or at exhausting enterprises is the metal pin replaced by a wooden one." exceptionally brave men have the privilege, together with the chief, of boring a second canal, crossing the first, into the glans. distinguished men may, in addition, wear a ring round the penis, which is cut from the scales of the _pangolin_, and studded with blunt points. it may hence be concluded that the perforation of the penis is not intended as an endurance test for the young men, but that the pin is introduced for the heightening of sexual excitement. many natives assert that the insertion of a pin in the perforated penis has the purpose of preventing pederasty, which is very frequent among the malays (compare nieuwenhuis, vol. i., p. ; kleiweg de zwaan, p. ; meyer, p. ; hose and mcdougall, vol. ii., p. ; buschan, , p. ). among the australians the slitting of the male urethra is frequently practised. formerly it was believed that this custom was intended to prevent conception. but as the australians who are not under european influence are ignorant of the process of generation, this cannot be its meaning. the operation is generally performed in boyhood or early youth, but even adult men undergo it. where this operation on the urethra is customary, the hymen of the girls is cut, the cut often going through the perineum. many tribes practise simple circumcision. among the australian tribe worgait, for instance, certain relatives decide about the circumcision of the boys. after a previous elaborate ceremonial the boy who is to be circumcised is laid on the backs of three men lying on the ground; another man sits on his chest, one holds his legs apart, and the sixth performs the operation by drawing the foreskin forward and cutting it off with a sharp splinter of stone. the group is hidden from the view of the women by a screen made of pieces of bark. afterwards the youth is instructed by old men how he must behave as a man, and he is informed about the matters kept secret from women. he remains for another two months under the supervision of two sons of his maternal uncle, and has further to go through a number of ceremonies. other tribes of the australian north territory have similar customs. circumcision among the hamites of east africa is particularly elaborate. as an example we may take the pastoral tribe of the nandi. these people used to circumcise boys every seven and a half years, and celebrated the occasion with great festivals. since circumcision takes place at shorter intervals. the usual age for circumcision is from the fifteenth to the nineteenth year. younger boys are only circumcised if they are rich orphans, or if their fathers are old men. the ceremony begins at the time of the first quarter of the moon. three days before the operation the boys are given over by their fathers or guardians into the charge of old men, called _moterenic_, as many as ten boys going to two of these men. the _moterenic_ and their boys betake themselves to a neighbouring wood, where they build a hut, in which they spend the six months after the circumcision. the boys have their heads shaved and are given a strong aperient of arsidia sp. warriors visit the hut, and take away all the boys' clothes and ornaments. then young girls visit the boys and give them a part of their clothing and ornaments. after the boys have put these on they inform their relations of the forthcoming circumcision. there is dancing on the next day, after which the warriors draw the boys aside to discover from their expressions whether they will behave cowardly or bravely at the circumcision. after this examination the boys receive necklaces from their girl friends, with which they decorate themselves. after sunset they must listen to the sharpening of the operating knife. warriors are present, and tease the boys. later on all undress, and a procession is formed with a _moterenic_ at the head and rear of it. four times they have to crawl through a small cage, where warriors are stationed at the entrance and exit with nettles and hornets. with the former they beat the boys in the face and on the sex organs; the hornets they set on their backs. a fire is kept burning in the middle of the room, around which old men are seated. each boy has to step before them and beg for permission to be circumcised. he is questioned about his early life; and if the old men think that he has told an untruth or is hiding something, he is put among nettles. if the old men are satisfied with his words, the price of the circumcision has to be arranged, whereupon the boys are led back to their huts. there the warriors and elders assemble the next morning, and at dawn the circumcision begins. the boy to be circumcised is supported by the senior _moterenic_, the others sitting close by and looking on. the operator kneels before the boy, and with a quick cut performs the first part of the operation; the foreskin is drawn forward and cut off at the tip of the glans penis. the surrounding men watch the boy's face in order to see whether he winces or shows any sign of pain. if this is the case, he is called a coward, and receives the dishonourable nickname of _kilpit_; he is not allowed to be present at later circumcisions nor at the children's dances. the brave boys receive bundles of ficus from the women, who welcome them with cries of joy when they return the necklaces which they have previously received from their girl friends. the foreskins are collected and placed in an ox horn. friends and relatives make merry together, while the second part of the operation begins. at this only sterile girls may be present, and also women who have lost several brothers and sisters at short intervals. many boys become unconscious during this part of the operation. the wounds are only washed with cold water, and the boys are led back to their huts, where they spend some weeks quietly. during the first four days they are not allowed to touch food with their hands; they must eat either out of a half-calabash or with the help of some leaves. they get what they like, also milk and meat. but, apart from their _moterenic_, nobody may come near them for four days. afterwards the hand-washing ceremony is performed; the foreskins are taken out of the ox horn, sacrificed to their god, and then buried in cowdung at the foot of a croton tree. now the boys may eat with their hands again, but still no one may see them except the young children who bring them food. three months later, when the boys are quite well again, they have to go through a new ceremony, during which they have to dive repeatedly into the river. if one of them should meet with an accident, his father has to kill a goat. only now may the boys move about freely, but they still have to wear women's clothes (as hitherto) and a special head-dress that hides their faces. they must not enter a cattle kraal nor come near the cattle, nor are they allowed to be outdoors when the hyena howls. this period of semi-seclusion lasts about eight weeks. its conclusion is celebrated by a feast. still more ceremonies follow, and again a feast, after which the boys finally enter the status of manhood. girls are circumcised when some of them in the settlement have reached marriage age. they are shaved, given aperients, have to put on men's clothes, which they receive from their lovers, and take their clubs, loin bells, etc. after three days' ceremonial the circumcision is performed in the morning, at which the mothers and some old women are present; men are only admitted when they have lost several brothers and sisters in succession. the mothers run about crying and shouting during the operation. only the clitoris is cut out. if a girl behaves bravely, she may return the clothes and other things of her lover, otherwise they are thrown away. the girls, too, must not touch food with their hands for four days; afterwards they are put into long dresses with a kind of head mask, and have to go through a period of seclusion. after the completion of various other formalities they are fit for marriage (hollis, , pp. _et seq._). no satisfactory explanation has so far been forthcoming of the purpose of these elaborate circumcision customs. similar customs are observed by other hamites of eastern africa. among the masai there exists the belief that circumcision was introduced by the command of god (merker, p. ). after the circumcision boys and girls are considered grown up. the former have to be circumcised as soon as they are strong enough to take part in a war expedition. the circumcision of sons whose parents have no property and of poor orphans takes place last of all. for the meat banquet which the newly circumcised hold every one present has to supply an ox. poor boys must first acquire it by working for it. the circumcision is a public affair, and is arranged by the witch doctor in certain years. the old men consult in all the districts, and fix a day for the circumcision of the first batch of boys. all the boys circumcised during a certain number of years form an age class with a particular name (as among the nandi). several weeks before the circumcision the boys, adorned with many ornaments, dance and sing in their own and neighbouring kraals, in order to express their joy at their approaching admission into the warrior class. on the day before the circumcision the boys' heads are shaved. on the appointed day itself the boys and the warriors who are present at the operation assemble before dawn at the place chosen by the operators. the boys pour cold water over each other, so as to become less sensitive. after the operation the wounded member is washed with milk; no remedy for stopping the bleeding is applied. later on all the men of the neighbourhood assemble in the kraal, where they are regaled with meat and honey beer by the parents of the newly circumcised boys. the girls are circumcised as soon as signs of puberty become evident, sometimes even earlier. the operation consists in a complete abscission of the clitoris. the wound, as with the boys, is washed in milk. the girl remains in her mother's hut until the wound is healed. as soon as the man to whom the girl is promised as bride hears of her recovery he pays her father the remaining part of the bride-price, and nothing more stands in the way of the marriage. among the somals in north-east africa the boys are circumcised when six years old, and the girls are infibulated at three or four years of age. the infibulation is preceded by the shortening of the clitoris and the clipping of the external labia. the operation is performed by experienced women, who also sew up the inner labia (except for a small aperture) with horse-hair, bast, or cotton thread. the girls have to rest for several days with their legs tied together. before marriage the above-mentioned women or the girls themselves undo the stitching, which, however, is in most cases only severed completely before the confinement (paulitschke, p. ). in western africa most peoples practise the circumcision of boys. the age at which this takes place varies greatly. the duala in cameron have the boys circumcised when four or five years old, the bakwiri as late as the twelfth to fourteenth year, and the dahomey even postpone the circumcision to the twentieth year. but it always takes place before marriage, as women would refuse to have relationship with uncircumcised men (buschan, "sitten," iii., p. ). a peculiar disfigurement of the sex organs is customary among the hottentots, bushmen, and many bantu tribes of middle and south africa. this consists in the artificial elongation of the small labia. it was first observed among the hottentot women, and therefore the elongated labia were called the "hottentot apron." among the jao, makonde, and other east african bantu tribes, the girls at the ages of seven, eight, or nine years are instructed by old women about sex intercourse and their behaviour towards grown-up people. at the same time they are encouraged to systematically alter the natural shape of the genital organs by continually pulling at the labia minora and thus unnaturally lengthening them. karl weule has seen such disfigured organs from to centimetres long. according to the assertion of numerous male natives, the elongated labia assume such dimensions that they hang half-way down to the knee. the main purpose of this disfiguration seems to be erotic; it is said to excite the men. the assumption that the labia minora are naturally exceptionally large among the hottentots is certainly wrong. karl weule is right when he definitely maintains that his proof of the artificial elongation of the labia among the east africans establishes it as an indubitable fact that the famous hottentot apron is also an artificial product. le vaillant established this independently almost years before weule; but the error dragged on from decade to decade, chiefly because nobody troubled or had the good fortune to study the puberty rites as weule did. it is time at last to give up this erroneous idea. among the jaos the operation of the boys consists in a combination of incision with circumcision so that only a tiny piece of the under-part of the preputium remains. the boy must show courage at the operation. screams, if they occur, are drowned by the laughter of the bystanders. bleeding is stilled by bark powder. the boys have to lie down for about twenty days or more, until healing has taken place. as usual, circumcision is combined with instruction about sex behaviour. in former times the jaos are said to have imposed castration as a punishment on men for misbehaviour with the chief's wife (weule, pp. , ). castration still takes place for this reason among other negro races, especially the mohammedan sudanese. in north america the few indians still living in a state of nature do not practise mutilation of the sex organs. in south america circumcision exists among the linguistically isolated tribes and the neighbouring aruake and karaib tribes of the north-west, also among the tribes on the ucayali and the tributaries of the apure (w. schmidt, p. ). the kayapo indians on the araguay river cut the frenulum of the penis with a taquara splinter, and the penis cuff is fastened on to the rolled-up foreskin (w. kissenberth, p. ). the purpose of circumcision is probably to prolong the sex act, for the bare glans is less sensitive than the covered one. friederici says (p. ) that the black boys congregating on the stations and plantations frequently discuss these matters amongst themselves; they know that the glans of the circumcised is much less sensitive than that of the uncircumcised. many authors are of the opinion that the abscission or incision of the foreskin in boys has the purpose of making cohabitation easier in later years, as this is often made difficult by phimosis (tightness of the foreskin). külz (p. ) found that among the youthful plantation workers in new mecklenburg nearly a quarter were afflicted with phimosis, and often to such a degree that normal sex functioning was quite impossible. but such a condition does not seem to prevail among most of the primitive peoples practising circumcision. and, further, of what use would mutilations be that had nothing to do with tightness of the foreskin? the prolonged festivals and elaborate ceremonials which are so often connected with the circumcision of boys and of girls, or with their admission to the state of manhood and womanhood (without accompanying circumcision), are intended to preserve the event in the memory. the long ceremony is deeply impressed upon the mind, and forms a firm nucleus round which other memories cluster which otherwise would be lost in the humdrum of ordinary life. how could the time of entry into manhood remain without ceremonious festival? this seems all the more necessary because the growth into manhood is gradual and almost unnoticeable, and if there were no ceremony, it would pass without making any impression. it is therefore the intention not only to give expression to the beginning virility, but above all to the admission into the league of youth (schurtz, pp. , ). viii maturity and decline among all human races the signs of maturity appear later and less distinctly in the male than in the female. in europeans the period of puberty coincides with the second period of increased bodily growth, which ceases in the male between the sixteenth and the eighteenth year, and in the female between the fourteenth and the sixteenth year. the end of the puberty period may, however, in individual cases, be postponed for some years. the exact time of the advent of sex maturity, which, on account of their menstruation, can be fixed much more readily in girls than in boys, varies not only individually, but racially. the same applies to the difference in time between the advent of maturity and the cessation of bodily growth. sexual maturity, as well as the cessation of bodily growth, takes place much earlier in europeans than in some of the primitive peoples. among other primitive peoples, however, maturity occurs comparatively late, and bodily growth ceases shortly after. to the latter belong certainly some of the peoples living in the tropics. the opinion still prevails that climate has a considerable influence on the advent of maturity. rudolf martin ( ) remarks: "races living in the tropics grow more quickly and mature earlier than the races living in temperate zones. this is undoubtedly due to the earlier advent of puberty." as regards the japanese, e. baelz had already in disputed the statement that they mature early. he found, however, that the growth of both sexes ceases in japan earlier than in europe; still sex maturity in the female does not occur earlier. according to the concordant statements of female teachers of various girls' schools, the japanese girls, in fact, reach maturity later than european girls, and half-caste girls take a medium position. since then reliable data about the advent of maturity among non-european races have seldom been given, but those to hand show that most probably even among coloured primitive people puberty generally occurs late. very important material has been collected by o. reche in matupi (new pomerania, melanesia), with the assistance of the catholic mission of the place. he found that the rhythm of growth of the melanesians corresponds on the whole to that of the europeans, except that the growth ceases altogether a few years earlier. development in height is finished on the whole in girls at the beginning of the seventeenth year, and in boys in the eighteenth year. but, as regards the advent of puberty, reche's researches led to the surprising result that all matupi girls, with the exception of those seventeen years old, had not yet menstruated. reche remarks that this strikingly late appearance of menstruation is also known to the missionaries, because in order to prevent early marriages they only consent to the marriage of a girl after the first menstruation has taken place. reche's experience is in strong contradiction to the belief formerly taken for granted, for puberty occurs among these inhabitants of the tropics not only not earlier, but, on the contrary, later than with the europeans living in temperate climates. of importance is the fact that in the matupi natives puberty coincides with the highest point of the curve of growth, namely, with the end of the development in height. puberty commences when growth ceases. it almost seems as if the advent of maturity absorbs all the strength and hinders further growth. it is quite different with europeans in this respect: the beginning of puberty falls with them in the second period of growth (in boys the twelfth to the sixteenth, in girls the eleventh to the fourteenth year), and therefore long before growth ceases altogether. it would seem that the conditions existing among europeans are the primitive state, as with the majority of animals also puberty begins before the cessation of growth. reche reports further that, corresponding to the late puberty, the secondary sexual characteristics also appear exceptionally late in matupi children. this is the chief reason why the boys and girls, especially as they are small, appear remarkably young even shortly before maturity, and why their age seems much less than it actually is. the first beginning of the change from the areola mamma to the budding breast shows itself among the matupi girls not before the sixteenth year; the development of the breast seems to coincide with the first menstruation. axillary hair did not appear in sixteen-year-old matupi girls, with one exception; and it was scanty in those seventeen years old, though it is generally copious in adults. there was also no trace of a beard in seventeen-year-old boys, though it is well developed in the older men. it must be added that the late differentiation of secondary sexual characteristics is also noticeable among other coloured races, as, _e.g._, among the philippines and other indonesian races. among the papuans of new guinea also sex maturity occurs late. as richard neuhaus wrote, according to information given by missionaries who have lived for a long time among the natives on tami and among the jabim, the first menstruation generally appears in the fifteenth to sixteenth year. young males look very undeveloped up to the sixteenth year. neuhaus thought this late maturity was the result of bad feeding, though it does not appear from his other descriptions that the economic conditions of the papuans are especially unfavourable. a. e. jenks reports of the igorots on luzon that boys as well as girls attain puberty at a late age, generally between fourteen and sixteen years. the civilised ilkano people settled among the igorots definitely declare that the girls do not menstruate before they have reached the sixteenth or seventeenth year. a considerable error as regards their age seems to be excluded with these people, who have lived a long time under european influence. of the andamanese, a pigmy race, portman and molesworth write that puberty appears in boys and girls round about the fifteenth year. bodily growth is finished at eighteen years, and is in any case after maturity very trivial. eugen fischer makes the following statements about the bastards in german south-west africa: "in one family five out of six daughters menstruated for the first time at the age of fifteen, one at the age of sixteen. one bastard woman had first menstruated at the age of seventeen, three of her daughters at thirteen, the fourth, who was anæmic, at seventeen. another bastard woman, who herself had her first menstruation at fifteen, had two daughters from a white man who had reached puberty at sixteen and seventeen years of age. a girl with distinct anæmia stated that she had had her first period at sixteen years, her sister even as late as eighteen," fischer knows of three girls that became mature at sixteen, fourteen, and thirteen years. l. schultze reports that with the hottentots the first menstruation appears, as a rule, between the ages of thirteen and fifteen. there is, unfortunately, no information to be had about the negroes with regard to this subject. the puberty rites practised by them give no clue to the real age at the advent of puberty. ales hrdlicka (pp. - ) tried to determine the age of puberty among indian girls of the south-west of the united states by their height, as definite statements of age are not to be had. this method is not without objection, for it is certain that individuals who have attained puberty are decidedly taller than persons of the same age who have not reached maturity. hrdlicka found that of those examined in the twelfth or thirteenth year one-third of the apache girls and as many as three-quarters of the pima girls had already menstruated. in the age class of thirteen to fourteen years four-fifths of the apache and nine-tenths of the pima girls had already menstruated, while of forty-six older girls only one had not yet attained puberty. the first signs of breast development were noticed by hrdlicka in clothed indian maidens whose ages he estimated to be from eleven to twelve years. but it was only between fifteen and seventeen that the girls acquired the typical womanly form; until then they have, as hrdlicka says, "a somewhat male appearance." in youths the beard begins to grow at the fifteenth or sixteenth year. the climate is moderate in the country of the apache and pima indians; the days are decidedly hot in the low-lying regions, but the nights are generally cold in these regions, even in summer. in comparison it may be noted that, according to h. p. bowditch's investigations in boston, nearly four-fifths of the white girls born in america mature between the thirteenth and seventeenth year. puberty is reached relatively most often between the ages of fourteen and fifteen, though over per cent. of girls examined had not yet menstruated at the completed fifteenth year. within one and the same race the conditions of life seem to have a great influence on the age of puberty and bodily development. unfavourable conditions produce a retardation of puberty; favourable conditions accelerate it. this may be the chief cause why the beginning of puberty varies individually by several years. there exists so far no definite explanation of the racial differences in the age of puberty. reche says, "it is conceivable that the characteristically late maturity of a tropical race (like that of the melanesians) may gradually have been acquired by the unfavourable influence of too hot a climate or of continual underfeeding acting on many generations." it is remarkable that, in contradistinction to the melanesians, the indians become mature very early, and the same applies most likely to the australians. in india, as in australia, sexual intercourse is begun at a very youthful age, among the girls often long before the first menstruation. it is possible that on account of this the age of puberty is lowered, so that girls who mature late are more easily injured and perish in greater number than the girls maturing earlier, who are less injured by the premature sexual intercourse. the male sex may have been influenced in the same direction through heredity. just as physical maturity, so is the cessation of generative power and bodily decline more marked in women than in men. in middle and northern europe, procreation generally ceases with women of an age between forty-five and fifty years. numerous birth statistics from all countries of this continent show that birth in women over fifty years old is very rare. it is not quite clear how the case stands in this respect among the coloured races. hrdlicka reports of the north american indian women that with them the climacterium occurs apparently at about the same age as with european women. it must be taken into consideration that accurate statements of age are wanting, and that the age of indian women can easily be greatly overrated. otherwise it has generally been reported of coloured women that they age rapidly, and that their reproductive period is comparatively short. in north-west brazil the indian girls marry as soon as in their tenth to twelfth year, on account of their rapid development. early maturity and marriage may be one of the chief causes of their rapid decline. the indian women are generally beyond their prime at the age of twenty. their straight figure is frequently covered with a disgusting accumulation of fat, and the elasticity of movement gives way to indolence. other women become very thin after several confinements, their features become sharp and bony, and among old women one often comes across real hag-like creatures with half-blind, running eyes (koch-grünberg, ii., p. ). in india the women of the dravidian as well as of the mongolian races age rapidly. their generative power rarely lasts longer than the beginning of the forties. among the pigmies the time of procreation is said to be equally short (portman and molesworth). spencer and gillen say that with the australian women a rapid bodily decline takes place as early as the twenty-fifth and at the latest in the thirtieth year, which cannot be attributed to exceptional privations or harsh treatment. the australian women apparently reach the age of fifty years or more only exceptionally. jochelson (pp. _et seq._) writes that the koryak women age very rapidly. they cease to bear children at about the age of forty. other travellers have made statements about the great age that the koryaks are said to attain. jochelson's thorough-going investigations showed that of persons only thirteen could possibly have been over sixty-five years old, and among them there was only one really old man. schultze (p. ) mentions two hottentot women who had given birth at the age of forty-seven, and another who still had her period at fifty-five. among the negresses late births also occur. unfortunately, ethnographical literature only rarely gives facts with regard to this subject. ix bibliography amundsen, r. die nordwestpassage. münchen, . baelz, e. die körperlichen eigenschaften der japaner. bd. . baelz, e. das wachstum der geschlechter. verhandl. d. berliner ges. f. anthropologie, , s. . bagge, s. the circumcision ceremony among the naivasha masai. journal anthropol. inst., vol. , pp. - . bartels, m. die medizin der naturvölker. leipzig, . blumentritt, ferd. versuch einer ethnographie der philippinen. gotha, . bogoras, w. the chukchee. leiden and new york, - (memoirs of the american museum of natural history). bowditch, h. p. the growth of children. eighth annual report of the state board of health, state of massachusetts. boston, . brincker, h. p. charakter, sitten und gebräuche speziell der bantu deutsch-südwestafrikas. mitt. d. sem. f. orient. sprachen, iii. . buschan, georg. das sexuelle in der völkerkunde. handbuch der sexualwissenschaften. leipzig, . buschan, georg. die sitten der völker. stuttgart, - . codrington, r. h. the melanesians. oxford, . crawley, a. e. exogamy and the mating of cousins. anthropological essays presented to e. b. tylor. oxford, . cunow, h. zur urgeschichte der ehe und familie. stuttgart, . deegener, p. die formen der vergesellschaftung im tierreich. leipzig, . ellis, h. the evolution of modesty, nd ed. philadelphia, . endle, s. the kacháris. london, . eylmann, e. die eingeborenen der kolonie südaustralien. berlin, . fischer, eugen. die rehobother bastards. jena, . frazer, j. g. totemism and exogamy. london, . friederici, georg. beiträge zur völker- und sprachenkunde von deutsch-neuguinea. berlin, . mitt. a. d. deutschen schutzgeb., ergänzungsheft . frobenius, leo. und afrika sprach! vol. : unter den unsträflichen Äthiopen. charlottenburg, . gait, e. a. census of india, vol. , part . calcutta, . gerson, adolf. die scham. bonn, . hahn, ed. von der hacke zum pflug. leipzig, . hellwald, f. die menschliche familie. leipzig, . hinlopen u. severijn. verslag van een onderzoek der poggieilanden in . tijdschrift vor ind. taal-, land- en volkenkunde, ii., p. . hodson, t. c. the naga tribes of manipur. london, . hollis, a. c. the masai. oxford, . hollis, a. c. the nandi. oxford, . hose, c., and mcdougall, w. the pagan tribes of borneo. london, . howitt, a. c. the native tribes of south-east australia. london, . hrdlicka, ales. physiological and medical observations among the indians. washington, . iyer, a. k. cochin tribes and castes. madras, . jagors nachlass. bd. , berlin, . jenks, a. e. the bontoc igorot. manila, . jochelson, w. the koryak. leiden and new york, (memoirs of the american museum of natural history). kissenberth, w. araguayareise. zeitschrift für ethnologie, . kleiweg de zwaan, j. p. heilkunde der minangkabauer. in: maass, durch zentralsumatra, vol. , berlin, . knoche, w. beobachtungen über geschlechtsleben und niederkunft auf der osterinsel. zeitschrift für ethnologie, . knoche, w. einige bemerkungen über die uti-krag. ebenda, . koch-grÜnberg, theodor. zwei jahre unter den indianern. berlin, . kÜlz, l. biologie und pathologie des nachwuchses bei den naturvölkern der deutschen schutzgebiete. leipzig, (beiheft zum archiv für schiffs- u. tropenhygiene). kunike, hugo. das sogenannte männerkindbett. zeitschrift für ethnologie, . lang, a. australian problems. essays presented to e. b. tylor. oxford, . martin, rudolf. die inlandstämme der malayischen halbinsel. jena, . martin, rudolf. lehrbuch der anthropologie. jena, . mclennan, j. f. studies in ancient history. london, . merker, m. die masai. berlin, . meyer, a. b. Über die perforation des penis bei den malayen. mitt. der anthrop. gesellschaft wien, bd. , . morgan, l. h. die urgesellschaft. stuttgart, . mÜller, josef. das sexuelle leben der naturvölker. leipzig, . mÜller, w. die wildenstämme der insel formosa. zeitschrift für ethnologie, . nansen, f. eskimoleben. berlin, . neuhauss, r. deutsch-neuguinea, bd. . berlin, . nieuwenhuis, a. w. quer durch borneo. leiden, . paulitschke, philipp. beiträge zur ethnographie und anthropologie der somal usw. leipzig, . peal, e. s. on the morong. journal of the anthropological institute, vol. . playfair, a. the garos. london, . ploss, h., und bartels, m. das weib in der natur- und völkerkunde, . aufl. leipzig, . portman and molesworth. record of the andamanese, - . ms. in british museum. reche, otto. untersuchungen über das wachstum und die geschlechtsreife bei melanesischen kindern. korrespondenzbl. d. d. ges. f. anthropol., . jahrg., nr. . reed, w. the negrito of zambales. manila, . reitzenstein, ferdinand von. der kausalzusammenhang zwischen geschlechtsverkehr und empfängnis in glaube und branch der natur- und kulturvölker. zeitschrift für ethnologie, . jahrg., , s. - . rivers, w. h. r. the toda. london, . rivers, w. h. r. on the origin of the classificatory system of relationship. essays presented to e. b. tylor. oxford, . roesike, a. ethnographische ergebnisse der kaiserin. augusta-fluß-expedition. zeitschrift für ethnologie, . roscoe, john. the baganda. london, . roscoe, john. the bahima. journal of the anthropological institute, vol. . sarasin, paul und fritz. ergebnisse naturwissenschaftlicher forschungsreisen auf ceylon, bd. . wiesbaden, - . schmidt, wilhelm. kulturkreise und kulturschichten in südamerika. zeitschrift für ethnologie, . schultze, l. aus namaland und kalahari. jena, . schurtz, heinrich. altersklassen und männerbünde. berlin, . schweinfurth, georg. im herzen von afrika. rd ed. leipzig, . seligmann, c. g. the melanesians of british new guinea. cambridge, . spencer, baldwin. native tribes of the northern territory of australia. london, . spencer, baldwin, and gillen, f. the native tribes of central australia. london, . spencer, baldwin, and gillen, f. the northern tribes of central australia. london, . steinen, karl v. d. unter den naturvölkern zentralbrasiliens. berlin, . theal, g. m. the yellow and dark-skinned people of africa south of the zambesi. london, . thomson, basil h. the fijians. london, . thurnwald, r. ethno-psychologische studien. leipzig, . westermarck, e. history of human marriage. london, . weule, karl. wissenschaftliche ergebnisse meiner ethnogr. forschungsreise in den südosten deutsch-ostafrikas. berlin, . mitt. a. d. d. schutzgeb., erg.-heft . wilken, g. a. handleiding voor de vergelijkende volkenkunde van nederl.-indië. leiden, . williamson, robert w. the mafulu. london, . the whitefriars press, ltd., london and tonbridge. _by s. herbert, m.d., m.r.c.s., l.r.c.p._ an introduction to the physiology & psychology of sex large crown vo, with illustrations in the text. price + s. d.+ net (by post, / ). "for a simple statement, expressed in language as far as possible free from technicalities, of the principal phenomena of generation, dr. herbert's book is the best that we have seen."--_cambridge review._ "it is therefore a real satisfaction to find a sex manual which may be placed with confidence in the hands of any educated person.... he has certainly produced the best little manual which we yet possess in this field."--havelock ellis in _eugenics review_. fundamentals in sexual ethics an enquiry into modern tendencies large crown vo, cloth. price + s. d.+ net (by post, / ). 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"contains not a single dry page--far and away the most compact and complete account of evolution in all its aspects."--_globe._ _by mrs. s. herbert._ sex lore. a primer on courtship, marriage, and parenthood. large crown vo, containing illustrations. price + s. d.+ net (by post, / ). "the author in simple, non-technical language expounds the main facts of sex, especially with regard to biology and physiology, and she treats this delicate subject in a tactful manner. a special feature of the book is the large number of illustrations. the volume is intended for the 'younger generation,' but parents and teachers would be well advised to peruse the book, which should prove invaluable for educative purposes."--_medical times._ " ... may be left with confidence in the hands of any educated person who is attaining to manhood or womanhood."--_aberdeen daily journal._ published by a. & c. black, ltd., , & soho square, london, w. the new horizon in love and life by mrs. havelock ellis with a preface by edward carpenter and an introduction by marguerite tracy _demy vo._ price + / + net (_by post, s._) contents part i love and marriage the love of to-morrow a noviciate for marriage semi-detached marriage marriage and divorce eugenics and the mystical outlook eugenics and spiritual parenthood blossoming-time love as a fine art part ii the new civilisation democracy in the kitchen the masses and the classes the maternal in domestic and political life political militancy: its cause and cure war: an ancient virtue and a modern vice the new civilisation the philosophy of happiness bibliography index "mrs. havelock ellis has written a fine and beautiful book, although many of her ideas appear too utopian to be practical. it is thoughtful and pure in tone, offering no inducement to the prurient of mind, and her chapter on 'blossoming-time'--the tactful enlightenment of children--is a lovely piece of literature. it makes one long for a new and perfect world, in which all minds shall be pure and all passion fine and clean."--_the statesman._ " ... it will do everyone good to read and ponder it."--_truth._ published by a. & c. black, ltd., , & soho square, london, w. transcriber's note: italic text has been marked with _underscores_. please see the end of this book for further notes. human origins _human origins._ published july , copies. reprinted august , copies. reprinted september , copies. human origins by s. laing author of "problems of the future," "modern science and modern thought," "a modern zoroastrian," etc. with illustrations _fifth thousand_ london: chapman and hall, ld. [_all rights reserved_] richard clay & sons, limited, london & bungay. contents. page introduction part i.--evidence from history. chapter i. egypt. historical standard of time--short date inconsistent with evolution--laws of historical evidence--history begins with authentic records--records of egypt oldest--manetho's lists--confirmed by hieroglyphics--origin of writing--the alphabet--phonetic writing--clue to hieroglyphics--the rosetta stone--champollion--principles of hieroglyphic writing--language coptic--can be read with certainty--confirmed by monuments--manetho's date for menes b.c.--old, middle, and new empires--old empire, menes, to end of sixth dynasty--break between old and middle empires--works of twelfth dynasty--fayoum--thirteenth and fourteenth dynasties--hyksos conquests--duration of hyksos rule--their expulsion and foundation of new empire--conquests in asia of seventeenth and eighteenth dynasties--wars with hittites and assyrians--persian and greek dynasties--summary of evidence for date of menes--period prior to menes--horsheshu--sphynx--stone age--neolithic and palæolithic remains--horner, haynes, and pitt-rivers chapter ii. chaldÆa. chronology--berosus--his dates mythical--dates in genesis--synchronisms with egypt and assyria--monuments--cuneiform inscriptions--how deciphered--behistan inscription--grotefend and rawlinson--layard--library of koyunjik--how preserved--accadian translations and grammars--historical dates--elamite conquest--commencement of modern history--ur-ea and dungi--nabonidus--sargon i., b.c.--ur of the chaldees--sharrukin's cylinder--his library--his son naram-sin--semites and accadians--accadians and chinese--period before sargon i.--patesi--de sarzec's find at sirgalla--gud-ea, to b.c.--advance of delta--astronomical records--chaldæa and egypt give similar results---historic period or years--and no trace of a beginning chapter iii. other historical records. _china_--oldest existing civilization--but records much later than those of egypt and chaldæa--language and traditions accadian--communication how effected. _elam_--very early civilization--susa, an old city in first chaldæan records--conquered chaldæa in b.c.--conquered by assyrians b.c.--statue of nana--cyrus an elamite king--his cylinder--teaches untrustworthiness of legendary history. _phoenicia_--great influence on western civilization--but date comparatively late--traditions of origin--first distinct mention in egyptian monuments b.c.--great movements of maritime nations--invasions of egypt by sea and land, under menepthah, b.c., and ramses iii., b.c.--lists of nations--show advanced civilization and intercourse--but nothing beyond or b.c. _hittites_--great empire in asia minor and syria--turanian race--origin cappadocia--great wars with egypt--battle of kadesh--treaty with ramses ii.--power rapidly declined--but only finally destroyed b.c. by sargon ii.--capital carchemish--great commercial emporium--hittite hieroglyphic inscriptions and monuments--only recently and partially deciphered--results. _arabia_--recent discoveries--inscriptions--sabæa--minæans--thirty-two kings known--ancient commerce and trade-routes--incense and spices--literature--old traditions--oannes--punt--seat of semites--arabian alphabet--older than phoenician--bearing on old testament histories. _troy and mycenæ_--dr. schliemann's excavations--hissarlik--buried fortifications, palaces, and treasures of ancient troy--mycenæ and tiryns--proof of civilization and commerce--tombs--absence of inscriptions and religious symbols--date of mycenæan civilization--school of art--pictures on vases--type of race chapter iv. ancient religions. egypt--book of the dead--its morality--metaphysical character--origins of religions--ghosts--animism--astronomy and astrology--morality--pantheism and polytheism--egyptian ideas of future life and judgment--egyptian genesis--divine emanations--plurality of gods and animal worship--sun worship and solar myths--knowledge of astronomy--orientation of pyramids--theory of future life--the ka--the soul--confession of faith before osiris. chaldæan religion--oldest form accadian--shamanism--growth of philosophical religion--astronomy and astrology--accadian trinities--anu, mull-il, ea--twelve great gods--bel-ishtar--merodach--assur--pantheism--wordsworth--magic and omens--penitential psalms--conclusions from chapter v. ancient science and art. evidence of antiquity--pyramids and temples--arithmetic--decimal and duodecimal scales--astronomy--geometry reached in egypt at earliest dates--great pyramid--piazzi smyth and pyramid-religion--pyramids formerly royal tombs, but built on scientific plans--exact orientation on meridian--centre in ° n. latitude--tunnel points to pole--possible use as an observatory--procter--probably astrological--planetary influences--signs of the zodiac--mathematical coincidences of great pyramid--chaldæan astronomy--ziggurats--tower of babel--different orientation from egyptian pyramids--astronomical treatise from library of sargon i., b.c.--eclipses and phases of venus--measures of time from old chaldæan--moon and sun--found among so many distant races--implies commerce and intercourse--art and industry--embankment of menes--sphynx--industrial arts--fine arts--sculpture and painting--the oldest art the best--chaldæan art--de sarzec's find at sirgalla--statues and works of art--imply long use of bronze--whence came the copper and tin--phoenician and etruscan commerce--bronze known years earlier--same alloy everywhere--possible sources of supply--age of copper--names of copper and tin--domestic animals--horse--ox and ass--agriculture--all proves extreme antiquity chapter vi. prehistoric traditions. short duration of tradition--no recollection of stone age--celts taken for thunderbolts--stone age in egypt--palæolithic implements--earliest egyptian traditions--extinct animals forgotten--their bones attributed to giants--chinese and american traditions--traditions of origin of man--philosophical myths--cruder myths from stones, trees, and animals--totems--recent events soon forgotten--autochthonous nations--wide diffusion of prehistoric myths--the deluge--importance of, as test of inspiration--more definite than legend of creation--what the account of the deluge in genesis really says--date--extent--duration--all life destroyed except pairs preserved in the ark--such a deluge impossible--contradicted by physical science--by geology--by zoology--by ethnology--by history--how deluge myths arise--local floods--sea shells on mountains--solar myths--deluge of hasisadra--noah's deluge copied from it--revised in a monotheistic sense at a comparatively late period--conclusion--rational view of inspiration chapter vii. the historical element in the old testament. moral and religious distinct from historical inspiration--myth and allegory--the higher criticism--all ancient history unconfirmed by monuments untrustworthy--cyrus--old testament and monuments--jerusalem--tablet of tell-el-amarna--flinders petrie's exploration of pre-hebrew cities--ramses and pi-thom--first certain synchronism rehoboam--composite structure of old testament--elohist and jehovist--priests' code--canon driver--results--book of chronicles--methods of jewish historians--post-exilic references--tradition of esdras--nehemiah and ezra--foundation of modern judaism--different from pre-exilic--discovery of book of the law under josiah--deuteronomy--earliest sacred writings--conclusions--aristocratic and prophetic schools--triumph of pietism with exile--both compiled partly from old materials--crudeness and barbarism of parts--pre-abrahamic period clearly mythical--derived from chaldæa--abraham--unhistoric character--his age--lot's wife--his double adventure with sarah--abraham to moses--sojourn in egypt--discordant chronology--josephus' quotation from manetho--small traces of egyptian influence--future life--legend of joseph--moses--osarsiph--life of moses full of fabulous legends--his birth--plagues of egypt--the exodus--colenso--contradictions and impossibilities--immoralities--massacres--joshua and the judges--barbarisms and absurdities--only safe conclusion no history before the monarchy--david and solomon--comparatively modern date part ii.--evidence from science. chapter viii. geology and palÆontology. proved by contemporary monuments--as in history--summary of historical evidence--geological evidence of human periods--neolithic period--palæolithic or quaternary--tertiary--secondary and older periods--the recent or post-glacial period--lake-villages--bronze age--kitchen-middens--scandinavian peat-mosses--neolithic remains comparatively modern--definition of post-glacial period--its duration--mellard read's estimate--submerged forests--changes in physical geography--huxley--objections from america--niagara--quaternary period--immense antiquity--presence of man throughout--first glacial period--scandinavian and laurentian ice-caps--immense extent--mass of _débris_--elevation and depression--in britain--inter-glacial and second glacial periods--antiquity measured by changes of land--lyell's estimate--glacial _débris_ and loess--recent erosion--bournemouth--evans--prestwich--wealden ridge and southern drift--contain human implements--evidence from new world--california chapter ix. the glacial period and croll's theory. causes of glacial periods--actual conditions of existing glacial regions--high land in high latitudes--cold alone insufficient--large evaporation required--formation of glaciers--they flow like rivers--icebergs--greenland and antarctic circle--geographical and cosmic causes--cooling of earth and sun, cold spaces in space, and change in earth's axis, reviewed and rejected--precession alone insufficient--unless with high eccentricity--geographical causes, elevation of land--aërial and oceanic currents--gulf stream and trade winds--evidence for greater elevation of land in america, europe, and asia--depression--warmer tertiary climates--alps and himalayas--wallace's _island life_--lyell--croll's theory--sir r. ball--former glacial periods--correspondence with croll's theory--length of the different phases--summary--croll's theory a secondary cause--conclusions as to man's antiquity chapter x. quaternary man. no longer doubted--men not only existed, but in numbers and widely spread--palæolithic implements of similar type found everywhere--progress shown--tests of antiquity--position of strata--fauna--oldest types--mixed northern and southern species--reindeer period--correspondence of human remains with these three periods--advance of civilization--clothing and barbed arrows--drawing and sculpture--passage into neolithic and recent periods--corresponding progress of physical man--distinct races--how tested--tests applied to historical, neolithic, and palæolithic man--long heads and broad heads--aryan controversy--primitive european types--canon taylor--huxley--preservation of human remains depends mainly on burials--about forty skulls and skeletons known from quaternary times--summary of results--quatrefages and hamy--races of canstadt--cro-magnon--furfooz--truchere--skeletons of neanderthal and spy--canstadt type oldest--cro-magnon type next--skeleton of cro-magnon--broad-headed and short race resembling lapps--american type--no evidence from asia, africa, india, polynesia, and australia--negroes, negrillos, and negritos--summary of results chapter xi. tertiary man. definition of periods--passage from pliocene to quaternary--scarcity of human remains in tertiary--denudation--evidence from caves wanting--tertiary man a necessary inference from widespread existence of quaternary man--both equally inconsistent with genesis--was the first great glaciation pliocene or quaternary?--section of perrier--confirms croll's theory--elephas meridionalis--mammoth--st. prest--cut bones--instances of tertiary man--halitherium--balæonotus--puy-courny--thenay--evidence for--proofs of human agency--latest conclusions--gaudry's theory--dryopithecus--type of tertiary man--skeleton of castelnedolo--shows no approach to the missing link--contrary to theory of evolution--must be sought in the eocene--evidence from the new world--glacial period in america--palæolithic implements--quaternary man--similar to europe--california--conditions different--auriferous gravels--volcanic eruptions--enormous denudation--great antiquity--flora and fauna--point to tertiary age--discovery of human remains--table mountain--latest finds--calaveras skull--summary of evidence--other evidence--tuolumne--brazil--buenos ayres--nampa images--take us farther from first origins and the missing link--if darwin's theory applies to man, must go back to the eocene chapter xii. races of mankind. monogeny or polygeny--darwin--existing races--colour--hair--skulls and brains--dolichocephali and brachycephali--jaws and teeth--stature--other tests--isaac taylor--prehistoric types in europe--huxley's classification--language no test of race--egyptian monuments--human and animal races unchanged for years--neolithic races--palæolithic--different races of man as far back as we can trace--types of canstadt, cro-magnon, and furfooz--oldest races dolichocephalic--skulls of neanderthal and spy--simian characters--objections--evidence confined to europe--american man--calaveras skull--tertiary man--skull of castelnedolo--leaves monogeny or polygeny an open question--arguments on each side--old arguments from the bible and philology exploded--what darwinian theory requires--animal types traced up to the eocene--secondary origins--dog and horse--fertility of races--question of hybridity--application to man--difference of constitutions--negro and white--bearing on question of migration--apes and monkeys--question of original locality of man--asiatic theory--eur-african--american--arctic--none based on sufficient evidence--mere speculations--conclusion--summary of evidence as to human origins illustrations tablet of snefura at wady magerah specimen of hieroglyphic alphabet pyramids of gizeh and sphynx fellah woman and head of second hyksos statue hyksos sphynx statue of prince rahotep's wife khufu-ankh and his servants--early egyptians cuneiform symbols cylinder seal of sargon i head of ancient chaldÆan statue of gud-ea, with inscription sea-fight in the time of ramses iii king of the hittites chief of punt and two men queen sending warrior to battle adam, eve, and the serpent judgment of the soul by osiris pyramid ziggurat restored the village sheik palÆolithic celt palÆolithic celt in argillite palÆolithic flint celt palÆolithic celt of quartzite from natal portrait of mammoth earliest portrait of a man with serpents and horses' heads reindeer feeding arrow-heads cuts with flint knife on rib of balÆonotus--pliocene cut magnified by microscope flint scraper from high level drift, kent upper miocene implements. puy courny copare quaternary implements section at thenay middle miocene implements middle miocene implements compare quaternary implements section of great californian lava stream, cut through by rivers section across table mountain, tuolumne county, california the nampa image l'homme avant l'histoire human origins. introduction. the reception which has been given to my former works leads me to believe that they have had a certain educational value for those who, without being specialists, wish to keep themselves abreast of the culture of the day, and to understand the leading results and pending problems of modern science. of these results the most interesting are those which bear upon the origin and evolution of the human race. in my former works i have treated of these mainly from the point of view of geology and palæontology, and have hardly touched on the province which lies nearest to us, that of history and of prehistoric traditions. in this province, however, a revolution has been effected by the discoveries of the present century, which is no less important than that made by geological research and by the doctrine of evolution. down to the middle of the nineteenth century, and to a considerable extent down to the present day, the hebrew bible was held to be the sole and sufficient authority as to the early history of the human race. it was believed, with a certainty which made doubt impious, that the first man adam was created in or about the year b.c., or not quite years ago; and that all human and other life was destroyed by a universal deluge, years later, with the exception of noah and his wife, their sons and their wives, and pairs of all living creatures, by whom the earth was repeopled from the mountain-peak of ararat as a centre. the latest conclusions of modern science show that uninterrupted historical records, confirmed by contemporary monuments, carry history back at least years before the supposed creation of man, and years before the date of the deluge, and show then no trace of a commencement; but populous cities, celebrated temples, great engineering works, and a high state of the arts and of civilization, already existing. this is of the highest interest, both as bearing on the dogma of the divine inspiration of the historical and scientific, as distinguished from the moral and religious, portions of the bible, and on the still more important question of the true theory of man's origin and relations to the universe. the so-called conflict between religion and science is at bottom one between two conflicting theories of the universe--the first that it is the creation of a personal god who constantly interferes by miracles to correct his original work; the second, that whether the first cause be a personal god or something inscrutable to human faculties, the work was originally so perfect that the whole succession of subsequent events has followed by evolution acting by invariable laws. the former is the theory of orthodox believers, the latter that of men of science, and of liberal theologians who, like bishop temple, find that the theory of "original impress" is more in accordance with the idea of an omnipotent and omniscient creator, to whom "a thousand years are as a day," than the traditional theory of a creator constantly interfering to supplement and amend his original creation by supernatural interferences. it is evidently important for all who desire to arrive at truth, and to keep abreast of the culture of the day, to have some clear conception of what historical and geological records really teach, and what sort of a standard or measuring-rod they supply in attempting to carry back our researches into the depths of prehistoric and of geological time. i have therefore in this work begun with the historic period, as giving us a solid foundation and standard of time, by which to gauge the vastly longer periods which lie behind, and ascended from this by successive steps through the neolithic and palæolithic ages, and the quaternary and tertiary periods, so far as the most recent discoveries throw any light on the mysterious question of "human origins." if i have succeeded in stimulating some minds, especially those of my younger readers, and of the working-classes who are striving after culture, to feel an interest in these subjects, and to pursue them further, my object will have been attained. they have been to me the solace of a long life, the delight of many quiet days, and the soother of many troubled ones, and i should be glad to think that i had been the means, however humble, of introducing to others what i have found such a source of enjoyment, and enlisting, if it were only a few, in the service of that "divine philosophy," in which i have ever found, as wordsworth did in nature, "the anchor of my purest thoughts, the nurse, the guide, the guardian of my heart, and soul of all my moral being." part i.--history. chapter i. egypt. historical standard of time--short date inconsistent with evolution--laws of historical evidence--history begins with authentic records--records of egypt oldest--manetho's lists--confirmed by hieroglyphics--origin of writing--the alphabet--phonetic writing--clue to hieroglyphics--the rosetta stone--champollion--principles of hieroglyphic writing--language coptic--can be read with certainty--confirmed by monuments--manetho's date for menes b.c.--old, middle, and new empires--old empire, menes, to end of sixth dynasty--break between old and middle empires--works of twelfth dynasty--fayoum--thirteenth and fourteenth dynasties--hyksos conquests--duration of hyksos rule--their expulsion and foundation of new empire--conquests in asia of seventeenth and eighteenth dynasties--wars with hittites and assyrians--persian and greek dynasties--summary of evidence for date of menes--period prior to menes--horsheshu--sphynx--stone age--neolithic and palæolithic remains--horner, haynes, and pitt-rivers. in measuring the dimensions of space we have to start from some fixed standard, such as the foot or yard, taken originally from the experience of our ordinary senses and capable of accurate verification. from this we arrive by successive inductions at the size of the earth, the distance of the sun, moon, and planets, and finally at the parallax of the fixed stars. so in speculations as to the origin and evolution of the human race, history affords the standard from which we start, through the successive stages of prehistoric, neolithic, and palæolithic man, until we pass into the wider ranges of geological time. any error in the original standard becomes magnified indefinitely, whether in space or time, as we extend our researches backwards into remoter regions. thus whether the authentic records of history extend only for some years backwards from the present time to the scriptural date of noah's flood, as was universally assumed to be the case until quite recently; or whether egyptian and chaldæan records carry us back for years, and show us then a dense population, powerful empires, large cities, and generally a highly advanced civilization already existing, makes a wonderful difference in the standpoint from which we view the course of human evolution. to begin with, a short date necessitates supernatural interferences. it is quite impossible that if man and all animal life were created only about years b.c., and were then all destroyed save the few pairs saved in noah's ark, and made a fresh start from a single centre some years later, there can be any truth in darwin's theory of evolution. we know for a certainty from the concurrent testimony of all history, and from egyptian monuments, that the different races of men and animals were in existence years ago as they are at the present day; and that no fresh creations or marked changes of type have taken place during that period. if then all these types, and all the different races and nations of men, sprung up in the interval of less than years, which is the longest that can by any possibility be allowed between the biblical date of the deluge and the clash of the mighty monarchies of assyria and egypt in palestine, the date of which is proved both by the bible and by profane historians, it is obviously impossible that such a state of things could have been brought about by natural causes. but if authentic historical records carry us back not for or , but for or years, and then show no trace of a beginning, the case is altered, and we may assume an almost unlimited duration of time, through historical, prehistoric, neolithic, and palæolithic ages, during which evolution may have operated. it is of the first importance therefore to inquire what these records really teach in the light of modern research, and what is the evidence for the longer dates which are now generally accepted. furnished with such a measuring-rod it becomes easier to attempt to bring into some sort of co-ordination the vast mass of facts which have been accumulated in recent years as to prehistoric, neolithic, and palæolithic man; and the glimpses of light respecting the origin, antiquity, and early history of the human race, which have come in from other sciences such as astronomy, geology, zoology, and philology. to do this exhaustively would be an encyclopædic task which i do not pretend to accomplish, but i am not without hope that the following chapters, connected as they are by the one leading idea of tracing human origins backward to their source, may assist inquiry, and create an interest in this most interesting of all questions, especially among the young who are striving after knowledge, and the millions who, not having the time and opportunity for reading technical works, feel a desire to keep themselves abreast of modern thought and of the advanced culture of the close of the nineteenth century. before examining these records in detail it is well to begin with the general laws upon which historical evidence is based. history begins with writings. all experience shows that what may be transmitted by memory and word of mouth, consists mainly of hymns and portions of ritual, such as the vedas of the hindoos; and to a certain extent of heroic poems and ballads in which the historical element is so overlaid by mythology and poetry, that it is impossible to discriminate between fact and fancy. thus the legend of hercules is evidently in the main a solar myth, and his twelve labours are related to the signs of the zodiac, but it is possible that there may have been a real hercules, the actual or eponymic ancestor of the tribe of heraclides. so, at a later period, the descent of the romans from the pious Æneas, and of the britons from another trojan hero brute, are obviously fabulous; and at a still more recent date, our own arthurian legends are evidently a mediæval romance, though it is possible that there may have been a chief of that name of the christianized romano-britons, who opposed a gallant resistance to the flood of saxon invasion. but to make real history we require something very different; concurrent and uninterrupted testimony of known historians; absence of impossible and obviously fabulous dates and events; and, above all, contemporary records, written or engraved on tombs, temples, and monuments, or preserved in papyri or clay cylinders. another remark is, that these authentic records of early history only begin to appear when civilization is so far advanced as to have established powerful dynasties and priestly organizations. the history of a nation is at first the history of its kings, and its records are enumerations of their genealogies, successive reigns, foundation or repair of temples, great industrial works, and warlike exploits. these are made and preserved by special castes of priestly colleges and learned scribes, and they are to a great extent precise in date and accurate in fact. before the establishment of such historical dynasties we have nothing but legends and traditions, which are vague and mythical, the mythological element rapidly predominating as we go backwards in time, until we soon arrive at reigns of gods, and lives of thousands of years. but as we approach the period of historical dynasties the mythological element diminishes, and we pass from gods reigning , years, and patriarchs living to , to later patriarchs living or years, and finally to mortal men, living, and kings reigning, to natural ages. in fact, with the first appearance of authentic records the supernatural disappears, and the average duration of lives, reigns, and dynasties, and the general course of events, are much the same as at present, and fully confirm, the statement of the egyptian priests to herodotus, that during the long succession of ages of the high priests of heliopolis, whose statues they showed him in the great temple of the sun, there had been no change in the length of human life or in the course of nature, and each one of the had been a _piromis_, or mortal man, the son of a _piromis_. the first question is how far back these authentic historical records can be traced, and egypt affords the first answer. the first step in the inquiry as to egyptian antiquity is afforded by the history of manetho. ptolemy philadelphus, whose reign began b.c., was an enlightened king. he founded the great alexandrian library, and was specially curious in collecting everything which bore on the early history of his own and other countries. with this view he had the greek translation, known as the septuagint, made of the sacred books of the hebrews, and he commissioned manetho to compile a history of egypt from the earliest times, from the most authentic temple records and other sources of information. manetho was eminently qualified for such a task, being a learned and judicious man, and a priest of sebennytus, one of the oldest and most famous temples. the history of manetho is unfortunately lost, being probably the greatest loss the world has sustained by the burning of the alexandrian library, but fragments of it have been preserved in the works of josephus, eusebius, julius africanus and syncellus, of whom eusebius and africanus profess to give manetho's lists and dates of dynasties and kings from the first king menes down to the conquest of alexander the great in b.c. with the curious want of critical faculty of almost all the christian fathers, these extracts, though professing to be quotations from the same book, contain many inconsistencies, and in several instances they have obviously been tampered with, especially by eusebius, in order to bring their chronology more in accordance with that of the old testament. but enough remains to show that manetho's lists comprised thirty-one dynasties, and about kings, whose successive reigns extended over a period of about years, from the accession of menes to the conquest of egypt by alexander the great in b.c., making the date of the first historical king who united upper and lower egypt, about b.c. there may be some doubt as to the precise dates, for the lists, of manetho have obviously been tampered with to some extent by the christian fathers who quoted them, but there can be no doubt that his original work assigned an antiquity to menes of over b.c. the only other historical information as to the history of ancient egypt was gleaned from references to it in the extant works of josephus and of greek authors, especially homer, herodotus, and diodorus siculus. josephus, in his _antiquity of the jews_, quotes passages from manetho, but they only extend to the period of the hyksos invasion, the captivity of the jews, and the exodus, which are all comparatively recent events in manetho's annals. homer's account of hundred-gated thebes does not carry us back beyond the echo which had reached ionian greece of the splendours of the nineteenth dynasty. herodotus visited egypt about b.c., and wrote a description of it from what he saw and heard on the spot. it contains a good deal of valuable information, for he was a shrewd observer. but he was credulous, and not very critical in distinguishing between fact and fable, and it is evident that his sources of information were often not much better than vague popular traditions, or the tales told by guides, and even the more authentic information is so disconnected and mixed with fable, that it can hardly be accepted as material for history. as far as it goes, however, it tends to confirm manetho, as, for instance, in giving the names correctly of the kings who built the three great pyramids, and in saying that he saw the statues of successive high priests of the great temple of heliopolis, which correspond very well with manetho's lists of kings. diodorus gives us very much the same narratives as those of herodotus; and, on the whole, we had to fall back on manetho as the only authority for anything like precise dates and connected history. manetho's dates, however, were so inconsistent with preconceived ideas based on the chronology of the bible, that they were universally thought to be fabulous. they were believed either to represent the exaggerations of egyptian priests desirous of magnifying the antiquity of their country, or, if historical, to give in succession the names of a number of kings and dynasties who had really reigned simultaneously in different provinces. so stood the question until the discovery of reading hieroglyphics enabled us to test the accuracy of manetho's lists by the light of contemporary monuments and manuscripts. this discovery is of such supreme importance that it may be well to begin at the beginning, and lay a solid foundation by showing how it was made, and the demonstration on which it rests. reading presupposes writing, as writing presupposes speech. ideas are conveyed from one mind to another in speech through the ear, in writing through the eye. the origin of the latter method is doubtless to be found in picture-writing. the palæolithic savage who drew a mammoth with the point of a flint on a piece of ivory, was attempting to write, in his rude way, a record of some memorable chase. and the accounts of the old empires of mexico and peru at the time of the spanish conquest, show that a considerable amount of civilization can be attained and information conveyed by this primitive method. but for the purpose of historical record more is required. it is essential to have a system of signs and symbols which shall be generally understood, and by which knowledge shall be handed down unchanged to successive generations. all experience shows that before knowledge is thus fixed and recorded, anything that may be transmitted by memory and word of mouth, fades off almost immediately into myth, and leaves no certain record of time, place, and circumstance. a few religious hymns and prayers like those of the vedas, a few heroic ballads like those of homer, a few genealogies like those of agamemnon or abraham, may be thus preserved, but nothing definite or accurate in the way of fact and date. history, therefore, begins with writing, and writing begins with the invention of fixed signs to represent words. a system of writing is possible, like the chinese, in which each separate word has its own separate sign, but this is extremely cumbrous, and quite unintelligible to those who have not got a living key to explain the meaning of each symbol. it is calculated that an educated chinese has to learn by heart the meaning of some , separate signs before he can read and write correctly. we have a trace of this ideographic system in our own language, as where arbitrary signs such as , , , represent not the sounds of one, two, and three, but the ideas conveyed by them. but for all practical purposes, intelligible writing has to be phonetic, that is, representing spoken words, not by the ideas they convey, but by the sounds of which they are composed. in other words there must be an alphabet. the alphabet is the first lesson of childhood, and it seems such a simple thing that we are apt to forget that it is one of the most important and original inventions of the human intellect. some prehistoric genius, musing on the meaning of spoken words, has seen that they might all be analyzed into a few simple sounds. to make this more easily intelligible, i will suppose the illustrations to be taken from our own language. "dog" and "dig" express very different ideas; but a little reflection will show that the primary sounds made by the tongue, teeth, and palate, viz. 'd' and 'g,' are the same in each, and that they differ only by a slight variation in the soft breathing or vowel, which connects them and renders them vocal. the next step would be to see that such words as "good" or "god," consisted of the same root-sounds, only transposed and connected with a slight vowel difference. pursuing the analysis, it would finally be discovered that the many thousand words of spoken language could all be resolved into a very small number of radical sounds, each of which might be represented and suggested to the mind through the eye instead of the ear by some conventional sign or symbol. here is the alphabet, and here the art of writing. this great achievement of the human intellect appears to have been made in prehistoric times; and where not obviously imported from a foreign source, as in the phoenician alphabet from the egyptian and the greek from the phoenician, it is attributed to some god, that is, to an unknown antiquity. thus in egypt, thoth the second, known to the greeks as hermes trismegistus, a fabulous demi-god of the period succeeding the reign of the great gods, is said to have invented the alphabet and the art of writing. the analysis of primary sounds varies a little in different times and countries in order to suit peculiarities in the pronunciation of different races and convenience in writing; but about sixteen primitive sounds, which is the number of the letters of the first alphabet brought by cadmus to greece, are always its basis. in our own alphabet it is easy to see that it is not formed on strictly scientific principles, some of the letters being redundant. thus the soft sound of 'c' is expressed by 's,' and the hard sound by 'k'; and 'x' is an abbreviation of three other letters, 'eks.' some letters also express sounds which run so closely into one another that in some alphabets they are not distinguished, as 'f' and 'v,' 'd' and 't', 'l' and 'r'; while some races have guttural and other sounds, such as 'kh' and 'sj,' which occur so frequently as to require separate signs, while they baffle the vocal organs of other races, and in some cases syllables which frequently occur, instead of being spelt out alphabetically, are represented by single signs. but these are mere details, the question substantially is this--if a collection of unknown signs is phonetic, and we can get any clue to its alphabet, it can be read; if not it must remain a sealed book. to apply this to hieroglyphics; it had been long known that the monuments of ancient egypt were carved with mysterious figures, representing commonly birds, animals, and other natural objects, but all clue to their meaning had been lost. it seemed more natural to suppose that they were ideographic; that a lion for instance represented a real lion, or some quality associated with him, such as fierceness, valour, and kingly aspect, rather than that his picture stood simply for our letter 'l.' the long-desired clue was afforded by the famous rosetta stone. this is a mutilated block of black basalt, which was discovered in by an engineer officer of the french expedition, in digging the foundations of a fort near rosetta. it was captured, with other trophies, by the british army, when the french were driven out of egypt, and is now lodged at the british museum. it bears on it three inscriptions, one in hieroglyphics, the second in the demotic egyptian character employed for popular use, and the third in greek. the greek can of course be read, and it is an inscription commemorating the coronation of ptolemy epiphanes and his queen arsinoe, in the year b.c. it was an obvious conjecture that the two egyptian inscriptions were to the same effect, and that the greek was a literal translation of this. to turn this conjecture, however, into a demonstration, a great deal of ingenuity and patient research were required. the principle upon which all interpretation of unknown signs rests may be most easily understood by taking an illustration from our own language. the first step in the problem is to know whether these unknown signs are ideographic or phonetic. thus if we have two groups of signs, one of which we have reason to know stands for "ptolemy" and the other for "cleopatra," if they are phonetic, the first sign in ptolemy will correspond with the fifth in cleopatra; the second with the seventh, the third with the fourth, the fourth with the second, and the fifth with the third; and we shall have established five letters of the unknown alphabet, 'p, t, o, l,' and 'e.' other names will give other letters, as if we know "arsinoe," its comparison with "cleopatra" will give 'a' and 'r,' and confirm the former induction as to 'o' and 'e.' and it will be extremely probable that the two last signs in ptolemy represent 'm' and 'y'; the first in cleopatra 'c'; and the third, fourth, and fifth in arsinoe, 's, i,' and 'n.' suppose now that we find in an inscription on an ancient temple at thebes, a name which begins with our known sign for 'r,' followed by our known 'a,' then by our conjectural 'm,' then by the sign which we find third in arsinoe, or 's,' then by our known 'e,' and ending with a repetition of 's,' we have no difficulty in reading "ramses," and identifying it with one of the kings of that name mentioned by manetho as reigning at thebes. the identification of letters was facilitated by the custom of inclosing the names of kings in what is called a cartouche or oval. [illustration: tablet of snefura at wady magerah. (the oldest inscription in the world, probably years old. the king conquering an arabian or asiatic enemy.)] this name reads "snefura," which is the name of the king of the third dynasty who reigned about b.c., or before the building of the great pyramids, which inscription is the earliest contemporary one of an egyptian king as yet discovered. it was found at the copper mines of wady magerah, in the peninsula of sinai, and represents the victory of the king over an arabian or asiatic enemy. the first step towards the decipherment of the hieroglyphics on the rosetta stone was made in by dr. young, who was one of the most ingenious and original thinkers of the nineteenth century, and is also famous as the first discoverer of the undulatory theory of light. but in both cases he merely indicated the right path and laid down the correct principles. the development of his theories was reserved for two frenchmen; fresnel in the case of light, and champollion in that of hieroglyphics. the task was one which required immense patience and ingenuity, for the hieroglyphic alphabet turned out to be one of great complexity. not only were many of the signs not phonetic, but ideographic or determinative; and some of them standing for syllables and not letters; but the letters themselves were not represented, as in modern languages, each by a single sign or at most by two signs, as a and a, but by several different signs. the egyptian alphabet was in fact constructed very much as young children often learn theirs, by-- a was an apple-pie, b bit it, c cut it; with this difference, that several objects, whose names begin with a and other letters, might be used to represent them. thus some of the hieroglyphic letters had as many as twenty-five different signs or homophones. it is as if we could write for 'a,' the picture either of an apple, or of an ass, archer, arrow, anchor, or any word beginning with 'a.' however, champollion with infinite difficulty, and aided by the constant discovery of fresh inscriptions, solved the problem, and succeeded in producing a complete alphabet of hieroglyphics comprising all the various signs, thus enabling us to translate every hieroglyphic sign into its corresponding sound or spoken word. the next question was, what did these words mean, and could they be recognized in any known language? the answer to this was easy; the egyptians spoke egyptic, or as it is abbreviated coptic, a modern form of which is almost a living language, and is preserved in translations of the bible still in use and studied by the aid of coptic dictionaries and grammars. this enabled champollion to construct a hieroglyphic dictionary and grammar, which have been so completed by the labours of subsequent egyptologists, that it is not too much to say that any inscription or manuscript in hieroglyphics can be read with nearly as much certainty as if it had been written in greek or in hebrew. [illustration: specimen of hieroglyphic alphabet. (from champollion's _egypt_.)] the above illustrations from english characters are only given as the simplest way of conveying to the minds of those who have had no previous acquaintance with the subject, an idea of the nature of the process and force of the evidence, upon which the decipherment of hieroglyphic inscriptions is based. in reality the process was far from being so simple. though many of the hieroglyphics are phonetics, like our letters of the alphabet, they are not all so, and many of them are purely ideographic, as when we write , , , for one, two, and three. all writing has begun with picture-writing, and each character was originally a likeness of the object which it was wished to represent. the next stage was to use the character not only for the material object, but as a symbol for some abstract idea associated with it. thus the picture of a lion might stand either for an actual lion, or for fierceness, courage, majesty, or other attribute of the king of animals. in this way it became possible to convey meanings to the mind through the eye, but it involved both an enormous number of characters, and the use of homophones, _i.e._ of single characters standing for a number of separate ideas. to obviate this, what are called "determinatives" were invented, _i.e._ special signs affixed to characters or groups of characters to determine the sense in which they were to be taken. for instance, the picture of a star (*) affixed to a group of hieroglyphics may be used to denote that they represent the name of a god, or some divine or heavenly attribute; and the picture of rippling water ~~~~~~~~ to show that the group means something connected with water, as a sea or river. beyond this the chinese have hardly gone, and it is reckoned that it requires some separate characters, or conventionalized pictures, taken in distinct groups, to be able to read and write correctly the , words in the chinese language. even for the ordinary purposes of life a chinaman instead of committing to memory twenty-six letters of the alphabet, like an english child, has to learn by heart some or groups of characters often distinguished only by slight dots and dashes. such a system is cumbrous in the extreme, and involves spending many of the best years of life in acquiring the first rudiments of knowledge. indeed it is only possible when not only writing but speech has been arrested at the first stage of its development, and a nation speaks a language of monosyllables. in the case of egypt and other ancient nations the standpoint of writing went further, and the symbolic pictures came to represent phonograms, _i.e._ sounds or spoken words instead of ideas or objects; and these again were further analyzed into syllabaries, or the component articulate sounds which make up words; and these finally into their ultimate elements of a few simple sounds, or letters of an alphabet, the various combinations of which will express all the complex sounds or words of a spoken language. now in the hieroglyphic writing of ancient egypt, along with those pure phonetics or letters of an alphabet, are found numerous survivals of the older systems from which they sprung, and champollion, who first attempted the task of forming a hieroglyphic dictionary and grammar, had to contend with all the difficulties of ideograms, polyphones, determinatives, and other obstacles. those who wish to pursue this interesting subject further will do well to read dr. isaac taylor's book on the alphabet, and sayce on the science of writing; but for my present purpose it is sufficient to establish the scientific certainty of the process by which hieroglyphic texts are read. with this key a vast mass of constantly accumulating evidence has been brought to light, illustrating not only the chronology and history of ancient egypt, but also its social and political condition, its literature and religion, science and art. the first question naturally was how far the monuments confirmed or disproved the lists of manetho. manetho was a learned priest of a celebrated temple, who must have had access to all the temple and royal records and other literature of egypt, and who must have been also conversant with foreign literature, to have been selected as the best man to write a complete history of his native country for the royal library in greek. manetho's lists of the reigns of dynasties and kings when summed up show a date of b.c. for the foundation of the united egyptian empire by menes, a date which is of course absolutely inconsistent with those given by genesis, not only for the deluge, but for the original creation. it is evident that the monuments alone could confirm or contradict these lists, and give a solid basis for egyptian chronology and history. this has now been done to such an extent that it may fairly be said that manetho has been confirmed, and it is fully established, as a fact acquired by science, that nearly all his kings and dynasties are proved by monuments to have existed, and that successively and not simultaneously, so that the margin of uncertainty as to the date of menes is reduced to one of a few hundred years on one side or other of b.c. mariette, who is the best and latest authority, and who has done so much to discover monuments of the earlier dynasties, concludes, as the result of a careful revision of manetho's lists, and of the authentic records from temples, tombs, and papyri, that b.c. is the most probable date for the accession of menes, and this date is generally adopted by modern egyptologists. some make it rather longer, as boeck b.c., and unger b.c.; while others make it a little shorter, as maspero b.c., and brugsch[ ] ; but it is to be observed that the date has always lengthened with the progress of discovery. thus the earlier egyptologists such as wilkinson, birch, and poole assigned a date not exceeding b.c. for the accession of menes; twenty years later bunsen and lepsius gave respectively and b.c.; and since the latest discoveries, no competent scholar assigns a lower date than b.c., while some go up to b.c., and that most generally accepted is b.c. it is safe to conclude, therefore, that about b.c., or very nearly years before the present time, may be taken provisionally as the date of the commencement of authentic egyptian history, and that if this date be corrected by future discoveries it is more likely to be increased than diminished. [ ] brugsch, however, confines himself mainly to kings whose names are confirmed by monuments, and takes no account of the numerous names of unknown kings in royal genealogies, of which no confirmation has yet been found, so that practically his estimate is not inconsistent with that of mariette. this immensely long period of egyptian history is divided into three stages--the old, the middle, and the new empires. the old empire began with menes, and lasted without interruption for about years, under six dynasties of kings, who ruled over the whole of egypt. it was a period of peace, prosperity, and progress, during which the pyramids, the greatest of all human works, were built, literature flourished, and the industrial and fine arts attained a high degree of perfection. at the very commencement of this period we find the first king menes carrying out a great work of hydraulic engineering, by which the course of the nile was diverted, and a site obtained on its western banks for the new capital of memphis. his immediate successor is said to have written a celebrated treatise on medicine, and the extremely life-like portrait-statues and wooden statuettes, which were never equalled in any subsequent stage of egyptian art, date back to the fourth dynasty. [illustration: pyramids of gizeh and sphynx. (from champollion's _egypt_.)] it is singular that this extremely ancient period is the one of which, although the oldest, we know most, for the monuments, the papyri, and especially the tombs in the great cemeteries of sakkarah and ghizeh, give us the fullest details of the political and social life of egypt during the fourth, fifth, and sixth dynasties, with sufficient information as to the three first dynasties to check and confirm the lists of manetho. we really know the life of memphis years ago better than we do that of london under the saxon kings, or of paris under the descendants of clovis. the sixth dynasty was succeeded by a period which seems to have been one of civil war and anarchy, during which there was a complete cessation of monuments; or, if they existed, they have not yet been discovered. the probable duration of this eclipse of egyptian records is somewhat uncertain, as we cannot be sure, in the absence of monuments, that the four dynasties of short reigns assigned to the interval between the sixth and the eleventh dynasties by manetho, and the numerous names of unknown kings on the tablets, were successive sovereigns who reigned over united egypt, or local chiefs who got possession of power in different parts of the empire. all we can see is that the supremacy of memphis declined, and that its last great dynasty was replaced, either in whole or in part, by a rebellion in upper egypt which introduced two dynasties whose seat was at heracleopolis on the middle nile, in any case the duration of this period must have been very long, for the eclipse was very complete, and when we once more find ourselves in the presence of records in the eleventh dynasty, the seat of empire is established at thebes, and the state of the arts, religion, and civilization are different and much ruder than they were at the close of the great memphite empire with the sixth dynasty. mariette says, "when egypt, with the eleventh dynasty, awoke from its long sleep, the ancient traditions were forgotten. the proper names of the kings and ancient nobility, the titles of the high functionaries, the style of the hieroglyphic writing, and even the religion, all seemed new. the monuments are rude, primitive, and sometimes even barbarous, and to see them one would be inclined to think that egypt under the eleventh dynasty was beginning again the period of infancy which it had already passed through years earlier under the third." the tomb of one of these kings of the eleventh dynasty, entef i., is remarkable as showing on a funeral pillar the sportsman-king surrounded by his four favourite dogs, whose names are given, and which are of different breeds, from a large greyhound to a small turnspit. however, the chronology of this eleventh dynasty is well attested, its kings are known, and under them upper and lower egypt were once more consolidated into a single state, forming what is known as the middle empire. under the twelfth dynasty, which succeeded it, this empire bloomed rapidly into one of the greatest and most glorious periods of egyptian history. the dynasty only lasted for years, under seven kings, whose names were all either amenemes or osirtasen; but during their reigns the frontiers of egypt were extended far to the south, nubia was incorporated with the empire, and egyptian influence extended over the whole soudan, and perhaps nearly to the equator on the one hand, and over southern syria on the other. but the dynasty was still more famous for the arts of peace. one of the greatest works of hydraulic engineering which the world has seen was carried out by amenemes iii., who took advantage of a depression in the desert limestone near the basin of fayoum, to form a large artificial lake connected with the nile by canals, tunnelled through rocky ridges and provided with sluices, so as to admit the water when the river rose too high, and let it out when it fell too low, and thus regulate the inundation of a great part of middle and lower egypt, independently of the seasons. connected with this lake moeris was the famous labyrinth, which herodotus pronounced to be a greater wonder than even the great pyramid. it was a vast square building erected on a small plateau on the east side of the lake, constructed of blocks of granite which must have been brought from syene, with a façade of white limestone; and containing in the interior a vast number of small square chambers and vaults--herodotus says --each roofed with a single large slab of stone, and connected by narrow passages, so intricate that a stranger entering without a clue would be infallibly lost. the object seems to have been to provide a safe repository for statues of gods and kings and other precious objects. in the centre was a court containing twelve hypostyle chapels, six facing the south and six the north, and at the north angle of the square was a pyramid of brick faced with stone forming the tomb of amenemes iii. in addition to this colossal work, the kings of this dynasty built and restored many of the most famous temples and erected statues and obelisks, among the latter the one now standing at heliopolis. it was also an age of great literary activity, and the biographies of many of the priests, nobles, and high officers, inscribed on their tombs and recorded in papyri, give us the most minute knowledge of the history and social life of this remote period. the prosperity of egypt during the middle empire was continued under the thirteenth dynasty of sixty theban kings, to whom manetho assigns the period of years. less is known of this period than of the great twelfth dynasty which preceded it, but a sufficient number of monuments have been preserved to confirm the general accuracy of manetho's statements. a colossal statue of the twenty-fourth or twenty-fifth king, sevckhotef vi., found on the island of argo near dongola, shows that the frontier fixed by the conquests of amenemes at semneh, had not only been maintained, but extended nearly fifty leagues to the south into the heart of ethiopia; and another statue found at tanis shows that the rule of this dynasty was firmly established in lower egypt. but the scarcity of the monuments, and the inferior execution of the works of art, show that this long dynasty was one of gradual decline, and the rise of the next or fourteenth dynasty at xois, transferring the seat of power from thebes to the delta, points to civil wars and revolutions. [illustration: fellah woman and head of second hyksos statue. (from photograph by naville in _harper's magazine_.)] [illustration: hyksos sphynx. (from photograph by naville in _harper's magazine_.)] manetho assigns seventy-five kings and years to the fourteenth dynasty, and it is to this period that a good deal of uncertainty attaches, for there are no monuments, and nothing to confirm manetho's lists, except a number of unknown names of kings of the dynasty enumerated among the royal ancestors in the papyrus of turin. if manetho's figures are correct, the period must have been one of anarchy and civil war, for the average duration of each reign is less than six and a half years, while that of the twelfth and other well-known historical dynasties exceeds thirty years. the same remark applies to the thirteenth dynasty, the reigns of whose sixty kings average only seven and a half years each, and it is probable that the end of this dynasty and the whole of the fourteenth was a period of anarchy, during which so-called kings rose and fell in rapid succession, as in the case of our own dynasties of lancaster and york, and the annals are so confused that the dates are unreliable. what is certain is that the great middle empire sank rapidly into a state of anarchy and impotence, which prepared the way for a great catastrophe. this catastrophe came in the form of an invasion of foreigners, who, about the year b.c., broke through the eastern frontier of the delta, and apparently without much resistance, conquered the whole of lower egypt up to memphis, and reduced the princes of the upper provinces to a state of vassalage. there is considerable doubt who these invaders were, who were known as hyksos or shepherd kings. they consisted probably, mainly of nomad tribes of canaanites, arabians, and other semitic races, but the turanian hittites seem to have been associated with them, and the leaders to have been turanian, judging from the portrait-statues of two of the later kings of the hyksos dynasty which have been recently discovered by naville at bubastis, and which are unmistakably turanian and even chinese in type. our information as to this hyksos conquest is derived mainly from fragments of manetho quoted by josephus, and from traditions repeated by herodotus, and is very vague and imperfect. but this much seems certain, that at first the hyksos acted as savage barbarians, burning cities, demolishing temples, and massacring part of the population and reducing the rest to slavery. but, as in the parallel case of the tartar conquest of china, as time went on they adopted the superior civilization of their subjects, and the later kings were transformed into genuine pharaohs, differing but little from those of the old national dynasties. this is conclusively proved by the discoveries recently made at tanis and bubastis, which have revealed important monuments of this dynasty. at tanis an avenue of sphynxes was discovered, copied evidently from those at thebes and from the great sphynx at gizeh, with lion bodies and human heads, the latter with a different head-dress from the egyptian, and a different type of feature. at bubastis two colossal statues of hyksos kings, with their heads broken off, but one of them nearly perfect, were unexpectedly discovered by naville in , and it was proved that they had stood on each side of the entrance to an addition made by those kings to the ancient and celebrated temple of the egyptian goddess bast, thus proving that the hyksos had adopted not only the civilization but also the religion of the egyptian nation. there are but few inscriptions known of the hyksos dynasty, for their cartouches have generally been effaced, and those of later kings chiselled over them; but enough remains to show that they were in the hieroglyphic character, and the names of two or three of their kings can still be deciphered, among which are two apepis, the second probably the last of the dynasty. it was probably under one of these hyksos kings that joseph came to egypt, and the tribes of israel settled on its eastern frontier. the duration of the hyksos rule is thus left in some uncertainty. manetho, if correctly quoted by josephus, says they ruled over egypt for years, though his lists only show one dynasty of years, and then the theban dynasty, who reigned over upper egypt for years contemporaneously with hyksos kings in lower egypt. we regain, however, firm historical ground with the rise of the eighteenth theban dynasty of native egyptian kings, who finally expelled the hyksos, after a long war, and founded what is known as the new empire. the date of this event is fixed by the best authorities at about b.c., and from this time downwards we have an uninterrupted succession of undoubted historical records, confirmed by contemporary monuments and by the annals of other nations, down to the christian era. the reaction which followed the expulsion of the hyksos led to campaigns in asia on a great scale, in which egypt came into collision with powerful nations, and for a long time was the dominant power in western asia, extending its conquests from the persian gulf to the black sea and mediterranean, and receiving tribute from babylon and nineveh. then followed wars, waged on more equal terms, with the hittites, who had founded a great empire in asia minor and syria; and as their power declined and that of assyria rose, with the long series of warlike assyrian monarchs, who gradually obtained the ascendency, and not only stripped egypt of its foreign conquests, but on more than one occasion invaded its territory and captured its principal cities. it is during this period that we find the first of the certain synchronisms between egyptian history and the old testament, beginning with the capture of jerusalem by shishak in the reign of rehoboam, and ending with the captivity of the jews and temporary conquest of egypt by nebuchadnezzar. then came the persian conquest by cambyses and alternate periods of national independence and of persian rule, until the conquest of alexander and the establishment of the dynasty of the ptolemies, which lasted until the reign of cleopatra, and ended finally by the annexation of egypt as a province of the roman empire. the history of this long period is extremely interesting, as showing what may be called the commencement of the modern era of great wars, and of the rise and fall of civilized empires; but for the present purpose i only refer to it as helping to establish the chronological standard which i am in search of as a measuring-rod to gauge the duration of historical time. we may sum up the conclusions derived from manetho's lists and the monuments as follows:-- manetho's lists, as they have come down to us, show a date of years b.c. for the accession of menes. of this period, we may say that we know years for the new empire and the period of the persians and the ptolemies, from contemporary monuments and records, with such certainty that any possible error cannot exceed fifty or one hundred years. the hyksos period is less certain, but there is no sufficient reason for doubting that it may have lasted for about years. manetho could have had no object in overstating the duration of the rule of hated foreigners, and a long time must have elapsed before the rude invaders could have so completely adopted the civilization of the subject race. the dates of the middle empire, to which manetho assigns years, are more uncertain, and we can only check them by monuments for the eleventh, twelfth, and thirteenth dynasties. the length of the fourteenth xoite dynasty seems to be exaggerated, and the later obscure theban dynasties may have been contemporary with the rule of the hyksos in lower egypt. of the years assigned to the ancient empire, the first from menes to the end of the sixth dynasty are well authenticated by monuments and inscriptions, and the for the seventh, eighth, ninth, and tenth are obscure, though a considerable time must have elapsed for such a complete eclipse of the monuments and arts as appears to have occurred between the nourishing period of the sixth dynasty and the revival of the middle empire under the eleventh. we may say, therefore, that we have about years of undoubted history between the accession of menes and the christian era, and more years for which we have only the authority of manetho's lists, and the names of unknown kings in genealogical records, with a few scattered monuments, and to which it is difficult to assign specific dates. this may enable us to appreciate the nature of the evidence upon which mariette and so many of the best and oldest authorities base their estimates in assigning a date of about b.c. for the accession of menes. the glimpses of light into the prehistoric stages of egyptian civilization prior to menes are few and far between. we are told that before the consolidation of the empire by menes, egypt was divided into a number of separate nomes or provinces, each gathered about its own independent city and temple, and ruled by the horsheshu or servants of horus, who were apparently the chief priests of the respective temples, combining with the character of priest that of king, or local ruler. parts of the todtenbuch or sacred book of the dead certainly date from this period, and the great temple of the sun at heliopolis had been founded, for we are told that certain prehistoric heliopolitan hymns formed the basis of the sacred books of a later age. at edfu the later temple occupies the site of a very ancient structure, traditionally said to date back to the mythic reign of the gods, and to have been built according to a plan designed by nuhotef the son of pthah. at denderah an inscription found by mariette in one of the crypts of the great temple, expressly identifies the earliest sanctuary built upon the spot with the time of the horsheshu. it reads, "there was found the great fundamental ordinance of denderah, written upon goatskin in ancient writing of the time of the horsheshu. it was found in the inside of a brick wall during the reign of king pepi" (_i.e._ pepi-merira of the sixth dynasty). the name of chufu, the king of the fourth dynasty, who built the great pyramid, was found by naville in a restoration of part of the famous temple of bubastis, and its foundation doubtless dates back to the same prehistoric period. but the most important prehistoric monuments are those connected with the great sphynx. an inscription of chufu (cheops) preserved in the museum of boulak, says that a temple adjoining the sphynx was discovered by chance in his reign, which had been buried under the sand of the desert, and forgotten for many generations. this temple was uncovered by mariette, and found to be constructed of enormous blocks of granite of syene and of alabaster, supported by square pillars, each of a single block of stone, without any mouldings or ornaments, and no trace of hieroglyphics. it is, in fact, a sort of transition from the rude dolmen to scientific architecture. but the masonry, and still more the transport of such enormous blocks from syene to the plateau of the desert at gizeh, show a great advance already attained in the resources of the country and the state of the industrial arts. the sphynx itself probably dates from the same period, for it is mentioned on the same inscription as being much older than the great pyramids, and requiring repairs in the time of chufu. it is a gigantic work consisting of a natural rock sculptured into the form of a lion's body, to which a human head has been added, built up of huge blocks of hewn stone. it is directed accurately towards the east so as to face the rising sun at the equinox, and was an image of hormachen, the sun of the lower world, which traverses the abode of the dead. in addition to the direct evidence for its prehistoric antiquity, it is certain that if such a monument had been erected by any of the historical kings, it would have been inscribed with hieroglyphics, and the fact recorded in manetho's lists and contemporary records, whereas all tradition of its origin seems to have been lost in the night of ages. although there are no monuments of the stone age in egypt like those of the swiss lake villages and danish kitchen-middens, to enable us to trace in detail the progress of arts and civilization from rude commencements through the neolithic and prehistoric ages, yet there is abundant evidence to show that the same stages had been traversed in the valley of the nile long prior to the time of menes. borings have been made on various occasions and at various localities through the alluvial deposits of the nile valley, from which fragments of pottery have been brought up from depths which show a high antiquity. horner sunk ninety-six shafts in four rows at intervals of eight miles, across the valley of the nile, at right angles to the river near memphis, and brought up pottery from various depths, which, at the known rate of deposit of the nile mud of about three inches per century, indicate an antiquity of at least , years. in another boring a copper knife was brought up from a depth of twenty-four feet, and pottery, from sixty feet below the surface. this is specially interesting, as making it probable that here, as in many other countries, an age of copper preceded that of bronze, while a depth of sixty feet at the normal rate of deposit would imply an antiquity of , years. borings, however, are not very conclusive, as it is always open to contend that they may have been made at spots where, owing to some local circumstances, the deposit was much more rapid than the average. these objections, however, cannot apply to the evidence which has been afforded by the discovery of flint implements, both of the neolithic and palæolithic type, in many localities and by various skilled observers. professor haynes found, a few miles east of cairo, not only a number of flint implements of the types usual in europe, but an actual workshop or manufactory where they had been made, showing that they had not been imported, but produced in the country in the course of its native development. he also found multitudes of worked flints of the ordinary neolithic and palæolithic types scattered on the hills near thebes. lenormant and hamy saw the same workshop and remains of the stone period, and various other finds have been reported by other observers. finally, general pitt-rivers and professor haynes found well-developed palæolithic implements of the st. acheul type, not only on the surface and in superficial deposits, but from six and a half to ten feet deep in hard stratified gravel at djebel-assas, near thebes, in a terrace on the side of one of the ravines falling from the libyan desert into the nile valley, which was certainly deposited in early quaternary ages by a torrent pouring down from a plateau where, under existing geographical and climatic conditions, rain seldom or never falls. these relics, as mr. campbell says, who was associated with general pitt-rivers in the discovery, are "beyond calculation older than the oldest egyptian temples and tombs," and they certainly go far to prove that the high civilization of egypt at the earliest dawn of history or tradition had been a plant of extremely slow growth from a state of provincial savagery. [illustration: statue of prince rahotep's wife. (refined type.) (gizeh museum.--discovered in in a tomb near meydoon.--according to the chronological table of mariette, it is years old.--from a photograph by sebah, cairo.)] it is remarkable that all the traditions of the egyptians represent them as being autochthonous. there is no legend of any immigration, no oannes who comes out of the sea and teaches the arts of civilization. on the contrary, thoth and osiris are native egyptian gods or kings, who reigned long ago in egyptian cities. there are no legends of an inferior race who were exterminated or driven up the nile; though it would seem from the portraits on early monuments that there were two types in the very early ages one coarse and approximating to the african, the other a refined and aristocratic type, more resembling that of the highest asiatic or arabian races. [illustration: khufu-ankh and his servants--early egyptians. (coarse type.)] it has been conjectured that this latter race may have come from punt, that is, from southern arabia, and the opposite african coast of soumali land, where there are races of a high, civilization at a very early period. this conjecture is based on the fact that punt is constantly referred to in the egyptian monuments as a divine or sacred land, while other surrounding nations are loaded with opprobrious epithets. also the earliest traditions refer the origin of egyptian civilization not to lower egypt, where the isthmus of suez affords a land route from asia, nor to upper egypt, as if it had descended the nile from africa, but to abydos and this in middle egypt, where the gods were feigned to have reigned, which are comparatively close to coptos, the port on the red sea by which intercourse was most easily kept up between the valley of the nile and the land of punt. this conjecture, however, is very vague, and when we come to positive facts we find that the language and system of writing, when we first meet with them, are fully formed and apparently of native growth, not derived from any semitic, aryan, or turanian speech of any historical nation. it is certainly an agglutinative language originally, but far advanced beyond the simpler forms of that mode of speech as spoken by mongolians. it shows some distant affinities with semitic, or rather with what may have been a proto-semitic, before it had been fully formed, and is perhaps nearer to what may have been the primitive language of the libyans of north africa. but there is nothing in the language from which we can infer origin, and the pictures from which hieroglyphics are derived are those of animals and objects proper to the nile valley, and not like those of the accadians and chinese, such as point to a prehistoric nomad existence on elevated plains. the only positive fact tending to confirm the existence of two races in egypt, one rude and aboriginal, the other of high type, is the difference of type shown by the early portraits and the discovery by mr. flinders petrie, in the very old cemetery of meydoon, of two distinct modes of interment, one of the ordinary mummy extended at full length, the other in a crouching attitude as is common in neolithic graves. for any further inquiries as to the origin and antiquity of egyptian civilization, we have to fall back on the state of religion, science, literature, and art, which we find prevailing in the earliest records which have come down to us, and which i will proceed to examine in subsequent chapters. but before doing so, i will endeavour to exhaust the field of positive history, and inquire how far the annals of other ancient nations contradict or confirm the date of about years b.c., which has been shown to be approximately that of the accession of menes. chapter ii. chaldÆa. chronology--berosus--his dates mythical--dates in genesis--synchronisms with egypt and assyria--monuments--cuneiform inscriptions--how deciphered--behistan inscription--grotefend and rawlinson--layard--library of koyunjik--how preserved--accadian translations and grammars--historical dates--elamite conquest--commencement of modern history--ur-ea and dungi--nabonidus--sargon i., b.c.--ur of the chaldees--sharrukin's cylinder--his library--his son naram-sin--semites and accadians--accadians and chinese--period before sargon i.--patesi--de sarzec's find at sirgalla--gud-ea, to b.c.--advance of delta--astronomical records--chaldæa and egypt give similar results--historic period or years--and no trace of a beginning. chaldæan chronology has within the last few years been brought into the domain of history, and carried back to a date almost, if not quite, as remote as that of egypt. and this has been effected by a process identical in the two cases, the decipherment of an unknown language in inscriptions on ancient monuments. until this discovery the little that was known of the early history of chaldæa was derived almost entirely from two sources: the bible, and the fragments quoted by later writers from the lost work of berosus. berosus was a learned priest of babylon, who lived about b.c., shortly after the conquest of alexander, and wrote in greek a history of the country from the most ancient times, compiled from the annals preserved in the temples, and from the oldest traditions. he began with a cosmogony, fragments of which only are preserved, from which little could be inferred, except that it bore some general resemblance to that of genesis, until the complete chaldæan cosmogony was deciphered by mr. george smith from tablets in the british museum. then followed a mythical period of the reigns of ten gods or demi-gods, reigning for , years, in the middle of which period the divine fish-man, ea-han or oannes, was said to have come up out of the persian gulf, and taught mankind letters, sciences, laws, and all the arts of civilization; , years after oannes, under xisuthros (the greek translation of hasisastra), the last of the ten kings, a deluge is said to have occurred; which is described in terms so similar to the narrative of noah's deluge in genesis, as to leave no doubt that they are different versions of the same legend. prior to the appearance of oannes, berosus relates, "that chaldæa had been colonized by a mixed multitude of men of foreign race, who lived without order like animals," thus carrying back the existence of mankind in large numbers, to some date anterior to , years before the deluge. there is also a legend resembling that of the tower of babel and the confusion of languages, recorded in another fragment of berosus. these accounts are all so obviously mythical that no historical value can be attached to them, and they have only been preserved because early christian writers saw in them some sort of distorted confirmation of the corresponding narratives in the old testament. for anything like historical dates therefore the bible remained the principal authority, until the recent discoveries made from the monuments of chaldæa and assyria. this authority does not carry us very far back. the first event which can advance any claim to be considered as historical, is that of the migration of terah from ur of the chaldees to haran, and the further migration of his son abraham from haran to palestine. this is said to have taken place in the ninth generation after noah, about years after the deluge, and it presupposes the existence of a dense population and a number of large cities both in upper and lower mesopotamia. it mentions also an event, apparently historical, as occurring in abraham's time, viz. a campaign by chedorlaomer, king of elam, with four allies, one of whom is a king of shinar, against five petty kings in southern syria. chedorlaomer has been identified from inscriptions with khuder-lagomer, one of the kings of the elamite dynasty, who conquered chaldæa about b.c., and were expelled before b.c. a long interval then occurs during which the scattered notices in the bible relate mainly to the intercourse of the hebrews with egypt, with the races of canaan, with the philistines, with the phoenicians of tyre, and with the syrians of damascus. mesopotamia first appears after the rise of the assyrian empire had united nearly the whole of western asia under the warlike kings who reigned at nineveh, and when palestine had become the battle-field between them and the declining power of egypt, which under the eighteenth and nineteenth egyptian dynasties had extended to the euphrates. the capture of jerusalem in the reign of rehoboam by shishak, the first king of the twenty-second egyptian dynasty, affords the first certain synchronism between sacred and profane history. the date may be fixed within a few years at b.c. assyria first appears on the scene two hundred years later in the reign of menahem king of israel, when pul, better known as tiglath-pileser ii., came against the land, and exacted a large ransom from menahem, whom he confirmed as a tributary vassal. from this time forward the succession of assyrian kings is recorded more or less accurately in the bible. tiglath-pileser accepted vassalage and a large tribute from ahaz to come to his assistance against rezin king of syria, and pekah king of israel, who were besieging jerusalem, and tiglath-pileser came to his aid and captured and sacked damascus. shalmaneser came up against hoshea king of judah, who submitted, but was deposed for intriguing with egypt, and shalmaneser then took samaria and carried the ten tribes of israel away into assyria, placing them in the cities of the medes. sennacherib, in the fourteenth year of hezekiah, took all the fenced cities of judah, and his general, rab-shakeh, besieged jerusalem, which was saved by the repulse of the main army under the king when marching to invade egypt. the murder of sennacherib by his two sons and the succession of esarhaddon are next mentioned. nineveh then disappears from the scene, and the great babylonian conqueror, nebuchadnezzar, puts an end to the kingdom of judæa, by taking jerusalem and carrying the people captive to babylon. this historical retrospect carries us back a very short distance, and little can be gathered in the way of accurate chronology from the few vague references prior to this date. so stood the question until the date of chaldæan history and civilization was unexpectedly carried back at least years by the discovery of its monuments. when the first assyrian sculptures were found by botta and layard not fifty years ago in the mounds of rubbish which covered the ruins of nineveh, and brought home to europe, it was seen that they were covered with inscriptions in an unknown character. it was called the cuneiform, because it was made up of combinations of a single sign, resembling a thin wedge or arrow-head. this sign was made in three fundamental ways, _i.e._ either horizontal [symbol], vertical [symbol], or angular [symbol], and all the characters were made up of combinations of these primary forms, which were obviously produced by impressing a style with a triangular head on moist clay. they resembled, in fact, very much the strokes and dashes used in spelling out the words conveyed by the electric telegraph, in which letters are formed by oscillations of the needle. [illustration} this mode of writing had apparently been developed from picture-writing, for several, of the groups of characters bore an unmistakable resemblance to natural objects. in the very oldest inscriptions which have been discovered the writing, is hardly yet cuneiform, and the primitive pictorial character of the signs is apparent. but the bulk of the cuneiform inscriptions not being pictorial, there could be little doubt that they were phonetic, or represented sounds. the question was, what sounds these characters signified, and when translated into sounds, what words and what language did the groups of signs represent? the first clue to these questions was, as in the parallel case of egypt, afforded by a trilingual inscription. the kings of the persian empire reigned over subjects of various races and languages. the three principal were the persians, an aryan race who spoke an inflectional language which has been preserved in old persian and zend; semites, who spoke aramaic, a language closely allied to hebrew; and descendants of the older accadian races, whose language was turanian, or agglutinative. it is almost the same at the present day in the same region, where edicts or inscriptions, to be readily intelligible to all classes of subjects, would require to be made in persian, arabic, and turkish. accordingly, the pompous inscriptions and royal edicts of these ancient monarchs were frequently made in the three languages, and specimens of these were brought to europe. the difficulty of deciphering them was, however, great, for the inscriptions were all written, though in different languages, in the same cuneiform characters, so that the aid afforded in the case of the rosetta stone by a greek translation of the hieroglyphic inscription was not forthcoming. the ingenuity of a german scholar, grotefend, furnished the first clue by discovering that certain groups of signs represented the names of known persian kings, and thus identifying the component signs in the persian inscription as letters of an alphabet. a few years later sir henry rawlinson copied, and succeeded in deciphering, a famous inscription engraved by the great persian monarch, darius the first, high up in the face of a precipice forming the wall of a narrow defile at behistan, and giving an historical record of the exploits of his reign. the clue thus afforded was rapidly followed up by a host of scholars, among whom the names of rawlinson, burnouf, lassen, and oppert were most conspicuous, and before long the text of inscriptions in persian and semitic could be read with great certainty. the task was one which required a vast amount of patience and ingenuity, for the cuneiform writing turned out to be one of great complexity, though phonetic in the main, the characters did not always represent the simple elements of sounds, or letters of an alphabet, but frequently syllables containing one or more consonants united by vowels, and a considerable number were ideographic or conventional representations of ideas, like our numerals , , , which have no relation to spoken sounds. thus the simple vertical wedge [symbol] represented "man," and was prefixed to proper names of kings so as to show that the signs which followed denoted the name of a man; the sign [symbol] denoted country, and so on. the difficulties were, however, surmounted, and inscriptions in the two known languages could be read with considerable certainty. [illustration] the third language, however, remained unknown until the finishing stroke to its decipherment was given by the discovery by layard under the great mound of koyunjik near mosul on the tigris, the site of the ancient nineveh, of the royal palace of asshurbanipal, or sardanapalus, the grandson of sennacherib, and one of the greatest assyrian monarchs, who lived about b.c. this palace contained a royal library like that of alexandria or the british museum, the contents of which had been carefully collected from the oldest records of previous libraries and temples, and almost miraculously preserved. the secret of the preservation of these assyrian and chaldæan remains, is that the district contains no stone, and all the great buildings were constructed mainly of sun-dried bricks, and built on mounds or platforms of the same material to raise them above the alluvial plain. these, when the cities were deserted, crumbled rapidly under the action of the air and rains, which are torrential at certain seasons, into shapeless rubbish heaps of fine dry dust and sand, under which everything of more durable material was securely buried. so rapid was the process, that when xenophon on the famous retreat of the ten thousand traversed the site of nineveh only two hundred years after its destruction, he found nothing but the ruins of a deserted city, the very name and memory of which had been lost. as regards the contents of the library the explanation of their perfect preservation is equally simple. the books were written, not on perishable paper or parchment, but on cylinders of clay. it is evident that the cuneiform characters were exceedingly well adapted for this description of writing, and probably originated from the nature of the material. a fine tenacious clay cost nothing, was readily moulded into cylinders, and when slightly moist was easily engraved by a tool or style stamping on it those wedge-like characters, so that when hardened by a slow fire the book was practically indestructible. so much so, indeed, that though the palace, including the library with its shelves and upper stories, had all fallen to the ground, and the book-cylinders lay scattered on the floor, they were mostly in a state of perfect preservation. other similar finds have been made since, notably one of another great library of the priestly college at erech, founded or enlarged as far back as b.c. by sargon ii. among the books thus preserved there are fortunately translations of old accadian works into the more modern aramaic or assyrian, either interlined or in parallel columns, and, also grammars and dictionaries of the old language to assist in its study. it appears that as far back as years b.c. this old language had already become obsolete, and was preserved as latin or vedic sanscrit are at the present day, as the venerable language for religious uses, in which the earliest sacred books, historical annals, and astrological and magical formulas had been written. with these aids this ancient accadian language can now be read with almost as much certainty as egyptian hieroglyphics, and the records written in it are accumulating rapidly with every fresh exploration. some idea of the wealth of the materials already found may be formed from the fact that the number of tablets in the different museums of europe from the nineveh library alone exceeds , . they present to us a most interesting picture of the religion, literature, laws, and social life of a period long antecedent to that commonly assigned for the destruction of the world by noah's deluge, or even to that of the creation of adam. to some of these we shall have occasion subsequently to refer, but for the present i confine myself to the immediate object in view, that of verifying the earliest historical dates. the first certain date is fixed by the annals of the assyrian king asshurbanipal, grandson of sennacherib, who conquered elam and destroyed its capital, susa, in the year b.c. the king says that he took away all the statues from the great temple of susa, and among others, one of the chaldæan goddess nana, which had been carried away from her own temple in the city of erech, by a king of elam who conquered the land of accad years before. this conquest, and the accession of an elamite dynasty which lasted for nearly years, is confirmed from a variety of other sources, and its date is thus fixed, beyond the possibility of a doubt, at _b.c._ a king of this dynasty, khudur-lagamar, synchronizes with abraham, assuming abraham and the narrative in the old testament respecting his defeat of that monarch to be historical. this elamite conquest of chaldæa is a memorable historical era, for it inaugurates the period of great wars and of the rise and fall of empires, which play such a conspicuous part in the subsequent annals of nations. elam was a small province between the kurdish mountains and the tigris, extending to the persian gulf, and its capital, susa, was an ancient and famous city; which afterwards became one of the principal seats of the persian monarchs. the elamites were originally a turanian race like the accads, and spoke a language which was a dialect of accadian, but, as in chaldæa and assyria, the kings and aristocracy appear to have been semites from an early period. it was apparently an organized and civilized state, and the conquest was not a passing irruption of barbarians, but the result of a campaign by regular troops, who founded a dynasty which lasted for more than years. it evidently disturbed the equilibrium of western asia, and led to a succession of wars. the invasion of egypt by the hyksos followed closely on it. then came the reaction which drove the elamites from chaldæa and the hyksos from egypt. then the great wars of the eighteenth egyptian dynasty, which carried the arms of ahmes and thotmes to the euphrates and black sea, and established for a time the supremacy of egypt over western asia. then the rise of the hittite empire, which extended over asia minor, and contended on equal terms with ramses ii. in syria. then the rise of the assyrian empire, which crushed the hittites and all surrounding nations, and twice conquered and overran egypt. finally, the rise of the medes, the fall of nineveh, the short supremacy of babylon, and the establishment of the great persian empire. from the persian we pass to the greek, and then to the roman empire, and find ourselves in full modern history. it may be fairly said, therefore, that modern history, with its series of great wars and revolutions, commences with this record of the elamite conquest of chaldæa in b.c. the next tolerably certain date is that of ur-ea, and his son dungi, two kings of the old accadian race, who reigned at ur over the united kingdoms of sumir and accad. they were great builders and restorers of temples, and have left numerous traces of their existence in the monuments both at ur, and at larsam, sirgalla, erech, and other ancient cities. among other relics of these kings there is in the british museum the signet-cylinder of ur-ea himself, on which is engraved the moon-god, the patron deity of ur, with the king and priests worshipping him. the date of ur-ea is ascertained as follows--nabonidus, the last king of babylon, b.c., was a great restorer of the old temples, and, as professor sayce says, "a zealous antiquarian who busied himself much with the disinterment of the memorial cylinders which their founders and restorers had buried beneath their foundations." the results of his discoveries he recorded on special cylinders for the information of posterity, which have fortunately been preserved. among others he restored the sun-temple at larsam, in which he found intact in its chamber under the corner-stone, a cylinder of king hummurabi or khammuragas, stating that the temple was commenced by ur-ea and finished by his son dungi, years before his time. hummurabi was a well-known historical king who expelled the elamites, and made babylon for the first time the capital of chaldæa, about b.c. the date of ur-ea cannot therefore be far from b.c. the same fortunate circumstance of the habit, by kings who built or restored famous temples, of laying the foundation-stone, such as our royal personages often do at the present day, and depositing under it, in a secure chamber, a cylinder recording the fact, has given us a still more ancient date, that of sharrukin or sargon i. of agade. the same nabonidus repaired the great sun-temple of sippar, and he says "that having dug deep in its foundations for the cylinders of the founder, the sun-god suffered him to behold the foundation cylinder of naram-sin, son of sharrukin or (sargon i.), which for three thousand and two hundred years none of the kings who lived before him had seen." this gives b.c. as the date of naram-sin, or, allowing for the long reign of sargon i., about b.c. as the date of that monarch. this discovery revolutionized the accepted ideas of chaldæan chronology, and carried it back at one stroke years before the date of ur-ea, making it contemporary with the fourth egyptian dynasty who built the great pyramids. the evidence is not so conclusive as in the case of egypt, where the lists of manetho give us the whole series of successive kings and dynasties, a great majority of which are confirmed by contemporary records and monuments. the date of sargon i. rests mainly on the authority of nabonidus, who lived more than years later, and may have been mistaken, but he was in the best position to consult the oldest records, and had apparently no motive to make a wilful mis-statement. moreover, other documents have been found in different places confirming the statement on the cylinder of nabonidus, and the opinion of the best and latest authorities has come round to accept the date of about b.c. as authentic. professor sayce, in his hibbert lecture in , gives a detailed account of the evidence which had overcome his original scepticism, and forced him to admit the accuracy of this very distant date. since the discovery of the cylinder of nabonidus, several tablets have been found and deciphered, containing lists of kings and dynasties of the same character as the egyptian lists of manetho. one tablet of the kings who reigned at babylon takes us back, reign by reign, to about b.c. other tablets, though incomplete, give the names of at least sixty kings which are not found in this record of the babylonian era, and who presumedly reigned during the interval of about years between khammuragas and sargon i. the names are mostly accadian, and if they did not reign during this interval they must have preceded the foundation of a semite dynasty by sargon i., and thus extend the date of chaldæan history still further back. the probability of such a remote date is enhanced by the certainty that a high civilization existed in egypt as long ago as b.c., and there is no apparent reason why it should not have existed in the valleys of the tigris and euphrates as soon as in that of the nile. boscawen, in a paper read at the victoria institute in , says that inscriptions found at larsa, a neighbouring city to ur of the chaldees, show that from as early a period as _b.c._ a semitic population existed in the latter city, speaking a language akin to hebrew, carrying on trade and commerce, and with a religion which, although not monotheist, had at the head of its pantheon a supreme god, ilu or el, from whose name that of elohim and allah has been inherited as the name of god by the hebrews and arabs. the latest discoveries all point to the earliest dates, and some authorities think that genuine traces of the earliest accadian civilization can be found as far back as b.c. there can be no doubt, moreover, that this sharrukin or sargon i. is a perfect historical personage. a statue of him has been found at agade or accad, and also his cylinder with an inscription on it giving his name and exploits. it begins, "sharrukin the mighty king am i," and goes on to say, "that he knew not his father, but his mother was a royal princess, who to conceal his birth placed him in a basket of rushes closed with bitumen, and cast him into the river, from which he was saved by akki the water-carrier, who brought him up as his own child." it is singular how the same or a very similar story is told of moses, cyrus, and other heroes of antiquity. it is probable from this that he was a military adventurer who rose to the throne; but there can be no doubt that he was a great monarch, who united the two provinces of shumir and accad, or of lower and upper mesopotamia, into one kingdom, as menes did the upper and lower egypts, and extended his rule over some of the adjoining countries. he says "that he had reigned for forty-five years, and governed the black-headed (accadian) race. in multitudes of bronze chariots i rode over rugged lands. i governed the upper countries. three times to the coast of the sea i advanced." if there is any truth in this inscription it would be very interesting as showing the existence in western asia of nations to be conquered in great campaigns, with a force of horse-chariots, at this remote period, years earlier than the campaigns of ahmes and thotmes recorded in the egyptian monuments of the eighteenth dynasty. [illustration: cylinder seal of sargon i., from agade. (hommel, "gesch. babyloniens u. assyriens.")] the reality of these campaigns is moreover confirmed by inscriptions and images of this sargon having been found in cyprus and on the opposite coast of syria, and by a babylonian cylinder of his son naram-sin, found by cesnola in the cyprian temple of kurion. in another direction he and his son carried their arms into the peninsula of sinai, attracted doubtless by the copper and turquoise mines of wady maghera, which were worked by the egyptians under the third dynasty. sargon i. is also known to have been a great patron of literature, and to have founded the library of agade, which was long one of the most famous in babylonia. a work on astronomy and astrology, in seventy-two books, which was so well known in the time of berosus as to be translated by him into greek, was also compiled for him. another king of the same name, known as sargon ii., who reigned about b.c., either founded or enlarged the library of the priestly college at erech, which was one of the oldest and most famous cities of lower chaldæa, and known as the "city of books." it was also considered to be a sacred city, and its necropolis extends over a great part of the adjoining desert, and contains innumerable tombs and graves ranging over all periods of chaldæan and assyrian history, up to an unknown antiquity. the exact historical date of sargon i. may be a little uncertain; but whatever its antiquity may be, it is evident that it is already far removed from the beginnings of chaldæan civilization. sargon ii. is perfectly historical, and his library and the state of the arts and literature in his reign prove this conclusively. he states in his tablets that kings had reigned before him, and in such a literary age he could hardly have made such a statement without some foundation. if anything like this number of kings had reigned before b.c., the date of sargon ii.'s chaldæan chronology would have to be extended to a date preceding that of egypt. moreover, sargon was a semite, who founded a powerful monarchy over a mixed population, consisting mainly of a primitive accadian race, who had already built large cities and famous temples, written sacred books, and made considerable progress in literature, science, agriculture, and industrial arts. this primitive race was neither semitic nor aryan, but turanian. they spoke an agglutinative language, and resembled the chinese very much both in physical type and in character. they were a short, thick-set people, with yellow skins, coarse black hair, and, judging from the ancient statues recently discovered, of decidedly tartar or mongolian features. they were, like the chinese, a peaceable, patient, and industrious people, addicted to agriculture, and specially skilled in irrigation. they were educated and literary, but very superstitious in regard to ghosts, omens, and evil spirits. this resemblance to the chinese has been remarkably confirmed by the discovery made within the last few years, that the accadian and chinese languages are closely allied, and that a great many words are identical. the early prehistoric and astronomical legends were almost similar, and in some instances, as in the division of the year, the names and order of the planets, and the number and duration of the fabulous reigns of gods, so identical as to leave no doubt of their having had a common origin. but as the chinese annals do not extend farther back than about b.c., the priority of invention must be assigned to the accadians. this turanian population had been long settled in mesopotamia before the accession of sargon i., and before the supremacy of the semitic races began to assert itself. though called accadian, which is said to mean "highlanders," their principal seat was in shumir or lower mesopotamia, in the alluvial delta formed in the course of ages by the euphrates, tigris, and other rivers which flow into the persian gulf; and their traditions point to their civilization having come from the shores of this gulf, and having gradually spread northwards. their most ancient cities and temples were in the lower province of shumir, and the bulk of the population continued for ages to be turanian, while in accad or upper mesopotamia, where the land rises from the alluvial plain up to the mountains of kurdistan and armenia, the semitic element preponderated from an early period, though the civilization and religion long remained those of shumir or chaldæa proper. when the semite sargon i. founded the united monarchy, the capital of which was agade in the upper province, he made no change in the established state of things, maintained the old temples, and built new ones to the same gods. before his reign we have, as in the parallel case of egypt before menes, little definite information from monuments or historical records. we only know that the country was divided into a number of small states, each grouped about a city with a temple dedicated to some god; as eridhu, the sanctuary of ea, one of the trinity of supreme gods; larsam, with its temple of the sun; ur, the city of the moon-god; sirgalla, with another famous temple. these small states were ruled by _patesi_, or priest-kings, a term corresponding to the horsheshu of egypt; and a fortunate discovery by m. de sarzec in at tell-loh, the site of the ancient sirgalla, has given us valuable information respecting its _patesi_. to the surprise of the scientific world, with whom it had been a settled belief that no statues were ever found in assyrian art, m. de sarzec discovered and brought home nine large statues of diorite, a very hard black basalt of the same material as that of the statue of chephren, the builder of the second pyramid, and in the same sitting attitude. the heads had been broken off, but one head was discovered which was of unmistakably turanian type, beardless, shaved, and with a turban for head-dress. with these statues a number of small works of art were found, representing men and animals of a highly artistic design and exquisite finish, and also several cylinders. both these and the backs of the statues are covered with cuneiform inscriptions in the old accadian characters, which furnish valuable historical information. the name of one of the _patesi_ whose statues were found was gud-ea, and his date is computed by some of the best authorities at from to b.c., probably earlier, and certainly not later than b.c. this makes the _patesi_ of sirgalla contemporary with the earliest egyptian kings, or even earlier, and it shows a state of the arts and civilization then prevailing in chaldæa very similar to those of the fourth dynasty in egypt, and in both cases as advanced as those of or years later date. [illustration: head of ancient chaldÆan. from tell-loh (sirgalla). sarzec collection. (perrot and chipiez.)] before such a temple as that of sirgalla could have been built and such statues and works of art made, there must have been older and smaller temples and ruder works, just as in egypt the brick pyramids of sakkarah and the oldest temples of heliopolis and denderah preceded the great pyramids of gizeh, the temple of pthah at memphis, and the diorite statues, wooden statuettes, and other finished works of art of the fourth dynasty. [illustration: statue of gud-ea, with inscription; from tell-loh (sirburla or sirgalla) sarzec collection. (hommel.)] it is important to remark that in those earliest monuments both the language and art are primitive accadian, with no trace of semitic influences, which must have long prevailed before sargon i. could have established a semitic dynasty over an united population of accads and semites living together on friendly terms. the normal semites must have settled gradually in chaldæa, and adopted to a great extent the higher civilization of the accadians, much as the tartars in later times did that of the chinese. it is remarkable also that this pre-semitic accadian people must have had extensive intercourse with foreign regions, for the diorite of which the statues of sirgalla are formed is exactly similar to that of the statue of the egyptian chephren, and in both cases is only found in the peninsula of sinai. in fact, an inscription on one of the statues tells us that the stone was brought from the land of magan, which was the accadian name for that peninsula. this implies a trade by sea, between eridhu, the sea-port of chaldæa in early times, and the red sea, as such blocks of diorite could hardly have been transported such a distance over such mountains and deserts by land; and this is confirmed by references in old geographical tablets to magan as the land of bronze from the copper mines of wady-maghera, and to "ships of magan" trading from eridhu. in any case, it is certain that a very long period of purely accadian civilization must have existed prior to the introduction of semitic influences, and long before the foundation of a semitic dynasty by sargon i. with these facts it will no longer seem surprising that some high authorities assign as early a date as b.c. for the dawn of chaldæan civilization, and consider that it may be quite as old or even older than that of egypt. the great antiquity assigned to these dates from books and monuments is confirmed by other deductions. the city of eridhu, which was generally considered to be the oldest in chaldæa, and was the sanctuary of the principal god, eâ, appears to have been a sea-port in those early days, situated where the euphrates flowed into the persian gulf. the ruins now stand far inland, and sayce computes that about years must have elapsed since the sea reached up to them. astronomy affords a still more definite confirmation. the earliest records and traditions show that before the commencement of any historic period the year had been divided into twelve months, the course of the sun mapped out among the stars, and a zodiac established of the twelve constellations, which has continued in use to the present day. the year began with the vernal equinox, and the first month was named after the "propitious bull," whose figure constantly appears on the monuments as opening the year. the sun, therefore, was in taurus at the vernal equinox when this calendar was formed, which could only be after long centuries of astronomical observation; but it has been in aries since about b.c., and first entered in taurus about b.c. records of eclipses were also kept in the time of sargon i., which imply a long preceding period of accurate observation; and the ziggurat, or temple observatory, built up in successive stages above the alluvial plain, which gave rise to the legend of the tower of babel, is found in connection with the earliest temples. the diorite statues also and engraved gems found at sirgalla testify to a thorough knowledge of the arts of metallurgy at this remote period, and to a commercial intercourse with foreign countries from which the copper and tin must have been derived for making bronze tools capable of cutting such hard materials. the existence of such a commercial intercourse in remote times is confirmed by the example of egypt, where bronze implements must have been in use long before the date of menes; and although copper might have been obtained from sinai or cyprus, tin or bronze must have been imported from distant foreign countries alike in egypt and in chaldæa. chaldæan chronology therefore leads to almost exactly the same results as that of egypt. in each case we have a standard or measuring-rod of authentic historical record, of certainly not less than , and more probably years from the present time; and in each case we find ourselves at this remote date, in presence, not of rude beginnings, but of a civilization already ancient and far advanced. we have populous cities, celebrated temples, an organized priesthood, an advanced state of agriculture and of the industrial and fine arts; writing and books so long known that their origin is lost in myth; religions in which advanced philosophical and moral ideas are already developed; astronomical systems which imply a long course of accurate observations. how long this prehistoric age may have lasted, and how many centuries it may have taken to develop such a civilization, from the primitive beginnings of neolithic and palæolithic origins, is a matter of conjecture. bunsen thinks it may have taken , years, but there are no dates from which we can infer the time that may be required for civilization to grow up by spontaneous evolution, among nations where it is not aided by contact with more advanced civilizations from without. all we can infer is, that it must have required an immense time, probably much longer than that embraced by the subsequent period of historical record. and we can say with certainty that during the whole of this historical period of or years there has been no change in the established order of nature. the earth has revolved round its axis and round the sun, the moon and planets have pursued their courses, the duration of human life has not varied, and there have been no destructions and renovations of life or other traces of miraculous interference. and more than this, we can affirm with absolute certainty that years have not been enough to alter in any perceptible degree the existing physical types of the different races of men and animals, or the primary linguistic types of their forms of speech. the negro, the turanian, the semite, and the aryan, all stand out as clearly distinguished in the paintings on egyptian monuments as they do at the present day; and the agglutinative languages are as distinct from the inflectional, and the semite from the aryan forms of inflections, in the old chaldæan cylinders as they are in the nineteenth century. chapter iii. other historical records. _china_--oldest existing civilization--but records much later than those of egypt and chaldæa--language and traditions accadian--communication how effected. _elam_--very early civilization--susa, an old city in first chaldæan records--conquered chaldæa in b.c.--conquered by assyrians b.c.--statue of nana--cyrus an elamite king--his cylinder--teaches untrustworthiness of legendary history. _phoenicia_--great influence on western civilization--but date comparatively late--traditions of origin--first distinct mention in egyptian monuments b.c.--great movements of maritime nations--invasions of egypt by sea and land, under menepthah, b.c., and ramses iii., b.c.--lists of nations--show advanced civilization and intercourse--but nothing beyond or b.c. _hittites_--great empire in asia minor and syria--turanian race--origin cappadocia--great wars with egypt--battle of kadesh--treaty with ramses ii.--power rapidly declined--but only finally destroyed b.c. by sargon ii.--capital carchemish--great commercial emporium--hittite hieroglyphic inscriptions and monuments--only recently and partially deciphered--results. _arabia_--recent discoveries--inscriptions--sabæa--minæans--thirty-two kings known--ancient commerce and trade-routes--incense and spices--literature--old traditions--oannes--punt--seat of semites--arabian alphabet--older than phoenician--- bearing on old testament histories. _troy and mycenæ_--dr. schliemann's excavations--hissarlik--buried fortifications, palaces, and treasures of ancient troy--mycenæ and tiryns--proof of civilization and commerce--tombs--absence of inscriptions and religious symbols--date of mycenæan civilization--school of art--pictures on vases--type of race. china. the first country to which we might naturally look for independent annals approaching in antiquity those of egypt and chaldæa is china. chinese civilization is in one respect the oldest in the world; that is, it is the one which has come down to the present day from a remote antiquity with the fewest changes. what china is to-day it was more than years ago; a populous empire with a peaceful and industrial population devoted to agriculture and skilled in the arts of irrigation; a literary people acquainted with reading and writing; orderly and obedient, organized under an emperor and official hierarchy; paying divine honours to ancestors, and a religious veneration to the moral and ceremonial precepts of sages and philosophers. addicted to childish superstitions, and yet eminently prosaic, practical, and utilitarian. unlike other nations they have no traditions attributing the origin of arts and sciences to foreign importation, as in the chaldæan legend of oannes, or, as in egypt, to native gods; that is, to development on the soil from an unknown antiquity. the chinese annals begin with human emperors, who are only divine in the sense of being wise and virtuous ancestors, and who are represented as uttering long discourses on the whole duty of man, in a high moral and philosophical tone. but these annals do not profess to go back further than to about b.c., or to a period at least and probably years later than the commencement of historical annals, confirmed by monuments in egypt and chaldæa, and any traditions prior to this period are of the vaguest and most shadowy descriptions. we only know with certainty that prior to chinese civilization there was an aboriginal, semi-savage race, the miou-tse, remnants of whom are still to be found in the mountainous western provinces; and it had been conjectured from the form of the hieroglyphics to which the chinese written characters can be traced back, that they were invented by a pastoral people who roamed with flocks and herds over the steppes of central asia. thus the sheep plays a very prominent part, the idea of "beauty" being conveyed by an ideogram meaning "a large sheep"; that of "right" or "property" by one which means "my sheep," and so on in many other instances. there is a tradition also of a clan of families who came down from the west and descended the valley of the yang-tse-kiang, expelling the aboriginal miou-tse. but for any real information as to chinese origins we are indebted to recent discoveries of accadian records. it has been proved by lacouperie, bell, and other experts in the oldest forms of the chinese and accadian languages, that they are not only closely allied, as both forming part of the ugrian or turkish branch of the turanian family, but almost identical. thus, by following the well-known philological law by which an initial 'g' is often softened in course of time into a 'y,' it was found that by writing 'g' for 'y' in many chinese words beginning with the latter letter, pure accadian words were obtained. thus "to speak" is in accadian _gu_, in the mandarin chinese _yu_, and in the old form of chinese spoken in japan _go_; night is _ye_ in chinese, _ge_ in accadian. the very close connection between accadian and chinese civilization is still more conclusively shown by the identity in many matters which could not have been invented independently. thus the prehistoric period of chaldæa before the deluge is divided, according to berosus and the tablets, into ten periods of ten kings, whose reigns lasted for sari or , years, a myth which is purely astronomical. the early chinese writers had a myth of precisely the same number of ten kings and the same period of , years for their united reigns. chinese astronomy also, said by their annals to have been invented by the emperor yao about b.c., was an almost exact counterpart of that of the earliest accadian records. they recognized the same planets, and gave them names with the same meanings; they divided the year into the chaldæan period of twelve months of thirty days each, making the new year begin, as in chaldæa, in the third month after the winter solstice; and counting the calendar for the surplus days by the same cycle of intercalary days. the oldest chinese dictionaries give names of the months, which had become obsolete, since the usage of mentioning the months by their numbers, as second, third, and fourth months, had become general, and the meaning of which had been lost. it turns out that several of these names correspond with those of the accadian calendar. such coincidences as these cannot be accidental, and it is obvious that one nation must have derived its civilization from the other, or both from a common source. there can be little doubt in this case that chaldæa taught china, for its astronomy, knowledge of the arts, and general culture are proved by its records to have existed at least , and probably years b.c., and then to be attributed to mythical gods and to a fabulous antiquity; while in china they are said to have been taught ready-made by human emperors, at a date from to years later. the inference is irresistible that somehow the elements of accadian civilization must have been imported into china from chaldæa, at what is a comparatively modern date in the history of the latter country. the only approach to a clue to this date is that the great chinese historian szema-tsien says that the first of their emperors was nai-kwangti, who built an observatory, and by the aid of astronomy "ruled the varied year." the name is singularly like that of kuder-na-hangti, who was the elamite king who conquered babylonia about b.c. it is difficult to see how such an intercourse between chaldæa and china could have been established across such an enormous intervening distance of mountains and deserts, or by such a long sea-voyage; but it is still more difficult to conceive how not only language, physical characteristics, and civilization should have been so similar, but myths and calendars should have been almost _verbatim_ the same in the two countries, unless a communication really existed between them. nor will the theory of a common origin apply, for it is impossible to suppose that any common ancestors of the chinese and accadians could have attained to such a knowledge of astronomy, and of the industrial arts and agriculture, while wandering as nomad shepherds over the steppes of central asia. we must remember also the fact that caravans actually do travel, and have travelled for time immemorial, over enormous distances, across the steppes of central and northern asia, and that within quite recent historical times, a whole nation of calmucks migrated under every conceivable difficulty from hostile tribes, pursuing armies, and the extremes of winter cold and summer heat, first from china to the volga, and then back again from the volga to china. nor must we overlook the fact that ur and eridhu were great sea-ports at a very remote period, and that the facilities for pushing their commerce far to the east were great, owing to the regular monsoons, and the configuration of the coast. we must be content, therefore, to take the facts as we find them, and admit that china gives us no aid in carrying back authentic history for anything like the time for which we have satisfactory evidence from the monuments and records of egypt and chaldæa. elam. as regards other nations of antiquity, their own historical records are either altogether wanting or comparatively recent, and our only authentic information respecting them in very early times is derived from egyptian or babylonian monuments. the most important of them is elam, which was evidently a civilized kingdom at a very remote period, contemporary probably with the earliest accadian civilization, and which continued to play a leading part in history down to the recent date of cyrus. elam was a small district between the zagros mountains and the tigris, extending to the south along the eastern shore of the persian gulf to the arabian sea. its capital was shushan or susa, an ancient and renowned city, the name of which survives in the persian province of shusistan, as that of persia proper does in the mountainous district next to the east of elam, known as farsistan. the original population was turanian, speaking an agglutinative language, akin to though not identical with accadian, and its religion and civilization were apparently the same, or closely similar. as in chaldæa and assyria, a semitic element seems to have intruded on the turanian at an early date, and to have become the ruling race, while much later the aryan persians to some extent superseded the semites. the name "elam" is said to have the same significance as "accad," both meaning "highland," and indicating that both races must have had a common origin in the mountains and steppes of central asia. the native name was anshad, and susa was "the city of anshad." elam was always considered an ancient land and susa an ancient city, by the accadians, and there is every reason to believe that elamite civilization must have been at least as old as accadian. this much is certain, that as far back as b.c., elam was a sufficiently organized and powerful state to conquer the larger and more populous country of mesopotamia, and found an elamite dynasty which lasted for nearly years, and carried on campaigns in districts as far distant as southern syria and the dead sea. the dynasty was subverted and the elamites driven back within their own frontiers, but there they retained their independence, and took a leading part in all the wars waged by chaldæa and other surrounding nations against the rising power of the warlike assyrian kings of nineveh. the statue of the goddess nana, which had been taken by the elamite conquerors from erech in b.c., remained in the temple at susa for years, until the city was at length taken by one of the latest assyrian kings, asshurbanipal, in the year b.c. we have already pointed out the great historical importance of the elamite conquest of mesopotamia in _b.c._ as inaugurating the era of great wars between civilized states, and probably giving the impulse to western asia, which hurled the hyksos on egypt, and by its reaction first brought the egyptians to nineveh, and then the assyrians to memphis. a still more important movement at the very close of what may be called ancient history, originated from elam. to the surprise of all students of history, it has been proved that the account we have received from herodotus and other greek sources, of the great cyrus, is to a great extent fabulous. a cylinder and tablet of cyrus himself were quite recently discovered by mr. rassam and brought to the british museum, in which he commemorates his conquest of babylon. he describes himself as "cyrus the great king, the king of babylon, the king of sumir and accad, the king of the four zones, the son of kambyses the great king, the king of elam; the grandson of cyrus the great king, the king of elam; the great-grandson of teispes the great king, the king of elam; of the ancient seed-royal, whose rule has been beloved by bel and nebo"; and he goes on to say how by the favour of "merodach the great lord, the god who raises the dead to life, who benefits all men in difficulty and prayer, he had conquered the men of kurdistan and all the barbarians, and also the black-headed race (the accadians), and finally entered babylon in peace and ruled there righteously, favoured by gods and men, and receiving homage and tribute from all the kings who dwelt in the high places of all regions from the upper to the lower sea, including phoenicia." and he concludes with an invocation to all the gods whom he had restored to their proper temples from which they had been taken by nabonidus, "to intercede before bel and nebo to grant me length of days; may they bless my projects with prosperity; and may they say to merodach my lord, that cyrus the king, thy worshipper, and kambyses his son deserve his favour." this is confirmed by a cylinder of a few years earlier date, of nabonidus the last king of babylon, who relates how "cyrus the king of elam, the young servant of merodach," overthrew the medes, there called "mandan" or barbarians, captured their king astyages, and carried the spoil of the royal city ecbatana to the land of elam. how many of our apparently most firmly established historical dates are annihilated by these little clay cylinders! it appears that cyrus was not a persian at all, or an adventurer who raised himself to power by a successful revolt, but the legitimate king of elam, descended from its ancient royal race through an unbroken succession of several generations. he was in fact a later and greater kudur-na-hangti, like the early conqueror of that name who founded the first elamite empire some years earlier. it may be doubtful whether he was even an aryan. at any rate this much is certain, that his religion was babylonian, and that we must dismiss all jewish myths of him as a zoroastrian monotheist, the servant of the most high god, who favoured the chosen race from sympathy with their religion. on his own showing he was as devoted a worshipper of merodach, bel, and nebo, and the whole pantheon of local gods, as nebuchadnezzar or tiglath-pileser.[ ] [ ] sayce, in his _fresh light from ancient monuments_, says, "both in his cylinder and in the annalistic tablet, cyrus, hitherto supposed to be a persian and zoroastrian monotheist, appears as an elamite and a polytheist." it is pretty certain, however, that although descended from elamite kings, these were kings of persian race, who, after the destruction of the old monarchy by asshurbanipal, had established a new dynasty at the city of anshad or susa. cyrus always traces his descent from achæmenes, the chief of the leading persian clan of pasargadæ, and he was buried there in a tomb visited by alexander. but as regards religion, it is clear that cyrus professed himself, and was taken by his contemporaries to be, a devoted servant of merodach, nebo, and the other babylonian deities, to whom he prays for protection and thanks for victories, without any mention of the zoroastrian supreme god, ahura-mazda. zoroastrian monotheism only came in with darius hystaspes, the founder of the purely persian second dynasty, after that of cyrus became extinct with his son cambyses. what a lesson does this teach us as to the untrustworthy nature of the scraps of ancient history which have come down to us from verbal traditions, and are not confirmed by contemporary monuments! herodotus wrote within a few generations of cyrus, and the relations of greece to the persian empire had been close and uninterrupted. his account of its founder cyrus is not in itself improbable, and is full of details which have every appearance of being historical. it is confirmed to a considerable extent by the old testament, and by the universal belief of early classical writers, and yet it is shown to be in essential respects legendary and fabulous, by the testimony of cyrus himself. phoenicia. phoenicia is another country which exercised a great influence on the civilization and commerce of the ancient world, though its history does not go back to the extreme antiquity of the early dynasties of egypt and of chaldæa. the phoenicians spoke a language which was almost identical with that of the hebrews and canaanites, and closely resembled that of assyria and babylonia, after the semite language had superseded that of the ancient accadians. according to their own tradition, they came from the persian gulf, and the island of tyros, now bahrein, in that gulf, is quoted as a proof that it was the original seat of the people who founded tyre. there is no certain date for the period when they migrated from the east, and settled in the narrow strip of land along the coast of the mediterranean between the mountain range of lebanon and the sea, stretching from the promontory of carmel on the south to the gulf of antioch on the north. this little strip of about miles in length, and ten to fifteen in breadth, afforded many advantages for a maritime people, owing to the number of islands close to the coast and small indented bays, which afforded excellent harbours and protection from enemies, which was further secured by the precipitous range of the lebanon sending down steep spurs into the mediterranean, and thus isolating phoenicia from the military route of the great valley of coelo-syria, between the parallel ranges of the lebanon and anti-lebanon, which was taken by armies in the wars between egypt and asia. here the phoenicians founded nine cities, of which byblos or gebal was reputed to be the most ancient, and first sidon and then tyre became the most important. they became fishermen, manufacturers of purple from the dye procured from the shell-fish on their shores, and above all mariners and merchants. before the growth of other naval powers in the mediterranean they had established factories along the coasts of asia minor, greece, and italy, and in all the islands of the egæan and the cyclades. they had founded colonies in cyprus, crete, sicily, and on the mainland of greece at boeotian thebes. they had mined extensively wherever metals were to be found, and, as herodotus states, had overturned a whole mountain at thasos by tunnelling it for gold. they had even extended their settlements into the black sea, along the northern coast of africa, and somewhat later to spain, passed the straits of gibraltar, and finally reached the british isles in pursuit of tin. there can be no question that this phoenician commerce was a principal element in introducing not only their alphabet, but many of the early arts of civilization, among the comparatively rude races of greece, italy, spain, and britain. the date however of this earliest phoenician commerce is very uncertain. all we can discern is that, after having enjoyed an undisputed supremacy, the progress of civilization among the mediterranean races enabled them to develop a maritime power of their own, superior to that of phoenicia, and to drive the phoenicians from most of their settlements on the mainland and islands, confining them to a few trading posts and factories, and directing their more important enterprises towards the western mediterranean, where they encountered less formidable rivals. but although phoenicia contributed thus largely to the civilization of the ancient world, its antiquity cannot be compared to that of egypt and chaldæa. the first reference to the country is found in the cylinder of sargon i., b.c. , who marched to the coast of the mediterranean, and crossed over to cyprus, where a cylinder of his son dungi has been found, but there is nothing to show that the district was then occupied by the phoenicians of later times. kopt, or the land of palms, of which phoenicia is the greek translation, is first mentioned in the egyptian annals of the middle empire, and during the rule of the hyksos the mouth of the nile had become so thickly populated by phoenician emigrants as to be known as kopt-ur, caphtor, or greater phoenicia. the priests of the temple of baal melcart, the patron deity of tyre, told herodotus that it had been founded years before his time, or about b.c., and old tyre which stood on the mainland was reputed to be more ancient than the city of new tyre which stood on an island. but this date is negatived by the fact that in an egyptian papyrus in which an envoy from ramses ii. or menepthah to the court of babylon about b.c. records his journey, he mentions byblos, beryta, and sidon as important cities, while tyre is only an insignificant fishing town. the first distinct mention of phoenician cities in egyptian annals is in the enumeration of towns captured by thotmes iii., b.c. , in his victorious campaigns in syria, among which are to be found the names of beyrut and acco, and two centuries later seti i., the father of ramses ii., records the capture of zor or tyre, probably the old city on the mainland. the first authentic information, however, as to the movements of the mediterranean maritime races is afforded by the egyptian annals, which describe two formidable invasions by combined land armies and fleets, which were with difficulty repulsed. the first took place in the reign of menepthah, son of the great ramses ii. of the eighteenth dynasty, about b.c.; the second under ramses iii. of the nineteenth dynasty, about b.c. the first invasion came from the west, and was headed by the king of the lybians, a white race, who have been identified with the numidians and modern kabyles, but were reinforced to a confederacy of nearly all the mediterranean races who sent auxiliary contingents both of sea and land forces. among these appear, along with dardanians, teucri and lycians of asia minor, who were already known as allies of the hittites in their wars against ramses ii., a new class of auxiliaries from greece, italy, and the islands, whose names have been identified by some egyptologists as achæans, tuscans, sicilians, and sardinians. [illustration: sea-fight in the time of ramses iii. (from temple of ammon at medinet-abou.)] the second and more formidable attack came from the east, and was made by a combined fleet and land army, the latter composed of hittites and philistines, with the same auxiliaries from asia minor, and the fleet of the same confederation of maritime states as in the first invasion, except that the achæans have disappeared as leaders of the greek powers, and their place is taken by the danaoi, confirming the greek tradition of the substitution of the dynasty of danaus for that of inachus, on the throne of argos and mycenæ. the phoenicians alone of the maritime states do not seem to have taken any part in these invasions, and, on the contrary, to have lived on terms of friendly vassalage and close commercial relations with egypt ever since the expulsion of the hyksos, and the great conquests of ahmes and thotmes iii. in syria and asia. it is probably during this period that the early commerce and navigation of jebail and sidon took such a wide extension. the details of these two great invasions, which are fully given in the egyptian monuments, together with a picture of the naval combat, in which the invading fleet was finally defeated by ramses iii., after having forced an entrance into the eastern branch of the nile, are extremely interesting. they show an advanced state of civilization already prevailing among nations whose very names were unknown or legendary. more than years before the siege of troy it appears that asia minor and the greek mainland and islands were already inhabited by nations sufficiently advanced in civilization to fit out fleets which commanded the seas, and to form political confederations, to undertake distant expeditions, and to wage war on equal terms with the predominant powers of asia and of egypt. but though ancient as regards classical history, these beginnings of greek civilization are comparatively modern, and cannot be carried back further than about b.c., while there is no evidence to carry the preceding period of phoenician supremacy and commerce in the eastern mediterranean, with the existence of the great trading cities of its earliest period, byblos and sidon, beyond , or, at the very outside, b.c. hittites. the history of another great empire has been partially brought to light, which was destroyed in b.c. by the progress of assyrian conquest, after having lasted more than years, and long exercised a predominant influence over western asia, viz. that of the hittites. the first mention of them in the old testament appears in the time of abraham, when we find them in southern syria, mixed with tribes of the canaanites and amorites, and grouped principally about hebron. they are represented as on friendly terms with abraham, selling him a piece of land for a sepulchre, and intermarrying with his family--rebecca's soul being vexed by the contumacious behaviour of her daughters-in-law, "the daughters of heth." this, however, was only an outlying branch of the nation, whose capital cities, when they appear clearly in history, were further north at kadesh on the orontes, and carchemish on the upper euphrates, commanding the fords on that river on the great commercial route between babylonia and the mediterranean. they were a turanian race, whose original seat was in cappadocia, and the high plateaux and mountainous region extending from the taurus range to the black sea. they are easily recognized on the egyptian monuments by their yellow colour, peculiar features which are of ugro-turkish type, and their dress, which is that of highlanders inhabiting a snowy district, with close-fitting tunics, mittens, and boots resembling snowshoes with turned-up toes. they have also the mongolian characters of beardless faces, and coarse black hair, which is sometimes trained into a pigtail. [illustration: king of the hittites. (from photograph by flinders petrie, from egyptian temple at luxor.)] the earliest mention of them is found in the tablets which were compiled for the library of sargon i. of accad, in which reference is made to the khatti, which probably means hittites, showing that at this remote period, about b.c., they had already moved down from their northern home into the valley of the euphrates and upper syria. their affinity with the accadians of chaldæa is clearly proved by their language, which the recent discovery of papyri at tell-el-amara, containing despatches from the tributary king of the hittites to amenophus iv., written in cuneiform characters, has proved to be almost identical with accadian. it seems probable that part of the army which fought in defence of troy may have been hittite, and there are many indications that the etruscans, who were generally believed to have come from lydia, were of the same race and spoke the same language. it is in egyptian records, however, that we meet with the first definite historical data respecting this ancient hittite empire. in these they are referred to as "kheta," and probably formed part of the great hyksos invasion; but the first certain mention of them occurs in the reign of thotmes i., about b.c., and they appear as a leading nation in the time of thotmes iii., who defeated a combined army of canaanites and hittites under the hittite king of kadesh, at megiddo, and in fourteen victorious campaigns carried the egyptian arms to the euphrates and tigris. for several subsequent reigns we find the hittites enumerated as one of the nations paying tribute to egypt, whose extensive empire then reckoned mesopotamia, assyria, phoenicia, palestine, cyprus, and the soudan among its tributary states. gradually the power of egypt declined, and in the troubled times which followed the attempt of the heretic king ku-en-aten to supersede the old religion of egypt by the worship of the solar disc, the conquered nations threw off the yoke, and the frontiers of egypt receded to the old limits. as egypt declined, the power of the hittites evidently increased, for when we next meet with them it is contending on equal terms in palestine with the revival of the military power of egypt under ramses i., the founder of the nineteenth dynasty, and his son seti i. the contest continued for more than a century with occasional treaties of peace and various vicissitudes of fortune, and at last culminated in the great battle of kadesh, commemorated by the egyptian epic poem of pentaur, and followed by the celebrated treaty of peace between ramses ii. and kheta-sira, "the great king of the hittites," the hittite text of which was engraved on a silver tablet in the characters of carchemish, and the egyptian copy of it was engraved in hieroglyphics on the walls of the temples of ramses, of which we fortunately possess the entire text. the alliance was on equal terms, defining the frontier, and providing for the mutual extradition of refugees, and it was ratified by the marriage of ramses with the daughter of the hittite king. the peace lasted for some time; but in the reign of ramses iii. of the twentieth dynasty, we find the hittites again heading the great confederacy of the nations of asia minor and of the islands of the mediterranean, who attacked egypt by sea and land. the hittites formed the greater part of the land army, which was defeated with great slaughter after an obstinate battle at pelusium, about b.c. from this time forward the power both of the hittites and of egypt seems to have steadily declined. we hear no more of them as a leading power in palestine and syria, where the kingdoms of judah, israel, and damascus superseded them, until all were swallowed up by the assyrian conquests of the warrior-kings of nineveh, and finally the hittites disappear altogether from history with the capture of their capital carchemish by sargon ii. in b.c. the wide extent, however, of the hittite empire when at its height is proved by the fact that at the battle of kadesh the hittite army was reinforced by vassals or allies from nearly the whole of western asia. the dardanians from the troad, the mysians from their cities of ilion, the colchians from the caucasus, the syrians from the orontes, and the phoenicians from arvad are enumerated as sending contingents; and in the invasion of egypt in the reign of ramses iii., the hittites headed the great confederacy of hittites, teucrians, lycians, philistines, and other asiatic nations who attacked egypt by land, in concert with the great maritime confederacy of greeks, pelasgians, tuscans, sicilians, and sardinians who attacked it by sea. the mere fact of carrying on such campaigns and forming such political alliances is sufficient to show that the hittites must have attained to an advanced state of civilization. but there is abundant proof that this was the case from other sources. they were a commercial people, and their capital, carchemish, was for many centuries the great emporium of the caravan trade between the east and west. the products of the east, probably as far as bactria and india, reached it from babylon and nineveh, and were forwarded by two great commercial routes, one to the south-west to syria and phoenicia, the other to the north-west through the pass of karakol, to sardis and the mediterranean. the commercial importance of carchemish is attested by the fact that its silver mina became the standard of value at babylon, and throughout the whole of western asia. the hittites were also great miners, working the silver mines of the taurus on an extensive scale, and having a plentiful supply of bronze and other metals, as is shown by the large number of chariots attached to their armies from the earliest times. they were also a literary people, and had invented a system of hieroglyphic writing of their own, distinct alike from that of egypt and from the cuneiform characters of the accadians. inscriptions in these peculiar characters, associated with sculptures in a style of art different from that of either egypt or chaldæa, but representing figures identical in dress and features with those of hittites in the egyptian monuments, have been found over a wide extent of asia minor, at hamath and aleppo; boghaz-keni and eyuk in cappadocia; at the pass of karakol near sardis, and at various other places. several of those attributed by the greeks to sesostris or to fabulous passages of their own mythology, have been proved to be hittite, as, for instance, the figure carved on the rocks of mount sipylos, near ephesus, and said to be that of niobe, is proved to be a sitting figure of the great goddess of carchemish. for a long time these inscriptions were an enigma to philologists, but the researches of professor sayce and other scholars have quite recently thrown much light on the subject, and enabled us partially to decipher some of them, and the recent discovery of papyri at tel-el-amara written partly in the hittite language in cuneiform characters, removes all doubt as to its nature and affinities. it may be sufficient to state the result, that the hittite language was turanian or agglutinative, closely allied, and indeed almost identical, with accadian on the one hand, and on the other so similar to the ancient lydian and etruscan, as to leave it doubtful whether these nations were themselves hittites, or only very close cousins descended from a common stock. for instance, the well-known etruscan names of tarquin and lar occur as parts of many names of hittite kings, and in the same, or a slightly modified form, in accadian, and survive to the present day in various turkic and mongolian dialects. this much appears to be clear, that this hittite empire, which vanished so completely from history more than years ago, had for nearly years previously exercised a paramount influence in western asia, and was one of the principal channels through which asiatic mythology and art reached greece in early times, and through the etruscans formed an important element in the civilization of ancient rome. it was itself probably an offshoot from the still older civilization of accadia, though after a time semitic and egyptian influences were introduced, as appears from the fact that sutek, set or seth, was the supreme god of the hittites, as is shown by the text of the treaty of peace between their great king khota-sira and ramses ii. as regards chronology, therefore, hittite history only carries us back about half-way to the earliest dates of egypt and chaldæa, and only confirm these dates incidentally, by showing that other powerful and civilized states already existed in asia at a remote period. arabia. the best chance of finding records which may vie in antiquity with those of egypt and chaldæa, has come to us quite recently from an unexpected quarter. arabia has been from time immemorial one of the least known and least accessible regions of the earth. especially of recent years moslem fanaticism has made it a closed country to christian research, and it is only quite lately that a few scientific travellers, taking their lives in their hands, have succeeded in penetrating into the interior, discovering the sites of ruined cities, and copying numerous inscriptions. dr. glaser especially has three times explored southern arabia, and brought home no less than inscriptions, many of them of the highest historical interest. by the aid of these and other inscriptions we are able to reduce to some sort of certainty the vague traditions that had come down to us of ancient nations and an advanced state of civilization and commerce, existing in arabia in very ancient times. in the words of professor sayce, "the dark past of the arabian peninsula has been suddenly lighted up, and we find that long before the days of mohammed it was a land of culture and literature, a seat of powerful kingdoms and wealthy commerce, which cannot fail to have exercised an influence upon the general history of the world."[ ] [ ] the facts of this section are taken mainly from two articles by professor sayce in the _contemporary review_, entitled "ancient arabia" and "results of oriental archæology." the visit of the queen of sheba to solomon affords one of the first glimpses into this past history. it is evident that she either was, or was supposed to be by the compiler of the book of kings not many centuries later, the queen of a well-known, civilized, and powerful country, which, from the description of her offerings, could hardly be other than arabia felix, the spice country of southern arabia, the sabæa or saba of the ancient world, though her kingdom, or commercial relations, may have extended over the opposite coast of abyssinia and somali-land, and probably far down the east coast of africa. assyrian inscriptions show that saba was a great kingdom in the eighth century b.c., when its frontiers extended so far to the north as to bring it in contact with those of the empire of nineveh under tiglath-pileser and sargon ii. it was then an ancient kingdom, and, as the inscriptions show, had long since undergone the same transformation as egypt and chaldæa, from the rule of priest-kings of independent cities into an unified empire. these priest-kings were called "makârib," or high-priests of saba, showing that the original state must have been a theocracy, and the name saba like assur that of a god. but the inscriptions reveal this unexpected fact, that old as the kingdom of saba may be, it was not the oldest in this district, but rose to power on the decay of a still older nation, whose name of ma'in has come down to us in dim traditions under the classical form of minæans. we are already acquainted with the names of thirty-two minæan kings, and as comparatively few inscriptions have as yet been discovered, many more will doubtless be found. among those known, however, are some which show that the authority of the minæan kings was not confined to their original seat in the south, but extended over all arabia and up to the frontiers of syria and of egypt. three names of these kings have been found at teima, the tema of the old testament, on the road to damascus and sinai; and a votive tablet from southern arabia is inscribed by its authors, "in gratitude to athtar (istar or astarte), for their rescue in the war between the ruler of the south and the ruler of the north, and in the conflict between madhi and egypt, and for their safe return to their own city of quarnu." the authors of this inscription describe themselves as being under the minæan king "abi-yadá yathi," and being "governors of tsar and ashur and the further bank of the river." tsar is often mentioned in the egyptian monuments as a frontier fortress on the arabian side of what is now the suez canal, while another inscription mentions gaza, and shows that the authority of the minæan rulers extended to edom, and came into close contact with palestine and the surrounding tribes. doubtless the protection of trade-routes was a main cause of this extension of fortified posts and wealthy cities, over such a wide extent of territory. from the most ancient times there has always been a stream of traffic between east and west, flowing partly by the red sea and persian gulf, and from the ends of these eastern seas to the mediterranean, and partly by caravan routes across asia. the possession of one of these routes by solomon in alliance with tyre, led to the ephemeral prosperity of the jewish kingdom at a much later period; and the wars waged between egyptians, assyrians, and hittites were doubtless influenced to a considerable extent by the desire to command these great lines of commerce. arabia stood in a position of great advantage as regards this international commerce, being a half-way house between east and west, protected from enemies by impassable deserts, and with inland and sheltered seas in every direction. its southern provinces also had the advantage of being the great, and in some cases the sole, producers of commodities of great value and in constant request. frankincense and other spices were indispensable in temples where bloody sacrifices formed part of the religion. the atmosphere of solomon's temple must have been that of a sickening slaughterhouse, and the fumes of incense could alone enable the priests and worshippers to support it. this would apply to thousands of other temples through asia, and doubtless the palaces of kings and nobles suffered from uncleanliness and insanitary arrangements, and required an antidote to evil smells to make them endurable. the consumption of incense must therefore have been immense in the ancient world, and it is not easy to see where it could have been derived from except from the regions which exhaled. "sabæan odours from the shores of araby the blest." the next interesting result, however, of these arabian discoveries is, that they disclose not only a civilized and commercial kingdom at a remote antiquity, but that they show us a literary people, who had their own alphabet and system of writing at a date comparable to that of egyptian hieroglyphics and chaldæan cuneiforms, and long prior to the oldest known inscription in phoenician characters. the first arabian inscriptions were discovered and copied by seetzen in , and were classed together as himyaritic, from himyar, the country of the classical homerites. it was soon discovered that the language was semitic, and that the alphabet resembled that of the ethiopic or gheez, and was a modification of the phoenician written vertically instead of horizontally. further discoveries and researches have led to the result, which is principally due to dr. glaser, that the so-called himyaritic inscriptions fell into two groups, one of which is distinctly older than the other, containing fuller and more primitive grammatical forms. these are minæan, while the inscriptions in the later dialect are sabæan. it is apparent, therefore, that the minæan rule and literature must have preceded those of sabæa by a time sufficiently long to have allowed for considerable changes both in words and grammar to have grown up, not by foreign conquest, but by evolution among the tribes of the same race within arabia itself. now the sabæan kingdom can be traced back with considerable certainty to the time of solomon, years b.c., and had in all probability existed many centuries before; while we have already a list of thirty-three minæan kings, which number will doubtless be enlarged by further discoveries; and the oldest inscriptions point, as in egypt, to an antecedent state of commerce and civilization. it is evident therefore that arabia must be classed with egypt and chaldæa as one of the countries which point to the existence of highly civilized communities in an extreme antiquity; and that it is by no means impossible that the records of southern arabia may ultimately be carried back as far as those of sargon i., or even of menes. this is the more probable as several ancient traditions point to southern arabia, and possibly to the adjoining coast of north-eastern africa, as the source of the earliest civilizations. thus oannes is said to have come up from the persian gulf and taught the chaldæans the first arts of civilization. the phoenicians traced their origin to the bahrein islands in the same gulf. the egyptians looked with reverence and respect to punt, which is generally believed to have meant arabia felix and somali-land; and they placed the origin of their letters and civilization, not in upper or lower, but in middle egypt, at abydos where thoth and osiris were said to have reigned, where the nile is only separated from the red sea by a narrow land pass which was long one of the principal commercial routes between arabia and egypt. the close connection between egypt and punt in early times is confirmed by the terms of respect in which punt is spoken of in egyptian inscriptions, contrasting with the epithets of "barbarian" and "vile," which are applied to other surrounding nations such as the hittites, libyans, and negroes. and the celebrated equipment of a fleet by the great queen hatasu of the nineteenth dynasty, to make a commercial voyage to punt, and its return with a rich freight, and the king and queen of the country with offerings, on a visit to the pharaoh, reminding one of the visit of the queen of sheba to solomon, shows that the two nations were on friendly terms, and that the red sea and opposite coast of africa had been navigated from a very early period. the physical type also of the chiefs of punt as depicted on the egyptian monuments is very like that of the aristocratic type of the earliest known egyptian portraits. [illustration: chief of punt and two men.] one point seems sufficiently clear; that wherever may have been the original seat of the aryans, that of the semites must be placed in arabia. everywhere else we can trace them as an immigrating or invading people, who found prior populations of different race, but in arabia they seem to have been aboriginal. thus in chaldæa and assyria, the semites are represented in the earliest history and traditions as coming from the south, partly by the persian gulf and partly across the arabian and syrian deserts, and by degrees amalgamating with and superseding the previous accadian population. in egypt the semitic element was a late importation which never permanently affected the old egyptian civilization. in syria and palestine, the phoenicians, canaanites, and hebrews were all immigrants from the persian gulf or arabian frontier, either directly or through the medium of egypt and assyria, who did not even pretend to be the earliest inhabitants, but found other races, as the amorites and hittites, in possession, whose traditions again went back to barbarous aborigines of zammumim, who seemed to them to stammer their unintelligible language. the position of semites in the moslem world in asia and africa is distinctly due to the conquests of the arab mohammed and the spread of his religion. in arabia alone we find semites and semites only, from the very beginning, and the peculiar language and character of the race must have been first developed in the growing civilization which preceded the ancient minæan empire, probably as the later stone age was passing into that of metal, and the primitive state of hunters and fishers into the higher social level of agriculturists and traders. to return from these remote speculations to a subject of more immediate interest, the discovery of these minæan inscriptions shows the existence of an alphabet older than that of the earliest known inscriptions in phoenician letters. the alphabets of greece, rome, and all modern nations are beyond all doubt derived from that of phoenicia, and it has been generally supposed that this was formed from an abridgment of the hieroglyphics or hieratics of egypt. but the minæan inscriptions raise the question whether the phoenician alphabet itself and the kindred alphabets of palestine, syria, and other countries near the arabian frontier were not derived from arabia rather than from egypt. the minæan language and letters are certainly older forms of semitic speech and writing, and it seems more likely that they should have been adopted, with dialectic variations, by other semitic races, with whom arabia had a long coterminous position and constant intercourse by caravans, than that these races should have remained totally ignorant of letters, until phoenicia borrowed them from egypt. moreover, as professor sayce shows, this theory gives a better explanation of the names of the phoenician letters, which in many cases have no resemblance to the symbols which denote them. thus the first letter aleph, "an ox," really resembles the head of that animal in the minæan inscriptions, while no likeness can be traced to any egyptian hieroglyph used for 'a.' should these speculations be confirmed, they will considerably modify our conceptions as to the early history of the old testament. it would seem that canaan, before the israelite invasion, was already a settled and civilized country, with a distinct alphabet and literature of its own, older than those of phoenicia; and it may be hoped that further researches in arabia and palestine may disclose records, buried under the ruins of ancient cities, which may vie in antiquity with those of egypt and chaldæa. but in the meantime we must be content to rely on the records and monuments of these two countries, and especially those of egypt, as giving us the longest standard of genuine historical time, extending backwards about years from the present century. troy and mycenÆ. the existence of civilization and commerce among other ancient nations which have disappeared from history, have received a remarkable confirmation from the excavations of dr. schliemann at troy and mycenæ. the site of troy has been identified with the mound of hissarlik which formed its citadel, and the accuracy of the descriptions in homer's _iliad_ has been wonderfully verified. the ruins of seven successive towns, superimposed one on the other, have been found in excavating the mass of _débris_ down to the bed rock. the lowest of these was a settlement apparently of the later neolithic or earliest bronze ages, while the next, built on the ruins of the first at a level of eleven to twenty feet above it, was a strongly fortified city, which had been destroyed by fire, and which answers almost exactly to the description of homer's troy. the citadel hill had been inclosed by massive walls, and was surmounted by a stately palace and other buildings, the foundations of which still remain. it was protected on one side by the river scamander, and on the other the city extended over the plain at the foot of the citadel, and was itself also surrounded by a strong wall, of which a small fragment remains. the third, fourth, fifth, and sixth settlements consisted of mean huts or dwelling-houses built of quarry stones and clay, and the seventh, or uppermost, was the græco-roman ilion of classical writers. the main interest therefore centres in the second city, which, from the articles found in it and the many repairs and alterations of the walls and buildings, must have been for a long time the seat of a nourishing and powerful people, enriched by commerce, and far advanced in the industrial and fine arts. notwithstanding the destruction and probable plunder of the city, the quantity of gold and silver found was very considerable, chiefly in the vaults or casemates built into the foundations of the walls, which were covered up with _débris_ when the citadel was burnt, and the roofs and upper buildings fell in. in one place alone dr. schliemann found the celebrated treasure containing sixty articles of gold and silver, which had evidently been packed together in a square wooden box, which had disappeared with the intense heat. the nature of these citadels shows a high degree not only of civilization but of wealth and luxury, as proved by the skill and taste of jeweller's work displayed in the female ornaments, which comprise three sumptuous diadems, ear-rings, hairpins, and bracelets. there are also numerous vases and cups of terra-cotta, and a few of gold and silver, and bars of silver which have every appearance of being used for money, being of the same form and weight. the fragments of ordinary pottery are innumerable, the finer and more perfect vases are often of a graceful form, and moulded into shapes of animals or human heads, and decorated with spirals, rosettes, and other ornaments of the type which is more fully illustrated as that of the pre-hellenic civilization of mycenæ. for schliemann has not only restored the historic reality of priam and the city of troy, but also that of agamemnon "king of men," and his capital of mycenæ. the result of his explorations on this site has been to show that a still larger and more wealthy city existed here for a longer period than troy, and which affected a more extensive area, for its peculiar art and civilization were widely diffused over the whole of the eastern coast of greece and the adjoining islands, and specimens of it have been found on the opposite coasts of asia minor, as we have seen at troy, and as far off as cyprus and egypt, where they were doubtless carried by commerce. the existence of an extensive commerce is proved by the profusion of gold which has been found in the vaults and tombs buried under the _débris_ of the ruined city, for gold is not a native product, but must have been obtained from abroad, as also the bronze, copper, and tin required for the manufacture of weapons. the city also evidently owed its importance to its situation on the isthmus of corinth, commanding the trade route between the gulfs of argos and of corinth, and thus connecting the eastern mediterranean and asia with the western sea and europe. the still older city of tiryns, of which mycenæ was probably an offshoot, stood nearly on the shore of the eastern gulf, while mycenæ was in the middle of the isthmus about eight miles from either gulf. tiryns was also explored by schliemann, and showed the same plans of buildings and fortifications as troy and mycenæ, and the same class of relics, only less extensive and more archaic than those of mycenæ, which was evidently the more important city during the golden period of this great mycenæan civilization. those who wish to pursue this interesting subject further will find an admirable account of it in the english translation of schliemann's works and essays, with a full description of each exploration, and numerous illustrations of the buildings and articles found. for my present object i only refer to it as an illustration of the position that egypt and chaldæa do not stand alone in presenting proofs of high antiquity, but that other nations, such as the chinese, the hittites, the minæans of southern arabia, the mycenæans, trojans, lydians, phrygians, cretans, and doubtless many others, also existed as populous, powerful, and civilized states, at a time long antecedent to the dawn of classical history. if these ancient empires and civilization became so completely forgotten, or survived only in dim traditions of myths and poetical legends, the reason seems to be that they kept no written records, or at any rate none in the form of enduring inscriptions. we know ancient egypt from its hieroglyphics, and from manetho's history; chaldæa and assyria from the cuneiform writing on clay tablets; china, up to about b.c., from its written histories; but it is singular that the other ancient civilizations have left few or no inscriptions. this is the more remarkable in the case of the mycenæan cities explored by dr. schliemann, for their date is not so very remote, their jewellery, vases, and signet-rings are profusely decorated, their dead interred in stately tombs with large quantities of gold and silver, and yet not a single instance has been found of anything resembling alphabetical or symbolical writing, or of any form of inscription. atreus, agamemnon, and a long line of kings lie in their stately tombs, with their gold masks and breastplates, and their arms and treasures about them, without a word or sign to distinguish father from son, ancestor from successor. their queens are buried in their robes of cloth of gold, their tiaras, necklaces, bracelets, rings and jewels, equally without a word to say which was clytemnestra and which electra. how different is this from the egyptian royal tombs and palaces, where pompous inscriptions record the genealogies of kings for fifty or more generations, and the first care of every pharaoh is to carve the annals of his exploits on imperishable granite! another strange peculiarity of this mycenæan civilization is the absence of religious subjects. images and pictures of their gods abound on all the monuments of egypt and chaldæa. every frieze and tablet, every seal and scarabæus, is full of representations of osiris and isis, of thoth and ammon; or in chaldæa of bel, merodach, and istar, and their other pantheon of gods, each under its own symbolical form, and innumerable little idols or figurines attested their hold on the population. but at troy, tiryns, and mycenæ there is nothing of the sort. animals and mortal men are freely depicted on the vases, and moulded as ornaments for domestic utensils, but religious subjects are so scarce that it is even doubtful whether a few scanty specimens bear this character or not. there is a pit in the central court of the palace at mycenæ which has been thought to be a sacrificial pit under an altar, but this rather because such an altar is described in homer, than for any positive evidence. there are also a very few figurines of terra-cotta, which have been thought to be idols, because they are too clumsy to be taken for representations of the human figure by such skilled artists, and because they bear some sort of resemblance to the rude phoenician idols of the goddess astarte. but, with this exception, there is nothing at troy or mycenæ to indicate a belief in the homeric or any other mythology. as a question of dates, we know that the supremacy of mycenæ and its civilization came to an end with the invasion of the dorians, which is generally placed about b.c. we know also that it must have had a long existence, but for anything approaching to a date we must refer to the few traces which connect it with egypt. a scarabæus was found at mycenæ with the name of queen ti engraved on it who lived in the thirteenth century b.c. mycenæan vases have been found of the older type with lines and spirals, in egyptian tombs of about b.c., and of the later type with animals in tombs of about b.c., and mr. flinders petrie, by whom they were discovered, says that any error in these dates cannot exceed years. mycenæan pottery has also been found at thera under volcanic ashes which geologists say were thrown up about b.c. we are pretty safe, therefore, in supposing this mycenæan civilization to have flourished between the limits of and b.c. in this case it must have been contemporary with the great events of the new empire in egypt which followed on the expulsion of the hyksos; with the victorious campaigns of ahmes and thotmes which carried the egyptian arms to the euphrates and to the black sea; with the rise of the hittite power which extended far and wide over asia minor, and contended on equal terms in syria with ramses ii.; and with the coalition of naval powers which on two occasions, in the reigns of menepthah and ramses iii., commanded the sea and invaded egypt. the mention of achæans among the allies whose fleet was defeated in the sea-fight on the pelusian mouth of the nile, depicted on the triumphal tablet of ramses iii., becomes an historical reality, and some of the hostile galleys may well have been those of a predecessor of agamemnon. it is doubtful, however, whether these mycenæans or achæans can be properly called greek. both their civilization and art are asiatic rather than hellenic; they have left no clue to their language in any writing or inscription; and the type of the race, as far as we can judge of it from paintings on the vases, was totally unlike that of classical greece. [illustration: queen sending warrior to battle. (from "warrior vase," mycenæ. schliemann.)] in one instance alone the human form is represented on the vases found at mycenæ, viz. on that known as the great "warrior vase." this is a large amphora, with a broad band of figures round it, representing on one side attacking warriors hurling spears, and on the other a queen, or female figure, sending out warriors to repel them. the vase is broken, but there are in all eight figures with their heads nearly perfect, and all of the same type, which is such an extraordinary one, that i annex a copy of the woman and one of the warriors. one asks oneself in amazement, can this swine-snouted caricature of humanity be the divine helen, whose beauty set contending nations in arms, and even as a shade made faust immortal with a kiss; and this other, agamemnon, king of men, or the god-like achilles? and yet certainly they must be faces which the dwellers in mycenæ either copied from nature, or introduced as conventional ideals. they cannot be taken as first childish attempts at drawing the human face, like those of the palæolithic savages of the grottos of the vezere, for they are the work of advanced artists who, in other cases, drew beautiful decorations and life-like animals; and in these figures the attitudes, dress, and armour show that they could draw with spirit and accuracy, and give a faithful representation of details when they chose to do so. [illustration: adam, eve, and the serpent. (from a babylonian cylinder.)] the only approach to a clue i can find for an explanation of these extraordinary mycenæan faces is afforded by the picture of adam and eve, with the serpent and tree of life, on an old babylonian cylinder in the british museum. it will be seen at once that there is a considerable resemblance between the two types of countenance, and it strikes me as possible that, as mycenæan art was so largely derived from babylonian, this may have become a conventional type for the first human ancestors, in which it was thought by the mycenæan copyists that heroes and kings ought to be represented. this, however, is a mere conjecture, and all we can infer with any certainty from troy and mycenæ is, that a considerable civilization and commerce must have prevailed in the eastern mediterranean at a date long prior to the commencement of classical history, though much later than that of the older records of egypt and chaldæa. chapter iv. ancient religions. egypt--book of the dead--its morality--metaphysical character--origins of religions--ghosts--animism--astronomy and astrology--morality--pantheism and polytheism--egyptian ideas of future life and judgment--egyptian genesis--divine emanations--plurality of gods and animal worship--sun worship and solar myths--knowledge of astronomy--orientation of pyramids--theory of future life--the ka--the soul--confession of faith before osiris. chaldæan religion--oldest form accadian--shamanism--growth of philosophical religion--astronomy and astrology--accadian trinities--anu, mull-il, ea--twelve great gods--bel-ishtar--merodach--assur--pantheism--wordsworth--magic and omens--penitential psalms--conclusions from. the religious ideas of a nation afford a pretty good test of the antiquity of its civilization. thus, if years hence all traces of england being lost except a copy of the athanasian creed, it would be a legitimate inference that the race who retained such a creed as part of their ritual, had long passed the primitive period of fetichism or animism, had schools of priests and philosophers, and that their religion had developed into a stage of subtle and profound metaphysical speculations. if this would be true in the hypothetical case of england, it is equally true in the actual case of egypt. in its sacred book, the todtenbuch, or book of the dead, which we meet with at the earliest periods of egyptian history, we find conceptions of the great first cause of the universe, which are in many respects identical with those of athanasius. in fact, with some slight alterations of expression, his creed might be a chapter of the todtenbuch, and it is clear that in his controversy with arius he got his inspiration from his native alexandria, and from the old egyptian religion stripped of its polytheistic and idolatrous elements, and adapted to the modern ideas of the neo-platonic philosophy and of christianity. the egyptian religion, as disclosed to us in the earliest records, is one which of itself proves its great antiquity. there is an extensive literature of a religious character; the book of the dead, which contains many of the principal prayers and hymns, and descriptions of the last judgment, is already a sacred book. portions of it are certainly older than the time of menes, and it had already acquired such an authority in the times of pepi, teta, and unas, of the sixth dynasty, about b.c., that the inner walls of their pyramids are covered with hieroglyphics of chapters taken from it. from this time forward, almost every tomb and mummy-case contains quotations from it, just as passages of the bible are quoted on our own gravestones. the book of isis, and hymns to various gods, are of the same nature and early date; and in addition to these, there are ethical treatises, ascribed to kings of the oldest dynasties, as well as works on medicine, geometry, mensuration, and arithmetic. education was very general, as is proved by the fact that the workmen at the mines of wady magarah could scrawl hieroglyphic inscriptions on the walls of their tunnels, and on their blocks of dressed stone. birch, in his _ancient history of egypt from_ _the monuments_, which i prefer to quote from as, being published by the society for promoting christian knowledge, it cannot be suspected of any bias to discredit orthodoxy, says that, "in their moral law the egyptians followed the same precepts as the decalogue (ascribed to moses years later), and enumerated treason, murder, adultery, theft, and the practice of magic as crimes of the deepest dye." the position of women is one of the surest tests of an advanced civilization; for in rude times, and among savage races, force reigns supreme, and the weaker sex is always the slave or drudge of the stronger one. it is only when intellectual and moral considerations are firmly established that the claims of women to an equality begin to be recognized. now in the earliest records of domestic and political life in egypt, we find this equality more fully recognized than it is perhaps among ourselves in the nineteenth century. quoting again from birch, "the egyptian woman appears always as the equal and companion of her father, brethren, and husband. she was never secluded in a harem, sat at meals with them, had equal rights before the law, served in the priesthood, and even mounted the throne." in fact the state of civilization in egypt years ago appears to have been higher in all essential respects than it has ever been since, or is now, in any asiatic and in many european countries. and it has every appearance of being indigenous, and having grown up on the soil. there are no traces in the oldest traditions of any foreign importation, such as we find in the early traditions of other countries. there is no fish-man who comes up out of the persian gulf and teaches the chaldæans the first elements of civilization; no cadmus who teaches the greeks their first letters; no manco-capac who lands on the shore of peru. on the contrary, all the egyptian traditions are of egyptian gods, like osiris and thoth, who reigned in the valley of the nile, and invented hieroglyphics and other arts. these are lost in a fabulous antiquity, and the only trace of a link to connect the historical egyptians with the neolithic races whose remains are found in abundance in the form of flint knives and arrows, and are brought up by borings through thick deposits of nile mud, or the still older palæolithic savages, whose rude implements were found by general pitt-rivers and other explorers in quaternary gravels near thebes of geological antiquity, is furnished by the use of a stone knife to make the first incision on the corpse in turning it into a mummy, and by the animal worship, which may have been a relic of primitive fetichism and totemism. the highly metaphysical nature of the egyptian creed is another conclusive proof of the antiquity of the religion. among existing races we find similar religions corresponding to similar stages of civilization. with the very rudest races, religion consists mainly of ghost worship and animism. herbert spencer has shown how dreams lead to the belief that man consists of two elements, a body and a spirit, or shadowy self, which wanders forth in sleep, meets with strange adventures, and returns when the body awakes. in the longer sleep of death, this shadowy self becomes a ghost which haunts its old abodes and former associates, mostly with an evil intent, and which has to be deceived or propitiated, to prevent it from doing mischief. hence the sacrifices and offerings, and the many devices for cheating the ghost by carrying the dead body by devious paths to some safe locality. hence also the superstitious dread of evil spirits, and the interment with the corpse of food and implements to induce the ghost to remain tranquilly in the grave, or to set out comfortably on its journey to another world. animism is another tap-root of savage superstition. as the child sees life in the doll, so the savage sees life in every object, animate or inanimate, which comes in contact with him, and affects his existence. animals, and even stocks and stones, are supposed to have souls, and who knows that these may not be the souls of departed ancestors, and have some mysterious power of helping or of hurting him? in any case the safer plan is to propitiate them by worship and sacrifice. from these rude beginnings we see nations as they advance in civilization rising to higher conceptions, developing their ghosts into gods, and confining their operations to the greater phenomena of nature, such as the sky, the earth, the sea, the sun, the stars, storms, seasons, thunder, and the like. and by degrees the unity of nature begins to be felt by the higher minds; priestly castes are established who have leisure for meditation; ideas are transmitted from generation to generation; and the vague and primitive nature worship passes into the phase of philosophical and scientific religion. the popular rites and superstitions linger on with the mass of the population, but an inner circle of hereditary priests refines and elevates them, and begins to ask for a solution of the great problems of the universe; what it means, and how it was created; the mystery of good and evil; man's origin, future life and destiny; and all the questions which, down to the present day, are asked though never answered by the higher minds of the higher races of civilized man. in this stage of religious development metaphysical speculations occupy a foremost place. priests of heliopolis, magi of eridhu and of ur, reasoned like christian fathers and milton's devils of "fate, free-will, foreknowledge absolute," and like them "found no end, in wandering mazes lost." theories of theism and pantheism, of creations and incarnations, of trinities and atonements, of polarities between good and evil, free-will and necessity, were argued and answered, now in one direction and now in another. science contributed its share, sometimes in the form of crude cosmogonies and first attempts at ethnology, but principally through the medium of astronomy. an important function of the priests was to form a calendar, predict the seasons, and regulate the holding of religious rites at the proper times. hence the course of the heavens was carefully watched, the stars were mapped out into constellations, through which the progress of the sun and planets was recorded; and myths sprang into existence based on the sun's daily rising and setting, and its annual journey through the seasons and the signs of the zodiac. mixed up with astronomy was astrology, which, watching the sun, moon, and five planets, inferred life from motion, and recognized gods exerting a divine influence on human events. the sacred character of the priests was confirmed by the popular conviction that they were at the same time prophets and magicians, and that they alone were able to interpret the will of personified powers of nature, and influence them for good or evil. the element of morality is one of the latest to appear. it is only after a long progress in civilization that ideas of personal sin and righteousness, of an overruling justice and goodness, of future rewards and punishments, are developed from the cruder conceptions and superstitious observances of earlier times. it was a long road from the jealous and savage local god of the hebrew tribes, who smelt the sweet savour of burnt sacrifices and was pleased, and who commanded the extermination of enemies, and the slaughter of women and children, to the supreme jehovah, who loved justice and mercy better than the blood of bulls and rams. it is one great merit of the bible, intelligently read, that it records so clearly the growth and evolution of moral ideas, from a plane almost identical with that of the red indians, to the supreme height of the sermon on the mount and st. paul's definition of charity. there is one phenomenon which appears very commonly in these ancient religions, that of degeneration. after having risen to a certain height of pure and lofty conception they cease to advance, branch out into fanciful fables accompanied by cruel and immoral rites, and finally decay and perish. this is an inevitable consequence of the law of birth, growth, maturity, decay and death, which underlies all existence. "the old order changes, giving place to new." environment changes, and religions, laws, and social institutions change with it. empires rise and fall, old civilizations disappear, old creeds become incredible, and often, for a time, the course of humanity seems to be retrograde. but as the flowing tide rises, though the successive waves on the shore advance and recede, evolution, or the law of progress, in the long run prevails, and amidst the many oscillations of temporary conditions, carries the human race ever upwards towards higher things. in the case of ancient religions it is easy to see how this process of degeneration is carried out. priests who were the pioneers of progress, and leaders of advanced thought, became first conservatives, and then obscurantists. pantheistic conceptions, and personifications of divine attributes, lead to polytheism. as religions become popular, and pass from the learned few to the ignorant many, they become vulgarized, and the real meaning of myths and symbols is either lost or confined to a select inner circle. but for my present purpose, which is mainly chronological, these vicissitudes in religious beliefs are not important. if, at the earliest date to which authentic history extends, we find a national religion which has already passed from the primitive into the metaphysical stage, and which embodies abstract ideas, astronomical observations, and a high and pure code of morals, it is a legitimate inference that it is the outcome of a long antecedent era of civilization. this is eminently the case with regard to the ancient religions of egypt and chaldæa. the ancient egyptians were the most religious people ever known. their thoughts were so fixed on a future life that, as herodotus says, they looked upon their houses as mere temporary inns, and their tombs as their true permanent homes. the idea of an immediate day of judgment for each individual soul after death was so fixed in their minds that it exercised a constant practical influence on their life and conduct. piety to the gods, loyalty to the throne, obedience to superiors, justice and mercy to inferiors, and observance of all the principal moral laws, and especially that of truthfulness, were enforced by the conviction that no sooner had the breath departed from the body, and it had been deposited as a mummy, with its ka or second shadowy self, in the tomb, than the soul would have to appear before the supreme judge osiris, and the forty-two heavenly jurors, where it would have to confess the naked truth, and be tried and rewarded or punished according to its merits. it is very interesting, therefore, to learn what the religion was which had taken such a firm hold of the minds of an entire nation, and which maintained that hold for the best part of years. [illustration: judgment of the soul by osiris.--weighing good and bad deeds. (from champollion's _egypt_.)] our authority for the nature of this religion is derived mainly from the todtenbuch or book of the dead, which was the egyptian bible. this sacred book was of immense antiquity, and much of it was certainly in existence before the time of menes. we know it from the multiplied copies which were frequently deposited in tombs, and from the innumerable extracts and quotations which appear on almost every mummy-case and sarcophagus, as well as from the many manuscripts of works on religious subjects which have been preserved in papyri. the fundamental idea was that of a primitive ocean, or, if you like to call it chaos, of nebulous matter without form and void, and of a one infinite and eternal god who evolved himself and the universe from his own essence. he is called in the todtenbuch "the one only being, the sole creator, unchangeable in his infinite perfection, present in all time, past and future, everywhere and yet nowhere." but although one in essence, god is not one in person. he exists as father, but reproduces himself under another aspect as mother, and under a third as son. this trinity is three and yet one, and has all the attributes of the one--infinity, eternity, and omnipotence. thus far the athanasian creed might be a chapter of the todtenbuch, and it is very evident where the alexandrian saint got those subtle metaphysical ideas, which are so opposed to the rigid monotheistic creeds of judaism and mahometanism. but the egyptian religion was more logical, and carried these ideas much further than an original trinity. it is evident that if we admit the two fundamental ideas, st, that god is the only real existence, author of and identical with the universe; nd, that this incomprehensible essence or first cause can be made more comprehensible by personifying his various qualities and manifestations, there is no reason why we should stop at three. if we admit a trinity of father, mother, and son, why not admit a daughter and other descendants; or if you personify the power to make a universe, the knowledge how to make it, and the will to do it, as father, son, and holy ghost, why not the benevolence to do it well, the malevolence to do it badly, and a hundred other attributes which metaphysical ingenuity can devise to account for the complication of the known, and the mysteries of the unknown facts of existence? the egyptian priests accepted this view, and admitted a whole pantheon of secondary gods who were either personifications of different attributes of the supreme god, or separate portions of the one divine essence. thus ammon was god considered in his attribute of the first generative power; pthah the supreme artist who fashioned all things wisely; osiris the good and benevolent aspect of the deity; set or typhon his opposite or the author of evil, and so on. and once personified, these attributes soon came to be considered as separate beings; to have a female principle or wives added to them, and to be worshipped as the patron gods of separate temples and provinces. finally, the pantheistic idea became so prevalent, and that of separate personifications of the deity was carried so far, that portions of the divine essence were supposed to be incarnated in the sun and heavenly bodies, in the pharaoh and his family, and even in bulls, cats, and other sacred animals. in the latter case it may be a question whether we do not see a survival of the old superstitious fetiches and totems of semi-savage times, adopted by the priests into their theology, as so many pagan superstitions were by the early christian missionaries. at any rate such was the result, a mixture of the most childish and absurd forms of popular superstition, with a highly philosophical and moral creed, held by the educated classes and stamped upon the mass of the nation by the firmly established belief in a future life and day of judgment. among the more philosophical articles of this creed, astronomy assumed a prominent place from a very early date. the sun, it is true, was described in the original cosmogony as having been called into existence by the word of the supreme god, but it came to be taken as his visible representative, and finally worshipped as a god itself. its different phases were studied and received different names, as horus when on the horizon rising or setting, ra in its midday splendour, osiris during its journey in the night through the underground world of darkness. of these ra naturally had the pre-eminence; the title of pharaoh, or pi-ra, was that given to kings, who were assumed to be semi-divine beings descended from the sun. the osiris myth which was the basis of the national belief in a future life and day of judgment was clearly solar. egyptian astronomy, like that of the chaldees and all early nations, assumed that the sky was a crystal dome or firmament which separated the waters of the upper world from the earth and waters below, and corresponded with a similar nether world of darkness below the earth. the sun was born or rose into the upper world every morning, waxed in strength and glory as his bark navigated the upper waters until noon, then declined and finally sank into the nether world or died, slain by an envious typhon, but to be born again next morning after traversing the perils and encountering the demons of the realm of darkness. the same idea was repeated by the annual course of the sun through spring, summer, autumn, and winter, and it translated itself as applied to man into the ideas of birth, growth, manhood, decline, and death, to be followed by a sojourn in hades, a day of judgment, and a resurrection. the egyptian religion, however, seems never to have been so largely astronomical as that of chaldæa, and to have concentrated itself mainly on the sun. the planets and signs of the zodiac did not, as with the chaldees, afford a principal element of their sacred books and mythologies. the egyptian priests had doubtless long studied astronomy; they had watched the stars, traced the annual course of the sun, divided the year into months and the circle into °, and constructed calendars for bringing the civil into correspondence with the sidereal year. they not only had intercalated the five supplemental days, bringing the duration of the year from to , but they had invented a sothic cycle for the odd quarter of a day, by which at the end of every years a year was added, and the sun brought back to rise on the first day of the first month of thoth in the same place in the heavens, determined by the heliacal risings of the brightest of the stars, sothis or sirius. but they applied this knowledge, which must have been gathered from long observations, mainly to practical purposes, such as the reform of the calendar and the orientation of the pyramids, temples, and tombs, rather than to mythology. the idea of a future life, which took such a firm hold of all classes of ancient egypt, is that to which we are indebted for the preservation of these wonderful records of the remote past. the theory was that man consisted of three parts; the body or ordinary living man; the ka or double, which was a sort of shadowy self which came out of the body and returned to it as in dreams; and the soul, a still more subtle essence, which at death went to the gods, was judged, and either rewarded for its merits by living with them in heaven, or punished for its sins by being sent to the nether world of torment. but this soul still retained such a connection with its former body as to come down from time to time to visit it; while the ka or double retained the old connection so closely as to live habitually in it, only coming out to eat, drink, and repeat the acts of its former life, but incapable of existing without a physical basis in the old body or some likeness of it. the same doctrine of the double was applied to all animated and even to inanimate objects, so that the shadowy man could come out of his mummy, live in his own shadowy house, feed on shadowy food, be surrounded by shadowy geese, oxen, and other objects of his former possessions. hence arose the extraordinary care in providing a fitting tomb and preserving the mummy, or, failing the mummy, which in course of time might decay, providing a portrait-statue or painted likeness, which might give a _point d'appui_ for the ka, and a receptacle for the occasional visits of the soul. while these were preserved, conscious personal life was continued beyond the grave, and the good man who went to heaven was immortal. but if these were destroyed and the physical basis perished, the ka and soul were left without a home, and either perished also, or were left to flit like gibbering ghosts through the world of shadows without a local habitation or a name. the origin of this theory as regards the ka is easily explained. it is, as herbert spencer has conclusively shown, a natural inference from dreams, and is found everywhere, from interments of the stone period down to the crude beliefs of existing savages. it even survives among many civilized races in the belief in ghosts, and the precautions taken to prevent the ka's of dead men from returning to haunt their former homes and annoy their posterity. the origin of the third element or soul is not so clear. it may either be a relic of the animism, which among savage races attributes life to every object in nature, or a philosophical deduction of more advanced periods, which sees an universal spirit underlying all creation, and recognizing in man a spark of this spirit which is indestructible, and either migrates into fresh forms, or into fresh spheres of celestial or infernal regions, and is finally absorbed in the great ocean from which it sprang. it is singular that we find almost the precise form of this egyptian belief among many existing savage or semi-civilized men separated by wide distances in different quarters of the world. the negroes of the gold coast believe in the same three entities, and they call the soul which exists independently of the man, before his birth and after his death, the kra, a name which is almost identical with the egyptian ka. the navajos and other tribes of red indians have precisely the same belief. it seems probable that as we find it in the earliest egyptian records, it was a development, evolved through ages of growing civilization by a succession of learned priests, from the primitive fetichism and fear of ghosts of rude ancestors; and in the animal worship and other superstitions of later times we find traces of these primitive beliefs still surviving among the mass of the population. be this as it may, this theory of a future life was firmly rooted at the dawn of egyptian history, and we are indebted to it, and to the dryness of the climate, for the marvellous preservation of records which give us such an intimate acquaintance with the history, the religion, the literature, and the details of a domestic and social life which is distant from our own by an interval of more than years. no other nation ever attained to such a vivid and practical belief in a future existence as these ancient egyptians. taking merely the material test of money, what an enormous capital must have been expended in pyramids, tombs, and mummies; what a large proportion of his income must every egyptian of the upper classes have spent in the preparations for a future life; how shadowy and dim does the idea of immortality appear in comparison among the foremost races of the present day! the elevated moral code of the todtenbuch is another proof of the great antiquity of egyptian civilization. morality is a plant of slow growth which has hardly an existence among rude and primitive tribes, and is only slowly evolved either by contact with superior races or by long ages of settled social order. how many centuries did it take before the crude and ferocious ideas of the hebrew tribes wandering in the desert or warring with the canaanites, were transformed into the lofty and humane conceptions of the later prophets, of hillel and of jesus! and yet we find all the best maxims of this later morality already existing years before the sermon on the mount, in the sacred book of ancient egypt. the prayer of the soul pleading in the day of judgment before osiris and the celestial jury, which embodies the idea of moral perfection entertained by the contemporaries of menes, contains the following articles-- "i have told no lies; committed no frauds; been good to widows; not overtasked servants; not lazy or negligent; done nothing hateful to the gods; been kind to slaves; promoted no strife; caused no one to weep; committed no murder; stolen no offerings to the dead; made no fraudulent gains; seized no lands wrongfully; not tampered with weights and measures; not taken the milk from sucklings; not molested sacred beasts or birds; not cut off or monopolized watercourses; have sown joy and not sorrow; have given food to the hungry, drink to the thirsty, and clothed the naked: "i am pure, i am pure." it is evident that such an ideal of life, not imported from foreign sources, but the growth of an internal civilization, must be removed by an enormous time from the cannibal feasts and human sacrifices of the first glimpses of ideas of a future life in the stone ages. it is to be observed also that the religion of ancient egypt seems to be of native growth. no trace is to be found, either in record or tradition, of any importation from a foreign source, such as may be seen in the chaldæan legend of oannes and other religions of antiquity. on the contrary, all the egyptian myths and traditions ascribe the invention of religion, arts, and literature, to thoth, osiris, horus, and other native egyptian gods. the invention of the art of writing by hieroglyphics affords strong confirmation of this view. it is evidently a development on egyptian soil, in prehistoric times, of the picture-writing of a primitive period. the symbols are taken from egypt and not from foreign objects, and are essentially different from those of the chaldæan cuneiform, which is the only other form of writing which might possibly compare in point of antiquity with the egyptian hieroglyphics and hieratic. these were certainly known prior to the time of menes, and they are the parents of the phoenician, hebrew, greek, and all more modern alphabets. in all other ancient systems of writing, such as chaldæan and chinese, we see the development from the original picture-writing into conventional signs, syllabaries, and finally into ideographs and phonetics; but in the case of egyptian, when we first get sight of it in the earliest dynasties, it is already fully formed, and undergoes no essential changes during the next years. even the hieratic, or cursive hieroglyphic for ordinary purposes, was current in the old empire, as is proved by the celebrated prisse papyrus. the chaldæan religion is not so easily described as that of egypt, for it started from a lower level, and went through more changes in the course of its evolution. in the case of egypt, the earliest records show us a highly intellectual and moral religion, with only a few traces remaining of primitive barbarism in the form of animal worship, and this religion remained substantially unchanged until the conversion of the country to christianity. the influences of semitic and other foreign conquests and intercourse left few traces, and the only serious attempt at a radical religious revolution by the heretic king who endeavoured to dethrone the old egyptian gods, and substitute a system more nearly monotheistic under the emblem of the winged solar-disc, produced no permanent effect, and disappeared in one or two generations. but in chaldæa, semitic influences prevailed from a very early period, and when we reach the historical periods of the great babylonian and assyrian empires, the kings, priests, and nobles were semite, and the accadian had become a dead language, which could only be read as we read latin or hebrew, by the aid of translations and of grammars and dictionaries. still its records remained, as the hebrew bible does to us, and the sacred books of the old religion and its fundamental ideas were only developed and not changed. in the background of this accadian religion we seem to see a much nearer approach than we do in that of egypt to the primitive superstitions peculiar to the turanian race. to this day the religion of the semi-barbarous races of that stock is essentially what is called "shamanism"; a fear of ghosts and goblins, a belief that the universe swarms with myriads of spirits, mostly evil, and that the only escape from them is by the aid of conjuror-priests, who know magical rites and formulas which can baffle their malevolent designs. these incantations, and the interpretation of omens and auguries, occupy a great part of the oldest sacred books, and more than tablets have been already recovered from the great work on astronomy and astrology, compiled from them by the priests of agade, for the royal library of sargon i. they are for the most part of the most absurd and puerile character; as, for instance, "if a sheep give birth to a lion there will be war "; "if a mare give birth to a dog there will be disaster and famine"; "if a white dog enter a temple its foundation will subsist; if a gray dog, the temple will lose its possessions," and so on. this character of magicians and soothsayers clung to the chaldæan priests even down to a later period, and under the roman empire chaldæan rites were identified with sorcery and divination. but out of this jungle of silly superstitions the elements of an enlightened and philosophical religion had evolved themselves in early accadian times, and were continually developed as semitic influences gradually fused themselves with accadian, and formed the composite races and religions which came to be known in later times as babylonian and assyrian. the fundamental principle of this religion was the same as that of egypt, and of most of the great religions of the east, viz. pantheism. the great underlying first cause, or spirit of the universe, was considered as identical with his manifestations. the subtle metaphysical conceptions which still survive in the creed of st. athanasius, were invoked to make the incomprehensible comprehensible, by emanations, incarnations, and personified attributes. these again were attached to the striking phenomena of the universe, the sun, moon, and planets, the earth and sky, the winds, rains, and thunder. and ever as more phenomena were observed more gods were invented, who were thought to be symbols, or partial personifications, of the one great spirit, and not more inconsistent with his unity than the "and yet there are not three gods, but one god" of athanasius. but the chaldæan, like the egyptian priests, did not stop at one trinity, but invented a whole hierarchy of trinities, rising one above the other to form the twelve great gods, while below them were an indefinite number of minor gods and goddesses personifying different aspects of natural phenomena, and taken for the most part from astronomical myths of the sun, moon, planets, and seasons. for the religion of the chaldees was, even more than that of the egyptians, based on astronomy and astrology, as may be seen in their national epic of izdubar, which is simply a solar myth of the passage of the sun through the twelve signs of the zodiac, the last chapter but one being a representation of the passage through the sign of aquarius, in the fable of a universal deluge. the first accadian triad was composed of anu, mull-il, and ea. anu, or ana, is the word for heaven, and the god is described as the "lord of the starry heavens," and "the first-born, the oldest, the father of the gods." it is the same idea in fact as that expressed by the sanscrit varuna, the greek ouranus. mull-il, the next member of this triad, is the god of the abyss and nether world, while ea is the god of the earth, seas, and rivers, "the lord of the deep," and personifies the wise and beneficent side of the divine intelligence, the maintainer of order and harmony, the friend of man. very early with the introduction of semitic influences mull-il dropped out of his place in the trinity, and was superseded by bel, who was conceived as being the son of ea, the personification of the active and combative energy which carries out the wise designs of ea by reducing the chaos to order, creating the sun and heavenly bodies, and directing them in their courses, subduing evil spirits and slaying monsters. his name simply signifies "the lord," and is applied to other inferior deities as a title of honour, as bel-marduk, the lord marduk or merodach, the patron god of babylon. in this capacity bel is clearly associated with the midday sun, as the emblem of a terrible yet beneficent power, the enemy of evil spirits and dragons of darkness. the next triad is more distinctly astronomical. it consists of uruk the moon, ud the sun, and mermer the god of the air, of rain and tempest. these are the old accadian names, but they are better known by the semitic translations of sin, shamash, and raman. the next group of gods is purely astronomical, consisting of the five planets, mars, mercury, jupiter, venus, and saturn, personified as nergal, nebo, marduk, ishtar, and nindar. the number of gods was further increased by introducing the primary polarity of sex, and assigning a wife to each male deity. thus belit, or "the lady," was the wife of bel, he representing the masculine element of nature, strength and courage; she the feminine principle of tenderness and maternity. so also nana the earth was the wife of anu, the god of the strong heavens; annunit the moon the wife of shamash the sun; and ishtar (astarte, astoreth, or aphrodite), the planet venus, the goddess of love and beauty, though a great goddess in her own right, was fabled to have had tammuz or thammuz, one of the names of the sun, as a husband, whence in later times came the myth of nature mourning for the sun-god, slain by the envious boar, winter. but of these only belit and istar were admitted into the circle of the twelve great gods, consisting of the two triads and the planets, who held the foremost place in the chaldæan and assyrian mythology. of the minor gods, meri-dug or marduk, the merodach of the bible, is the most remarkable, for he represents the idea which, some years later, became the fundamental one of the christian religion; that of a son of god, "being of one substance with the father," who acts the part of mediator and friend of man. he is the son of ea and damkina, _i.e._ of heaven and earth, and an emanation from the supreme spirit considered in its attribute of benevolence. the tablets are full of inscriptions on which he is represented as applying to his father ea for aid and advice to assist suffering humanity, most commonly by teaching the spells which will drive away the demons who are supposed to be the cause of all misfortunes and illness. it is not surprising, therefore, to find that he and istar, the lovely goddess, were the favourite deities, and occupied much the same position as jesus and the virgin mary do in the catholic religion of the present day, while the other deities were local gods attached to separate cities where their temples stood, and where they occupied a position not unlike that of the patron saints and holy relics of which almost every considerable town and cathedral boasted in mediæval christianity. thus they rose and fell in rank with the ascendancy or decline of their respective cities, just as pthah and ammon did in egypt according as the seat of empire was at memphis or thebes. in one instance only in later times, in assyria, which had become exclusively semitic, do we find the idea of one supreme god, who was national and not local, and who overshadowed all other gods, as jahve in the later days of the jewish monarchy, and in the conception of the hebrew prophets, did the gods of the surrounding nations. assur, the local god of the city of assur, the first capital of assyria, became, with the growth of the assyrian empire, the one supreme god, in whose name wars were undertaken, cities destroyed, and captives massacred or mutilated. in fact the resemblance is very close between assur and the ferocious and vindictive jahve of the israelites during the rude times of the judges. they are both jealous gods, delighting in the massacre and torture of prisoners, women and children, and enjoining the extermination of nations who insult their dignity by worshipping other gods. we almost seem to see, when we read the records of tiglath-pileser and sennacherib and the books of judges and of samuel, the origin of religious wars, and the spirit of cold-blooded cruelty inspired by a gloomy fanaticism, which is so characteristic of the semitic nature, and which in later times led to the propagation of mahometanism by the sword. with the hebrews this conception of a cruel and vindictive jahve was beaten out of them by persecutions and sufferings, and that of a one merciful god evolved from it, but assyria went through no such schooling and retained its arrogant prosperity down to the era of its disappearance from history with the fall of nineveh; but it is easy to see that the course of events might have been different, and monotheism might have been evolved from the conception of assur. these, however, are speculations relating to a much later period than the primitive religion with which we are principally concerned. it is remarkable how many of our modern religious conceptions find an almost exact counterpart in those of this immensely remote period. incarnations, emanations, atonements, personifications of divine attributes, are all there, and also the subtle metaphysical theories by which the human intellect, striving to penetrate the mysteries of the unknowable, endeavours to account for the existence of good and evil, and to reconcile multiplicity of manifestation with unity of essence. if wordsworth sings of a "sense sublime of something far more deeply interposed, whose dwelling is the light of setting suns, and the round ocean and the living air, and the blue sky, and in the mind of man; a motion and a spirit that impels all thinking things, all objects of all thought, and rolls through all things," he conveys the fundamental idea which was at the bottom of these earliest religions, and which has been perpetuated in the east through their successors, brahmanism and buddhism--the idea of pantheism, or of an universe which is one with its first cause, and not a mechanical work called into existence from without by a personal creator. an ancient priest of egypt or chaldæa might have written these verses of the philosophic poet of the nineteenth century, only he would have written horus or bel for the "setting sun"; ea for the "round ocean"; anur for the "sky," and so on. side by side with these intellectual and philosophical conceptions of these ancient religions, we find the element of personal piety occupying a place which contrasts wonderfully with the childish and superstitious idea of evil spirits, magical spells, and omens. we read in the same collections of tablets, of mares bringing forth dogs and women lions; and psalms, which in their elevation of moral tone and intensity of personal devotion might readily be mistaken for the hebrew psalms attributed to david. there is a large collection of what are known as "the penitential psalms," in which the chaldæan penitent confesses his sins, pleads ignorance, and sues for mercy, almost in the identical words of the sweet singer of israel. in one of these, headed "the complaints of the repentant heart," we find such verses as these-- "i eat the food of wrath, and drink the waters of anguish." * * * * * "oh, my god, my transgressions are very great, very great my sins. "the lord in his wrath has overwhelmed me with confusion." * * * * * "i lie on the ground, and none reaches a hand to me. i am silent and in tears, and none takes me by the hand. i cry out, and there is none who hears me." * * * * * "my god, who knowest the unknown,[ ] be merciful to me. my goddess, who knowest the unknown, be merciful." [ ] or, as some translators read, "who knowest that i knew not," _i.e._ that i sinned in ignorance. * * * * * "god, who knowest the unknown, in the midst of the stormy waters take me by the hand; my sins are seven times seven, forgive my sins!" another hymn is remarkable for its artistic construction. it is in regular strophes, the penitent speaking in each five double lines, to which the priest adds two, supporting his prayer. the whole is in precisely the same style as the similar penitential psalms of the hebrew bible, as will appear from the following quotation of one of the strophes from the translation of zimmern. _penitent._ "i, thy servant, full of sighs call to thee. whoso is beset with sin, his ardent supplication thou acceptest. if thou lookest on a man with pity, that man liveth. ruler of all, mistress of mankind, merciful one to whom it is good to turn, who dost receive sighs." _priest._ "while his god and his goddess are wroth with him he calls on thee. thy countenance turn on him, take hold of his hand." these hymns are remarkable, both as showing that the sentiments of personal piety and contrition for sin as a thing hateful to the supreme being, might be as intense in a polytheistic as in a monotheistic religion; and as illustrating the immense interval of time which must have elapsed before such sentiments could have grown up from the rude beginnings of savage or semi-civilized superstitions. the two oldest religions of the world, those of egypt and chaldæa, tell the same story; that of the immense interval which must have elapsed prior to the historical date of b.c. when written records begin, to allow of such ideas and such a civilization having grown up from such a state of things as we find prevailing during the neolithic period, and still prevailing among the inferior races of the world, who have remained isolated and unchanged in the hunting or nomad condition. i have dwelt at some length on the ancient religions, for nothing tends more to open the mind, and break down the narrow barriers of sectarian prejudice, than to see how the ideas which we have believed to be the peculiar possession of our own religion, are in fact the inevitable products of the evolution of the human race from barbarism to civilization, and have appeared in substantially the same forms in so many ages and countries. and surely, in these days, when faith in direct inspiration has been so rudely shaken, it must be consoling to many enlightened christians to find that the fundamental articles of their creed, trinities, emanations, incarnations, atonements, a future life and day of judgment, are not the isolated conceptions of a minority of the human race in recent times, but have been held from a remote antiquity by all the nations which have taken a leading part in civilization. to all enlightened minds also, whatever may be their theological creeds, it must be a cheering reflection that the fundamental axioms of morality do not depend on the evidence that the decalogue was written on a stone by god's own finger, or that the sermon on the mount is correctly reported, but on the evolution of the natural instincts of the human mind. all advanced and civilized communities have had their decalogues and sermons on the mount, and it is impossible for any dispassionate observer to read them without feeling that in substance they are all identical, whether contained in the egyptian todtenbuch, the babylonian hymns, the zoroastrian zendavesta, the sacred books of brahmanism and buddhism, the maxims of confucius, the doctrines of plato and the stoics, or the christian bible. none are absolutely perfect and complete, and of some it may be said that they contain precepts of the highest practical importance which are either omitted or contradicted in the christian formulas. for instance, the virtue of diligence, and the injunction not to be idle, in the egyptian and zoroastrian creeds contrast favourably with the "take no thought for the morrow," and "trust to be fed like the sparrows," of the sermon on the mount. but in this, and in all these summaries of moral axioms, apparent differences arise not from fundamental oppositions, but from truth having two sides, and passing over readily into "the falsehood of extremes." even the injunction to "take no thought for the morrow," is only an extreme way of stating that the active side of human life, strenuous effort, self-denial, and foresight, must not be pushed so far as to stifle all higher aspirations. probably if the same concrete case of conduct had been submitted to an egyptian, a babylonian or zoroastrian priest, and to the late bishop of peterborough, their verdicts would not have been different. such a wide extension does the maxim take, "one touch of nature makes the world akin," when we educate ourselves up to the culture which gives some general idea of how civilized man has everywhere felt and believed since the dawn of history very much as we ourselves do at the close of the nineteenth century. chapter v. ancient science and art. evidence of antiquity--pyramids and temples--arithmetic--decimal and duodecimal scales--astronomy--geometry reached in egypt at earliest dates--great pyramid--piazzi smyth and pyramid-religion--pyramids formerly royal tombs, but built on scientific plans--exact orientation on meridian--centre in ° n. latitude--tunnel points to pole--possible use as an observatory--procter--probably astrological--planetary influences--signs of the zodiac--mathematical coincidences of great pyramid--chaldæan astronomy--ziggurats--tower of babel--different orientation from egyptian pyramids--astronomical treatise from library of sargon i., b.c.--eclipses and phases of venus--measures of time from old chaldæan--moon and sun--found among so many distant races--implies commerce and intercourse--art and industry--embankment of menes--sphynx--industrial arts--fine arts--sculpture and painting--the oldest art the best--chaldæan art--de sarzec's find at sirgalla--statues and works of art--imply long use of bronze--whence came the copper and tin--phoenician and etruscan commerce--bronze known years earlier--same alloy everywhere--possible sources of supply--age of copper--names of copper and tin--domestic animals--horse--ox and ass--agriculture--all proves extreme antiquity. the conclusion drawn from the religions of egypt and chaldæa, as to the existence of a very long period of advanced civilization prior to the historical era, is fully confirmed by the state of the arts and sciences at the commencement of the earliest records. a knowledge of astronomy implies a long series of observations and a certain amount of mathematical calculation. the construction of great works of hydraulic engineering, and of such buildings as temples and pyramids, also proves an advanced state of scientific knowledge. such a building, for instance, as the great pyramid must have required a considerable acquaintance with geometry, and with the effects of strains and pressures; and the same is true of the early temples and ziggurats, or temple observatories of chaldæa. there must have been regular schools of astronomers and architects, and books treating on scientific subjects, before such structures could have been possible. the knowledge of science possessed by a nation affords a more definite test of its antecedent civilization than its religion. it is always possible to say that advanced religious ideas may have been derived from some supernatural revelation, but in the case of the exact sciences, such as arithmetic, geometry, and astronomy, this is no longer possible, and their progress can be traced step by step by the development of human reason. thus there are savage races, like the australians at the present day, who cannot count beyond "one, two, and a great number"; and some philologists tell us that traces of this state can be discovered in the origin of civilized languages, from the prevalence of dual forms which seem to have preceded those of the plural. the next stage is that of counting by the fingers, which gives rise to a natural system of decimal notation, as shown by such words as ten, which invariably means two hands; twenty, which is twice ten, and so on. many existing races, who are a little more advanced than the australians, use their fingers for counting, and can count up to five or ten, and even the chimpanzee sally could count to five. but when we come to a duodecimal system we may feel certain that a considerable advance has been made, and arithmetic has come into existence as a science; for the number has no natural basis of support like , and can only have been adopted because it was exactly divisible into whole numbers by , , , . the mere fact therefore of the existence of a duodecimal system shows that the nation which adopts it must have progressed a long way from the primitive "one, two, a great many," and acquired ideas both as to the relation of numbers, and a multitude of other things, such as the division of the circle, of days, months, and years, of weights and measures, and other matters, in which ready division into whole parts without fractions had become desirable. and at the very first in egypt, chaldæa, and among the turanian races generally, we find this duodecimal system firmly established. the circle has degrees, the year days, the day single or double hours, and so on. but from this point the journey is a long one to calculations which imply a knowledge of geometry and mathematics, and observations of celestial bodies which imply a long antecedent science of astronomy, and accurate records of the motions of the sun, moon, and planets, and of eclipses and other memorable events. the earliest records, both of egypt and chaldæa, show that such an advanced state of science had been reached at the first dawn of the historical period, and we read of works on astronomy, geometry, medicine, and other sciences, written, or compiled from older treatises, by egyptian kings of the old empire, and by sargon i. of accade from older accadian works. but the monuments prove still more conclusively that such sciences must have been long known. especially the great pyramid of cheops affords a very definite proof of the progress which must have been made in geometrical, mechanical, and astronomical science at the time of its erection. if we were to believe professor piazzi smyth, and the little knot of his followers who have founded what may be called a pyramid-religion, this remarkable structure contains a revelation in stone for future ages, of almost all the material scientific facts which have been discovered since by years of painful research by the unaided human intellect. its designers must have known and recorded, with an accuracy surpassing that of modern observation, such facts as the dimensions of the earth, the distance of the sun, the ratio of the area of a circle to its diameter, the precise determination of latitude and of a true meridian line, and the establishment of standards of measure taken, like the metre, from a definite division of the earth's circumference. it is argued that such facts as these could not have been discovered so accurately in the infancy of science, and without the aid of the telescope, and therefore that they must have been made known by revelation, and the great pyramid is looked upon therefore as a sort of bible in stone, which is, in some not very intelligible way, to be taken as a confirmation of the inspiration of the hebrew bible, and read as a sort of supplement to it. this is of course absurd. a supernatural revelation to teach a chosen people the worship of the one true god, is at any rate an intelligible proposition, but scarcely that of such a revelation to an idolatrous monarch and people, to teach details of abstruse sciences, which in point of fact were not taught, for the monument on which they were recorded was sealed up by a casing of polished stone almost directly after it was built, and its contents were only discovered by accident, long after the facts and figures which it is supposed to teach had been discovered elsewhere by human reason. the only thing approaching to a revelation of religious import which piazzi smyth professed to have discovered in the pyramid was a prediction, which is now more than ten years overdue, of the advent of the millennium in . but these extravagances have had the good effect of giving us accurate measurements of nearly all the dimensions of the great pyramid, and raising a great deal of discussion as to its aim and origin. in the first place it is quite clear that its primary object was to provide a royal tomb. a tomb of solid masonry with a base larger than lincoln's inn fields, and feet higher than st. paul's, seems very incomprehensible to modern ideas, but there can be no doubt as to the fact. when the interior is explored both of this and other pyramids, nothing is found but one or two small sepulchral chambers containing the stone coffins of a king or queen. the great pyramid is not an exceptional monument, but one of a series of some seventy pyramid-tombs of kings, beginning with earlier and continued by later dynasties of the old empire. the reason of their construction is obvious. it originates from the peculiar ideas, which have been already pointed out, of the existence of a ka or shadowy double, and a still more ethereal soul or spirit, whose immortality depended on the preservation of a material basis in the form of a mummy or likeness of the deceased person, preferably no doubt by the preservation of the mummy. this led to the enormous outlay, not by kings only, but by private persons, on costly tombs, which, as herodotus says, were considered to be their permanent habitations. with an absolute monarchy in which the divine right of kings was strained so far that the monarch was considered as an actual god, it was only natural that their tombs should far exceed those of their richest subjects, and that unusual care should be taken to prevent them from being desecrated in future ages by new and foreign dynasties. suppose a great and powerful monarch to have an unusually long and prosperous reign, it is quite conceivable that he should wish to have a tomb which should not only surpass those of his predecessors, but any probable effort of his successors, and be an unique monument defying the attacks not only of future generations, but of time itself. this seems, without doubt, to have been the primary motive of the great pyramid, and in a lesser degree of all pyramids, sepulchral mounds, and costly tombs. but the pyramids, and especially the great pyramid, are not mere piles of masonry heaped together without plan or design. on the contrary, they are all built on a settled plan, which implies an acquaintance with the sciences of geometry and astronomy, and which, in the case of the great pyramid, is carried to an extent which shows a very advanced knowledge of those sciences, and goes far to prove that it must have been used, during part of the period of its construction, as a national observatory. the full details of this plan are given by procter in his work on the great pyramid, and although the want of a more accurate knowledge of egyptology has led him into some erroneous speculations as to the age and object of this pyramid, his authority is undoubted as to the scientific facts and the astronomical and geometrical conclusions which are to be drawn from them. it appears that the first object of all pyramid builders was to secure a correct orientation; that is, that the four sides should face truly to the north, south, east, and west, or in other words that a line drawn through the centre of the base parallel to the sides should stand on a true meridian line. this would be a comparatively easy task with modern instruments, but before the invention of the telescope it must have required great nicety of observation to obtain such extremely accurate results in all the sides and successive layers of such an enormous building. there are only two ways in which it could be attempted--one by observing the shadow cast by a vertical gnomon when the sun was on the meridian, the other by keeping a standard line constantly directed to the true north pole of the heavens. in the case of the great pyramid another object seems to have been in view which required the same class of observations, viz. to place the centre of the base on the thirtieth degree of north latitude, being the latitude in which the pole of the heavens is exactly one-third of the way from the horizon to the zenith. both these objects have been attained with wonderful accuracy. the orientation of the great pyramid is correct, and the centre of its base corresponds with the thirtieth degree of north latitude within a slight error which was inevitable, if, as is probable, the egyptian astronomers were unacquainted with the effect of atmospheric refraction in raising the apparent above the true place of celestial bodies, or had formed an insufficient estimate of its amount. the centre of the base is yards south of the real thirtieth parallel of latitude, which is yards north of the position which would have been deduced from the pole-star method, and yards south of that from the shadow method, by astronomers ignorant of the effect of refraction. the shadow method could never have been so reliable as the polar method, and it is certain therefore _à priori_ that the latter must have been adopted either wholly or principally, and this conclusion is confirmed by the internal construction of the pyramid itself, which is shown by the subjoined vertical section. [illustration: pyramid] the tunnel a b c is bored for a distance of feet underground through the solid rock, and is inclined at an angle pointing directly to what was then the pole-star, alpha draconis, at its lower culmination. as there is no bright star at the true pole, its position is ascertained by taking the point half-way between the highest and lowest positions of the conspicuous star nearest to it, and which therefore revolves in the smallest circle about it. this star is not always the same on account of the precession of the equinoxes, and alpha draconis supplied the place of the present pole-star about b.c., and practically for several centuries before and after that date. now the underground tunnel is bored exactly at the angle of ° ´ to the horizon, at which alpha draconis would shine down it at its lower culmination when ° ´ from the pole; and the ascending passage and grand gallery are inclined at the same angle in an opposite direction, so that the image of the star reflected from a plane mirror or from water at b, would be seen on the southern meridian line by an observer in the grand gallery, while another very conspicuous star in the southern hemisphere, alpha centauri, would at that period shine directly down it. the passages therefore would have the double effect, st, of enabling the builders to orient the base and lower layers of the pyramid up to the king's chamber in a perfectly true north and south line; nd, of making the grand gallery the equivalent of an equatorially-mounted telescope of a modern observatory, by which the transit of heavenly bodies in a considerable section of the sky comprising the equatorial and zodiacal regions, across the meridian, and therefore at their highest elevations, could be observed by the naked eye with great accuracy. those who wish to study the evidence in detail should read procter's work on the _problems of the pyramids_, but for the present purpose it may be sufficient to sum up the conclusions of that accomplished astronomer. he says, "the sun's annual course round the celestial sphere could be determined much more exactly than by any gnomon by observations made from the great gallery. the moon's monthly path and its changes could have been dealt with in the same effective way. the geometric paths, and thence the true paths of the planets, could be determined very accurately. the place of any visible star along the zodiac could be most accurately determined." if therefore the pyramid had only been completed up to the fiftieth layer, which would leave the southern opening of the great gallery uncovered, the object might have been safely assumed to be the erection of a great national observatory. but this supposition is negatived by the fact that the grand gallery must have been shut up, and the building rendered useless for astronomical purposes in a very short time, by the completion of the pyramid, which was then covered over by a casing of polished stone, evidently with a view of concealing all traces of the passages which led to the tomb. the only possible solution seems to be that suggested by procter, that the object was astrological rather than astronomical, and that all those minute precautions were taken in order to provide not only a secure tomb but an accurate horoscope for the reigning monarch. astrology and astronomy were in fact closely identified in the ancient world, and relics of the superstition still linger in the form of zadkiel almanacs. when the sun, moon, and five planets had been identified as the celestial bodies possessing motion, and therefore, as it was inferred, life, and had been converted into gods, nothing was more natural than to suppose that they exercised an influence on human affairs, and that their configuration affected the destinies both of individuals and of nations. a superstitious people who saw auguries in the flight of birds, the movements of animals, the rustling of leaves, and in almost every natural occurrence, could not fail to be impressed by the higher influences and omens of those majestic orbs, which revolved in such mysterious courses through the stationary stars of the host of heaven. accordingly in the very earliest traditions of the accadians and egyptians we find an astrological significance attached to the first astronomical facts which were observed and recorded. the week of seven days, which was doubtless founded on the first attempts to measure time by the four phases of the lunar month, became associated with the seven planets in the remotest antiquity, and the names of their seven presiding gods, in the same order and with the same meaning, have descended unchanged to our own times, as will be shown more fully in a subsequent chapter. observations on the sun's annual course led to the fixing of it along a zodiac of twelve signs, corresponding roughly to twelve lunar months, and defined by constellations, or groups of stars, having a fanciful resemblance to animals or deified heroes. those zodiacal signs are of immense antiquity and world-wide universality. we find them in the earliest mythology of chaldæa and egypt, in the labours of hercules, in the traditions of a deluge associated with the sign of aquarius, and even, though in a somewhat altered form, in such distant countries as china and mexico. probably they originated in chaldæa, where the oldest records and universal tradition show the primitive accadians to have been astronomers, who from time immemorial had made observations on the heavenly bodies, and who remained down to the roman empire the most celebrated astrologers, though it is not quite clear whether egyptian astronomy and astrology were imported from chaldæa or invented independently at an equally remote period. even if we admit, however, procter's suggestion that the pyramids had an astrological origin in addition to their primary object as tombs, it is difficult to understand how such enormous structures could have been built. the great pyramid must have been built on a plan designed from the first, and not by any haphazard process of adding a layer each year according to the number of years the monarch happened to reign. how could he foresee the exact number of years of an unusually long life and reign, or what security could he have that, if he died early, his successor would complete his pyramid in addition to erecting one of almost equal magnitude for himself? how could three successive kings have devoted such an amount of the nation's capital and resources to the building of three such pyramids as those of cheops, chephren, and mycerinus, without provoking insurrections? herodotus has a piece of gossip, probably picked up from some ignorant guides, which represents cheops and chephren as detested tyrants, who shut up the temples of the gods, and confounds the national hatred of the shepherd kings, who conquered egypt some years later, with that of these pyramid-builders; but this is confuted by the monuments, which show them as pious builders or restorers of temples of the national gods in other localities, as for instance at bubastis, where the cartouche of chephren was lately found by m. naville on an addition to the temple of isis. all the records also of the fourth or pyramid-building dynasty, and of the two next dynasties, show it to have been a period of peace and prosperity. the pyramids therefore must still remain a subject enveloped in mystery, but enough is certain from the undoubted astronomical facts disclosed in their construction to show the advanced state of this science at this remote period. nor is this all, for the dimensions of the great pyramid, when stripped of the fanciful coincidences and mystical theories of piazzi smyth, still show enough to prove a wonderful knowledge of mathematics and geometry. the following may be taken as undoubted facts from the most accurate measurements of their dimensions. st. the triangular area of each of the four sloping sides equals the square of the vertical height. this was mentioned by herodotus, and there can be no doubt that it was a real relation intended by the builders. nd. the united length of the four sides of the square base bears to the vertical height the same proportion as that of the circumference of a circle to its radius. in other words it gives the ratio, which under the symbol [greek: pi] plays such an important part in all the higher mathematics. there are other remarkable coincidences which seem to show a still more wonderful advance in science, though they are not quite so certain, as they depend on the assumption that the builders took as their unit of measurement, a pyramid inch and sacred cubit different from those in ordinary use, the former being equal to the , , th part of the earth's diameter, and the latter containing twenty-five of those inches, or about the , , th part of that diameter. to arrive at such standards it is evident that the priestly astronomers must have measured very accurately an arc of the meridian or length of the line on the earth's surface which just raised or lowered the pole of the heavens by °; and inferred from it that the earth was a spherical body of given dimensions. those dimensions would not be quite accurate, for they must have been ignorant of the compression of the earth at its poles and protuberance at the equator, but the measurement of such an arc at or near ° of north latitude would give a close approximation to the mean value of the earth's diameter. procter thinks that from the scientific knowledge which must have been possessed by the builders of the pyramid, it is quite possible that they may have measured an arc of the meridian with considerable accuracy, and calculated from it the length of the earth's diameter, assuming it to be a perfect sphere. and if so they may have intended to make the side of the square base of the pyramid of a length which would bear in inches some relation to the length of this diameter; for it is probable that at this stage of the world's science, the mysterious or rather magical value which was attached to certain words would attach equally to the fundamental facts, figures, and important discoveries of the growing sciences. it is quite probable, therefore, that the sacred inch and cubit may have been invented, like the _metre_, from an aliquot part of the earth's supposed diameter, so as to afford an invariable standard. but there is no positive proof of this from the pyramid itself, the dimensions of which may be expressed just as well in the ordinary working cubit, and it must remain open to doubt whether the coincidences prove the pyramid inch, or the inch was invented to prove the coincidences. assuming, however, for the moment that these measures were really used, some of the coincidences are very remarkable. the length of each side of the square base is - / of these sacred cubits, or equal to the length of the year in days. the height is inches, and the sun's distance from the earth, taken at , , miles, which is very nearly correct, is just thousand millions of such inches. it has been thought, therefore, that this height was intended to symbolize the sun's distance. but independently of the fact that this distance could not have been known with any approach to accuracy before the invention of the telescope, it is forgotten that this height had been already determined by a totally unconnected consideration, viz. the ratio of the diameter of a circle to its circumference. the coincidence, therefore, of the sun's distance must be purely accidental. a still more startling coincidence has been found in the fact that the two diagonals of the base contain , pyramid inches, or almost exactly the number of years in the precessional period. this also must be accidental, for the number of inches in the diagonals follows as a matter of course from the sides being taken at - / cubits, corresponding to the length of the year; and there can be no connection between this and the precession of the equinoxes, which, moreover, was unknown in the astronomy of the ancient world until it was discovered in the time of the ptolemies by hipparchus. but with all these doubtful coincidences, and the many others which have been discovered by devotees of the pyramid religion, quite enough remains to justify the conclusion that between and years ago there were astronomers, mathematicians, and architects in egypt, who had carried their respective sciences to a high degree of perfection corresponding to that shown by their engineers and artists. when we turn to chaldæa we find similar evidence as to the advance of science, and especially of astronomical science, in the earliest historical times. every important city had its temple, and attached to its temple its ziggurat, which was a temple-observatory. the ziggurat is in some respects the counterpart of the pyramid, being a pyramidal structure built up in successive stages or platforms superimposed on one another and narrowing as they rose, so as to leave a small platform on the top, on which was a small shrine or temple, and from which observations could be made. these ziggurats being built entirely of bricks, mostly sun-burnt, have crumbled into shapeless mounds of rubbish, but a fair idea of their size and construction may be obtained from the descriptions and pictures of them preserved in contemporary tablets and slabs, especially from those of the great ziggurat of the seven spheres or planets at borsippa, a suburb of babylon, which was rebuilt by nebuchadnezzar about b.c., on the site of a much more ancient ruined construction. this, which was the largest and most famous of the ziggurats, became identified in after times with the tower of babel and the legend of the confusion of tongues, but it was in fact an astronomical building in seven stages dedicated to the sun, moon, and five planets, taken in the order of magnitude of their respective orbits, and each distinguished by their respective colours. thus the lowest or largest platform was dedicated to saturn, and coloured black; the second to jupiter was orange; the third to mars red; the fourth to the sun golden; the fifth to venus pale yellow; the sixth to mercury an azure blue, obtained by vitrifying the facing bricks; and the seventh to the moon was probably coated with plates of silver. the height of this ziggurat was feet, and standing as it did on a level alluvial plain, it must have been a very imposing object. [illustration: ziggurat restored (perrot and chipiez), the tower of babel.] it may be affirmed of all these ziggurats that they were not tombs like the egyptian pyramids, but were erected exclusively for astronomical and astrological purposes. the number of stages had always reference to some religious or astronomical fact, as three to symbolize the great triad; five for the five planets; or seven for these and the sun and moon; the number of seven being never exceeded, and the order the same as that adopted for the days of the week, viz. according to the magnitudes of their respective orbits. they were oriented with as much care as the pyramids, which is of itself a proof that they were used as observatories, but with this difference, that their angles instead of their faces were directed towards the true north and south. to this rule there are only two exceptions, probably of late date after egyptian influences had been introduced, but the original and national ziggurats invariably observe the rule of pointing angles and not sides to the four cardinal points. this is a remarkable fact as showing that the astronomies of egypt and chaldæa were not borrowed one from the other, but evolved independently in prehistoric times. an explanation of it has been found in the fact recorded on a geographical tablet, that the accadians were accustomed to use the terms north, south, east, and west to denote, not the real cardinal points, but countries which lay to the n.w., s.e., and s.w. of them. it is inconceivable, however, that such skilful astronomers should have supposed that the north pole was in the north-west, and a more probable explanation is to be found in the meaning of the word ziggurat, which is holy mountain. it was a cardinal point in their cosmogony that the heavens formed a crystal vault, which revolved round an exceedingly high mountain as an axis, and the ziggurats were miniature representations of this sacred mountain of the gods. the early astronomers must have known that this mountain could be nowhere but in the true north, as the daily revolutions of the heavenly bodies took place round the north pole. it was natural, therefore, that they should direct the apex or angle of a model of this mountain rather than its side to the position in the true north occupied by the peak of the world's pivot. be this as it may, the fact that the ziggurats were carefully oriented, and certainly used as observatories at the earliest dates of chaldæan history, is sufficient to prove that the priestly astronomers must have already attained an advanced knowledge of science, and kept an accurate record of long-continued observations. this is fully confirmed by the astronomical and astrological treatise compiled for the royal library of sargon i., date b.c., which treats of eclipses, the phases of venus, and other matters implying a long previous series of accurate and refined astronomical observations. the most conclusive proof, however, of the antiquity of chaldæan science is afforded by the measures of time which were established prior to the commencement of history, and have come down to the present era in the days of the week and the signs of the zodiac. there can be no doubt that the first attempts to measure time beyond the single day and night, were lunar, and not solar. the phases of the moon occur at short intervals, and are more easily discerned and measured than those of the sun in its annual revolution. the beginning and end of a solar year, and the solstices and equinoxes are not marked by any decided natural phenomena, and it is only by long-continued observations of the sun's path among the fixed stars that any tolerably accurate number of days can be assigned to the duration of the year and seasons. but the recurrence of new and full moon, and more especially of the half-moons when dusk and light are divided by a straight line, must have been noted by the first shepherds who watched the sky at night, and have given rise to the idea of the month, and its first approximate division into four weeks of seven days each. accordingly we find that in all primitive languages and cosmogonies the moon takes its name from a root which signifies "the measurer," while the sun is the bright or shining one. a relic of this superior importance of the moon as the measurer of time is found in the old accadian mythology, in which the moon-god is masculine and the sun-god feminine, while with the semites and other nations of a later and more advanced civilization, the sun is the husband, and the moon his wife. for as observations multiplied and science advanced, it would be found that the lunar month of twenty-eight days was only an approximation, and that the solar year and months defined by the sun's progress through the fixed stars afforded a much more accurate chronometer. thus we find the importance of the moon and of lunar myths gradually superseded by the sun, whose daily risings and settings, death in winter and resurrection in spring, and other myths connected with its passage through the signs of the solar zodiac, assume a preponderating part in ancient religions. traces, however, of the older period of lunar science and lunar mythology still survived, especially in the week of seven days, and the mysterious importance attached to the number . this was doubtless aided by the discovery which could not fail to be made with the earliest accurate observations of the heavens, that there were seven moving bodies, the sun, moon, and five planets, which revolved in settled courses, while all the other stars remained fixed. scientific astrology, as distinguished from a mere superstitious regard of the flight of birds and other omens, had its origin in this discovery. the first philosophers who pondered on these celestial phenomena were certain to infer that motion implied life, and in the case of such brilliant and remote bodies divine life; and that as the sun and moon exerted such an obvious influence on the seasons and other human affairs, so probably did the other planets or the gods who presided over them. the names and order of the days of the week, which have remained so similar among such a number of ancient and modern nations, show how far these astrological notions must have progressed when they assumed their present form, for the order is a highly artificial one. why do we divide time into weeks of seven days, and call the days sunday, monday, tuesday, wednesday, thursday, friday, and saturday, and why are these names of special planets, or of the special gods associated with them, identical, and occur in the same order among so many different nations? for whether we say thor's-day or jove's-day, and call it "thursday" or "jeudi," the same god is meant, who is identified with the same planet, and so for the others. it is quite clear that the names of the seven days of the week were originally taken from the seven planets--i.e. from the seven celestial bodies which were observed by ancient astronomers to move, and, therefore, be presumably endowed with life, while the rest of the host of heaven remained stationary. these bodies are in order of apparent magnitude:-- . the sun. . the moon. . jupiter. . venus. . mars. . saturn. . mercury and this is the natural order in which we might have expected to find them appropriated to the days of the week. but, obviously, this is not the principle on which the days have been named; for, to give a single instance, the nimble mercury, the smallest of the visible planets, comes next before the majestic jupiter, the ruler of the heavens and wielder of the thunderbolt. let us try another principle, that of classifying the planets in importance, not by their size and splendour, but by the magnitude of their orbits and length of their revolutions. this will give the following order:-- . saturn. . jupiter. . mars. . the sun (_i.e._ really the earth). . venus. . mercury. . the moon. we are now on the track of the right solution, though there is still apparently hopeless discord between this order and that of the days of the week. the true solution is such an artificial one, that we should never have discovered it if it had not been disclosed to us by the clay tablets exhumed from ancient royal libraries in the temples and palaces of chaldæa. these tablets are extremely ancient, going back in many cases to the times of the old accadians who inhabited chaldæa prior to the advent of the semites. some of them, in fact, are from the royal library of sargon i., of accade, whose date is fixed by the best authorities at about b.c. these accadians were a civilized and literary people, well versed in astronomy, but extremely superstitious, and addicted beyond measure to astrology. every city had its ziggurat, or observatory-tower, attached to its temple, from which priests watched the heavens and calculated times and seasons. to some of those ancient priests it occurred that the planets must be gods watching over and influencing human events, and that, as mars was ruddy, he was probably the god of war; venus, the lovely evening star, the goddess of love; jupiter, powerful; saturn, slow and malignant; and mercury, quick and nimble. by degrees the idea expanded, and it was thought that each planet exerted its peculiar influence, not only on the days of the week, but on the hours of the day; and the planet which presided over the first hour of the day was thought to preside over the whole of that day. but the day had been already divided into twenty-four hours, because the earliest chaldæans had adopted the duodecimal scale, and counted by sixes, twelves, and sixties. now, twenty-four is not divisible by seven, and, therefore, the same planets do not recur in the same order, to preside over the same hours of successive days. if saturn ruled the first hour, he would rule the twenty-second hour; and, if we refer to the above list of the planets, ranged according to the magnitude of their orbits, we shall find that the sun would rule the first hour of the succeeding day, and then in succession the moon, mars, mercury, jupiter, and venus, round to saturn again, in the precise order of our days of the week. this order is so artificial that it cannot have been invented separately, and wherever we find it we may feel certain that it has descended from the astrological fancies of accadian priestly astronomers at least years ago. now for the sabbath. the same clay tablets, older by some years than the accepted biblical date for the creation of the world, mention both the name and the institution. the "sabbath" was the day ruled over by the gloomy and malignant saturn, the oldest of the planetary gods, as shown by his wider orbit, but dimmed with age, and morose at having been dethroned by his brilliant son, jupiter. it was unlucky in the extreme, therefore, to do any work, or begin any undertaking, on the "sabbath," or saturday. hence, long centuries before jewish pharisees or english puritans, rules of sabbatarian strictness were enforced at babylon and nineveh, which remind one of the knight who "hanged his cat on monday for killing of a mouse on sunday." the king was not allowed to ride or walk on the sabbath; and, even if taken ill, had to wait till the following day before taking medicine. this superstition as to the unluckiness of saturn's day was common to all ancient nations, including the jews; but when the idea of a local deity, one among many others, expanded, under the influence of the later prophets and the exile, unto that of one universal god, the ruler of the universe and special patron of his chosen people, the compilers of the old testament dealt with the sabbath as they did with the deluge, the creation, and other myths borrowed from the chaldæans. that is to say, they revised them in a monotheistic sense, wrote "god" for "gods," and gave them a religious, rather than an astronomical or astrological, meaning. thus the origin of the sabbath, as a day when no work was to be done, was transferred from saturn to jehovah, and the reason assigned was that "in six days the lord created the heaven and the earth, and all that therein is, and rested on the seventh day." one more step only remains to bring us to our modern sunday, and this also, like the last, is to be attributed to a religious motive. the early christian church wished to wean the masses from paganism, and very wisely, instead of attacking old-established usages in front, turned their flank by assigning them to different days. thus the day of rest was shifted from saturday to sunday, which was made the christian sabbath, and the name changed by the latin races from the day of the sun to the lord's day, "dominica dies," or "dimanche." it has remained saturday, however, with the jews, and it is quite clear that it was on a saturday, and not a sunday, that jesus walked through the fields with his disciples, plucking ears of corn, and saying, "the sabbath was made for man, and not man for the sabbath." it is equally clear that our modern sabbatarians are much nearer in spirit to the pharisees whom jesus rebuked, and to the old accadian astrologers, than to the founder of christianity. it is encouraging, however, to those who believe in progress, to observe how in this, as in many other cases, the course of evolution makes for good. the absurd superstitions of accadian astrologers led to the establishment of one day of rest out of every seven days--an institution which is in harmony with the requirements of human nature, and which has been attended by most beneficial results. the religious sanctions which attached themselves to this institution, first, as the hebrew sabbath, and, secondly, as transformed into the christian sunday, have been a powerful means of preserving this day of rest through so many social and political revolutions. let us, therefore, not be too hasty in condemning everything which, on the face of it, appears to be antiquated and absurd. millions will enjoy a holiday, get a breath of fresh air and glimpse of nature, or go to church or chapel cleanly and respectable in behaviour and attire, because there were accadian zadkiels years ago, who believed in the maleficent influence of the planet saturn. when we find that these highly intricate and artificial calculations of advanced astrological and astronomical lore existed at the dawn of chaldæan history, and are found in so many and such widely separated races and regions, it is impossible to avoid two conclusions. st. that an immense time must have elapsed since the rude accadian highlanders first settled in and reclaimed the alluvial valleys and marshy deltas of the tigris and euphrates. nd. that the intercourse between remote regions, whether by land or sea, and by commerce or otherwise, must have been much closer in prehistoric times than has been generally supposed. as in the days of the week, so in the festivals of the year, we trace their first origin to astronomical observations. when nations passed from the condition of savages, hunters, or nomads, into the agricultural stage, and developed dense populations, cities, temples, priests, and an organized society, we find the oldest traces of it everywhere in the science of astronomy. they watched the phases of the moon, counted the planets, followed the sun in its annual course, marking it first by seasons, and, as science advanced, by its progress through groups of fixed stars fancifully defined as constellations. everywhere the moon seems to have been taken as the first standard for measuring time beyond the primary unit of day and night. its name very generally denotes the "measurer" in primitive languages, and it appears as the male, and the sun as female, in the oldest mythologies--a distinction of sex which is still maintained in modern german. this is natural, for the monthly changes of the moon come much more frequently, and are more easily measured from day to day, than the annual courses of the sun. but, as observations accumulate and become more accurate, it is found that the sun, and not the moon, regulates the seasons, and that the year repeats on a larger scale the phenomenon presented by the day and night, of a birth, growth, maturity, decay, and death of the sun, followed by a resurrection or new birth, when the same cycle begins anew. hence the oldest civilized nations have taken from the two phenomena of the day and year the same fundamental ideas and festivals. the ideas are those of a miraculous birth, death, and resurrection, and of an upper and lower world, the one of light and life, the other of darkness and death, through which the sun-god and human souls have to pass to emerge again into life. the festivals are those of the four great divisions of the year: the winter solstice, when the aged sun sinks into the tomb and rises again with a new birth; the spring equinox, when he passes definitively out of the domain of winter into that of summer; the summer solstice, when he is in full manhood, "rejoicing like a giant to run his course," and withering up vegetation as with the hot breath of a raging lion; and, finally, the autumnal equinox, when he sinks once more into the wintry half of the year and fades daily amidst storms and deluges to the tomb from which he started. of these festivals christmas and easter have survived to the present day, and the last traces of the feast of the summer solstice are still lingering in the remote parts of scotland and ireland in the bel fires, which, when i was young, were lighted on midsummer night on the highest hills of orkney and shetland. as a boy, i have rushed, with my playmates, through the smoke of those bonfires without a suspicion that we were repeating the homage paid to baal in the valley of hinnom. when we turn from science to art and industry, the same conclusion of immense antiquity is forcibly impressed on us. in egypt the reign of menes, b.c., was signalized by a great engineering work, which would have been a considerable achievement at the present day. he built a great embankment, which still remains, by which the old course of the nile close to the libyan hills was diverted, and a site obtained for the new capital of memphis on the west side of the river, placing it between the city and any enemy from the east. at the same time this dyke assisted in regulating the flow of the inundation, and it may be compared for magnitude and utility to the modern _barrage_ attempted by linant bey and carried out by sir colin moncrieff. evidently such a work implies great engineering skill, and great resources, and it prepares us for what we have seen a few centuries later in the construction of the great pyramids. many of the most famous cities and temples also of egypt date back for their original foundation to a period prior to that of menes. there is indeed every reason to suppose that one of the most colossal and remarkable monuments, the sphynx, with the little temple of granite and alabaster between its paws, is older than the accession of menes. a tablet discovered by mariette informs us that khufu, the builder of the great pyramid, discovered this temple, which had been buried in the sand, and restored it. if a building of such simplicity and solidity of structure required repairs, it must have existed for a long time and been lost sight of. it is almost certain also that if such a colossal and celebrated monument as the sphynx had been constructed by any of the historical kings, it would have been mentioned by manetho, as for instance is that of the step-pyramid of sakkarah by the fourth king of the first dynasty, and of a temple of pthah at memphis, and a treatise on medicine, by the king who succeeded menes. the name of the sphynx also, "the great hor," points to the period of the horsheshu, or ruler priests of horus, prior to the foundation of the empire by menes, and to the time before osiris superseded horus, as the favourite personification of the solar god. be this as it may, there is abundant proof that at the dawn of egyptian history, some years ago, the arts of architecture, engineering, irrigation, and agriculture had reached a high level corresponding to that shown by the state of religion, science, and letters. a little later the paintings on the tombs of the old empire show that all the industrial arts, such as spinning, weaving, working in wood and metals, rearing cattle, and a thousand others, which are the furniture of an old civilized country, were just as well understood and practised in egypt or years ago as they are at the present day. this being the case, i must refer those who wish to pursue this branch of the subject to professed works on egyptology. for my present purpose, if the oldest records of monuments prove the existence of a long antecedent civilization, it is superfluous to trace the proofs in detail through the course of later ages. when we turn to the fine arts we find the same evidence. the difficulty is not to trace a golden age up to rude beginnings, but to explain the seeming paradox that the oldest art is the best. a visit to the museum of boulak, where mariette's collection of works of the first six dynasties is deposited, will convince any one that the statues, statuettes, wall-pictures, and other works of art of the ancient empire from memphis and its cemetery of sakkarah, are in point of conception and execution superior to those of a later period. none of the later statues equal the tour _de force_ by which the majestic portrait statue of chephren, the builder of the second great pyramid, has been chiselled out from a block of diorite, one of the hardest stones known, and hardly assailable by the best modern tools. nor has portraiture in wood or stone ever surpassed the ease, grace, and life-like expression of such statues as that known as the village sheik, from its resemblance to the functionary who filled that office years later in the village where the statue was discovered; or those of the kneeling scribes, one handing in his accounts, the other writing from dictation. and the pictures on the walls of tombs, of houses, gardens, fishing and musical parties, and animals and birds of all kinds, tame and wild, are equally remarkable for their colouring and drawing, and for the vivacity and accuracy with which attitudes and expressions are rendered. in short egypt begins where most modern countries seem to be ending, with a very perfect school of realistic art. [illustration: the village sheik, a wooden statuette. boulak museum, from gizeh.--according to the chronological table of mariette, this statue is over years old. from a photograph by brugsch bey.] for it is remarkable that this first school of art of the old empire is thoroughly naturalistic, and knows very little of the ideal or supernatural. and the tombs tell the same story. the statues and paintings represent natural objects and not theological conventions; the tombs are fac-simile representations of the house in which the deceased lived, with his mummy and those of his family, and pictures of his oxen, geese, and other belongings, but no gods, and few of those quotations from the todtenbuch which are so universal in later ages. it would seem that at this early period of egyptian history life was simple and cheerful, and both art and religion less fettered by superstitions and conventions than they were when despotism and priestcraft had been for centuries stereotyped institutions, and originality of any sort was little better than heresy. war also and warlike arms hardly appear on these earliest representations of egyptian life, and wars were probably confined to frontier skirmishes with bedouins and libyans, such as we see commemorated on the tablet of snefura at wady magerah. in chaldæa the evidence for great antiquity is derived less from architectural monuments and arts, and more from books, than in egypt, for the obvious reason that stone was wanting and clay abundant in mesopotamia. where temples and palaces were built of sun-dried bricks, they rapidly crumbled into mounds of rubbish, and nothing was preserved but the baked clay tablets with cuneiform inscriptions. in like manner sculpture and wall-painting never flourished in a country devoid of stone, and the religious ideas of chaldæa never took the egyptian form of the continuance of ordinary life after death by the ka or ghost requiring a house, a mummy, and representations of belongings. the bas-relief and fringes sculptured on slabs of alabaster brought home by layard and others, belong mostly to the later period of the assyrian empire. accordingly, the oldest works of art from chaldæa consist mainly of books and documents in the form of clay cylinders, and of gems, amulets, and other small articles of precious stones or metals. but the recent discovery of de sarzec at sirgalla shows that in the very earliest period of chaldæan history the arts stood at a level which is fairly comparable to that of the old empire in egypt. he found in the ruins of the very ancient temple of the sun nine statues of patesi or priest-kings of accadian race, who had ruled there prior to the consolidation of sumir and accad into one empire by sargon i., somewhere about b.c. the remarkable thing about these statues is that they are of diorite, similar to that of the statue of chephren, which is believed to be only found in the peninsula of sinai, and is so hard that it must have taken excellent tools and great technical skill to carve it. the statues are much of the same size and in the same seated attitude as that of chephren, and have the appearance of belonging to the same epoch and school of art. this is confirmed by the discovery along with the statues of a number of statuettes and small objects of art which are also in an excellent style, very similar to that of the old egyptian dynasty, and show great proficiency both in taste and in technical execution. the discovery of these diorite statues at such a very early date both in egypt and chaldæa, raises a very interesting question as to the tools by which such an intractable material could be so finely wrought. evidently these tools must have been of the very hardest bronze, and the construction of such works as the dyke of menes and the pyramids, shows that the art of masonry must have been long known and extensively practised. but this again implies a large stock of metals and long acquaintance with them since the close of the latest stone period. perhaps there is no test which is more conclusive of the state of prehistoric civilization and commerce than that which is afforded by the general knowledge and use of metals. it is true that a knowledge of some of the metals which are found in a native state, or in easily fusible ores, may coexist with very primitive barbarism. some even of the cannibal tribes of africa are well acquainted with iron, and know how to smelt its ores and manufacture tools and weapons. gold also, which is so extensively found in the native state, could not fail to be known from the earliest times; and in certain districts pure copper presents itself as only a peculiar and malleable sort of stone. but when we come to metals which require great knowledge of mining to detect them in their ores, and to produce them in large quantities; and to alloys, which require a long practice of metallurgy to discover, and to mix in the proper proportions, the case is different, and the stone period must be already far behind. still more is this the case when tools and weapons of such artificial alloys are found in universal use in countries where nature has provided no metals, and where their presence can only be accounted for by the existence of an international commerce with distant metal-producing countries. iron was no doubt known at a very early period, but it was extremely scarce, and even as late as homer's time was so valuable that a lump of it constituted one of the principal prizes at the funeral games of patroclus. nor is there any reason to suppose that the art of making from it the best steel, which alone could have competed with bronze in cutting granite and diorite, had been discovered. it may be assumed, therefore, that bronze was the material universally used for the finer tools and weapons by the great civilized empires of egypt and chaldæa during the long interval between the neolithic stone age and the later adoption of iron. evidently then, both the egyptians and the chaldæans must have been well provided with bronze tools capable of hewing and polishing the hardest rocks. now bronze is an alloy of copper and tin. copper is a common metal, easily reduced from its ores, and not infrequently occurring in a metallic state, as in the mines of lake superior, where the north american indians hammered out blocks of it from the native metal. and we have proofs that the ancient egyptians obtained copper at a very early date from the mines of wady magerah in the peninsula of sinai, and probably also from cyprus. but where did they get their tin, without which there is no bronze? tin is a metal which is only found in a few localities, and in the form of a black oxide which requires a considerable knowledge of metallurgy to detect and to reduce. the only considerable sources of tin now known are those of cornwall, malacca, banca, and australia. of these, the last was of course unknown to the ancient world, and it is hardly probable that its supplies were obtained from such remote sources as those of the extreme east. not that it is at all impossible that it might have been brought from malacca by prehistoric sea-routes to india, and thence to egypt by the red sea and to chaldæa by the persian gulf, and this is the conjecture of one of the latest authorities in a very interesting work just published on the _dawn of ancient art_. but it seems highly improbable that, if such routes had been established, they should have been so completely abandoned as they certainly were when the supply of tin for the eastern world was brought from the west. in fact, when we get the first authoritative information as to the commerce in tin, about b.c., we find that it was supplied mainly by tyre, and came from the west beyond the straits of gibraltar; and in the greek periplus, written in the first century, it is distinctly stated that india was supplied with tin from britain by way of alexandria and the red sea, which is hardly consistent with the supposition that the tin of malacca had been long known and worked. in the celebrated th chapter of ezekiel, which describes the commerce of tyre when in the height of its glory, tin is only mentioned once as being imported along with silver, iron, and lead from tarshish, _i.e._ from the emporium of gades or cadiz, to which it had doubtless been brought from cornwall. the only other reference to tin is, that javan, tubal, and meshech, _i.e._ the ionians, and tribes of asia minor in the mountainous districts to the south of the black sea, traded with slaves and vessels of brass, and if brass meant bronze, this would imply a knowledge of tin. the only other considerable supply of tin which is certainly known came from the etruscans, who worked extensive tin mines in northern italy. but the evidence of these does not go back farther than from to b.c., and it leaves untouched the question how egypt and chaldæa had obtained large stocks of bronze, certainly long before b.c.; and how they kept up these stocks for certainly more than years before the phoenicians appeared on the scene to supply tin by maritime commerce. it is in some other direction that we must look, for it is certain that neither egypt nor chaldæa had any native sources of this metal. they must have imported, and that from a distance, either the manufactured bronze, or the tin with which to manufacture it themselves by alloying copper. the latter seems most probable, for the egyptians worked the copper mines of sinai from a very early date, and drew supplies of copper from cyprus, which could only have been made useful by alloying it with tin, while if they imported all the immense quantity of bronze which they must have used, in the manufactured state, the pure copper would have been useless to them. a remarkable fact is that the bronze found from the earliest monuments downwards, throughout most of the ancient world, including the dolmens, lake villages, and other prehistoric monuments in which metal begins to appear, is almost entirely of uniform composition, consisting of an alloy of to per cent. of tin to or per cent. of copper. that is for tools and weapons where great hardness was required, for objects of art and statuettes were often made of pure copper, or with a smaller alloy of tin, showing that the latter metal was too scarce and valuable to be wasted.[ ] evidently this alloy must have been discovered in some locality where tin and copper were both found, and trials could be made of the proportions which gave the best result, and the secret must have been communicated to other nations along with the tin which was necessary for the manufacture. where could the sources have been which supplied this tin and this knowledge how to use it, to the two great civilized nations of egypt and chaldæa, where we can say with certainty that bronze was in common use prior to b.c.? if we exclude britain and the extreme east, there are only two localities in which extensive remains of ancient workings for tin have been discovered; one in georgia on the slopes of the caucasus, and the other on the northern slope of the hindoo-kush in the neighbourhood of bamian. and the knowledge both of bronze and of other metals, such as iron and gold, seems to have been universally diffused among the turanian races who were the primitive inhabitants of northern asia. how could egypt have got its tin even from the nearest known source? consider the length of the caravan route; the number of beasts of burden required; the necessity for roads, depôts, and stations; the mountain ranges, rivers, and deserts to be traversed; such a journey is scarcely conceivable either through districts sparsely peopled and without resources, or infested by savage tribes and robbers. and yet if the tin did not come by land, it must have come for the greater part of the way by water, floating down the euphrates or tigris, and being shipped from ur or eridhu by way of the persian gulf and red sea. [ ] this normal alloy does not seem to have been in general use in egypt before the eighteenth dynasty, and the bronze of earlier periods contains less tin. but evidently a very hard alloy of copper must have been used from the earliest times, to chisel out statues of granite and diorite, and although tin was too scarce for common use, the tools for such purposes must have contained a considerable percentage of it. it is difficult to conceive that such an international commerce can have existed at such a remote period, and the difficulty is increased by the fact that in europe, where we can pretty well trace the passage from the neolithic into the bronze period, bronze does not seem to have been known until some or years later, when the phoenicians had migrated to the eastern shore of the mediterranean, and extended their commerce and navigation far and wide over its northern coasts and islands; and at a still later period, when the etruscans had established themselves in italy and exported the products of the tuscan tin mines by trade routes over the rhætian alps. it is even doubtful whether there was any knowledge of metals in europe prior to the phoenician period, as the aryan names for gold, silver, copper, tin, and iron are borrowed from foreign sources; and have no common origin in any ancestral language of the aryan races before they were differentiated into greek, latin, teutonic, celtic, and slavic. copper seems to have been the first metal known, and there are traces of a copper age prior to that of bronze in some of the older neolithic lake villages of switzerland and italy, and in very old tombs and dolmens in hungary, france, and the south-west of spain. but these copper implements are very few and far between, they are evidently modelled in the prior forms of polished stone, and must have been superseded after a very short time by the invention or importation of bronze, which, as already stated, implies a supply of tin, and a common knowledge of the art of alloying copper with it in the same uniform proportion which gives the best result. but in the historic records and remains of egypt and chaldæa, which go so much further back, bronze had evidently been long known when history commences. the accadian name for tin, _id-kasdaru_, is the oldest known, and reappears in the sanscrit _kastira_, the assyrian _kasugeteira_, and the greek _kassiteros_. the oldest known name for copper is the accadian _urud_ or _urudu_, which singularly enough is preserved in the basque _urraida_, while _as rauta_ it reappears as the name for iron in finnish, and as _ruda_ for metal generally in old slavonic. in semitic babylonian, copper is _eru_, which confirms the induction that the metal was unknown to the primitive semites, and adopted by them from the previously existing accadian civilization. we are thus driven back by every line of evidence to the conclusion that egypt and chaldæa were in the full, bronze age, and had left the stone period far behind them, long before the primitive stocks of the more modern aryan and semitic populations of europe and western asia had emerged from the neolithic stage, and for an unknown period before the definite date when their history commences, certainly not less than years ago. we are also driven to the conclusion that other nations, capable of conducting extensive mining operations, must have been in existence in the caucasus, the hindoo-kush, the altai, or other remote regions; and that routes of international commerce must have been established by which the scarce but indispensable tin could be transported from these regions to the dense and civilized communities which had grown up in the alluvial valleys and deltas of the nile and the euphrates. it is very singular, however, that if such an intercourse existed, the knowledge of other objects of what may be called the first necessity, should have been so long limited to certain areas and races. for instance, in the case of the domestic animals, the horse was unknown in egypt and arabia till after the hyksos conquest, when in a short time it became common, and these countries supplied the finest breeds and the greatest number of horses for exportation. on the other hand, the horse must have been known at a very early period in chaldæa, for the tablet of sargon i., b.c. , talks of riding in brazen chariots over rugged mountains. this makes it the more singular that the horse should have remained so long unknown in egypt and arabia, for it is such an eminently useful animal, both for peace and war, that one would think it must have been introduced almost from the very first moment when trading caravans arrived. and yet tin must have arrived from regions where in all probability the horse had been long domesticated before the time of menes. the only explanation i can see is, that the tin must have come by sea, but by what maritime route could it have come prior to the rise of phoenician commerce, which was certainly not earlier than about b.c., or some years after the date of menes? could it have come down the euphrates or tigris and been exported from the great sea-ports of eridhu or ur by way of the persian gulf and red sea? this seems the more probable, as eridhu was certainly an important maritime port at the early period of chaldæan civilization. the diorite statues found at tell-loh by m. de sarzec are stated by an inscription on them to have come from sinai, and indeed they could have come from no other locality, as this is the only known site of the peculiar greenish-black basalt or diorite of which those statues and the similar one of the egyptian chephren of the second pyramid are made. and in this case the transport of such heavy blocks for such a distance could only have been effected by sea. there are traces also of the maritime commerce of eridhu having extended as far as india. teak wood, which could only have come from the malabar coast, has been found in the ruins of ur; and "sindhu," which is indian cloth or muslin, was known from the earliest times. it seems not improbable, therefore, that eridhu and ur may have played the part which was subsequently taken by sidon and tyre, in the prehistoric stages of the civilizations both of egypt and of chaldæa, and this is confirmed by the earliest traditions of the primitive accadians, which represent these cities on the persian gulf as maritime ports, whose people were well acquainted with ships, as we see in their version of the deluge, which, instead of the hebrew ark of noah, has a well-equipped ship with sails and a pilot, in the legend of xisuthros. the instance of the horse is the more remarkable, as throughout a great part of the stone period the wild horse was the commonest of animals, and afforded the staple food of the savages whose remains are found in all parts of europe. at one station alone, at solutre in burgundy, it is computed that the remains of more than , horses are found in the vast heap of _débris_ of a village of the stone period. what became of these innumerable horses, and how is it that the existence of the animal seems to have been so long unknown to the great civilized races? it is singular that a similar problem presents itself in america, where the ancestral tree of the horse is most clearly traced through the eocene and miocene periods, and where the animal existed in vast numbers both in the northern and southern continent, under conditions eminently favourable for its existence, and yet it became so completely extinct that there was not even a tradition of it remaining at the time of the spanish conquest. on the other hand, the ass seems to have been known from the earliest times, both to the egyptians and the semites of arabia and syria, and unknown to the aryans, whose names for it are all borrowed from the semitic. large herds of asses are enumerated among the possessions of great egyptian landowners as far back as the fifth and sixth dynasties, and no doubt it had been the beast of burden in egypt for time immemorial. it is in this respect only, viz. the introduction of the horse, that we can discern any foreign importation calculated to materially affect the native civilization of egypt, during the immensely long period of its existence. it had no doubt a great deal to do with launching egypt on a career of foreign wars and conquests under the eighteenth dynasty, and so bringing it into closer contact with other nations, and subjecting it to the vicissitudes of alternate triumphs and disasters, now carrying the egyptian arms to the euphrates and tigris, and now bringing assyrian and persian conquerors to thebes and memphis. but in the older ages of the first and middle empire, the ox, the ass, the sheep, ducks and geese, and the dog, seem to have been the principal domestic animals. gazelles also were tamed and fed in herds during the old empire, and the cat was domesticated from an african species during the middle empire. agriculture was conducted both in egypt and chaldæa much as it is in china at the present day, by a very perfect system of irrigation depending on embankments and canals, and by a sort of garden cultivation enabling a large population to live in a limited area. the people also, both in egypt and chaldæa, seem to have been singularly like the modern chinese, patient industrious, submissive to authority, unwarlike, practical, and prosaic. everything, therefore, conspires to prove that an enormous time must have elapsed before the dawn of history years ago, to convert the aborigines who left their rude stone implements in the sands and gravels of these localities, into the civilized and populous communities which we find existing there long before the reigns of menes and of sargon. chapter vi. prehistoric traditions. short duration of tradition--no recollection of stone age--celts taken for thunderbolts--stone age in egypt--palæolithic implements--earliest egyptian traditions--extinct animals forgotten--their bones attributed to giants--chinese and american traditions--traditions of origin of man--philosophical myths--cruder myths from stones, trees, and animals--totems--recent events soon forgotten--autochthonous nations--wide diffusion of prehistoric myths--the deluge--importance of, as test of inspiration--more definite than legend of creation--what the account of the deluge in genesis really says--date--extent--duration--all life destroyed except pairs preserved in the ark--such a deluge impossible--contradicted by physical science--by geology--by zoology--by ethnology--by history--how deluge myths arise--local floods--sea shells on mountains--solar myths--deluge of hasisadra--noah's deluge copied from it--revised in a monotheistic sense at a comparatively late period--conclusion--national view of inspiration. in passing from the historical period, in which we can appeal to written records and monuments, into that of palæontology and geology, where we have to rely on scientific facts and reasons, we have to traverse an intermediate stage in which legends and traditions still cast a dim and glimmering twilight. the first point to notice is that this, like the twilight of tropical evenings, is extremely brief, and fades almost at once into the darkness of night. it is singular in how short a time all memory is lost of events which are not recorded in some form of writing or inscription, and depend solely on oral tradition. thus it may be safely affirmed that no nation which has passed into the metal age retains any distinct recollection of that of polished stone, and _à fortiori_ none of the palæolithic period, or of the origins of their own race or of mankind. the proof of this is found in the fact that the stone axes and arrow-heads which are found so abundantly in many countries are everywhere taken for thunderbolts or fairy arrows shot down from the skies. this belief was well-nigh universal throughout the world; we find it in all the classical nations, in modern europe, in china, japan, and india. its antiquity is attested by the fact that neolithic arrow-heads have been found attached as amulets in necklaces from egyptian and etruscan tombs, and palæolithic celts in the foundations of chaldæan temples. in india many of the best specimens of palæolithic implements were obtained from the gardens of ryots, where they had been placed on posts, and offerings of ghee duly made to them. like so many old superstitions, this still lingers in popular belief, and the common name for the finely-chipped arrow-heads which are so plentifully scattered over the soil from scotland to japan, is that of elf-bolts, supposed to have been shot down from the skies by fairies or spirits. until the discoveries of boucher-de-perthes were confirmed only half a century ago, this belief was not only that of simple peasants, but of the learned men of all countries, and the volumes are innumerable that have been written to explain how the "cerauni," or stone-celts, taken to be thunderbolts, were formed in the air during storms. they are already described by pliny, and a chinese encyclopædia says that "some of these lightning stones have the shape of a hatchet, others of a knife, some are made like mallets. they are metals, stones, and pebbles, which the fire of the thunder has metamorphosed by splitting them suddenly and uniting inseparably different substances. on some of them a kind of vitrification is distinctly to be observed." the chinese philosopher was evidently acquainted with real meteorites and with the stone implements which were mistaken for them, and his account is comparatively sober and rational. but the explanations of the christian fathers and mediæval philosophers, and even of scientific writers down to a very recent period, are vastly more mystical. a single specimen may suffice which is quoted by tylor in his _early history of mankind_. tollius in figures some ordinary palæolithic stone axes and hammers, and tells us that "the naturalists say they are generated in the sky by a fulgurous exhalation conglobed in a cloud by the circumfused humour, and are as it were baked hard by intense heat, and the weapon becomes pointed by the damp mixed with it flying from the dry part, and leaving the other end denser, but the exhalations press it so hard that it breaks out through the cloud and makes thunder and lightning." but these attempts at scientific explanations were looked upon with disfavour by theologians, the orthodox belief being that the "cerauni" were the bolts by which satan and his angels had been driven from heaven into the fiery abyss. these speculations, however, of later ages are of less importance for our present purpose than the fact that in no single instance can anything like a real historical tradition be found connecting the stone age with that of metals, and giving a true account of even the latest forms of neolithic implements. this is the more remarkable in the case of egypt, where historical records go back so very far, for here, as we have seen in a previous chapter, the relics of a stone age exist in considerable numbers. there is every probability, therefore, that egyptian civilization had been developed, mainly on the spot, from the rude beginnings of a palæolithic age, through the incipient civilization of the neolithic, into the age of metals, and the advanced civilization which preceded the consolidation of the empire under menes and the commencement of history.[ ] and yet no tradition, with a pretence to be historical, goes back farther than with a very dim and nickering light for a few centuries before menes, when the horsheshu, or priests of horus, ruled independent cities, and small districts attached to the temples. there are accounts of some passages of the todtenbuch being taken from old hymns written on goatskin in the time of these horsheshu, and of historical temples built on plans taken from older temples and attributed to thoth; and it seems probable also that the sphynx and its temple may date from the same period. but beyond these few and vague instances, there is nothing to confirm the statement attributed to manetho, that, prior to menes, historical kings had reigned in thebes for years, in memphis for years, and in this for years; before whom came heroes and kings for years, heroes for years, and gods for , years. [ ] stone implements were used for common purposes, especially for sickles to cut heads of corn, down to a comparatively late period, but as spurrell observes in petrie's, _illahun kahun and gurob_, "these implements do not represent work of the stone age properly considered." they are not so much survivals of neolithic forms, as imitations, in the cheaper material of flint, of metallic forms for rough work and common use. the use of a flint knife for making the first incision on the corpse in preparing it for a mummy, is the only fact which looks like a survival from neolithic into historical times. the disappearance of all historical recollections of a stone age is paralleled by the oblivion of the origin of the remains of the great extinct quaternary animals which were contemporary with man. everywhere we find the fossil bones of the elephant and rhinoceros attributed to monsters and giants, both in the ancient and modern worlds. st. augustine denounces infidels who do not believe that "men's bodies were formerly much greater than now," and quotes, in proof of the assertion, that he had seen himself "so huge a molar tooth of a man, that it would cut up into a hundred teeth of ordinary men,"--doubtless the molar of a fossil elephant. marcus scaurus brought to rome from joppa the bones of the monster who was to have devoured andromeda. the chinese encyclopædia, already referred to, describes the "fon-shu, an animal which dwells in the extreme cold on the coast of the northern sea, which resembles a rat in shape, but is as big as an elephant, and lives in dark caverns, ever shunning the light. there is got from it an ivory as white as that of an elephant;" evidently referring to the frozen mammoths found in siberia. similar circumstances gave rise to the same myth in south america, and the natives told darwin that the skeletons of the mastodon on the banks of the parana were those of a huge burrowing animal, like the bizchaca or prairie-rat. numerous similar instances are given by tyler in his _early history of mankind_, and among the whole multitude of this class of myths, there is only one which has the least semblance of being derived from actual tradition, viz. the bas-relief of the sacrifice of a human victim by a mexican priest, who wears a mask of an animal with a trunk resembling an elephant or mastodon; and certain vague traditions among some of the red indian tribes speak of an animal with an arm protruding from its shoulder. it is more probable, however, that these may have been derived from traditions brought over from asia like the mexican calendar, or be creations of the fancy, like dragons and griffins, inspired by some idea of an exaggerated tapir, than that, in this solitary instance, a mexican priest should have been actually a contemporary of the mammoth or mastodon. if fossil animals have thus given rise everywhere to legends of giants, fossil shells have played the same part as regards legends of a deluge. these are in many cases so abundant at high levels that they could not fail to be observed, and, if observed, to be attributed to the sea having once covered these levels, and inundated all the earth except the highest peaks. the tradition of an universal deluge is however so important that i reserve it for separate consideration at the end of the present chapter. if then all memory of a period so comparatively recent as that of the neolithic stone age and of the latest extinct animals was completely lost when the first dawn of history commences, it follows as a matter of course that nothing like an historical tradition survives anywhere of the immensely longer palæolithic period and of the origin of man. man in all ages has asked himself how he came here, and has indulged in speculations as to his origin. these speculations have taken a form corresponding very much to the stage of culture and civilization to which he had attained. they are of almost infinite variety, but may be classed generally under three heads. those nations which had attained a sufficient degree of culture to personify first causes and the phenomena of nature as gods, attribute the creation of the world and of man to some one or more of these gods; and as they advance further in philosophical reasonings, embellish the myth with allegories embodying the problems of human existence. thus if bel makes man out of clay, and moulds him with his own blood; or jehovah fashions him from dust, and breathes into his nostrils the breath of life; in each case it is an obvious allegory to explain the fact that man has a dual nature, animal and spiritual. so the myth of the garden of eden, the temptation by the serpent, the trees of knowledge and of life, and the fall of adam, which we see represented on a babylonian cylinder as well as in the second chapter of genesis, is obviously an allegorical attempt to explain what remains to this day the perplexing problem of the origin of evil. these philosophical myths are, however, very various among different nations. thus the orthodox belief of , , of hindoos is that mankind were created in castes, the brahmins by an emanation from brahma's head, the warriors from his chest, the traders and artisans from his legs, and the sudras or lowest caste from his feet; obviously an _ex post facto_ myth to account for the institution of castes, and to stamp it with divine authority. but before reflection had risen to this level, and among the savage and semi-barbarous people of the present day, we find much more crude speculations, which, in the main, correspond with the kindred creeds of animism and totemism. when life and magical powers were attributed to inanimate objects, nothing was more natural than to suppose that stones and trees might be converted into men and women, and conversely men and women into trees and stones. thus we find the stone theory very widely diffused. even with a people so far advanced as the early greeks, it meets us in the celebrated fable of deucalion and pyrrha peopling the earth by throwing stones behind them, which turned into men and women; and the same myth, of stones turning into the first men, meets us at the present day in almost every reliable myth of creation, brought home by missionaries and anthropologists from africa, america, and polynesia. in some cases trees take the place of stones, and transformations of men into both are among the commonest occurrences. from daphne into a laurel, and lot's wife into a pillar of salt, down to the cornish maidens transformed into a circle of stones for dancing on sunday, we find everywhere that wherever natural objects present any resemblance to the human figure, such myths sprung up spontaneously in all ages and countries. another great school of creation-myths originates in the widespread institution of the totem. it is a step in advance of the pure fetich-worship of stocks and stones, to conceive of animals as having thought and language, and being in fact men under a different form. from this it is a short step to endowing them with magical attributes and supernatural powers, adopting them as patrons of tribes and families, and finally considering them as ancestors. myths of this kind are common among the lower races, especially in america, where many of the tribes considered themselves as descendants of some great bear or elk, or of some extremely wise fox or beaver, and held this belief so firmly, that intermarriage among members of the same totem was considered to be incestuous. the same system prevails among most races at an equally low or lower stage of civilization, as in australia; and there are traces of its having existed among old civilized nations at remote periods. thus the animal-worship of egypt was probably a survival of the old faith in totems, differing among different clans, which was so firmly rooted in the popular traditions, that the priests had to accommodate their religious conceptions to it, as the christian fathers did with so many pagan superstitions. the division of the twelve tribes of israel seems also to have been originally totemic, judging from the old saga in which jacob gives them his blessing, identifying judah with a lion, dan with an adder, and so on. and even at the present day, the crest of the duke of sutherland carries us back to the time when the wild-cat was the badge, and very probably some great and fierce wild-cat the ancestor, in popular belief, of the fighting clan chattan. but in all these various and discordant myths of the creation of man, it is evident there is nothing which comes within a hundred miles of being a possible historical reminiscence of anything that actually occurred; and they must be relegated to the same place as the corresponding myths of the creation of the animal world and of the universe. they are neither more or less credible than the theories that the earth is a great tortoise floating on the water, or the sky a crystal dome with windows in it to let down the rain, and stars hung from it like lamps to illuminate a tea-garden. even when we come to comparatively recent periods, and have to deal with traditions, not of how races originated, but how they came into the abodes where we find them, it is astonishing how little we can depend on anything prior to written records. most ancient nations fancied themselves autochthonous, and took a pride in believing that they sprang from the soil on which they lived. and this is also the case with ruder races, unless where the migrations and conquests recorded are of very recent date. thus ancient egypt believed itself to be autochthonous, and traced the origin of arts and sciences to native gods. chaldæa, according to berosus, was inhabited from time immemorial by a mixed multitude, and though oannes brought letters and arts from the shores of the persian gulf, he taught them to a previously existing population. this is the more remarkable as the name of accad and the form of the oldest accadian hieroglyphics make it almost certain that they had migrated into mesopotamia from the highlands of kurdistan or of central asia. the athenians also and other greek tribes all claimed to be autochthonous, and their legends of men springing from the stones of deucalion, and from the dragon's teeth of cadmus, all point in the same direction. the great aryan races also have no trustworthy traditions of any ancient migrations from asia into europe, or _vice versâ_, and their languages seem to denote a common residence during the formation of the different dialects in those regions of northern europe and southern russia in which we find them living when we first catch sight of them. the only exception to this is in the record in the zendavesta of successive migrations from the pamer or altai, down the oxus and jaxartes into bactria, and from thence into persia. but this is not found in the original portion of the zendavesta, and only in later commentaries on it, and is very probably a legend introduced to exemplify the constant warfare between ormuzd and ahriman. the hindoo vedas contain no history, and the inference that the aryans lived in the punjaub when the rig-veda was composed, and conquered hindostan later, is derived from the references contained in the oldest hymns which point to that conclusion, rather than from any definite historical record. rome again had no tradition of umbrian pile-dwellers descending from neolithic switzerland, expelling iberians, and being themselves expelled by etruscans. it is singular, considering the almost total absence of genuine historical traditions, how certain myths and usages have been universally diffused, and come down to the present day from a very remote antiquity. the identity of the days of the week, based on a highly artificial and complicated calculation of chaldæan astrology, has been already referred to as a striking instance of the wide diffusion of astronomical myths in very early times. many of the most popular nursery tales also, such as jack the giant-killer, jack and the beanstalk, and cinderella, are found almost in the same form in the most remote regions and among the most various races, both civilized and uncivilized, and many of them are obviously derived from the oldest and simplest forms of solar myths. i come now to the tradition of a deluge, which is most important both on account of its prevalence among a number of different races and nations, often remote from one another, and because it affords the most immediate and crucial test of the claim of the bible to be taken as a literally true and inspired account, not only of matters of moral and religious import, but of all the historical and scientific facts recorded in its pages. the confession of faith of an able and excellent man, the late mr. spurgeon, and adopted by fifteen or twenty other nonconformist ministers, says-- "we avow our firmest belief in the verbal inspiration of all holy scripture as originally given. to us the bible does not merely _contain_ the word of god, but _is_ the word of god." following this example, thirty-eight clergymen of the church of england have put forward a similar declaration. they say-- "we solemnly profess and declare our unfeigned belief in all the canonical scriptures of the old and new testaments, as handed down to us by the undivided church in the original languages. we believe that they are inspired by the holy ghost; that they are what they profess to be; that they mean what they say; and that they declare incontrovertibly the actual historical truth in all records, both of past events, and of the delivery of predictions to be thereafter fulfilled." it is perfectly obvious that for those who accept these confessions of faith, not only the so-called "higher biblical criticism," but all the discoveries of modern science, from galileo and newton down to lyall and darwin, are simple delusions. there can be no question that if the words of the old testament are "literally inspired," and "mean what they say," they oppose an inflexible _non possumus_ to all the most certain discoveries of astronomy, geology, zoology, biology, egyptology, assyriology, and other modern sciences. now the account of the deluge in genesis affords the readiest means of bringing this theory to the test, and proving or disproving it, by the process which euclid calls the _reductio ad absurdum_. not that other narratives, such as those of the creation in genesis, do not contain as startling contradictions, if we keep in mind the assertion of the orthodox thirty-eight, that the inspired words of the old testament "mean what they say," _i.e._ that they mean what they were necessarily taken to mean by contemporaries and long subsequent generations; for instance, that if the inspired writer says days defined by a morning and an evening, he means natural days, and not indefinitely long periods. but this is just what the defenders of orthodoxy always ignore, and all the attempts at reconciling the accounts of creation in genesis with the conclusions of science turn on the assumption that the inspired writers do _not_ "mean what they say," but something entirely different. if they say "days," they mean geological periods of which no reader had the remotest conception until the present century. if they say that light was made before the sun, and the earth before the sun, moon, and stars, they really mean, in some unexplained way, to indicate newton's law of gravity, laplace's nebular theory, and the discoveries of the spectroscope. by using words therefore in a non-natural sense, and surrounding them with a halo of mystical and misty eloquence, they evade bringing the pleadings to a distinct and definite issue such as the popular mind can at once understand. but in the case of the deluge no such evasion is possible. the narrative is a specific statement of facts alleged to have occurred at a comparatively recent date, not nearly so remote as the historical records of egypt and chaldæa, and which beyond all question must be either true or false. but if false, there is an end of any attempt to consider the whole scientific and historical portions of the bible as written by divine inspiration; for the narrative is not one of trivial importance, but of what is really a second creation of all life, including man, from a single or very few pairs miraculously preserved and radiating from a single centre.[ ] [ ] the following arguments so closely resemble those of professor huxley in a recent article in the _nineteenth century_, that it may be well to state that they were written before i had seen that article. i insert them not as attempting to vie with the greatest living master of english prose, but as showing that the same conclusions inevitably force themselves on all who understand the first rudiments of modern science. consider then what the narrative of the deluge really tells us. first, as to date. the hebrew bible, from which our own is translated, gives the names of the ten generations from noah to abraham, with the precise dates of each birth and death, making the total number of years from the flood to abraham. for abraham, assuming him to be historical, we have a synchronism which fixes the date within narrow limits. he was a contemporary of chedorlaomer, or khuder-lagomar, known to us from chaldæan inscriptions as one of the last of the elamite dynasty, who subverted the old dynasty in the year b.c., and who reigned for years. abraham's date is, therefore, approximately about b.c., and that of the deluge about b.c. the septuagint version assigns years more than that of the hebrew bible for the interval between abraham and noah; but this is only done by increasing the already fabulous age of the patriarchs. accepting, however, this septuagint version, though it has been constantly repudiated by the jews themselves, and by nearly all christian authorities from st. jerome down to archbishop usher, the date of the deluge cannot be carried further back than to about b.c., a date at least , and more probably , years later than that shown by the records and monuments of egypt and chaldæa, when great empires, populous cities, and a high degree of civilization already existed in those countries. the statement of the bible, therefore, is that, at a date not earlier than b.c., or at the very earliest b.c., a deluge occurred which "covered all the high hills that were under the whole heaven," and prevailed upon the earth for days before it began to subside; that seven months and sixteen days elapsed before the tops of the mountains were first seen; and that only after twelve months and ten days from the commencement of the flood was the earth sufficiently dried to allow noah and the inmates of the ark to leave it. naturally all life was destroyed, with the exception of noah and those who were with him in the ark, consisting of his wife, his three sons and their wives, and pairs, male and female, of all beasts, fowls, and creeping things; or, as another account has it, seven pairs of clean beasts and of birds, and single pairs of unclean beasts and creeping things. the statement is absolutely specific: "all flesh died that moved upon the earth, both of fowl, and of cattle, and of beast, and of every creeping thing that creepeth upon earth, and every man." and again: "every living substance was destroyed which was upon the face of the ground, both men and cattle, and the creeping things, and the fowl of the heaven, and they were destroyed from the earth; and noah only remained alive, and they that were with him in the ark." and finally, when the ark was opened, "god spake unto noah and said, go forth of the ark, thou and thy wife, and thy sons and sons' wives with thee. bring forth with thee every living thing that is with thee, of all flesh, both of fowl and of cattle, and of every creeping thing that creepeth upon the earth, that they may breed abundantly on the earth, and be fruitful and multiply upon the earth." it is evident that such a narrative cannot be tortured into any reminiscence of a partial and local inundation. it might possibly be taken for a poetical exaggeration of some vague myth or tradition of a local flood, if it were found in the legends of some early races, or semi-civilized tribes. but such an interpretation is impossible when the narrative is taken, as orthodox believers take it, as a divinely-inspired and literally true account contained in one of the most important chapters in the history of the relations of man to god. in this view it is a still more signal instance than the fall of adam, of god's displeasure with sin and its disastrous consequences, of his justice and mercy in sparing the innocent and rewarding righteousness; it establishes a new departure for the human race, a new distinction between the chosen people of israel and the accursed canaanites, based not on cain's murder of abel, but on ham's irreverence towards his father; and it introduces a covenant between god and noah, which continued through abraham and david, and became the basis of jewish nationality and of the christian dispensation. if in such a narrative there are manifest errors, the theory of divine inspiration obviously breaks down, and the book which contains it must be amenable to the ordinary rules of historical criticism. now, that no such deluge as that described in genesis ever took place is as certain as that the earth moves about the sun. physical science tells us that it never _could_ have occurred; geology, zoology, ethnology, and history all tell us alike that it never _did_ occur. physical science tells us two things about water: that it cannot be made out of nothing, and that it always finds its level. in order to cover the highest mountains on the earth and remain stationary at that level for months, we must suppose an uniform shell of water of six miles in depth to be added to the existing water of the earth. even if we take ararat as the highest mountain covered, the shell must have been three miles in thickness over the whole globe. where did this water come from, and where did it go to? rain is simply water raised from the seas by evaporation, and is returned to them by rivers. it does not add a single drop of water to that already existing on the earth and in its atmosphere. the heaviest rains do nothing but swell rivers and inundate the adjacent flat lands to a depth of a few feet, which rapidly subsides. the only escape from this law of nature is to suppose some sudden convulsion, such as a change in the position of the earth's axis of rotation, by which the existing waters of the earth were drained in some latitudes and heaped up in others. but any such local accumulation of water implies a sudden and violent rush to heap it up in forty days, and an equally violent rush to run it down to its old level when the disturbing cause ceased, as it must have done in days. such a disturbance in recent times is not only inconsistent with all known facts, but with the positive statement of the narrative that the whole earth was covered, and that the ark floated quietly on the waters, drifting slowly northwards, until it grounded on ararat. the only other alternative is to suppose a subsidence of the land below the level of the sea. but a subsidence which carried a whole continent , , or even feet down, followed by an elevation which brought it back to the old level, both accomplished within the space of twelve months, is even more impossible than a cataclysmal deluge of water. such movements are now, and have been throughout all the geological periods, excessively slow, and certainly not exceeding, at the very outside, a few feet in a century. and, if physical science shows that no such deluge as that described in genesis could have occurred, geology is equally positive that it never did occur. the drift and boulders which cover a great part of europe and north america are beyond all doubt glacial, and not diluvial. they are strictly limited by the extension of glaciers and ice-sheets, and of the streams flowing from them. the high-level gravels in which human remains are found in conjunction with those of extinct animals, are the result of the erosion of valleys by rivers. they are not marine, they are interstratified with beds of sand and silt, containing often delicate fluviatile shells, which were deposited when the stream ran tranquilly, as the coarser gravels were when it ran with a stronger torrent. and the gravels of adjacent valleys, even when separated by a low water-shed, are not intermixed, but each composed of the _débris_ of its own system of drainage, by which small rivers like the somme and the avon have, in the course of ages, scooped out their present valleys to an extent of more than feet in depth and two miles in width. masses of loose sand, volcanic ashes, and other incoherent materials of tertiary formation remain on the surface, which must have been swept away by anything resembling a diluvial wave. and, above all, egypt and other flat countries adjoining the sea, such as the deltas of the euphrates, the ganges, and the mississippi, which must have been submerged by a slight elevation of the sea or subsidence of the land, show by borings, carried in some cases to the depth of feet and upwards, nothing but an accumulation of such tranquil deposits as are now going on, continued for hundreds of centuries, and uninterrupted by anything like a marine or diluvial deposit. zoology is even more emphatic than geology in showing the impossibility of accepting the narrative of the deluge as a true representation of actual events. whoever wrote it must have had ideas of science as infantile as those of the children who are amused by a toy ark in the nursery. his range of vision could hardly have extended beyond the confines of his own country. and, if a _reductio ad absurdum_ were needed of the fallacies to which reconcilers are driven, it would be afforded by sir j. dawson's comparison of the ark to an american cattle-steamer. recollect that the date assigned to the deluge affords no time for the development of new species and races, since every "living substance was destroyed that was upon the face of the ground," except the pairs preserved in the ark. it is a question, therefore, not of one pair of bears, but of many--polar, grizzly, brown, and all the varieties, down to the pigmy bear of sumatra. so of cattle: there must have been not only pairs of the wild and domestic species of europe, but of the gaur of india, the brahmin bull, the yak, the musk-ox, and of all the many species of buffaloes and bisons. if we take the larger animals only, there must have been several pairs of elephants, rhinoceroses, camels, horses, oxen, buffaloes, elk, deer and antelopes, apes, zebras, and innumerable others of the herbivora, to say nothing of lions, tigers, and other carnivora. let any one calculate the cubic space which such a collection would require for a year's voyage under hatches, and he will see at once the absurdity of supposing that they could have been stowed away in the ark. and this is only the beginning of the difficulty, for all the smaller animals, all birds, and all creeping things have also to be accommodated, and to live together for a year under conditions of temperature and otherwise which, if suited for some, must inevitably have been fatal for others. how did polar bears, lemmings, and snowy owls live in a temperature suited for monkeys and humming-birds? then there is the crowning difficulty of the food. go to the zoological gardens, and inquire as to the quantity and bulk of a year's rations for elephants, giraffes, and lions, or multiply by the daily allowance of hay and oats for horses, and of grass of green food for bullocks, and he will soon find that the bulk required for food is far greater than that of the animals. and what did the birds and creeping things feed upon? were there rats and mice for the owls, gnats for the swallows, worms and butterflies for the thrushes, and generally a supply of insects for the lizards, toads, and other insectivora, whether birds, reptiles, or mammals? and of the humbler forms which live on microscopic animals and on each other, were they also included in the destruction of "every living substance," and was the earth repeopled with them from the single centre of ararat? here also zoology has a decisive word to say. the earth could not have been repeopled, within any recent geological time, from any single centre, for in point of fact it is divided into distinct zoological provinces. the fauna of australia, for instance, is totally different from that of europe, asia, and america. how did the kangaroo get there, if he is descended from a pair preserved in the ark? did he perchance jump at one bound from ararat to the antipodes? ethnology again takes up a limited branch of the same subject, but one which is more immediately interesting to us--that of the variety of human races. the narrative of genesis states positively that "every man in whose nostrils was the breath of life" was destroyed by the flood, except those who were saved in the ark, and that "the whole earth was overspread" of the three sons of noah--shem, ham, and japheth. that is, it asserts distinctly that all the varieties of the human race have descended from one common ancestor, noah, who lived not more than years ago. consider the vast variety and diversity of human races existing now, and in some of the most typical instances shown by egyptian and chaldæan monuments to have existed before noah was born--the black and woolly-haired negroes, the yellow mongolians, the australians, the negritos, the hottentots, the pygmies of stanley's african forest, the esquimaux, the american red indians, and an immense number of others, differing fundamentally from one another in colour, stature, language, and almost every trait, physical and moral. to suppose these to have all descended from a single pair, noah and his wife, and to have "spread over the whole earth" from ararat, since years b.c., is simply absurd. no man of good faith can honestly say that he believes it to be true; and, if not true, what becomes of inspiration? if anything were wanting to complete the demonstration, it would be furnished by history. we have perfectly authentic historical records, confirmed by monuments, extending in egypt to a date certainly years older than that assigned for noah's deluge; and similar records in chaldæa probably going back as far. in none of these is there any mention of an universal deluge as an historical event actually occurring within the period of time embraced by those records. the only reference to such a deluge is contained in one chapter of a chaldæan epic poem based on a solar myth, and placed in an immense and fabulous antiquity. in egypt the case is, if possible, even stronger, for here the configuration of the nile valley is such that anything approaching an universal deluge must have destroyed all traces of civilization, and buried the country thousands of feet under a deep ocean. even a very great local inundation must have spread devastation far and wide and been a memorable event in all subsequent annals. when remarkable natural events, such as earthquakes, did occur, they are mentioned in the annals of the reigning king, but no mention is made of any deluge. on the contrary, all the records and monuments confirm the statement made by the priests of heliopolis to herodotus when they showed him the statues of the successive high priests who had all been "mortal men, sons of mortal men," that during this long period there had been no change in the average duration of human life, and no departure from the ordinary course of nature. when this historical evidence is added to that of geology, which shows that nothing resembling a deluge could have occurred in the valleys of the nile or euphrates without leaving unmistakable traces of its passage which are totally absent, the demonstration seems as conclusive as that of any of the propositions of euclid. it remains to consider how so many traditions of a deluge should be found among so many different races often so widely separated. there are three ways in which deluge-myths must have been inevitably originated. . from tradition of destructive local floods. . from the presence of marine shells on what is now dry land. . from the diffusion of solar myths like that of izdubar. there can be no doubt that destructive local floods must have frequently occurred in ancient and prehistoric times as they do at the present day. such an inundation as that of the yang-tse-kiang, which only the other year was said to have destroyed half a million of people, or the hurricane wave which swept over the sunderbunds, must have left an impression which, among isolated and illiterate people, might readily take the form of an universal deluge. and such catastrophes must have been specially frequent in the early post-glacial period, when the ice-dams, which converted many valleys into lakes, were melting. but i am inclined to doubt whether the tradition of such local floods was ever preserved long enough to account for deluge-myths. all experience shows that the memory of historical events fades away with surprising rapidity when it is not preserved by written records. if, as xenophon records, all memory of the great city of nineveh had disappeared in years after its destruction, how can it be expected that oral tradition shall preserve a recollection of prehistoric local floods magnified into universal deluges? and when the deluge-myths of different nations are examined closely, it generally appears that they have had an origin rather in solar myths or cosmogonical speculations, than in actual facts. for instance, the tradition of a deluge in mexico has often been referred to as a confirmation of the noachian flood. but when looked into, it appears that this mexican deluge was only a part of their mythical cosmogony which told of four successive destructions and renovations of the world by the four elements of earth, air, fire, and water. the first period being closed by earthquakes, the second by hurricanes, the third by volcanoes, it did not require any local tradition to ensure the fourth being closed by a flood. again, deluge-myths must have inevitably arisen from the presence of marine shells, fossil and recent, in many localities where they were too numerous to escape notice. if palæolithic stone implements and bones of fossil elephants gave rise to myths of thunderbolts and giants, sea-shells on mountain-tops must have given rise to speculations as to deluges. at the very beginning of history, egyptian and chaldæan astronomers were sufficiently advanced in science to wish to account for such phenomena, and to argue that where sea-shells were found the sea must once have been. many of the deluge-myths of antiquity, such as that of deucalion and pyrrha, look very much as if this had been their origin. they are too different from the chaldæan and biblical deluge, as for instance in repeopling the world by stones, to have been copied from the same original, and they fit in with the very general belief of ancient nations that they were autochthonous. in a majority of cases, however, i believe it will be found that deluge-myths have originated from some transmission, more or less distorted, of the very ancient chaldæan astronomical myths of the passage of the sun through the signs of the zodiac. this is clearly the case in the hindoo mythology, where the fish-god ea-han, or oannes, is introduced as a divine fish who swims up to the ark and guides it to a place of refuge. the legend in genesis is much closer to the original myth, and in fact almost identical with that of the deluge of hasisadra in the chaldæan epic, discovered by mr. george smith among the clay tablets in the british museum. this poem was obviously based on an astronomical myth. it was in twelve chapters, dedicated to the sun's passage through the twelve signs of the zodiac. the adventures of izdubar, like those of heracles, have obvious reference to these signs, and to the sun's birth, growth, summer splendour, decline to the tomb when smitten with the sickness of approaching winter by the incensed nature-goddess, and final new birth and resurrection from the nether world. the deluge is introduced as an episode told to izdubar during his descent to the lower regions by his ancestor hasisadra, one of the god-kings, who are said to have reigned for periods of tens of thousands of years in a fabulous antiquity. it has every appearance of being a myth to commemorate the sun's passage through the rainy sign of aquarius, just as the contests of izdubar and heracles with leo, taurus, draco, sagittarius, etc., symbolize his passage through other zodiacal constellations. it forms the eleventh chapter of the epic of izdubar, corresponding to the eleventh month of the chaldæan year, which was the time of heavy rains and floods. now, this deluge of hasisadra, as related by berosus, and still more distinctly by smith's izdubar tablets, corresponds so closely with that of noah that no doubt can remain that one is taken from the other. all the principal incidents and the order of events are the same, and even particular expressions, such as the dove finding no rest for the sole of her foot, are so identical as to show that they must have been taken from the same written record. even the name noah is that of nouah, the semitic translation of the accadian god who presided over the realm of water, and navigated the bark or ark of the sun across it, when returning from its setting in the west to its rising in the east. the chief difference is the same as in the chaldæan and biblical cosmogonies of the creation of the universe--viz. that the former is polytheistic, and the latter monotheistic. where the former talks of bel, ea, and istar, the latter attributes everything to jehovah or elohim. thus the warning to hasisadra is given in a dream sent by ea, who is a sort of chaldæan prometheus, or kindly god, who wishes to save mankind from the total destruction contemplated by the wrathful superior god, bel; while in genesis it is "elohim said unto noah." in genesis the altar is built to the lord, who smells the sweet savour of the sacrifice, while in the chaldæan legend the altar is built to the seven gods, who "smelt the sweet savour of sacrifice, and swarmed like bees about it." the chaldæan narrative is more prolix, more realistic, and, on the whole, more scientific. that is, it mitigates some of the more obvious impossibilities of the noachian narrative. instead of an ark, there is a ship with a steersman, which was certainly more likely to survive the perils of a long voyage on the stormy waters of an universal ocean. the duration of the deluge and of the voyage is shortened from a year to a little more than a month; more human beings are saved, as hasisadra takes on board not his own family only, but several of his friends and relations; and the difficulty of repeopling the earth from a single centre is diminished by throwing the date of the deluge back to an immense and mythical antiquity. on the other hand, the moral and religious significance of the legend is accentuated in the hebrew narrative. it is no longer the capricious anger of an offended bel which decrees the destruction of mankind, but the righteous indignation of the one supreme god against sin, tempered by justice and mercy towards the upright man who was "perfect in his generations." if we had to decide on internal evidence only, there could be little doubt that the hebrew narrative is of much later date than the chaldæan. it is, in fact, very much what might be expected from a revised edition of it, made at the date which is assigned by all competent critics for the first collection of the legends and traditions of the hebrew people into a sacred book--viz. at or about the date when the first mention is made of such a book as being discovered in the temple in the reign of josiah. kuenen, wellhausen, and other leading authorities place the date of the elohistic and jehovistic narratives, which include the creation and deluge, even later; and, if not compiled during or after the babylonian captivity, they were certainly revised, and have come down to us in their present form after that event. even the most orthodox critics, such as dillman and canon driver, admit that they were written in the golden age of hebrew literature, and in the spirit of the later prophets, such as isaiah and jeremiah, and do not think it possible to assign to them an earlier date than or b.c., while many parts may be much later. but the question is not one of internal evidence only, but of the positive fact that, even if these chapters of genesis were written by moses, or about b.c., and even accepting the septuagint addition of years to the already mythical duration of the lives of the patriarchs, the date of the biblical deluge cannot be carried back beyond or b.c., while a practically identical account of the same event is given, as a legendary episode of fabulous antiquity, in an epic poem, based on a solar myth, which was certainly reduced to writing many centuries before the earliest possible date of the scriptural deluge. it is absolutely certain also that the egyptian records and traditions, which extend in an uninterrupted succession of dynasties and kings for at least years before this alleged universal deluge, know nothing whatever of such an event; and, on the contrary, assume an unvarying continuance of the ordinary laws of nature. i have dwelt at such length on the deluge because it affords a crucial test of the dogma of divine inspiration for the whole of the bible. the account of the creation may be obscured by forced interpretations and misty eloquence; but there can be no mistake as to the specific and precise statements respecting the second creation of man and of animal life. either they are true or untrue; and the issue is one upon which any unprejudiced mind of ordinary intelligence and information can arrive at a conclusive verdict. if there never was an universal deluge within historical times; if the highest mountains were never covered; if all life was never destroyed, except the contents of the ark; if the whole animal creation, including beasts, birds, and creeping things, never lived together for twelve months cooped up in it; and if the earth was not repeopled with all the varieties of the human race, and all the orders, genera, and species of animal life, from a single centre at ararat, then the bible is not inspired as regards its scientific and historical statements. this, however, in no way affects the question of the inspiration of the religious and moral portions of the bible. i have sometimes thought how, if i were an advocate stating the case for the inspiration of the bible, i should be inclined to put it. i should start with bishop temple's definition of the first cause, a personal god, with faculties like ours, but so transcendentally greater that he had no occasion to be perpetually patching and mending his work, but did everything by an original impress, which included all subsequent evolution, as the nucleolus in the primitive ovum includes the whole evolution and subsequent life of the chicken, mammal, or man. i should go on to say that the bible has clearly been an important factor in this evolution of the human race; that it consists of two portions--one of moral and religious import, the other of scientific statements and theories, relating to such matters of purely human reason as astronomy, geology, literary criticism, and ancient history; and that these two parts are essentially different. it is quite conceivable that, on the hypothesis of a divine creator, one step in the majestic evolution from the original impress should have been that men of genius and devout nature should write books containing juster notions of man's relations to his maker than prevailed in the polytheisms of early civilizations, and thus gradually educating a peculiar people who accepted these writings as sacred, and preparing the ground for a still higher and purer religion. but it is not conceivable that this, which may be called inspiration, of the religious and moral teaching, should have been extended to closing the record of all human discovery and progress, by teaching, as it were by rote, all that subsequent generations have, after long and painful effort, found out for themselves. in point of fact, the bible does not teach such truths, for in the domain of science it is full of the most obvious errors, and teaches nothing but what were the primitive myths, legends, and traditions of the early races. it is to be observed also that, on the theory of "original impress," those errors are just as much a part of the evolution of the divine idea as the moral and religious truths. those who insist that all of the bible must be inspired or none, remind me of the king who said that, if god had only consulted him in his scheme of creation, he could have saved him from a good many mistakes. it is not difficult to understand how, even if we assume the theory of inspiration, or of original impress, for the religious portion of the bible, the other or scientific portion should have been purposely left open to all the errors and contradictions of the human intellect in its early strivings to arrive at some sort of conception of the origin of things, and of the laws of the universe. and also that a collection of narratives of different dates and doubtful authorship should bear on the face of them evidence of the writers sharing in the errors and prejudices, and generally adopting points of view of successive generations of contemporaries. assuming this theory, i can only say for myself that the removal of the wet blanket of literal inspiration makes me turn to the bible with increased interest. it is a most valuable record of the ways of thinking, and of the early conceptions of religion and science in the ancient world, and a most instructive chapter in the history of the evolution of the human mind from lower to higher things. above all, it is a record of the preparation of the soil, in a peculiar race, for christianity, which has been and is such an important factor in the history of the foremost races and highest civilizations. with all the errors and absurdities, all the crimes and cruelties which have attached themselves to it, but which in the light of science and free thought are rapidly being sloughed off, it cannot be denied that the european, and especially our english-speaking races, stand on a higher platform than if gibbon's suggestion had been realized, the arabs had been victorious at tours, and moslem ulemas had been expounding the koran at the university of oxford. chapter vii. the historical element in the old testament. moral and religious distinct from historical inspiration--myth and allegory--the higher criticism--all ancient history unconfirmed by monuments untrustworthy--cyrus--old testament and monuments--jerusalem--tablet of tell-el-amarna--flinders petrie's exploration of pre-hebrew cities--ramses and pi-thom--first certain synchronism rehoboam--composite structure of old testament--elohist and jehovist--priests' code--canon driver--results--book of chronicles--methods of jewish historians--post-exilic references--tradition of esdras--nehemiah and ezra--foundation of modern judaism--different from pre-exilic--discovery of book of the law under josiah--deuteronomy--earliest sacred writings--conclusions--aristocratic and prophetic schools--triumph of pietism with exile--both compiled partly from old materials--crudeness and barbarism of parts--pre-abrahamic period clearly mythical--derived from chaldæa--abraham--unhistoric character--his age--lot's wife--his double adventure with sarah--abraham to moses--sojourn in egypt--discordant chronology--josephus' quotation from manetho--small traces of egyptian influence--future life--legend of joseph--moses--osarsiph--life of moses full of fabulous legends--his birth--plagues of egypt--the exodus--colenso--contradictions and impossibilities--immoralities--massacres--joshua and the judges--barbarisms and absurdities--only safe conclusion no history before the monarchy--david and solomon--comparatively modern date. in dealing with the historical portion of the old testament, it is important to keep clearly in view the distinction between the historical and the religious and moral elements which are contained in the collection of works comprised in it. it is quite open to any one to hold that a certain moral and religious idea runs through the whole of these writings, which is gradually developed from rude beginnings into pure and lofty views of an almighty god who created all things, and who loves justice and mercy better than the blood of bulls and rams. it is open to him to call this inspiration, and to see it also in the series of influences and events by which the jews were moulded into a peculiar people, through whose instrumentality the three great monotheistic religions of the world, judaism, christianity, and mahometanism, superseded the older forms of polytheism. with inspiration in this sense i have no quarrel, any more than i have with bishop temple's definition of "original impress," though possibly i might think "evolution" a more modest term to apply, with our limited faculties and knowledge, to that "unceasing purpose" which the poet tells us "through the ages runs, and the thoughts of men are widened with the process of the suns." but admitting this, i do not see how any candid man, who is at all acquainted with the results of modern science and of historical criticism, can doubt that the materials with which this edifice was gradually built up, consist, to a great extent, of myths, legends, and traditions of rude and unscientific ages which have no pretension to be true statements, or real history. after all this is only applying to the old, the same principles of interpretation as are applied to the new testament. if the theory of literal inspiration requires us to accept the manifest impossibilities of noah's deluge, why does it not equally compel us to believe that there really was a certain rich man who fared sumptuously every day, a beggar named lazarus, and definite localities of a heaven and hell within speaking distance of one another, though separated by an impassable gulf. the assertion is made positively and without any reservation. there _was_ a rich man; lazarus _died, and was carried to abraham's bosom_; and dives _cried_ to abraham, who _answered him in a detailed colloquy_. but common sense steps in and says, all this never actually occurred, but was invented to illustrate by a parable the moral truth that it is wrong for the selfish rich to neglect the suffering poor. why should not common sense equally step in, and say of the narrative of the garden of eden with its trees of knowledge and of life, that here is an obvious allegory, stating the problem which has perplexed so many generations of men, of the origin of evil, man's dual nature, and how to reconcile the _fact_ of the existence of sin and suffering with the _theory_ of a benevolent and omnipotent creator? or again, why hesitate to admit that the story of the deluge is not literal history, but a version of a chapter of an old chaldæan solar epic, revised in a monotheistic sense, and used for the purpose of impressing the lesson that the ways of sin are ways of destruction, and that righteousness is the true path of safety? this is in effect what continental critics have long recognized, and what the most liberal and learned anglican divines of the present day are beginning to recognize; and we find men like canon driver, professor of hebrew at oxford, and canon cheyne, insisting on "the fundamental importance of disengaging the religious from the critical and historical problems of the old testament." we hear a great deal about the "higher criticism," and those who dislike its conclusions try to represent it as something very obscure and unintelligible, spun from the inner consciousness of german pedants. but really there is nothing obscure about it. it is simply the criticism of common sense applied from a higher point of view, which embraces, not the immediate subject only, but all branches of human knowledge which are related to it. this new criticism bears the same relation to the old, as mommsen's _history of rome_ does to the school-boy manuals which used to assume romulus and remus, numa and tarquin, as real men who lived and reigned just as certainly as julius cæsar and augustus, and who found nothing to stagger them in livy's speaking oxen. this criticism has now been carried so far by the labours of a number of earnest and learned men in all the principal countries of europe for the last century, that it has become to a great extent one of the modern sciences, and although there are still differences as to details, the leading outlines are no more in dispute than those of geology or biology. the conclusions of enlightened english divines like canons driver and cheyne are practically very nearly the same as those of foreign professors, like kuenen, welhausen, dillman, and renan, and any one who wishes to have any intelligent understanding of the hebrew bible must take them into consideration. although the old testament does not carry history back nearly as far as the records of egypt and chaldæa, still, when freed from the incubus of literal inspiration, it affords a very interesting picture of the ways of thinking of ancient races, of their manners and customs, their first attempts to solve problems of science and philosophy, and of their popular legends and traditions. it is with these historical results only that i propose to deal, and this not in the way of minute criticism, but of the broad, common-sense aspects of the question, and in view of the salient facts which rise up like guiding pillars in the vast mass of literature on the subject, of which it may be said, in the words of st. john's gospel, that if all that has been written were collected, "i suppose that even the world itself could not contain the books." i may begin by referring to the extreme uncertainty that attaches to all ancient history unless it is confirmed by monuments, or by comparison with annals of other nations which have been so confirmed. the instance of cyrus is a most instructive one. here is one of the greatest conquerors the world has seen, and the founder of a mighty empire; who flourished at a comparatively recent period, and whose life and exploits are related by well-known historians, such as herodotus, who wrote within a few generations after his death; confirmed also to a great extent by almost contemporary records of hebrew writers who were in close relations with him. the picture given of him is that of the son of a median princess by an obscure persian; in common with so many of the gods and heroes of antiquity, he is said to have been exposed in infancy and saved miraculously or marvellously; he incites the poor and hardy people of persia to revolt; defeats the medes, consolidates media and persia, conquers lydia and all asia minor; and finally, as the "servant of the most high god," and instrument of his vengeance on babylon, takes and destroys the cruel city of nebuchadnezzar, and allows the jews to return from exile out of sympathy with their religion. unexpectedly a tablet of cyrus himself turns up, and plays havoc alike with prophets and historians instead of being the son of an obscure persian father, he proves to be the legitimate descendant of a long line of elamite kings; instead of being a servant of the most high god, or even a zoroastrian, he appears as a devoted worshipper of the chaldæan gods, assur, merodach, and nebo; so far from being an instrument of divine vengeance for the destruction of babylon, he enters it without a battle, and is welcomed by its priests and people as an orthodox deliverer from the heretical tendencies of the last native king nabonidus. it is apparent from this and other records, that darius and not cyrus was the real founder of the persian empire. cyrus indeed founded a great empire, but it fell to pieces after the death of his son cambyses and the usurpation of the magi, and it was darius who, after years of hard fighting, suppressed revolts, really besieged and took babylon, and reconstituted the empire, which now for the first time became persian and zoroastrian. such an example teaches us to regard with considerable doubt all history prior to the fifth or sixth century b.c. which is not confirmed by contemporary monuments. of such nations, egypt and chaldæa (including in the latter term assyria) alone give us a series of annals, proved by monuments confirming native historians, which extend for some years back, from the commencement of what may be called the modern and scientific history of the greek period. the historical portion of the old testament is singularly deficient in this essential point of confirmation by monumental evidence. of hebrew inscriptions there are none except that of the time of hezekiah in the tunnel which brought water from the pool of siloam into the city; and the moabite stone, which confirms the narrative in kings of the siege of rabbah by jehoshaphat and jehoram, and their repulse after the sacrifice of his eldest son in sight of the armies by the king of moab. both of these inscriptions are of comparatively modern date, and close to or within the period when contact with the assyrian empire removes all uncertainty as to the history of judæa and israel under their later kings. the capture of jerusalem by david and the building of the temple there by solomon are doubtless historical facts, but they cannot be said to receive any additional confirmation from monuments. there have been so many destructions and rebuildings of temples on this site, that it is difficult to say to what era the lower strata belong. it is apparent, moreover, from the egyptian tablets of tel-el-amarna, the city founded by the heretic king, amenophis iv., about b.c., that jerusalem was a well-known city and sacred shrine prior to the hebrew conquest, and even to the date of the exodus. professor sayce tells us that on one of these tablets is written, "the city of the mountain of jerusalem (or urasalim), the city of the temple of the god uras, whose name there is marra, the city of the king, which adjoins the locality of the men of keilah." uras was a babylonian deity, and marra is probably the aramaic mare, "lord," from which it may be conjectured that mount moriah received its name from the temple of uras which stood there. some of the other tablets show that in the century before the exodus, jerusalem was occupied by a semi-independent king, who claimed to have derived his authority from "the oracle of the mighty king," which is explained to mean a deity, though he acknowledged the superiority of egypt, which still retained the conquests of the eighteenth dynasty in palestine. this, however, relates not to the hebrews, but to the state of things prior to their invasion, when palestine was occupied by comparatively civilized races of amorites and canaanites, and studded with numerous fenced cities. a glimpse at the later state of things, when those earlier nations and cities were overwhelmed by an invasion of a rude nomad race, as described in the books of joshua and judges, has been afforded quite recently by the exploration by mr. flinders petrie of a mound on the plain of southern judæa, which he is disposed to identify with the ancient lachish. a section of this mound has been exposed by the action of a brook, and it shows, as in dr. schliemann's excavations on the supposed site of troy at hissarlik, several successive occupations. the lowest and earliest city was fortified by a wall of sun-burnt bricks, feet inches thick, and which still stands to a height of feet. it shows signs of great antiquity, having been twice repaired, and a large accumulation of broken pottery was found both outside and within it. this city, which petrie identifies with one of those amorite cities which were "walled up to heaven," had been taken and destroyed, and the wall had fallen into ruins. then, to use professor sayce's words, "came a period when the site was occupied by rude herdsmen, unskilled in the arts either of making bricks or of fortifying towns. their huts were built of mud and rolled stones from the wady below, and resembled the wretched shanties of the half-savage bedouins, which we may still see on the outskirts of the holy land. they must have been inhabited by the invading israelitish tribes, who had overthrown the civilization which had long existed in the cities of canaan, and were still in a state of nomadic barbarism." above this come newer walls, which had been built and repaired three or four times over by the jewish kings, one of the later rebuildings being a massive brick wall feet thick, with a glacis of large blocks of polished stone traced to a height of feet, which petrie refers to the reign of manasseh. then comes a destruction, probably by the assyrians under sennacherib, and then other buildings of minor importance, the latest being those of a colony of greeks, who were swept away before the age of alexander the great. this discovery is of first-rate importance as regards the early history of the hebrews, and especially as to their relations with egypt, their sojourn there, and the exodus. if abraham really came from ur of chaldæa, the seat of a very old civilization; and if his descendants really lived for years or longer in egypt, mixed up a good deal with the native population, and for a great part of the time treated with favour, and occupying, if the legend of joseph be true, the highest posts in the land; and if they really left egypt, as described in the exodus, laden with the spoils of the egyptians, and led by moses, a priest of heliopolis skilled in all the lore of that ancient temple, it is inconceivable that in a single generation they should have sunk to such a level as that of the half-savage bedouins, as indicated by petrie's researches. and yet who else could have been the barbarians whose inroad destroyed the walled city of the amorites; and how well does this condition of rude savagery correspond with the bloodthirsty massacres, and the crude superstitions, which meet us at every turn in the traditions of the period between the departure from egypt and the establishment of a monarchy, which have been used by the compilers of the books of exodus, joshua, and judges? if we are ever to know anything beyond legend and conjecture as to this obscure period, it is to the pick and the spade that we must look for certain information, and the exploration of mounds of ruined cities must either confirm or modify petrie's inference as to the extreme rudeness of the nomad tribes who broke in upon the civilized inhabitants of older races. another exploration by mr. flinders petrie, that of the ruins of pi-thom and ramses, gives a certain amount of monumental confirmation to the statement in exodus i. , that during the captivity of the israelites in egypt they were employed as slaves by ramses ii. in building two treasure cities, ramses and pi-thom. some wall-paintings show slaves or forced labourers, of a jewish cast of countenance, working at the brick walls under the sticks of taskmasters. the first certain synchronism, however, between the egyptian monuments and jewish history is afforded by the capture of jerusalem by shishak in the reign of rehoboam in the year b.c. among the wall-paintings in the temple at thebes commemorating the triumphs of this campaign of shishak, is a portrait of a captive with jewish features, inscribed yuten-malek. this has been read "king of the jews," and taken to be a portrait of rehoboam, but it is more probable that it means "kingdom of the jews," and that the portrait is one representative of the country conquered. in any case this gives us the first absolutely certain date in old testament history. from this time downwards there is no reason to doubt that annals substantially correct, of successive kings of judah and israel, were kept, and after the reign of ahaz, when the great assyrian empire appeared on the scene, we have a full confirmation, from the assyrian monuments, of the principal events recorded in the book of kings. in fact, we may say that from the foundation of the jewish monarchy by saul and david, we are fairly in the stream of history, but that for everything prior to about b.c. we have to grope our way almost entirely by the light of the internal evidence afforded by the old testament itself. the first point evidently is to have some clear idea of what this old testament really consists of. until the recent era of scientific criticism, it was assumed to constitute, in effect, one volume, the earlier chapters of which were written by moses, and the later ones by a continuance of the same divine inspiration, which made the bible from genesis to chronicles one consistent and infallible whole, in which it was impossible that there should be any error or contradiction. such a theory could not stand a moment's investigation in the free light of reason. it is only necessary to read the two first chapters of genesis to see that the book is of a composite structure, made up of different and inconsistent elements. we have only to include in the first chapter the two first verses printed in the second chapter, and to write the original hebrew word "elohim" for "god," and "yahve" or jehovah for "lord god," to see this at a glance. the two accounts of the creation of the heaven and earth, of animal and vegetable life, and of man, are quite different. in the first man is created last, male and female, in the image of god, with dominion over all the previous forms of matter and of life, which have been created for his benefit. in the second man is formed from the dust of the earth immediately after the creation of the heavens and earth and of the vegetable world, and subsequently all the beasts of the field and fowls of the air are formed out of the ground, and brought to adam to name, while, last of all, woman is made from a rib taken from adam to be an helpmeet for him. the two narratives, elohistic and jehovistic, distinguished both by the different names of god, and by a number of other peculiarities, run almost side by side through a great part of the earlier portion of the old testament, presenting often flagrant contradictions. thus lamech, the father of noah, is represented in one as a descendant of cain, in the other of seth. canaan is in one the grandson of adam, in the other the grandson of noah. the elohist says that noah took two of each sort of living things, a male and a female, into the ark; the jehovist that he took seven pairs of clean, and single pairs of unclean animals. the difference between these narratives, the elohistic and jehovistic, is, however, only the first and most obvious instance of the composite character of the pentateuch. these narratives are distinguished from one another by a number of minute peculiarities of language and expressions, and they are both embedded in a much larger mass of matter which relates mainly to the sacrificial and ceremonial system of the israelites, and to the position, privileges, and functions of the priests and priestly caste of levites. this is commonly known as the "priests' code," and a great deal of it is obviously of late date, having relation to practices and ceremonies which had gradually grown up after the foundation of the temple at jerusalem. a vast amount of erudition has been expended in the minute analysis of these different documents by learned scholars who have devoted their lives to the subject. i shall not attempt to enter upon it, but content myself with taking the main results from canon driver, both because he is thoroughly competent from his knowledge of the latest foreign criticism and from his position as professor of hebrew, and because he cannot be suspected of any adverse leaning to the old orthodox views. in fact he is a strenuous advocate of the inspiration of the bible, taken in the larger sense of a religious and moral purpose underlying the often mistaken and conflicting statements of fallible writers. the conclusions at which he arrives, in common with a great majority of competent critics in all countries, are-- . that the old orthodox belief that the pentateuch is one work written by moses is quite untenable. . that the pentateuch and book of joshua have been formed by the combination of different _layers_ of narrative, each marked by characteristic features of its own. . that the elohistic and jehovistic narratives, which are the oldest portion of the collection, have nothing archaic in their style, but belong to the golden period of hebrew literature, the date assigned to them by most critics being not earlier than the eighth or ninth century b.c., though of course they may be founded partly on older legends and traditions; and, on the other hand, they contain many passages which could only have been introduced by some post-exilic editor. . that deuteronomy, which is placed almost unanimously by critics in the reign of either josiah or manasseh, is absolutely inconsistent in many respects with the priests' code, and apparently of earlier date, before the priestly system had crystallized into such a definite code of minute regulations, as we find it in the later days of jewish history after the exile. . there is a difference of opinion, however, in respect to the date of the priests' code, kuenen, wellhausen, and graf holding it to be post-deuteronomic, and probably committed to writing during the period from the beginning of the exile to the time of nehemiah, while dillman assigns the main body to about b.c., though admitting that additions may have been made as late as the time of ezra. being concerned mainly with the historical question, i shall not attempt to pursue this higher criticism further, but content myself with referring to the principal points which, judged by the broad conclusions of common-sense, stand out as guiding pillars in the mass of details. taking these in ascending order of time, they seem to me to be-- . the book of chronicles. . the foundation of modern judaism as described in the books of ezra and nehemiah. . the discovery of the book of the law or deuteronomy in the reign of josiah. the book of chronicles is important because we know its date, viz. about b.c., and to a great extent the materials from which it was compiled, viz. the books of samuel and kings. we have thus an object-lesson as to the way in which a hebrew writer, as late as b.c., or nearly years after the exile, composed history and treated the earlier records. it is totally different from the method of a classical or modern historian, and may be aptly described as a "scissors and paste" method. that is to say, he makes excerpts from the sources at his disposal; sometimes inserts them consecutively and without alteration; at other times makes additions and changes of his own; and, in canon driver's words, "does not scruple to omit what is not required for his purpose, and in fact treats his authorities with considerable freedom." he also does not scruple to put in the mouth of david and other historical characters of the olden time, speeches which, from their spirit, grammar, and vocabulary, are evidently of his own age and composition. if this was the method of a writer as late as b.c., whose work was afterwards received as canonical, two things are evident. first, that the canon of the earlier books of the old testament could not have been then fixed and invested with the same sacred authority as we find to be the case two or three centuries later, when the thora, or book of moses and the prophets, was regarded very much as the moslems regard the koran, as an inspired volume which it was impious to alter by a single jot or tittle. this late date for fixing the canon of the books of the old testament is confirmed by canon cheyne's learned and exhaustive work on the psalter, in which he shows that a great majority of the psalms, attributed to david, were written in the time of the maccabees, and that there are only one or two doubtful cases in which it can be plausibly contended that any of the psalms are pre-exilic. secondly, that if a writer, as late as b.c., could employ this method, and get his work accepted as a part of the sacred canon, a writer who lived earlier, say any time between the chronicler and the foundation of the jewish monarchy, might probably adopt the same methods. if the chronicler put a speech of his own composition into the mouth of david, the deuteronomist might well do so in the case of moses. according to the ideas of the age and country, this would not be considered to be what we moderns would call literary forgery, but rather a legitimate and praiseworthy means of giving authority to good precepts and sentiments. a perfect illustration of this which i have called the "scissors and paste" method, is afforded by the first two chapters of genesis, and the way in which the elohistic and jehovistic narratives are so strangely interblended throughout the pentateuch. no attempt is made to blend the two narratives into one harmonious and consistent whole, but excerpts, sometimes from one and sometimes from the other, are placed together without any attempt to explain away the evident contradictions. clearly the same hand could not have written both narratives, and the compilation must have been made by some subsequent editor, or editors, for there is conclusive proof that the final edition, as it has come down to us, could not have been made until after the exile. thus in leviticus xxvi. we find, "i will scatter you among the heathen, and your land shall be desolate, and your cities waste," and "they that are left of you shall pine away in their iniquity in your enemies' land." and in deuteronomy xxix., "and the lord rooted them out of their land in anger, and in wrath, and in great indignation, and cast them into another land, as it is to this day." even in genesis, which professes to be the earliest book, we find (xii. ), "and the canaanite was then in the land." this could not have been written until the memory of the canaanite had become a tradition of a remote past, and this could not have been until after the return of the jews from the babylonian captivity, for we find from the books of ezra and nehemiah that the canaanites were then still in the land, and the jewish leaders, and even priests and levites, were intermarrying freely with canaanite wives. the apocryphal book of esdras contains a legend that the sacred books of the law having been lost or destroyed when jerusalem was taken by nebuchadnezzar, they were re-written miraculously by ezra dictating to five ready writers at once in a wonderfully short time. this is a counterpart of the legend of the septuagint being a translation of the hebrew text into greek, made by seventy different translators, whose separate versions agreed down to the minutest particular. this legend, in the case of the septuagint, is based on an historical fact that there really was a greek translation of the hebrew sacred books made by order of ptolemy _philadelphus_; and it may well be that the legend of esdras contains some reminiscence of an actual fact, that a new and complete edition of the old writings was made and stamped with a sacred character among the other reforms introduced by ezra. these reforms, and the condition of the jewish people after the return from the captivity, as disclosed by the books of nehemiah and ezra, afford what i call the second guiding pillar, in our attempt to trace backwards the course of jewish history. these books were indeed not written in their present form until a later period, and, as most critics think, by the same hand as chronicles; but there is no reason to doubt the substantial accuracy of the historical facts recorded, which relate, not to a remote antiquity, but to a comparatively recent period after the use of writing had become general. they constitute in fact the dividing line between ancient and modern judaism, and show us the origin of the latter. modern judaism, that is, the religious and social life of the jewish people, since they fairly entered into the current of modern history, has been marked by many strong and characteristic peculiarities. they have been zealously and almost fanatically attached to the idea of one supreme god, jehovah, with whom they had a special covenant inherited from abraham, and whose will, in regard to all religious rites and ceremonies and social usages, was conveyed to them in a sacred book containing the inspired writings of moses and the prophets. this led them to consider themselves a peculiar people, and to regard all other nations with aversion, as being idolaters and unclean, feelings which were returned by the rest of the world, so that they stood alone, hating and being hated. no force or persuasion were required in order to prevent them from lapsing into idolatry or intermarrying with heathen women. on the contrary, they were inspired to the most heroic efforts, and ready to endure the severest sufferings and martyrdom for the pure faith. the belief in the sacred character of their ancient writings gradually crystallized into a faith as absolute as that of the moslems in the koran; a canon was formed, and although, as we have seen in the case of the chronicles and psalms, some time must have elapsed before this sacred character was fully recognized, it ended in a theory of the literal inspiration of every word of the old testament down even to the commas and vowel points, and the establishment of learned schools of scribes and pharisees, whose literary labours were concentrated on expounding the text in synagogues, and writing volumes of talmudic commentaries. now during the period preceding the exile all this was very different. so far from being zealous for one supreme god, jehovah was long recognized only as a tribal or national god, one among the many gods of surrounding nations. when the idea of a supreme deity, who loved justice and mercy better than the blood of bullocks and rams, was at length elaborated by the later prophets, it received but scant acceptance. the great majority of the kings and people, both of judah and israel, were always ready to lapse into idolatry, worship strange gods, golden calves, and brazen serpents, and flock to the alluring rites of baal and astarte, in groves and high places. they were also always ready to intermarry freely with heathen wives, and to form political alliances with heathen nations. there is no trace of the religious and social repulsion towards other races which forms such a marked trait in modern judaism. nor, as we shall see presently, is there any evidence, prior to the reign of josiah, of anything like a sacred book or code of divine laws, universally known and accepted. the books of nehemiah and ezra afford invaluable evidence of the time and manner in which this modern judaism was stamped upon the character of the people after the return from exile. we are told that when ezra came to jerusalem from babylon, armed with a decree of artaxerxes, he was scandalized at finding that nearly all the jews, including the principal nobles and many priests and levites, had intermarried with the daughters of the people of the land, "of the canaanites, hittites, perizzites, jebusites, ammonites, moabites, egyptians, and amorites." backed by nehemiah, the cup-bearer and favourite of artaxerxes, who had been appointed governor of jerusalem, he persuaded or compelled the jews to put away these wives and their children, and to separate themselves as a peculiar and exclusive people from other nations. it was a cruel act, characteristic of the fanatical spirit of priestly domination, which never hesitates to trample on the natural affections and the laws of charity and mercy, but it was the means of crystallizing the jewish race into a mould so rigid, that it defied wars, persecutions, and all dissolving influences, and preserved the idea of monotheism to grow up into the world-wide religions of christianity and mahometanism, so true is it that evolution works out its results by unexpected means often opposed to what seem like the best instincts of human nature. what is important, however, for the present object is, to observe that clearly at this date the population of the holy land must have consisted mainly of the descendants of the old races, who had been conquered but not exterminated by the israelites. such a sentence as, "for the canaanites were then in the land," could not have been written till long after the time when the jews were intermarrying freely with canaanite wives. nor does it seem possible that codes, such as those of leviticus, numbers, and the priests' code, could have been generally known and accepted as sacred books written by moses under divine inspiration, when the rulers, nobles, and even priests and levites acted in such apparent ignorance of them. in fact we are told in nehemiah that ezra read and explained the book of the law, whatever that may have included, to the people, who apparently had no previous knowledge of it. by far the most important landmark, however, in the history of the old testament, is afforded by the account in kings xxii. and xxiii. of the discovery of the book of the law in the temple in the eighteenth year of the reign of josiah. it says that shaphan the scribe, having been sent by the king to hilkiah the high priest, to obtain an account of the silver collected from the people for the repairs of the temple, hilkiah told him that he had "found the book of the law in the house of the lord." shaphan brought it to the king and read it to him; whereupon josiah, in great consternation at finding that so many of its injunctions had been violated, and that such dreadful penalties were threatened, rent his clothes, and being confirmed in his fears by huldah the prophetess, proceeded to take stringent measures to stamp out idolatry, which, from the account given in kings xxiii., seems to have been almost universal. we read of vessels consecrated to baal and to the host of heaven in the temple itself, and of horses and chariots of the sun at its entrance; of idolatrous priests who had been ordained by the kings of judah to burn incense "unto baal, to the sun, and to the moon, and to the planets, and to all the host of heaven"; and of high places close to jerusalem, with groves, images, and altars, which had been built by solomon to ashtaroth, the goddess of the sidonians, chemosh the god of the moabites, and milcom the god of the ammonites, and had apparently remained undisturbed and places of popular worship ever since the time of solomon. on any ordinary principles of criticism it is impossible to doubt that, if this narrative is correct, there could have been no previous book of the law in existence, and generally recognized as a sacred volume written by divine inspiration. when even such a great and wise king as solomon could establish such a system of idolatry, and pious kings like hezekiah, and josiah during the first eighteen years of his reign, could allow it to continue, there could have been no knowledge that it was in direct contravention of the most essential precepts of a sacred law dictated by jehovah to moses. it is generally admitted by critics that the book of the law discovered by hilkiah was deuteronomy, or rather perhaps an earlier or shorter original of the deuteronomy which has come down to us, and which had already been re-edited with additions after the exile. the title "deuteronomy," which might seem to imply that it was a supplement to an earlier law, is taken, like the other headings of the books of the old testament in our bible, from the septuagint version, and in the original hebrew the heading is "the book of the law." the internal evidence points also to deuteronomy, as placing the threats of punishment and promises of reward mainly on moral grounds, and in the spirit of the later prophets, such as isaiah, who lived shortly before the discovery of the book by hilkiah. and it is apparent that when deuteronomy was written, the priests' code, which forms such an important part of the other books of the pentateuch, could not have been known, as so many of the ceremonial rites and usages are clearly inconsistent with it. it is not to be inferred that there were no writings in existence before the reign of josiah. doubtless annals had been kept of the principal events of each reign from the foundation of the monarchy, and many of the old legends and traditions of the race had been collected and reduced to writing during the period from solomon to the later kings. the priests' code also, though of later date in its complete form, was doubtless not an invention of any single priest, but a compilation of usages, some of which had long existed, while others had grown up in connection with the second temple after the return from exile. so also the civil and social legislation was not a code promulgated, like the code napoleon, by any one monarch or high priest, but a compilation from usages and precedents which had come to be received as having an established authority. but what is plainly inconsistent with the account of the discovery of the book of the law in the reign of josiah, is the supposition that there had been, in long previous existence, a collection of sacred books, recognized as a bible or work of divine inspiration, as the old testament came to be among the jews of the first or second century b.c. it is to be observed that among early nations, such historical annals and legislative enactments never form the first stratum of a sacred literature, which consists invariably of hymns, prayers, ceremonial rites, and astronomical or astrological myths. thus the rig veda of the hindoos, the early portions of the vendedad of the iranians, the book of the dead of the egyptians, and the penitential psalms and invocations of the chaldæans formed the oldest sacred books, about which codes and commentaries, and in some cases historical allusions and biographies, gradually accumulated, though never attaining to quite an equal authority. there is abundant internal evidence in the books of the old testament which profess to be older than the reign of josiah, to show that they are in great part, at any rate, of later compilation, and could not have been recognized as the sacred thora or bible of the nation. to take a single instance, that of solomon. is it conceivable that this greatest and wisest of kings, who had held personal commune with jehovah, and who knew everything down to the hyssop on the wall, could have been ignorant of such a sacred book if it had been in existence? and if he had known it, or even the decalogue, is it conceivable that he should have totally ignored its first and fundamental precepts, "thou shalt have no other gods but me," and "thou shalt not make unto thyself any graven image"? could uxoriousness, divided among wives, have turned the heart of such a monarch so completely as to make him worship ashtaroth and milcom, and build high places for chemosh and moloch? and could he have done this without the opposition, and apparently with the approval, of the priests and the people? and again, could these high places and altars and vessels dedicated to baal and the host of heaven have been allowed to remain in the temple, down to the eighteenth year of josiah, under a succession of kings several of whom were reputed to be pious servants of jehovah? and the idolatrous tendencies of the ten tribes of israel, who formed the majority of the hebrew race, and had a common history and traditions, are even more apparent. in the speeches put into the mouth of solomon in kings, in which reference is made to "statutes and commandments spoken by jehovah by the hand of moses," there is abundant evidence that their composition must be assigned to a much later date. they are full of references to the captivity in a foreign land and return from exile ( kings viii. -- , and ix. -- ). similar references to the exile are found throughout the book of kings, and even in books of the pentateuch which profess to be written by moses. if such a code of sacred writings had been in existence in the time of josiah, instead of rending his clothes in dismay when shaphan brought him the book of the law found by hilkiah, he would have said, "why this is only a different version of what we know already." on the whole the evidence points to this conclusion. the idea of a one supreme god who was a spirit, while all other gods were mere idols made by men's hands; who created and ruled all things in heaven and earth; and who loved justice and mercy rather than the blood of rams and bullocks, was slowly evolved from the crude conceptions of a jealous, vindictive, and cruel anthropomorphic local god, by the prophets and best minds of israel after it had settled down under the monarchy into a civilized and cultured state. it appears for the first time distinctly in isaiah and amos, and was never popular with the majority of the kings and upper classes, or with the mass of the nation until the exile, but it gradually gained ground during the calamities of the later days, when assyrian armies were threatening destruction. a strong opposition arose in the later reigns between the aristocracy, who looked on the situation from a political point of view and trusted to armies and alliances, and what may be called the pietist or evangelical party of the prophets, who took a purely religious view of matters, and considered the misfortunes of the country as a consequence of its sins, to be averted only by repentance and divine interposition. it was a natural, and under the circumstances of the age and country quite a justifiable proceeding on the part of the prophetic school to endeavour to stamp their views with divine authority, and recommend them for acceptance as coming from moses, the traditional deliverer of israel from egypt. for this purpose no doubt numerous materials existed in the form of legends, traditions, customs, and old records, and very probably some of those had been collected and reduced to writing, like the sagas of the old norsemen, though without any idea of collecting them into a sacred volume. the first attempt in this direction was made in the reign of josiah, and it had only a partial success, as we find the nation "doing evil in the sight of the lord," that is, relapsing into the old idolatrous practices, in the reigns of his three next successors, jehoiachin, jehoiachim, and zedechiah. but the crowning calamity of the capture of jerusalem by nebuchadnezzar, and the seventy years' exile, seems to have crushed out the old aristocratic and national party, and converted all the leading minds among the jews of the captivity, including the priests, to the prophetical view that the essence of the question was the religious one, and that the only hope for the future lay in repentance for sins and drawing closer to the worship of jehovah and the covenant between him and his chosen people. prophets disappear from this period because priests, scribes, and rulers had adopted their views, and there was no longer room for itinerant and unofficial missionaries. under such circumstances the religion, after the return from the exile, crystallized rapidly into definite forms. creeds, rituals, and sacred books were multiplied down to the third century b.c. or later, when the canon was closed with the books of chronicles and daniel and the later psalms, and the era began of commentaries on the text of a koran or bible, every word of which was held to be infallibly inspired. the different crystals in solution have now united into one large crystal of fixed form, and henceforward we are in the full age of talmudism and pharisaism. it is not to be supposed, however, that the books which thus came to be considered sacred were the inventions of priests and scribes of this later age. doubtless they were based to a great extent on old traditions, legends, and written annals and records, compiled perhaps in the reigns of solomon and his successors, but based themselves on still older materials. the very crudeness of many of the representations, and the barbarism of manners, point to an early origin. it is impossible to conceive any contemporary of isaiah, or of the cultured court of solomon, describing the almighty ruler of the universe as showing his hinder part to moses, or sewing skins to clothe adam and eve; and the conception of a jealous and vindictive jehovah who commanded the indiscriminate massacre of prisoners of war, women and children, must be far removed from that of a god who loved justice and mercy. these crude, impossible, and immoral representations must have existed in the form of sagas during the early and semi-barbarous stage of the people of israel, and become so rooted in the popular mind that they could not be neglected when authors of later ages came to fix the old traditions in writing, and religious reformers to use them in endeavouring to enforce higher views and a purer morality. it is from this jungle of old legends and traditions, written and re-written, edited and re-edited, many times over, to suit the ideas of various stages of advancing civilization, that we have to pick out as we best can what is really historical, prior to the foundation of the monarchy, from which time downwards we doubtless have more or less authentic annals, and meet with confirmations from egyptian and assyrian history. the first figure which arrests our attention in the old testament as possibly historical, is that of abraham. prior to him everything is plainly myth and legend. we have two accounts of the creation of the universe and of man in genesis, contradictory with one another, and each hopelessly inconsistent with the best established conclusions of astronomy, geology, ethnology, and other sciences. then follow ten antediluvian patriarchs, who live on the average years each, and correspond manifestly with the ten reigns of gods or demi-gods in the chaldæan mythology; while side by side with this genealogy is a fragment of one which is entirely different, mentioning seven only of the ten patriarchs, and tracing the descent of enoch and noah from adam through cain instead of through seth. then comes the deluge with all the flagrant impossibilities which have been pointed out in a preceding chapter; the building of the tower of babel, with the dispersion of mankind and confusion of languages, equally opposed to the most certain conclusions of history, ethnology, and philology. the descent from noah to abraham is then traced through ten other patriarchs, whose ages average years each, and similar genealogies are given for the descendants of the other two sons of noah, ham and japheth. it is evident that these genealogies are not history but ethnology, and that of a very rude and primitive description, by a writer with imperfect knowledge and a limited range of vision. a great majority of the primitive races of the world, such as the negroes and the mongolians, are omitted altogether, and semitic canaan is coupled with turanian hittite as a descendant not of shem but of ham. it is unnecessary to go into details, for when we find such an instance as that canaan begat sidon his first-born, it is evident that this does not mean that two such men really lived, but is an oriental way of stating that the phoenicians were of the same race as the canaanites, and that sidon was their earliest sea-port on the shore of the mediterranean. the whole of this biblical literature prior to abraham is clearly myth and legend, and not history; and whoever will compare it dispassionately with the much older chaldæan myths and legends known to us from berosus and the tablets, can hardly doubt that it is taken mainly from this source, revised at a later date, in a monotheistic sense. whole passages are simply altered by writing "god" for "gods," and pruning off or toning down grotesque and revolting incidents. to give a single instance, where the chaldæan solar epic of izdubar, in the chapter on the passage of the sun through the rainy sign of aquarius, which describes the deluge, says that "the gods smelt the sweet savour of the sacrifice offered by hasisadra on emerging from the ark, and flocked like flies about the altar," genesis says simply that "the lord smelled a sweet savour"; and where the mixture of a divine and animal nature in man is symbolized in the chaldæan legend by bel cutting off his own head and kneading the clay with the blood into the first man, the jehovist narrative in genesis ii. says, that "the lord god formed man from the dust of the ground, and breathed into his nostrils the breath of life." but when we arrive at abraham we feel as if we might be treading on really historical ground. there is the universal tradition of the hebrew race that he was their ancestor, and his figure is very like what in the unchanging east may be met with to the present day. we seem to see the dignified sheik sitting at the door of his tent dispensing hospitality, raiding with his retainers on the rear of a retreating army and capturing booty, and much exercised by domestic difficulties between the women of his household. surely this is an historical figure. but when we look closer, doubts and difficulties appear. in the first place the name "abram" suggests that of an eponymous ancestor, like shem for the semites, or canaan for the canaanites. abram, sayce tells us, is the babylonian abu-ramer or "exalted father," a name much more likely to be given to a mythical ancestor than to an actual man. this is rendered more probable by the fact that, as we have already seen, the genealogy of abraham traced upwards consists mainly of eponyms: while those which radiate from him downwards are of the same character. thus two of his sons by keturah are jokshan and midian; and sheba, dedan, and assurim are among his descendants. again, abraham is said to have lived for years, and to have had a son by sarah when she was ninety-nine and he one hundred; and a large family by keturah, whom he married after sarah's death. figures such as these are a sure test that legend has taken the place of authentic history. another circumstance which tells strongly against the historical character of abraham is his connection with lot, and the legend of lot's wife. the history of this legend is a curious one. for many centuries, in fact down to quite modern times, the volcanic phenomena of the dead sea were appealed to as convincing confirmations of the account in genesis of the destruction of sodom and gomorrha, and hundreds of pious pilgrims saw, touched, and tasted the identical pillar of salt into which lot's wife was changed. it is now certain that the volcanic eruptions were of an earlier geological age, and that the story of lot's wife is owing to the disintegration of a stratum of salt marl, which weathers away under the action of wind and rain into columnar masses, like those described by lyell in a similar formation in catalonia. innumerable travellers and pilgrims from early christian times down to the seventeenth century returned from palestine testifying that they had seen lot's wife, and this was appealed to by theologians as a convincing proof of the truth of the scripture narrative. some saw her big, some little, some upright, and some prostrate, according to the state of disintegration of the pillars pointed out by the guides, which change their form rapidly under the influence of the weather, but no doubt was entertained as to the attestation of the miracle. it turns out, however, to be one of those geological myths of precisely the same nature as that which attributed the devil's dyke near brighton to an arrested attempt of the evil one to cut a trench through the south downs, so as to let in the sea and drown the weald. the episode of lot and his daughters is also clearly a myth to account for the aversion of the hebrews to races so closely akin to them as the moabites and ammonites, and it could hardly have originated until after the date of the book of ruth, which shows no trace of such a racial aversion. many of the events recorded of abraham's life, though not so wildly extravagant as those attributed to noah, are still clearly unhistorical. that a woman getting on towards one hundred years old should be so beautiful that her husband passes her off for his sister, fearing that, if known to be his wife, the king would kill him in order to take her into his harem, does not seem to be very probable. but when precisely the same thing is said to have occurred twice over to the same man, once at the court of pharaoh and again at that of abimelech; and a third time to his son isaac, at the same place, gerar, and to the same king abimelech, the improbability becomes impossibility, and the legend is obviously mythical. nor is it very consistent with the character of the pious patriarch, the father of the chosen people, to have told such lies, and apparently connived at his wife's prostitution, so that he could save his own skin, and grow rich on the "sheep and oxen, asses, manservants, maidservants, and camels" given him by the king on the supposition that he was sarah's brother. nor can we take as authentic history, abraham talking with the lord, and holding a sort of dutch auction with him, in which he beats down from fifty to ten the number of righteous men who, if found in sodom, are to save it from destruction. on the whole, i do not see that there is anything in the account of abraham and his times which we can safely assume to be historical, except the general fact that the hebrews were descended from a semitic family or clan, who migrated from the district of ur in lower chaldæa probably about the time, and possibly in consequence, of the elamite conquest, about b.c., which set in motion so many wars, revolutions, and migrations in western asia. the chronology from abraham to moses is hopelessly confused. if abraham is really an historical character, his synchronism with chedorlaomer or kudur-lagomer, the elamite king of chaldæa, must be admitted, which fixes his date at about b.c. again, if the narrative of the exodus is historical, it is generally agreed that it took place in the reign of menepthah, or about b.c. the interval between abraham and moses therefore must have been about years. but if we take the genealogies as authentic history, jacob, in whose time the hebrews went into egypt, was abraham's grandson, and moses, under whom they left it, was the son of jochebed, who was the granddaughter of levi, the son of jacob, who was a man advanced in life when he came to egypt. the genealogies therefore do not allow of more than five generations, or, at a high average for each, about years for this interval between abraham and moses. the tradition respecting this seems to have been already very confused when genesis was compiled, for we find in chap. xv. vers. , , the lord saying to abraham, that his descendants shall come back to palestine and possess the whole country from the river of egypt to the river euphrates, "in the fourth generation" after abraham had "gone to his fathers in peace, and been buried in a good old age"; while only one verse before it is said, "thy seed shall be a stranger in a land that is not theirs, and shall serve them; and they shall afflict them for four hundred years." even if years were allowed for the sojourn of the hebrews in egypt, it would not extend the interval between moses and abraham to more than years, or years less than is required by the synchronism with chedorlaomer. it is needless to say that neither in the fourth or in any other generation did the descendants of abraham "possess the whole country from the river of egypt to the river euphrates." there is no period of jewish history so obscure as that of the sojourn in egypt. the long date is based entirely on the distinct statement in genesis xii., that the sojourning of the children of israel was years, and other statements that it was years, both of which are hopelessly inconsistent with the genealogies. genealogies are perhaps more likely to be preserved accurately by oral tradition than dates and figures, which oriental races generally deal with in a very arbitrary way. but there are serious difficulties in the way of accepting either date as historical. there is no mention of any specific event during the sojourn of the israelites in egypt between their advent in the time of joseph and the exodus, except their oppression by a new king who knew not joseph, and the building of the treasure cities, pi-thom and ramses, by their forced labour. the latter fact may be taken as probably true from the monuments discovered by mr. flinders petrie; and if so, it occurred in the reign of ramses ii. but there is no other confirmation, from egyptian records or monuments, of any of the events related in the pentateuch, until we come to the passage quoted from manetho by josephus, which describes how the unclean people and lepers were oppressed; how they revolted under the leadership of a priest of hieropolis, who changed his name from osarphis to moyses; how they fortified avaris and called in help from the expelled hyksos settled at jerusalem; how the egyptian king and his army retreated before them into ethiopia without striking a blow; and the revolters ruled egypt for thirteen years, killing the sacred animals and desecrating the temples; and how, at the end of this period, the king and his son returned with a great army, defeated the rebels and shepherds with great slaughter, and pursued them to the bounds of syria. this account is evidently very different from that of exodus, and does not itself read very like real history, nor is there anything in the egyptian monuments to confirm it, but rather the reverse. menepthah certainly reigned many years after he was said to have been drowned in the red sea, and his power and that of his immediate successors, though greatly diminished, still extended with a sort of suzerainty over palestine and southern syria. it is said that the egyptians purposely omitted all mention of disasters and defeats, but this is distinctly untrue, for manetho records events such as the conquest of egypt by the hyksos without a battle, and the retreat of menepthah into ethiopia for thirteen years before the impure rebels, which were much more disgraceful than would have been the destruction of a pursuing force of chariots by the returning tide of the red sea. the question therefore of the sojourn of the israelites in egypt and the exodus has to be considered solely by the light of the internal evidence afforded by the books of the old testament. the long period of years is open to grave objections. it is inconceivable that a people who had lived for four centuries in an old and highly-civilized empire, for part of the time at any rate on equal or superior terms under the king who "knew joseph"; and who appear to have been so much intermixed with the native egyptians as to have been borrowing from them as neighbours before their flight, should have carried away with them so little of egyptian manners and relics. beyond a few rites and ceremonies, and a certain tendency to revert to the animal worship of the golden calf, there is nothing to show that the hebrews had ever been in contact with egyptian civilization. this is most remarkable in the absence of all belief in a resurrection of the body, future life, and day of judgment, which were the cardinal axioms of the practical daily life of the egyptian people. temporal rewards and punishments to the individual and his posterity in the present life, are the sole inducements held out to practise virtue and abstain from vice, from the decalogue down to the comparatively late period of ecclesiastes, where solomon the wise king is represented as saying, "there is no work, nor device, nor knowledge in the grave whither thou goest." even down to the christian era the sadducees, who were the conservative aristocracy who stood on the old ways and on the law of moses, and from whose ranks most of the high priests were taken, were opposed to the newfangled pharisaic doctrine of a resurrection. how completely foreign the idea was to the jewish mind is apparent from the writings of the prophets and the book of job, where the obvious solution of the problem why goodness was not always rewarded and wickedness punished, afforded by the theory of a judgment after death and future life, was never even hinted at by job or his friends, however hardly they might be pressed in argument. if the sojourn in egypt really lasted for years, it must have embraced many of the greatest events in egyptian history. the descendants of jacob must have witnessed a long period of the rule of the hyksos, and lived through the desolating thirty years' war by which these foreign conquerors were gradually driven back by the native armies of upper egypt. they must have been close to the scene of the final campaigns, the siege of avaris, and the expulsion of the hyksos. they must have been subjects of ahmes, thotmes, and the conquering kings of the eighteenth dynasty, who followed up the fugitive hyksos, and carried the conquering arms of egypt not only over palestine and syria, but up to the euphrates and tigris, and over nearly the whole of western asia. they must have witnessed the decline of this empire, the growth of the hittites, and the half-century of wars waged between them and the egyptians in palestine and syria. the victory of ramses ii. at kadesh and the epic poem of pentaur must have been known to the generation before the exodus as signal events. and if there is any truth in the account quoted by josephus, they must have been aware that they did not fly from egypt as a body of fugitive slaves, but as retreating warriors who for thirteen years had held egypt up to ethiopia in subjection. and yet of all these memorable events there is not the slightest trace in the hebrew annals which have come down to us. an even greater difficulty is to understand how, if the children of israel had lived for anything like years in such a civilized empire as egypt, they could have emerged from it in such a plane of low civilization, or rather of ferocious savagery and crude superstitions as are shown by the books of the old testament, where they burst like a host of red indians on the settlements and cities of the amorites, and other more advanced nations of palestine. the discoveries at lachish already referred to show that their civilization could not have exceeded that of the rudest bedouins, and their myths and legends are so similar to those of the north american indians as to show that they must have originated in a very similar stage of mental development. if we adopt the short date of the genealogies we are equally confronted by difficulties. if the exodus occurred in the reign of menepthah, years back from that date would take us, not to the hyksos dynasty where alone it would have been possible for joseph to be a vizier, and for a semitic tribe of shepherds to be welcomed in egypt, but into the midst of the great and glorious eighteenth dynasty who had expelled the hyksos, and carried the dominion of egypt to the euphrates. nor would there have been time for the seventy souls, who we are told were all of the family of jacob who migrated into egypt, to have increased in three generations into a nation numerous enough to alarm the egyptians, and conquer the canaanites. the legend of joseph is very touching and beautiful, but it may just as well be a novel as history, and this suspicion is strengthened by the fact that the episode of potiphar's wife is almost verbatim the same as one of the chapters of the egyptian novel of the _two brothers_. nor does it seem likely that such a seven years' famine and such a momentous change as the conversion of all the land of egypt from freehold into a tenure held from the king subject to payment of a rent of one-fifth of the gross produce, should have left no trace in the records. again, the age of years assigned to joseph, and to his father, are a sufficient proof that we are not upon strictly historical ground; and on the whole this narrative does not go far, in the absence of any confirmation from monuments, to assist us in fixing dates, or enabling us to form any consistent idea of the real conditions of the sojourn of the people of israel in egypt. it places them on far too high a level of civilization at first, to have fallen to such a low one as we find depicted in the books of exodus, joshua, and judges. further excavations in the mounds of ruined cities in judæa and palestine, like those of schliemann on the sites of troy and mycenæ, can alone give us anything like certain facts as to the real condition of the hebrew tribes who destroyed the older walled cities of the comparatively civilized amorites and canaanites. if the conclusion of mr. flinders petrie from the section of the mound of lachish, as to the extremely rude condition of the tribes who built the second town of mud-huts on the ruins of the amorite city, should be confirmed, it would go far to negative the idea that the accounts of their having been trained in an advanced code of mosaic legislation, can have any historical foundation. we come next to moses. it is difficult to refuse an historical character to a personage who has been accepted by uniform tradition as the chief who led the israelites out of egypt, and as the great legislator who laid the foundations of the religious and civil institutions of the peculiar people. and if the passage from manetho is correctly quoted by josephus, and was really taken from contemporary egyptian annals, and is not a later version of the account in the pentateuch modified to suit egyptian prejudices, moses is clearly identified with osarsiph the priest of hieropolis, who abandoned the worship of the old gods, and headed the revolt of the unclean people, which probably meant the heretics. it may be conjectured that this may have had some connection with the great religious revolution of the heretic king of tel-el-amarna, which for a time displaced the national gods, worshipped in the form of sacred animals and symbolic statues, by an approach to monotheism under the image of the winged solar disc. such a reform must have had many adherents to have survived as the state religion for two or three reigns, and must have left a large number of so-called heretics when the nation returned to its ancient faith; and it is quite intelligible that some of the more enlightened priests should have assimilated to it the doctrine of one supreme god, which was always at the bottom of the religious metaphysics of the earliest ages in egypt, and was probably preserved as an esoteric doctrine in the priestly colleges. this, however, must remain purely a conjecture, and we must look for anything specific in regard to moses exclusively to the old testament. and here we are at once assailed by formidable difficulties. as long as we confine ourselves to general views it may be accepted as historical that the israelites really came out of egypt under a great leader and legislator; but when we come to details, and to the events connected with moses, and to a great extent supposed to have been written by him or taken from his journals, they are for the most part more wildly and hopelessly impossible than anything related of the earlier patriarchs, abraham and joseph. the story of his preservation in infancy is a variation of the myth common to so many nations, of an infant hero or god, whose life is sought by a wicked king, and who is miraculously saved. we find it in the myths of khrishna, buddha, cyrus, romulus, and others, and in the inscription by sargon i. of accade on his own tablet; he states himself to have been saved in an ark floated on the river euphrates, just as moses was on the nile. when grown up he is represented first as the adopted son of pharaoh's daughter, and then as a shepherd in the wilderness of midian talking with the lord in a fiery bush, who for the first time communicates his real name of jehovah, which he says was not known to abraham, isaac, or jacob, although constantly used by them, and although men began to call him by that name in the time of enos, adam's grandson. at jehovah's command moses throws his rod on the ground, when it becomes a serpent from which he flies, and when he takes it up by the tail it becomes a rod again; and as a farther sign his hand is changed from sound to leprous as white as snow, and back again to sound, in a minute or two of time. on returning to egypt moses is represented as going ten times into the presence of pharaoh demanding of him to let the hebrews depart, and inflicting on egypt a succession of plagues, each one more than sufficient to have convinced the king of the futility of opposing such supernatural powers, and to have made him only too anxious to get rid of the hebrews from the land at any price. what could have been the condition of egypt, if for seven days "the streams, the rivers, the ponds and pools, and even the water in the vessels of wood and of stone, through all the land of egypt," had been really turned into blood? and what sort of magicians must they have been who could do the same with their enchantments? the whole account of these plagues has distinctly the air of being an historical romance rather than real history. those repeated interviews accompanied by taunts and reproaches of moses, the representative of an oppressed race of slaves, in the august presence of a pharaoh who, like the inca of peru or the mikado of japan, was half monarch and half deity, are totally inconsistent with all we know of egyptian usage. the son and successor of the splendid ramses ii., who has been called the louis xiv. of egyptian history, would certainly, after the first interview and miracle, either have recognized the supernatural power which it was useless to resist, or ordered moses to instant execution. it is remarkable also how the series of plagues reproduce the natural features of the egyptian seasons. recent travellers tell us how at the end of the dry season when the nile is at its lowest, and the adjacent plains are arid and lifeless, suddenly one morning at sunrise they see the river apparently turned into blood. it is the phenomenon of the red nile, which is caused by the first flush of the abyssinian flood, coming from banks of red marl. after a few days the real rise commences, the nile resumes its usual colour, percolates through its banks, fills the tanks and ponds, and finally overflows and saturates the dusty plains. the first signal of the renewal of life is the croaking of innumerable frogs, and soon the plains are alive with flies, gnats, and all manner of creeping and hopping insects, as if the dust had been turned into lice. then after the inundation subsides come the other plagues which in the summer and autumn seasons frequently afflict the young crops and the inhabitants--local hail-storms, locusts, murrain among the cattle, boils and other sicknesses while the stagnant waters are drying up. it reads like what some rider haggard of the court of solomon might have written in working up the tales of travellers and old popular traditions into an historical romance of the deliverance of israel from egypt. when we come to the exodus the impossibilities of the narrative are even more obvious. the robust common-sense of bishop colenso, sharpened by a mathematical education, has reduced many of these to the convincing test of arithmetic. the host of israelites who left egypt is said to have comprised , fighting men above the age of twenty; exclusive of the levites and of a mixed multitude who followed. this implies a total population of at least , , , who are said to have wandered about for forty years in the desert of sinai, one of the most arid wildernesses in the world, destitute alike of water, arable soil, and pasture, and where a bedouin tribe of even souls would find it difficult to exist. they are said to have been miraculously fed during these forty years on manna, a sweetish, gummy exudation from the scanty foliage of certain prickly desert plants, which is described as being "as small as the hoar frost," and as being so imbued with sabbatarian principles, as to keep fresh only for the day it is gathered during the week, but for two days if gathered on a friday, so as to prevent the necessity of doing any work on the sabbath. bishop colenso points out with irresistible force the obvious impossibilities in regard to food, water, fuel, sanitation, transport, and other matters, which was involved in the supposition that a population, half as large as that of london, wandered about under tents from camp to camp for forty years in a desert. no attempt has ever been made to refute him, except by vague suppositions that the deserts of sinai and arabia may then have been in a very different condition, and capable of supporting a large population. but this is impossible in the present geological age and under existing geographical conditions. these deserts form part of the great rainless zone of the earth between the north tropical and south temperate zones, where cultivation is only possible when the means of irrigation are afforded by lakes, rivers, or melting snow. but there are none of these in the deserts of sinai and northern arabia, and therefore no water and no vegetation sufficient to support any population. no army has ever invaded egypt from asia, or asia from egypt, except by the short route adjoining the mediterranean between pelusium and jaffa, and with the command of the sea and assistance of trains to carry supplies and water. and the account in exodus itself confirms this, for both food and water are stated to have been supplied miraculously, and there is no mention made of anything but the present arid and uninhabited desert in the various encampments and marches. in fact, the bible constantly dwells on the inhospitable character of the "howling wilderness," where there was neither grass nor water. accordingly reconcilers have been reduced to the supposition that ciphers may have been added by copyists, and that the real number may have been , or even, as some writers think, . but this is inconsistent with the detailed numeration by twelve separate tribes, which works out to the same figure of , fighting men for the total number. nor is it consistent with the undoubted fact that the hebrews did evacuate egypt in sufficient numbers and sufficiently armed to burst through the frontiers, and capture the walled cities of considerable nations like the amorites and canaanites, who had been long settled in the country. the narrative of manetho, quoted by josephus, seems much more like real history; that the hebrews formed part of an army, which, after having held lower egypt for thirteen years, was finally defeated, and retreated by the usual military route across the short part of the desert from pelusium to palestine, the hebrews, for some reason, branching off, and taking to a bedouin life on the outskirts of the desert and cultivated land, just as many bedouin tribes live a semi-nomad life in the same regions at the present day. apart from statistics, however, the books of the pentateuch ascribed to moses are full of the most flagrant contradictions and absurdities. it is evident that, instead of being the production of some one contemporary writer, they have been compiled and edited, probably many times over, by what i have called the "scissors and paste method," of clipping out extracts from old documents and traditions, and piecing them together in juxtaposition or succession, without regard to their being contradictory or repetitions. thus in exodus xxxiii. , god says to moses: "thou canst not see my face and live; for there shall no man see me and live"; and accordingly he shows moses only his "back parts"; while in ver. in the very same chapter we read, "and the lord spoke unto moses face to face, as a man speaketh unto a friend." again in exodus xxiv. the lord says to moses, "that he alone shall come near the lord" (ver. ), while in vers. -- of the same chapter, we are told that "moses, aaron, nadab, and abihu, and seventy of the elders of israel went up; and they saw the god of israel, and there was under his feet as it were a paved work of a sapphire stone," and although they saw god, were none the worse for it, but survived and "did eat and drink." is it possible to believe that these excessively crude representations of the deity, and these flagrant inconsistencies, were all written at the same time, by the same hand, and that the hand of a man who, if not a holy inspired prophet, was at any rate an educated and learned ex-priest of hieropolis, skilled in all the knowledge of the egyptians? the contradictions in the ideas and precepts of morality and religion are even more startling. these oscillate between the two extremes of the conception of the later prophets of a one supreme god, who loves justice and mercy better than sacrifice, and that of a ferocious and vindictive tribal god, whose appetite for human blood is as insatiable as that of the war-god of the mexicans. thus we have, on the one hand, the commandment, "thou shalt do no murder," and on the other, the injunction to commit indiscriminate massacres. a single instance may suffice. the "book of the law of moses" is quoted in kings xiv. as saying, "the fathers shall not be put to death for the children, nor the children for the fathers; but every man shall be put to death for his own sin." in numbers xxxi., moses, the "meekest of mankind," is represented as extremely wroth with the captains who, having warred against midian at the lord's command, had only slaughtered the males, and taken the women of midian and their little ones captives; and he commands them to "kill every male among the little ones, and every woman that hath known man by lying with him; but all the women children that have not known man by lying with him, keep alive for yourselves." these midianites, be it remembered, being the people whose high priest jethro had hospitably received moses when he fled for his life from egypt, and gave him his daughter as a wife, by whom he had children who were half midianites, so that if the zealous phinehas was right in slaying the hebrew who had married a midianite woman, moses himself deserved the same fate. the same injunction of indiscriminate massacre in order to escape the jealous wrath of an offended jehovah is repeated, over and over again, in joshua and judges, and even as late as after the foundation of the monarchy, we find samuel telling saul in the name of the lord of hosts, to "go and smite amalek, and utterly destroy them, slaying both man and woman, infant and suckling, ox and sheep, camel and ass," and denouncing saul, and hewing agag in pieces before the lord, because this savage injunction had not been literally obeyed. even under david, the man after the lord's own heart, we find him torturing to death the prisoners taken at the fall of rabbah, and giving up seven of the sons of saul to the gibeonites to be sacrificed before the lord as human victims. it is one of the strangest contradictions of human nature that such atrocious violations of the moral sense should have been received for so many centuries as a divine revelation, rather than as instances of what may be more appropriately called "devil worship." nor is it a less singular proof of the power of cherished prepossessions that such a medley of the sublime religious ideas and lofty poetry of the prophetic ages, with such a mass of puerile and absurd legends, such obvious contradictions, and such a number of passages obviously dating from a later period, should be received by many men of intelligence, even to the present day, as the work of a single contemporary writer, the inspired prophet moses. when we pass from the pentateuch to the succeeding books of joshua and of judges the same remarks apply. the falling of the walls of jericho at the sound of the trumpet, and the defeat of an army of , men of midian and amalek with a slaughter of , , by men under gideon, armed with pitchers and trumpets, are on a par with the wandering of , , israelites in the desert for forty years, fed with manna of the size of hoar-frost. the moral atmosphere also continues to be that of red indians down to the time of david, for we read of nothing but murders and massacres, sometimes of other races, sometimes of one tribe by another; while the actions selected for special commendation are like those of jael, who drove a nail into the head of the sleeping fugitive whom she had invited into her tent; or of jephthah, who sacrificed his daughter as an offering to the lord in obedience to a vow. this barbarous state of manners is confirmed by flinders petrie's discoveries at the supposed site of lachish, which show the ruins of a walled city of the amorites, built upon by the mud hovels of a race as rude as the rudest bedouins who now wander on the edge of the arabian desert. the only safe conclusion seems to be that authentic annals of jewish history only begin with the monarchy, and that everything prior to david and solomon, or possibly saul and samuel, consists of myth, legend, and oral tradition, so inextricably blended, and so mixed up with successive later additions, as to give no certain information as to events or dates. all that it is safe to assume is, that in a general way the hebrews were originally a semitic tribe who migrated from chaldæa into palestine and thence into egypt, where they remained for an uncertain time and were oppressed by the national dynasty which expelled the hyksos; that they left egypt probably in the reign of menepthah, and as a consequence of the rebellion recorded by manetho; that they then lived for an unknown time as wandering bedouins on the frontier of palestine in a state of very rude barbarism; and finally burst in like a horde of aztecs on the older and more civilized toltecs of mexico. for a long period after this, perhaps for or years, they lived in a state of chronic warfare with one another, and with their neighbours, massacring and being massacred with the alternate vicissitudes of war, but with the same rudeness and ferocity of superstitions and manners. gradually, however, they advanced in civilization, and something of a national feeling arose, which led to a partial consolidation under priests, and a more complete one under kings. the first king, saul, was opposed by priestly influence and defeated and slain in battle, but a captain of condottieri, david, arose, a man of great energy and military genius, who gradually formed a standing army and conquered province after province, until at his death he left to his successor, solomon, an empire extending from the frontier of egypt to damascus, and from the red sea almost to the mediterranean. this kingdom commanded two of the great commercial routes between the east and west, the caravan route between tyre and babylon, _viâ_ damascus and tadmor, and the route from tyre to the terminus at ezion-gebir, of the sea-routes to arabia, africa, and india. solomon entered into close commercial relations with tyre, and during his long and splendid reign, jerusalem blossomed rapidly into a wealthy and a cultured city, and the surrounding cities and districts shared in the general prosperity. the greatness of the kingdom did not last long, for the revolt of the ten tribes and the growth of other powers soon reduced judæa and samaria to political insignificance; but jerusalem, down to the time of its final destruction by nebuchadnezzar, _i.e._ for a period of some years after solomon, never seems to have lost its character of a considerable and civilized city. it is evident from the later prophets that it was the seat of a good deal of wealth and luxury, for their invectives are, to a great extent, what we should call at the present day, socialist denunciations of the oppression of the poor by the rich, land-grabbing by the powerful, and extravagance of dress by the ladies of fashion. there were hereditary nobles, organized colleges of priests and scribes, and no doubt there was a certain amount of intellectual life and literary activity. but of a sacred book there is no trace until the discovery of one in the temple in the reign of josiah; and the peculiar tenets of modern judaism had no real hold on the mass of the people until after the return from exile and the reforms of ezra and nehemiah. the history, therefore, contained in the old testament is comparatively modern. there is nothing which can be relied on as authentic in regard to events and dates prior to the establishment of the monarchy, and even the wildest myths and the most impossible legends do not carry us back within years of the time when we have genuine historical annals attested by monuments both in egypt and chaldæa. part ii. evidence from science. chapter viii. geology and palÆontology. proved by contemporary monuments--as in history--summary of historical evidence--geological evidence of human periods--neolithic period--palæolithic or quaternary--tertiary--secondary and older periods--the recent or post-glacial period--lake-villages--bronze age--kitchen-middens--scandinavian peat-mosses--neolithic remains comparatively modern--definition of post-glacial period--its duration--mellard read's estimate--submerged forests--changes in physical geography--huxley--objections from america--niagara--quaternary period--immense antiquity--presence of man throughout--first glacial period--scandinavian and laurentian ice-caps--immense extent--mass of _débris_--elevation and depression--in britain--inter-glacial and second glacial periods--antiquity measured by changes of land--lyell's estimate--glacial _débris_ and loess--recent erosion--bournemouth--evans--prestwich--wealden ridge and southern drift--contain human implements--evidence from new world--california. we have now to take leave of historical records and fall back on the exact sciences for further traces of human origins. our guides are still contemporary records, but these are no longer stately tombs and temples, massive pyramids and written inscriptions. instead of these we have flint implements, incised bones, and a few rare specimens of human skulls and skeletons, the meaning of which has to be deciphered by skilled experts in their respective departments of science. still these records tell their tale as conclusively as any hieroglyphic or cuneiform writings in egyptian manuscripts or on babylonian cylinders. the celt, the knife, the lance and arrow-heads, and other weapons and implements, can be traced in an uninterrupted progressive series from the oldest and rudest palæolithic specimens, up to the highly-finished ones of polished stone, and through these into the age of metals, and into historic times and the actual implements of existing savage races. it is impossible to doubt that one of the palæolithic celts from st. acheul or st. prest is as truly a work of the human hand, guided by human intelligence, as a modern axe; and that an arrow-head from moustier or kent's cavern is no more an elf-bolt, or a _lusus naturæ_, than is a winchester rifle. before entering on this new line of investigation, it may be well to sum up briefly the evidence as to the starting-point from history and tradition. the commencement of the strictly historical period takes us back certainly for and in all probability for years in egypt, and certainly for and probably for or years in chaldæa. in each case we find populous cities, important temples and public works, writing and other advanced arts and industries, and all the signs of an old civilization already existing. other nations also evidently then existed with whom these ancient empires had relations of war and of commerce, though the annals of even the oldest of them, such as china, do not carry us back further than from to years. traditions do not add much to our information from monuments, and fade rapidly away into myths and legends. the oldest and most authentic, those of egypt, simply confirm the inference of great antiquity for its civilization prior to menes, but give no clue as to its origin. they neither trace it up to the stone age, which we know existed in the valley of the nile, nor refer it to any foreign source. the egyptian people thought themselves autochthonous, and attributed their arts, industries, and sciences to the inventions of native gods, or demi-gods, who reigned like mortal kings, in a remote and fabulous antiquity. we can gather nothing therefore from tradition that would enable us to add even years with certainty to the date of menes; while from the high state of civilization which had been evolved prior to his accession, from the primitive conditions of the stone period whose remains are found at cairo and thebes, we might fairly add , or , years to his date of years _b.c._, as a matter of probable conjecture for the first dawn of historical civilization. in any case we shall be well within the mark if we take , years as our first unit, or standard of chronological measurement, with which to start in our further researches, as we do with terrestrial standards in gauging the distances of suns and stars. it may be well also to supplement this statement of the historical standard by a brief review of the previous geological periods through which evidences of man's existence can be traced. immediately behind the historic age lies the recent period during which the existing fauna and flora, climate and configuration of seas and lands, have undergone no material change. it is characterized generally as the neolithic period, in which we find polished stone superseding the older and ruder forms of chipped stone, and passing itself into the copper, bronze, and iron ages of early history. it may also be called the recent or post-glacial period, for it coincides with the final disappearance of the last great glaciation, and the establishment of conditions of climate resembling those of the present day. behind this again comes the quaternary or pleistocene period, so called from its fauna, which, although containing extinct species, shows along with them many existing forms, some of which have migrated and some remain. this also may be called the glacial period, for although the commencement, termination, and different phases of the two great glaciations and intermediate inter-glacial periods cannot be exactly defined, and hard-and-fast lines drawn between the later pliocene at one end and the post-glacial at the other, there is no doubt that in a general way the quaternary and glacial periods coincide, and that the changes of climate were to a considerable extent the cause of the changes of flora and fauna. behind the quaternary comes in the tertiary, with its three great divisions of pliocene, miocene, and eocene, each containing numerous subdivisions, and all showing a progressive advance in forms of life, from older and more generalized types towards newer and more specialized ones, and a constant approach towards genera and species now existing. behind the tertiary comes the secondary period, into which it is unnecessary to enter for the present purpose, for all is different, and even mammalian life is only known to be present in a few forms of small and feeble marsupials. nor is it necessary to enter on any detailed consideration of the eocene or earlier tertiary, for the types of mammalian life are so different from those of later periods, that it cannot be supposed that any animal so highly organized as man had then come into existence. the utmost we can suppose is that, as in the case of the horse, some ancestral form from which the quadrumana and man may possibly have been developed may be found. but up to the present time nothing has been found in the eocene more nearly approaching such a missing link than an ancient form of lemur; and it is not until we get into the miocene that any evidence presents itself that man, or some near ancestor of man, may possibly have existed.[ ] [ ] since this was written the scientific world has been startled by the discovery announced by professor ameghino in the lower tertiary, supposed to be eocene, of patagonia, of numerous small monkeys of the american type of cebidæ, affording evidence of the existence of anthropoid primates at this extremely early date.--lydekker in _natural science_ for april . he adds, "perhaps still more noteworthy are the signs of affinity exhibited by these early primates to the extinct south american protopytheridæ. the latter are clearly related to the aberrant ungulate typotherium of the south american tertiaries, which appears to be allied on the one hand to the extinct toxodon, and on the other to the rodents. if substantiated, such an unexpected relationship as that of the american primates to the toxodonts will materially modify some of our present views as to the mutual relationships of mammals." and i may add, throw a flood of light on the question of the "missing link," and the development of man and the quadrumana from a common ancestral type. my present object being not to write a book on geology, but on human origins, i shall not attempt to trace back the geological evidence beyond the miocene, or to enter on any details of the later periods, except so far as they bear on what may be called geological chronology, _i.e._ on the probable dates which may be assigned to the first appearance and subsequent evolution of the human race going back from historical times. beginning with the recent or post-glacial period, the swiss and italian lake-villages supply clear evidence of the progress of man in western europe through the neolithic into the historical period. they afford us an unbroken series of substantially the same state of society, existing down to the time of the romans, for a great many centuries back of communities living in lake-villages built upon piles, like the villages in thrace described by herodotus, or those of the present day in new guinea. some of these have been occupied continuously, so that the _débris_ of different ages are stored in consecutive order like geological strata, and afford an unerring test of their relative antiquity. it is clear that many of those lake-villages were founded in the age of stone, and passed through that of bronze into the age of iron. the oldest settlements belong to the neolithic age, and contain polished stone implements and pottery, but they show a state of civilization not yet very far advanced. the inhabitants were only just emerging from the hunting into the pastoral stage. they lived principally on the produce of the chase, the bones of the stag and wild boar being very plentiful, while those of ox and sheep are rare. agriculture and the cereals seem to have been unknown, though stores of acorns and hazel nuts were found which had been roasted for food. by degrees the bones of wild animals become scarce, and those of ox and sheep common, showing that the pastoral stage had been reached; and the goat, pig, and horse were added to the list of domestic animals--the dog being included from the first, and the horse only at a later period. agriculture follows next in order, and considerable proficiency was attained, barley and wheat being staple articles of food, and apples, pears, and other fruit being stored for winter consumption. flax also was grown, and the arts of spinning and weaving were introduced, so that clothing, instead of being confined to skins, was made of coarse linen and woollen stuffs. the most important advance, however, in the arts of civilization is afforded by the introduction of metals. these begin to appear about the middle of the neolithic period, at first very sparingly, and in a few districts such as spain, upper italy, and hungary, where native copper was found and was hammered into shapes modelled on the old stone implements; but as a general rule, and in all the later settlements, bronze, in new and improved shapes, supersedes stone and copper. for the most part these bronze implements seem to have been obtained by foreign commerce from the phoenicians, etruscans, and other nations bordering on the mediterranean, though in some cases they were cast on the spot from native or imported ores. the existence of bronze, however, must go back to a far greater antiquity than the time when the neolithic people of europe obtained their first supplies from phoenician traders. bronze, as we have seen in a former chapter, is an alloy of two metals, copper and tin, and the hardest and most serviceable alloy is only to be obtained by mixing the two in a certain definite proportion. now it is to be noted, that nearly all the prehistoric bronze found in europe is an alloy in this definite proportion. clearly all this bronze, or the art of making it, must have originated from some common centre. all this, however, is very conjectural, and all that can be concluded from it is, that any indications as to the antiquity of man derived from the bronze age as known to us in europe, hardly carry us back to dates as remote as those furnished by the monuments of egypt and chaldæa. indeed, there are no facts certainly known to us from remains of the bronze age in europe that imply a greater antiquity than or possibly years b.c., a date at which bronze had undoubtedly been already known in egypt and the east for many centuries. the neolithic period which preceded that of metals is of longer duration, but still comparatively recent. attempts have been made to measure it by a sort of natural chronometer in the case of the lake-villages, by comparing the amount of silting up since the villages were built with the known rate of silting up since roman times. the calculations vary very much, and can only be taken as approximative; but the oldest dates assigned do not exceed b.c., and most of them are not more than or b.c. it must be remembered however that the foundation of a lake-village on piles implies a long antecedent neolithic period, to have arrived at a stage of civilization which made the construction of such villages possible. this civilization coincides wonderfully with that of the primitive aryans as shown by linguistic palæontology. the discussion as to the origin of the aryans has thrown a great deal of light on this question, and has gone far to dispel the old notion that they radiated from some centre in asia, and overran europe in successive waves. on the contrary, all the evidence and all the best authorities point to their having occupied, when we first get traces of them, pretty much the same districts of the great plain of northern europe and southern russia as we now find them in, and developed there their distinct dialects and nationalities; while the words common to all or nearly all the aryan families point to their having been pastoral nomads, in a state of civilization very like that of the earlier lake-villagers, before this separation took place. the scandinavian kitchen-middens, or shell-mounds, carry us further back into this early neolithic period. the shell-mounds which are found in great numbers along the baltic shore of denmark are often of great size. they are formed of an accumulation of shells of oysters, mussels, and other shell-fish, bones of wild animals, birds, and fish, all of existing species, with numerous implements of flint or bone, and occasional fragments of coarse pottery. they are decidedly more archaic than the lake-dwellings, showing a much ruder civilization of savages living like the fuegians of the present day, in scanty tribes on the sea-shore, supported mainly by shell-fish, supplemented by the chase of wild animals. the dog was their only domestic animal, and their only arts the fabrication of rude pottery and implements of stone and bone, unless it can be inferred from the occasional presence of bones of cod and other deep-sea fish, that they possessed some form of boat or canoe, and had hooks and lines or nets. these mounds must have taken an enormous time to accumulate, for they are very numerous, and often of great bulk, some of them being feet long, feet wide, and ten feet thick. how long such masses must have taken to accumulate must be apparent when we consider that the state of civilization implies a very scanty population. it has been calculated that if the neolithic population of denmark required as many square miles for its support as the similar existing populations of greenland and patagonia, their total number could not have exceeded , and each mound must have been the accumulation of perhaps two or three families. ancient, however, as these mounds must be, they are clearly neolithic. they are sharply distinguished from the far older remains of the palæolithic period by the knowledge, however rude, of pottery and polished stone, and still more by the fauna, which is entirely recent, and from which the extinct animals of the quaternary period have disappeared; while the position of the mounds shows that only slight geological changes, such as are now going on, have occurred since they were accumulated. similar mounds, on even a larger scale, occur on the sea-coasts of various districts in europe and america, but they afford no indication of their date beyond that of great antiquity. the peat-mosses of denmark have been appealed to as affording something like a conjectural date for the early neolithic period in that country. these are formed in hollows of the glacial drift, which have been small lakes or ponds in the midst of forests, into which trees have fallen, and which have become gradually converted into peat by the growth of marsh plants. it is clearly established that there have been three successive ages of forest growth, the upper one of beech, below it one of oak, and lowest of all one of fir. the implements and relics found in the beech stratum are all modern, those in the oak stratum are of the later neolithic and bronze ages, and those in the lowest, or fir-horizon, are earlier and ruder neolithic, resembling those found in the older lake-villages and shell-mounds. now beech has been the characteristic forest tree of denmark certainly since the roman period, or for years, and no one can say for how much longer. if the speculations as to the origin of the aryan race in northern europe are correct, it must have been for very much longer, as the word for beech is common to so many of the dialects into which the primitive aryan language became divided. the stages of oaks and firs must equally have been of long duration, and the different stages could only have been brought about by slow secular variations of climate during the post-glacial period. still this affords no reliable information as to specific dates, and we can only take steenstrup's calculation of from to , years for the formation of some of these peat-bogs as a very vague estimate, and this only carries us back to a time when egypt and chaldæa must have been already densely peopled, and far advanced in civilization. on the whole, it seems that the neolithic arrow-heads found in egypt, and the fragments of pottery brought up by borings through the deposits of the nile, are the oldest certain human relics of the neolithic age which have yet been discovered, and these do not carry us back further than a possible date of , or , years b.c. nor is there any certainty that any of the neolithic remains found in the newer deposits of rivers and the upper strata of caves go further, or even so far back as these relics of an egyptian stone period. all that the evidence really shows is, that while the neolithic period must have lasted for a long time as compared with historical standards, its duration is almost infinitesimally small as compared with that of the preceding palæolithic period. thus in kent's cavern neolithic remains are only found in a small surface layer of black earth from three to twelve inches thick; while below this, palæolithic implements and a quaternary fauna occur in an upper stalagmite one to three feet thick, below it in red cave earth five to six feet thick; then in a lower stalagmite in places ten or twelve feet thick, and below it again in a breccia three or four feet thick. this is confirmed by the evidence of all the caves explored in all parts of the world, which uniformly show any neolithic remains confined to a superficial layer of a few inches with many feet of palæolithic strata below them. and river-drifts in the same manner show neolithic remains confined to the alluvia and peat-beds of existing streams, while palæolithic remains occur during the whole series of deposits while these rivers were excavating their present valleys. if we say feet for inches, or twelve for one, we shall be well within the mark in estimating the comparative duration of the palæolithic and neolithic periods, as measured by the thickness of their deposits in caves and river-drifts; and as we shall see hereafter, other geological evidence from elevations and depressions, denudations and depositions, point to even a higher figure. in going back from the neolithic into the palæolithic period, we are confronted by the difficulty to which i have already referred, of there being no hard-and-fast lines by which geological eras are clearly separated from one another. zoologically there seems to be a very decided break between the recent and the quaternary. the instances are rare and doubtful in which we can see any trace of the remains of palæolithic man, and of the fauna of extinct animals, passing gradually into those of neolithic and recent times. but geologically there is no such abrupt break. we cannot draw a line at the culmination of the last great glaciation and say, here the glacial period ends and the post-glacial begins. nor can we say of any definite period or horizon, this is glacial and this recent. a great number of palæolithic remains and of quaternary fossils are undoubtedly post-glacial in the sense of being found in deposits which have accumulated since the last great glaciers and ice-caps began to retreat. existing valleys have been excavated to a great extent since the present rivers, swollen by the melting snows and torrential rains of this period of the latest glacial retreat, superseded old lines of drainage, and began to wear down the surface of the earth into its present aspect. this phase is more properly included in the term glacial, for both the coming on and the disappearance of the periods of intense cold are as much part of the phenomenon as their _maximum_ culmination, and very probably occupied much longer intervals of time. in like manner, we cannot positively say when this post-glacial period ended and the recent began. not, i should say, until the exceptional effects of the last great glacial period had finally disappeared, and the climate, geographical conditions, and fauna had assumed nearly or entirely the modern conditions in which we find them at the commencement of history. and this may have been different in different countries, for local conditions might make the glacial period commence sooner and continue later in some districts than in others. thus in north america, where the glaciation was more intense, and the ice-cap extended some ten degrees further south than in europe, it might well be that it was later in retreating and disappearing. the elevation of the laurentian highlands into the region of perpetual snow was evidently one main factor of the american ice-cap, just as that of scandinavia was of that of europe, and it by no means follows that their depression was simultaneous. it would be unwise, for instance, to take the time occupied in cutting back the niagara gorge by a river which only began to run at some stage of the post-glacial period, as an absolute test of the duration of that period all over the world. indeed, the glacial period cannot be said to have ended and the post-glacial begun at the present day in greenland, if the disappearance of the ice-cap over very extensive regions is to be taken as the test. any approximation to the duration of the post-glacial period in any given locality can only be obtained by defining its commencement with the first deposits which lie above the latest glacial drift, and measuring the amount of work done since. this has been done very carefully by the officers of the geological survey and other eminent authorities in england and scotland, and the result clearly shows that since the last glaciation left the country buried in a thick mantle of boulder-clay and drift, such an amount of denudation, and such movements of elevation and depression have taken place, as must have required a great lapse of time. the most complete attempt at an estimate of this time is that made by mr. mellard read of the geological survey, from the changes proved to have occurred in the mersey valley. in this case it is shown that the valley, almost in its present dimensions, must have been first carved out of an uniform plain of glacial drift and upper boulder-clay by sub-aërial denudation; then that a depression let the sea into the valley and accumulated a series of estuarine clays and silts; then an elevation raised the whole into a plain on which grew an extensive forest of oak rooted in the clays; this again must have subsided and let in the sea for a second time, which must have remained long enough to leave a large estuarine deposit, and finally the whole must have been raised to the present level before historical times. the phenomenon of the submerged forest is a very general one, being traced along almost all the sea-coasts of western europe, where shelving shores and sheltered bays favour the preservation of patches of this primæval forest. it testifies to a considerable amount of elevation and subsequent depression, for its remains can be traced below low-water mark, and are occasionally dredged up far out to sea, and stately oaks could not have flourished unless more or less continental conditions had prevailed. it is evident that in this age of forests the german ocean must have been dry land, and the continent of europe must have extended beyond the orkneys and hebrides, probably to the hundred fathom line. such movements of elevation and depression, so far as we know anything of them, are extremely slow. there has been no change in the fords of rivers in britain since roman times, and the spit connecting st. michael's mount with cornwall was dry at ebb and covered at flood as at the present day, when the british carted their tin across it to trade with the phoenicians years ago. mr. read goes into elaborate calculations based on the time required for these geological changes, and arrives at the conclusion that they point to a date of not less than , or , years ago for the commencement of the post-glacial period. these calculations are disputed, but it seems certain that several multiples of the historical standard of say , years, must be required to measure the period since the glacial age finally disappeared, and the earth, with its existing fauna, climate, and geographical conditions, came fairly into view. this is confirmed by the great changes which have taken place in the distribution of land and water since the quaternary period. huxley, in an article on the aryan question, points out that in recent times four great separate bodies of water--the black sea, the caspian, the sea of aral, and lake balkash--occupied the southern end of the vast plains which extend from the arctic sea to the highlands of the balkan peninsula, of asia minor, of persia and afghanistan, and of the high plateaux of central asia, as far as the altai. but he says, "this state of things is comparatively modern. at no very distant period the land of asia minor was continuous with that of europe, across the present site of the bosphorus, forming a barrier several hundred feet high, which dammed up the waters of the black sea. a vast extent of eastern europe and of west-central asia thus became one vast ponto-aralian mediterranean, into which the largest rivers of europe and asia, the danube, volga, oxus, and jaxartes, discharged their waters, and which sent its overflow northwards through the present basin of the obi." the time necessary for such changes goes far to confirm mellard read's estimate for the long duration of the recent or post-glacial period. in fact, all the evidence from the old world goes to confirm the long duration of the post-glacial period, and the immensely greater antiquity of the glacial period taken as a whole. it is only from the new world that any serious arguments are forthcoming to abridge those periods, or rather the post-glacial period, for that alone is affected by the facts adduced. it is said that recent measurements of the recession of the falls of niagara show, that instead of requiring , years, as estimated by lyell, to cut back the gorge of seven miles from kingston to the falls, , years at the outside would have been amply sufficient; and that this is confirmed by the gorges of other rivers, such as that of the mississippi at st. paul's. the evidence is not conclusive, for it depends on the rate of erosion going on for the last twenty or thirty years, which may obviously give a different result from the true average, and in fact older estimates, based on longer periods, gave the rate adopted by lyell. but if we admit the accuracy of the modern estimates, it does not affect the total duration of the glacial period, but simply that of a late phase of the post-glacial, when the ice-cap which covered north america to a depth often of or feet, had melted away and shrunk back miles from its original southern boundary, so as to admit of the waters of the great lakes finding an outlet to the north-east instead of by the old drainage to the south. nothing is more likely than that, as the great laurentian ice-cap of america was deeper and extended further than the scandinavian ice-cap of europe, it may have taken longer to melt the larger accumulation of ice, and thus postponed the establishment of post-glacial conditions and river-drainage to a later period than in the warmer and more insular climate of europe. it is a matter of everyday observation, that the larger a snowball is the longer it takes to melt, and that when the mass is large it requires a long time to make it disappear even after mild weather has set in. the only other argument for a short glacial period is drawn from the rate of advance of the glaciers in greenland, which is shown to be much more rapid than that of the glaciers of switzerland, from which former calculations had been made. but obviously the rate at which the fronts of glaciers advance when forced by a mass of continental ice down fiords on a steep descending gradient, into a deep sea, where the front is floated off in icebergs, affords no clue as to that of an ice-cap spread, with a front of miles, over half a continent, retarded by friction, and surmounting mountain chains feet high. nor does the rate of advance afford the slightest clue to the time during which the ice-cap may have remained stationary, alternately advanced and retreated, and finally disappeared.[ ] [ ] the following is the latest pronouncement on the subject from a well-known american geologist:-- "students of the ice age will read with interest a paper by mr. n. s. shaler on the antiquity of the last glacial period, submitted to the boston society of natural history, and printed in the latest instalment of the society's proceedings. mr. shaler differs decidedly from those geologists who suppose that the end of the glacial period is probably not very remote from our own day. one of the strongest of his arguments is derived from the distribution of the vegetation, which in america has regained possession, by migration, of the glaciated district. we must conceive, he points out, that as the ice retreated and gradually disappeared from the surface, a considerable time elapsed before existing forests attained their organization. he assumes as certain that the black walnut and the pignut hickory, between western minnesota and the atlantic coast, have advanced, on the average, a distance of miles north of the ancient ice front to which their ancestors were driven by the presence of the glacial sheet. for several reasons he believes that the northward progress of these forms must have been due mainly, not to the action of streams or tornadoes, but to the natural spread of the seed from the extremities of boughs, and to the carriage of the seed by rodents. but allowing for every conceivable method of transportation, he argues that a period of ten or even twenty thousand years is wholly inadequate to account for the present distribution of these large-seeded trees. if they occurred only sporadically in the northernmost part of the field they occupy, their implantation might be regarded as due to chance action. the fact, however, that they extend from the atlantic to minnesota indicates that the advance was accomplished by causes of a general and continuous nature." we have now to adjust our time-telescope to a wider range, and see what the quaternary or glacial period teaches us as to the antiquity of man. the first remark is, that if the post-glacial period is much longer than that for which we have historical records, the glacial exceeds the post-glacial in a far higher proportion. the second, that throughout the whole of this glacial period, from its commencement to its close, we have conclusive evidence of the existence of man, and that not only in a few limited localities, but widely spread over nearly all the habitable regions of the earth. the first point has been so conclusively established by all geologists of all countries, from the time of lyell down to the present day, that it is unnecessary to enter on any detailed arguments, and the leading facts may be taken as established. it may be sufficient, therefore, if i give a short summary of those facts, and quote a few of the instances which show the enormous lapse of time which must have elapsed between the close of the tertiary and the commencement of the modern epoch. the glacial period was not one and simple, but comprised several phases. during the pliocene the climate was gradually becoming colder, and either towards its close or at the commencement of the quaternary, this culminated in a first and most intense glaciation. ice-caps radiating from scandinavia crept outwards, filling up the north sea, crossing valleys and mountains, and covering with their boulders and moraines a wide circle, embracing britain down to the thames valley, germany to the hartz mountains, and russia almost as far east as the urals. in north america a still more massive ice-cap overflowed mountain ranges feet high, and covered the whole eastern half of the continent with an unbroken mantle of ice as far south as new york and washington. at the same time every great mountain chain and high plateau sent out enormous glaciers, which, in the case of the alps, filled up the valley of the rhone and the lake of geneva, buried the whole of the lower country of switzerland under feet of ice, and left the boulders of its terminal moraine, carried from the mont blanc range, at that height on the opposite range of the jura. nor is this a solitary instance. we find everywhere traces of enormous glaciers in the pyrenees and carpathians, the atlas and lebanon, the taurus and caucasus, the highlands of scotland, ireland, and wales; in the rocky mountains and sierra nevada; the andes and cordilleras of south america; in south africa and in new zealand. these may not have all been simultaneous, but they certainly all belong to the same period of the great glaciation, and show that it must have been affected by some general cause, and not been entirely due to mere local accidents. how this first great glacial period came on, or how long it lasted, we do not know, unless croll's astronomical theory, which will be considered later, affords a clue. but we know generally that it must have lasted for an immense time from the amount of work done and the changes which took place. the ice, which covered so great a portion of the northern hemisphere, was not a polar ice-cap, but spread outwards in all directions from great masses of elevated land, as is proved conclusively from the direction of the striæ which were engraved by it on the subjacent rocks. this land must have been more elevated than at present, so as to rise, like greenland, far into the region of perpetual snow, where all rain falls and accumulates in the solid form; and also to supply the enormous mass of _débris_ which the ice-caps and glaciers left behind them. it is not too much to say that a million of square miles in europe, and more in north america, were covered by the _débris_ of rocks ground down by these glaciers, and often to great depths. most of the _débris_ of the first glaciation have been removed by denudation, or ploughed out by the second great advance of the ice, leaving only the larger and harder boulders to testify to their extent; but enough remains to show that the first series of boulder-clays and drifts must have been on a scale larger than those of the second and subsequent glaciations, which now form the superficial stratum of so much of the earth's surface, and often attain a depth of several hundred feet. wright, in his _ice age in north america_, estimates that "not less than , , square miles of territory in north america is still covered with an average depth of fifty feet of glacial _débris_." however, this first period of elevation and of intense glaciation passed away, and was succeeded by one of depression and of milder climate. whether or no the depression was due, as some think, to the weight of the enormous mass of ice weighing down the yielding crust of the earth, and whether or no the milder climate was partly occasioned by this depression letting in the sea, the fact is certain that the two coincided, and were general and not merely local phenomena. marine shells at the top of what are now high hills, and which during the preceding glaciation were probably higher, attest the fact that a large amount of land must have sunk below the sea towards the close of this first glacial period. it is equally clear that a long inter-glacial period ensued, during which many changes took place in the geographical conditions and in the fauna and flora, requiring a very long time. thus britain, which had been reduced to an arctic archipelago, in which only a few of the highest mountain peaks emerged as frozen islands, became united to the continent, and the abode of a fauna consisting in great part of african animals. at one time boreal shells were deposited, at the bottom of an arctic ocean, on what is now the top of moel-tryfen in wales, a hill feet above the present sea-level; while at another the hippopotamus found its way, in some great river flowing from the south, as far north as yorkshire, and the remains of african animals such as the hyena accumulated in our caves. in southern france we had at one time a vegetation of the arctic willow and reindeer moss, at another that of the fig-tree and canary-laurel. when we consider that little if any change has occurred either in geographical conditions or in fauna or flora, within the historical period of some , years, it is difficult to assign the time which would be sufficient to bring about such changes by any known natural causes. and yet it comprises only a portion of the glacial period, for after this inter-glacial period had lasted for an indefinite time the climate again became cold, and culminated in a second glaciation, which, if not equal to the first, was still of extreme severity, and brought back ice-caps and glaciers almost to their former limits, passing away slowly and with several vicissitudes and alternate retreats and advances. it is not always easy to determine the position of each individual phase of the two glacial and the inter-glacial periods, for they must often be intermixed, and the results of the last glaciation and of subsequent denudation have to a great extent obscured those of the earlier periods. but taking a general view of the glacial period as a whole, there are a few leading facts which testify conclusively to its immense antiquity. first, there is the amount of elevation and depression. we have seen that marine arctic shells have been found on the top of moel-tryfen, feet above the present sea-level. nor is this an isolated instance, for marine drifts apparently of the same character have been traced on the mountains of scotland, wales, and ireland to a height of between and feet. in norway, also, old sea beaches are found up to a height of feet. nor are these great movements confined to the old world or to limited localities. according to professor le conte, at the last meeting of the geological congress at washington, a great continental movement, commencing in the later tertiary and terminating in the beginning of the quaternary, caused changes of level amounting to or feet on both sides of the continent of north america. now elevation and depression of large masses of land are, as far as we know anything certain about them, very slow processes, especially in countries unaffected by recent volcanic action, which is the case with nearly all the regions in north america and europe which were covered by the great ice-sheets. there has been little or no perceptible change anywhere since the commencement of history, and the only accurate measurements of changes now going on are those made in sweden, where it appears that in some cases elevation, and in others depression, is taking place at the rate of about two and a half feet in a century. in volcanic regions earthquakes have occasionally caused movements of greater amount in limited areas, but there is no trace of anything of the sort in these movements of the glacial period which have apparently gone on by slight secular changes in the earth's crust as they are now doing in scandinavia. but in this case a depression of feet, followed by an elevation of equal amount, at lyell's rate of two and a half feet per century, would require , years, without allowing for any pauses during the process. and this only embraces part of the whole glacial period, for the depression did not begin until after the climax of the first great glaciation, when the land probably stood higher than at present. of course the actual movements may have been more rapid, but unless we resort to the exploded theories of cataclysms and catastrophes, the time for such movements must have been very great. an equally conclusive proof of the immense antiquity of the glacial period is afforded by the formation known as the loess, which fills up so many of the valley systems of europe, asia, and america to great depths, and spreads over the adjacent table-lands. it is a tranquil land deposit of fine glacial mud, from sheets of water which inundated the country when great rivers from glaciated districts ran at higher levels, and began to excavate their present valleys. lyell estimates the thickness of this deposit in the rhine valley at feet, and it is found at much higher levels on upland plains. now this loess is not a marine or lacustrine deposit, as is proved by the shells it contains, which are all of land species; nor is it a deposit of running water, for there are no sands or gravels, but distinctly such a deposit from tranquil sheets of muddy water as is now accumulated in egypt by the inundations of the nile. when the rhine brought down such volumes of muddy water from the glaciers of the alps as to overflow the upland plains, it must have flowed at a level many hundred feet higher than its present valley, which must have been since scooped out by sub-aërial denudation. the rate of deposition of the nile mud is about three inches per century, and there seems no reason why that of the fine glacial mud should have been more rapid, charged as the nile is every year with mud from the torrential rains of the abyssinian highlands. at this rate it would have required , years to accumulate the feet of loess of the rhine valley. here again the rate may have been faster, but it is sufficient to show that an immense time must have elapsed, and the loess is a distinctly glacial deposit, containing palæolithic human remains and a pleistocene fauna, and embracing only a portion of the quaternary period. nor is it an isolated phenomenon confined to europe, but is found over the whole world wherever rivers have flowed from regions which were formerly buried under ice and snow. it is found in great force in the valleys of the yang-tse-kang and the mississippi, and sir charles lyell, referring to the fossil human bone found in it at natchez, says--"my reluctance in to regard the fossil human bone as of post-pliocene date arose, in part, from the reflection that the ancient loess of natchez is anterior in time to the whole modern delta of the mississippi. the table-land was, i believe, once a part of the original alluvial plain or delta of the great river before it was upraised. it has now risen more than feet above its pristine level. after the upheaval, or during it, the mississippi cut through the whole fluviatile formation, of which its bluffs are now formed, just as the rhine has in many parts of its valley excavated a passage through its ancient loess. if i was right in calculating that the present delta of the mississippi has acquired, as a minimum of time, more than , years for its growth, it would follow, if the claims of the natchez man to have coexisted with the mastodon are admitted, that north america was peopled more than a thousand centuries ago by the human race. but, even were that true, we could not presume, reasoning from ascertained geological data, the natchez bone was anterior in date to the antique flint _haches_ of st. acheul." human remains have since been found in the united states, both in the loess and in drifts, which are presumably older; but even if this were doubtful, the evidence would remain the same for the immense time required for such a deposit, and there is abundant proof in europe, that human implements, and even skulls and skeletons, have been found at considerable depths in the loess, along with remains of the mammoth and other extinct animals. it must be remembered also, that the loess is only one part of the work due to glacial erosion. it is, in fact, only the deposit of the fine mud ground from the rocks by glaciers, and carried down further by rivers issuing from them than the coarser _débris_, which, as we have seen, cover , , square miles to an average depth of fifty feet in north america alone. the volumes, therefore, of the loess and of the _débris_ correspond, and tell the same story of enormous erosion requiring immense periods of time. even in comparatively recent times striking proofs of immense antiquity are afforded by the amounts of denudation and erosion which have taken place since the ice disappeared and the lands and seas assumed substantially their present contours and levels. i will give one instance which, although comparatively modern, will come home readily to most british readers. dr. evans in his _ancient stone implements_, referring to those found at bournemouth feet above the present sea-level in the gravels of the old solent river, which then ran at that height, says-- "who, standing on the edge of the lofty cliff at bournemouth, and gazing over the wide expanse of waters between the present shore and a line connecting the needles on the one hand and the ballard-down foreland on the other, can fully comprehend how immensely remote was the epoch when what is now that vast bay was high and dry land, and a long range of chalk downs, feet above the sea, bounded the horizon on the south? and yet this must have been the sight that met the eyes of those primæval men who frequented that ancient river, which buried their handiworks in gravels that now cap the cliffs, and of the course of which so strange but indubitable a memorial subsists, in what has now become the solent sea." and the same may be said of the still wider strait which separates england from france. no geologist could look either at the needles and ballard foreland, or at shakespeare's cliff and cape grisnez, without a conviction that the chalk ridge was once continuous, and has been worn away, inch by inch, by the very same process as is now going on. nor can the action of ice or river floods be evoked to accelerate the process, for evidently it has throughout been a case of marine erosion. the only question is whether this dates back even into the later phases of the glacial period, for the opposite cliffs show no sign of having been either depressed beneath the sea or elevated above it, but rather appear to have stood at their present level since the erosion began. in any case it can only have occupied a comparatively short and recent phase of the glacial period, for there is abundant evidence that the british islands have been connected with the continent in comparatively recent times. great, however, as is the antiquity shown by these comparatively modern instances, they sink into insignificance compared with that shown by a recent discovery, which i quote the more readily because it rests on the high authority of professor prestwich, who has been foremost among modern geologists in reducing the time required for the glacial period and for the existence of man. this is afforded by the upland gravels in kent and surrey, which are scattered over wide areas of the chalk downs and green-sand, at elevations far above existing valleys and watersheds, and which could only have been deposited before the present rivers began to run, and when the configuration of the country was altogether different. quite recently mr. harrison, a shopkeeper at ightham in kent, who is an ardent field-geologist, discovered palæolithic implements, in considerable numbers and in various localities, up to an elevation of feet above the sea level, in these gravels of the great southern drift. these discoveries, which have since been repeated by other observers, led professor prestwich to institute an exhaustive inquiry as to these upland drifts; and the startling conclusion he arrives at is, that the oldest of them, or great southern drift, in which the implements are found, could only have come from a mountain range to feet high, which formerly ran from east to west in the line of the anticlinal axis which runs down the centre of the present weald of kent, between the north and south chalk-downs, and which has been since worn down to the present low forest-ridge by sub-aërial denudation. the reasoning by which this inference is supported seems irresistible. the drift could not have been deposited by the present rivers or with the present configuration of the country, for it is found at levels or feet higher than the highest watersheds between the existing valleys. it consists not only of chalk flints, but to a great extent of cherts and sandstones, such as are found at present in the forest-ridge of the wealden and nowhere else. it must have been brought by water, for the gravels are to a considerable extent rounded and water-worn. this water must have run down-hill and with considerable velocity during floods, from the size of the rolled stones, and it must have come from the south, because the cherts and grits are only found there, and because the levels at which the gravels are found rise in that direction. by following these levels as far as the present surface extends, which is to the southern edge of the green-sand, it is easy to plot out what must have been the continuation of this rising gradient to the south, and what the elevation of the southern range in which these northward-flowing streams took their origin. prestwich has gone into the question in full detail, and his conclusion is, that the height of this wealden ridge must have been at least feet, or in other words, that about feet must have disappeared by denudation. this is the more conclusive as prestwich is the highest authority, and he approached the subject with a bias for shortening rather than lengthening the periods commonly assigned for the glacial epoch and the antiquity of man. the present average rate of denudation of continents has been approximately measured by calculating the amount of solid matter brought down by rivers. it varies a good deal according to the nature of the area drained, but the average is about one foot in years. at this rate the time required for the removal of feet of the wealden ridge would be no less than , , years; but of course this would be no fair test, as denudation would be vastly more rapid than the present average rate, on hilly ranges and under glacial conditions of climate. it is enough to say that the time required must have been extremely great, and quite ample to fit in with the most extended time required by croll's theory of the varying eccentricity of the earth's orbit. it is to be noted also, that prestwich pronounces part of this high level or southern drift to be older than the westleton pebble drift which forms part of the upper pliocene series in suffolk and norfolk, and which the professor has traced over many of our southern counties. if this conclusion is correct, it solves the problem of tertiary man by showing numerous palæolithic implements in a stage older than an undoubted pliocene bed. the implements found in these high-level southern drifts are all of a very rude type, and the discovery is confirmed by similar implements having been found at corresponding elevations on the chalk downs of hertfordshire and on the south downs.[ ] [ ] in a recent paper read to the anthropological society by professor prestwich, in feb. , he confirms the above statement, and says that specimens have now been found at heights of from to feet, and extending over an area of twenty miles in length; while similar implements have been found on the south downs near eastbourne feet above the sea level; and at heights of and feet on the hills near dunstable. he says, "looking at the very distinctive features of those plateau implements, such as their rudeness of make, choice of material, depth of wear and staining, peculiarity of form--taken in conjunction with the extreme rarity of valley forms--they constitute characters so essentially different from those of the latter implements, that by these characters alone they might be attributed to a more primitive race of men; and as this view accords with the geological evidence, which shows that the drift-beds on the chalk plateau with implements are older than the valley drifts, i do not see how we are to avoid the conclusion, that not only was the plateau race not contemporary with the valley men, but also that the former belonged to a period considerably anterior to the latter--either an early glacial or a pre-glacial period." i will mention only one other instance, which shows that the new world confirms the conclusion as to the antiquity of the quaternary age. the auriferous gravels of california consist of an enormous mass of _débris_ washed down by pre-glacial or early glacial rivers from the western slopes of the great coast range. during their deposition they became interstratified with lavas and tuffs from eruptions of volcanoes long since extinct, and finally covered by an immense flow of basalts, which formed a gently inclined plane from the sierra nevada to the pacific. this plane was attacked by the denudations of the existing river-courses, and cut down into a series of flat-topped hills, divided by steep cañons and by the valleys of the present great rivers. in one case, that of the colombia river, this denudation has been carried down to a depth of over feet, and the river flows between precipitous cliffs of this height. the present gold-mining is carried on mainly by shafts and tunnels driven through superficial gravels and sheets of basalts and tuffs, to the gravels of the pre-glacial rivers, which are brought down in great masses by hydraulic jets. in a great number of these cases stone implements of undoubted human origin have been found at great depths under several successive sheets of basalts, tuffs, and gravels. mr. skertchly, an eminent english geologist, who recently visited the district, says of these gravels, "whatever may be their absolute age from a geological standpoint, their immense antiquity historically is beyond question. the present great river system of the sacramento, joaquin, and other rivers has been established; cañons feet deep have been carried through lava, gravels, and into the bed rock; and the gravels, once the bed of large rivers, now cap hills feet high. there is ample ground for the belief that these gravels are of pliocene age, but the presence of objects of human formation invests them with a higher interest to the anthropologist than even to the geologist." i will return to this subject more fully in a later chapter, when dealing with the question of the human remains found in these californian gravels. those who wish to pursue the subject further will find abundant evidence in the works of lyell, geikie, evans, boyd dawkins, and other modern geologists, and a popular summary of it in my _modern science and modern thought_. it is sufficient for my present purpose to have shown that even taking the quaternary period alone, geology shows that there is an abundant balance in the bank of time to meet any demands that may be made upon it by any of the kindred sciences. but it is to those we must look for any chance of even an approximate measurement in years or centuries, for geology and palæontology only show immense periods, but give no certain information as to definite durations. the clue, if any, must be sought in croll's astronomical theory of the glacial period, which i now proceed to consider. chapter ix. the glacial period and croll's theory. causes of glacial periods--actual conditions of existing glacial regions--high land in high latitudes--cold alone insufficient--large evaporation required--formation of glaciers--they flow like rivers--icebergs--greenland and antarctic circle--geographical and cosmic causes--cooling of earth and sun, cold spaces in space, and change in earth's axis, reviewed and rejected--precession alone insufficient--unless with high eccentricity--geographical causes, elevation of land--aerial and oceanic currents--gulf stream and trade winds--evidence for greater elevation of land in america, europe, and asia--depression--warmer tertiary climates--alps and himalayas--wallace's _island life_--lyell--croll's theory--sir r. ball--former glacial periods--correspondence with croll's theory--length of the different phases--summary--croll's theory a secondary cause--conclusions as to man's antiquity. i turn from the effects to the causes of that great glacial period which has been described in the last chapter. this line of investigation is peculiarly interesting in the search after human origins, for it affords the only chance of reducing the vague periods of immense duration shown by geology, to something like a definite chronology of years and centuries. if astronomical causes, the dates of which admit of mathematical calculation, can be shown to have been, if not the sole or principal, yet one of the causes which must have influenced the phenomena of the glacial epoch, we may assume these dates for the occurrence of the human remains which accompany these phenomena. otherwise we must fall back on immense antiquity, which may mean anything from , or , , to , or , , years, since the first authentic evidence for palæolithic man. the first step towards an investigation of the cause of glacial periods, is to consider what are the conditions of the actual ones which are now prevailing. we have one such period in greenland, another in the antarctic region, a third in high mountain chains like those of alaska, and of the swiss and new zealand alps. in all these cases we find certain common conditions. high land in high latitudes, rising in great masses above the snow-line or temperature which condenses water in the solid form; and winds which are charged with great quantities of watery vapour raised by evaporation, to be so condensed. cold alone is insufficient to produce glaciers and ice-caps, as may be seen by the example of the coldest regions in the world, siberia and the tundras of northern asia and of north america, where the earth is permanently frozen to a depth of many feet; but there are no glaciers, the reason obviously is, that there is no sufficient supply of moist air from warm oceans to furnish more snow in winter than is melted in summer. heat is in a certain sense as necessary as cold to account for glacial periods, for snow and ice can no more than other things be made out of nothing, and every snowflake implies an equal amount of aqueous vapour raised somewhere else by evaporation. but if an abundant supply of liquid or gaseous water is combined with cold sufficient to condense it into the solid form, it becomes fixed, and if the summer heat is insufficient to melt the excess of snow, it necessarily accumulates. the growth of glaciers, follows as an inevitable consequence. the snow is converted into ice by pressure and by alternate freezing and melting, and this grows year by year, until an equilibrium is established by the ice pushing down glaciers into lower levels, where the melting is more rapid, or into the sea, where the front is floated off in icebergs, and drifts into lower latitudes. the process is the same as that by which the rainfall on high levels is drained off by rivers into the sea, so that an equilibrium is established between waste and supply. and it is to be remarked that the glacier, though composed of solid ice, behaves exactly like a river, or rather like a river of some viscous fluid like pitch or treacle. its size depends on the magnitude of the reservoir or area drained by it; it conforms to the configuration of the valley by which it descends and the obstacles which it encounters; it flows rapidly, and with a broken current, through narrow gorges and down steep inclines; slowly and tranquilly over wide and level areas; its velocity is greatest at the surface and in the middle where friction is least, slowest at the bottom and sides where it is greatest. in short a glacier is simply a solid and slowly-flowing river, discharging an excess of solid ice to the lower level from which it came, just as a liquid river does with the rainfall of warmer regions. the cause of this tendency of solid and brittle ice to flow like a viscous fluid is not quite understood, though recent researches, especially those of tyndall, have thrown a good deal of light upon it; but all glacialists are agreed on the _fact_ that it does so, and we can argue from it with great confidence as to the conditions under which glaciation has acted in the past and is now acting. thus even if namsen had never crossed greenland, or ross had never discovered mounts erebus and terror, we might have inferred with certainty the existence of enormous ice-caps, implying continental masses of elevated land, in both the arctic and antarctic circles, from the number and size of the icebergs floated off into the northern atlantic and southern pacific oceans. icebergs are frequently met with in the latter down to ° south latitude, or even lower, of a mile in length and feet high above the sea; and in some instances icebergs three miles long and feet high have been recorded. as upwards of eight feet of ice must be under water for every foot that floats above it, some of these icebergs must be considerably over a mile in thickness, which implies that there must be land ice towards the south pole so thick that it is, in places, over feet in thickness at its outer margin. it has been estimated from the great size and abundance of these icebergs, that in the interior of the great antarctic continent the ice may be twenty miles or more thick, and in greenland the great interior ice-cap rises in a dome to at least or , feet above the sea-level, a great part of which is solid ice, while during the great glacial period it was certainly very much thicker. as a first step therefore towards a solution of the problem of the glacial period we may start with the axiom that it requires abundant evaporation, combined with a temperature low enough to precipitate an excess of that evaporation in the solid form. this does not necessarily imply any great and permanent refrigeration of the whole earth, for although this would give the cold it would not give the evaporation, and would tend rather to extend the conditions of siberia than those of greenland. longer and colder winters with shorter and hotter summers would seem more adapted to the growth of glaciers. but for a more exact investigation our next step must be to inquire what are the causes which may have produced these postulates of a glacial period, lower temperature with larger evaporation. they may be classed under two heads. st. geographical causes, arising from latitude, aërial and oceanic currents, and a different distribution of sea and land. nd. cosmic causes, such as variations of solar and terrestrial heat, passage through colder regions of space, the position of the poles, precession, and the eccentricity of the earth's orbit. all these have had supporters in their time, but the result of the latest science has been to leave only two seriously in the field--lyell's theory of a different distribution and elevation of sea and land, carrying with it changes in aërial and oceanic currents; and croll's theory of the effects of precession combined with high eccentricity of the earth's orbit. thus, of the geographical causes, latitude is no doubt an important factor in determining temperature, but it cannot of itself be the cause of the glacial periods, for it has remained unchanged through all the vicissitudes of heat and cold in geological times. the latitude of greenland and spitzbergen is presumably the same now as it was in the miocene period, when they were the seat of a luxuriant temperate vegetation; and at the present day we have only to follow the isothermal lines to see to what a great extent climate in the same latitudes is modified by other influences, such as the gulf stream. of cosmic causes, the progressive cooling of the earth naturally presents itself, at the first blush, as sufficient to account for the glacial period. but although this has doubtless been an all-important factor in pregeological times, in fashioning our planet from glowing vapour into a habitable earth, it is no longer operative as an immediate cause of vicissitudes of temperature. it is enough to say that if it were, the cooling ought to be progressive, and having once got into a glacial period we never ought to have got out of it. but we clearly have recovered from the paroxysms of cold, both of the first and second great glaciations of the recent period; and according to most geologists, from the immensely earlier ones of the permian and carboniferous, and perhaps of the cambrian ages. as far as it acts at all on surface temperature, the secular cooling of the earth only acts indirectly by causing elevations and depressions of the outer crust, and crumpling it into wrinkles, which originate mountain chains, as the nucleus contracts, and thus affecting geographical conditions. the same objection applies with equal force to the theory that the glacial period was caused by the sun giving out less heat owing to its cooling by radiation. here also it is obvious that if a glacial period were once established from such a cause it ought never to recover, but progress from bad to worse. we ought also, in this case, to have had a uniform progressive refrigeration from the beginning of geological time down to the present day, which has certainly not been the case. on the contrary, geologists are generally agreed that there are unmistakable traces of at least two glacial periods in the carboniferous and permian ages, and the earliest eocene was certainly cooler than its later stages, as shown by their flora. the conjecture that the sun is a variable star is also negatived by the consideration that in this case there ought to have been periodical variations in the earth's temperature, and hot and cold climates recurring at regular intervals throughout geological time, which has certainly not been the case. again, the passage of the solar system through cold regions of space has been suggested, but it is a mere conjecture, unsupported by a particle of evidence, and opposed to all we know of the laws of heat, and of the constitution of the universe. it is hard to conceive how hot regions can exist surrounded by cold ones, or _vice versâ_, without walls of a non-conducting medium to separate them, or that the faint heat from the fixed stars can ever have perceptibly affected the temperature of space. and such a theory, if it were possible, would fail to account for the frequent vicissitudes of hot and cold at short intervals within the glacial period, and for the great differences of temperature prevailing in the same latitudes. an alteration in the position, of the poles has also been suggested, but this also is clearly inadmissible. there is no evidence that the present position has ever materially varied, and there is no known law that could cause such a variation. on the contrary, all the elaborate mathematical calculations by which the motions of the sun, moon, and planets are deduced from newton's law of gravity, tend to negative such a supposition. and what is perhaps even more convincing to a nonmathematical mind, the position of the poles implies the position of the equator, and cannot change without a corresponding change in the earth's shape. now the earth is not a sphere, but an oblate spheroid, of almost the exact shape which a fluid mass would take revolving about the present axis. the centrifugal force arising from the greater velocity of rotation in going from the poles to the equator would pile up a protuberant belt where the velocity was greatest, and in point of fact the earth's equatorial diameter is longer than the polar diameter by about twenty-eight miles. any displacement therefore of the poles, which carried them away from their present position, must displace the present equator to a corresponding extent. this mass of twenty-eight miles in thickness of earth and ocean must be thrown out of the old position, and driven to establish a new equilibrium in a position many degrees north or south of it in order to affect climates materially, submerging all existing lands, and leaving, until removed by denudation, miles upon miles of solid earth in unsymmetrical belts, like the moraines of retreating glaciers, as the equator shifted into new positions. and all this must have occurred, not once, but twice at least, and that with many minor vicissitudes, within the narrow limit of the quaternary period. it is unnecessary to say that nothing of the sort could by any possibility have occurred. some evidence has recently been adduced that some very slight changes in latitude are going on at the observatories of dorpat and greenwich, but if confirmed these can only be of very minute amount, arising from slight changes in the position of the earth's centre of gravity owing to partial elevations and depressions, and could never have been sufficient to account for great variations of climate.[ ] [ ] the latest researches seem to show that these slight variations in latitude do not exceed " or ", and are periodical, with a period of no longer than to days. neither could the precession of the equinoxes have been of itself a principal cause, for here also the limit of time negatives the supposition. this precessional circle carries the perihelion and aphelion, and with it the seasons, completely round, and brings them back to the old position, in about , years, and therefore if glacial periods were occasioned by them, there ought to be alternations from _maximum_ of cold to _maximum_ of warmth in each hemisphere every , years. but this has certainly not been the case even in recent times, and still less if we go back to the quaternary, tertiary, and earlier geological periods. in fact it is only when combined with periods of high eccentricity of the earth's orbit, according to croll's theory, that precession can pretend to have any claim to be an important factor in the production of glacial periods. and even then the question is not of its being the sole or principal cause, but only whether it has had such a perceptible auxiliary effect on other more powerful causes, as may enable us to use it as a chronometer in assigning approximate dates for some of the more important phenomena of the long and varied period between the close of the tertiary and the establishment of the recent period. as man certainly existed throughout the whole of this period, the possibility of finding such a chronometer becomes intensely interesting, and i proceed to discuss the latest state of scientific opinion respecting it. but as croll's theory if a real is clearly only an auxiliary cause, i will, in the first instance, point out what are the certain and admitted causes which account for variations of temperature irrespective of latitude. they may be summed up, in lyell's words, as different combinations of sea and land, for on these depend the secondary conditions which affect temperature. thus elevation of land is as certain a cause of cold as high latitude, and even kilimanjaro, under the equator, retains patches of unmelted snow throughout the year. it is estimated that a rise of feet in height is about equivalent to a fall of ° f. in mean annual temperature, and that the line of perpetual snow is, on the average, a little higher than the line where this mean annual temperature is at ° f., or freezing-point. if there is any mass of land so high as to be below this temperature, snow accumulates and forms glaciers, which descend some feet below the snow-line before the excess of ice pushing down is melted off by the summer heat unless it has been previously floated off in icebergs at a higher level. now the mean temperature of the north of scotland at sea-level is about ° f., so that an elevation of or , feet would bring a great part of it well above the snow-line, and vast glaciers would inevitably accumulate, which would push down through the principal valleys almost to the sea-level; a state of things which actually exists in new zealand, where glaciers from the southern alps at about this elevation descend, in some instances to within feet of the sea-level, in the latitude of devonshire. but a still more important factor of temperature is found in aërial and oceanic currents, which again, to a great extent, are a product of the configuration of sea and land. the most familiar instance is that of the gulf stream, which raises the temperature of western europe some °, and in norway as much as ° f., above that due to latitude, and which prevails on the other side of the atlantic. the northern extremity of the british islands in shetland is on the same parallel of latitude as the southern extremity of greenland, cape farewell. one is buried under perpetual ice, in the other there is so little frost in winter that skating is an unknown art. what is the reason of this? we must go to the tropics to find it. a vast mass of vapour is raised by the sun's heat from the oceans near the equator, which being lighter rises and overflows, the trade winds rushing in from the north to supply its place, and being deflected to the west by the earth's rotation. this prevalence of easterly surface winds sweeps the waters of the atlantic to the west, where they are intercepted by south america, turned northwards into the gulf of mexico, where they circle round under a tropical sun and become greatly heated, and finally run out through the straits of florida with a rapid current, and spread a surface return current eastwards over the northern atlantic. the shores of north-west europe are thus in the position of a house warmed by hot-water pipes, while their neighbours over the way in north-eastern america have no such apparatus. this oceanic circuit of warm water has a counterpart in the aërial circuit of heated air. the vapour which rose in the tropics overflows, and as it cools and gets beyond the region of the trade winds, descends mainly over the northern atlantic, carrying with it its greater velocity of rotation, and so causing westerly winds, which reach our shores after blowing over a wide expanse of ocean heated by the gulf stream, thus bringing us warmth and wet, while the corresponding counter-currents which blow over continental europe and asia from the north-east bring cold and drought. the extreme effects of this may be seen by comparing the black sea at odessa, where ice often stops navigation, with the north sea at the lafoden islands, where the cod-fishing is carried on in open boats in the middle of winter. we in england are in the happy position where on the whole the mild and genial west winds prevail, though not exclusively, so as to give us the drenching rains of western ireland and scotland, or to prevent spells of a continental climate which give us bracing frosts in winter, and alternations of cold and heat in summer. if we turn from these temperate regions to those in which exactly opposite conditions prevail, we find them still in the icy chains of a glacial period. greenland, for instance, which is a typical case, shows us what happens when a continental mass of land stands at a high elevation in high latitudes with no gulf stream, but instead of it cold currents from a polar ocean, and seas around it frozen or covered with icebergs for nine months out of the year. we have a dome of solid ice piled up to the height of feet or upwards, and sending millions upon millions of tons of glaciers down to the sea to be floated off as icebergs. the only trace we can see here of the old great glacial period is that these conditions were formerly more intense. thus the glaciation of some of the mountain sides and islands off the coast of greenland seem to show that the ice formerly stood or feet higher than at present, a result which would be attained if the whole continental mass, which is now slowly subsiding, had then been elevated to that extent. the southern hemisphere affords a still more striking example of this on a larger scale, for we have there, in all probability, higher land in higher latitudes, surrounded by frozen seas, and washed by cold currents. i pass from this however, as beyond these general facts the special conditions of the antarctic circle are not known to us like those of greenland. from the above facts we are very safe in drawing the conclusion that during the great quaternary glacial period the conditions which now cause glaciation must have existed in an aggravated degree, and those which now give us temperate climates in regions once glaciated must have disappeared or been reversed. on the other hand, the warm climates which prevailed during the tertiary and other geological epochs, and permitted a temperate flora to flourish as far north as grinnell land and spitzbergen, could only have occurred under conditions exactly the reverse of those which produced the cold. if high land in high latitudes is the principal cause of the present glaciation of greenland, still higher land must have been so in causing the still greater glaciation of the former period. scandinavia, laurentia, the british islands, the alps, apennines, rocky mountains, sierra nevada, and all great mountain ranges in the northern hemisphere must have stood at greater elevations. there must have been such an accumulation of ice and snow as to chill the air, cause fogs, and prevent the summer heat of the sun from melting off the water which fell in the solid form during winter; and on the other hand, there must have been hot summers and great expanses of ocean to the south to supply the abundant evaporation which became condensed by contact with the chilly mountains and uplands of the north. one supposition is that the isthmus of panama was then submerged, so that the gulf stream ran into the pacific. but this wants geological confirmation, as the isthmus shows no sign of such recent marine formations as must have been deposited if it had been submerged to a sufficient depth to let the gulf stream escape, and the extension of the ice-cap in north america to much lower latitudes than in europe, points rather to the conclusion that the gulf stream must have run very much in its present course. the only geological evidence bearing on this question is the recent discovery of deep oceanic deposits such as the globigerena ooze, above tertiary deposits in barbadoes and jamaica, leading to the inference that the whole west indian area was a deep sea in comparatively modern times. this no doubt might affect both the temperature and the velocity of the gulf stream to a considerable extent. but the geological evidence is much more conclusive for the greater elevation of the land during the periods of greater glaciation as well as for its depression during the inter-glacial period. american geologists estimate that a large part of eastern canada with adjacent regions must have been at least , and may have been as much as feet above its present level during the first great glaciation; while the champlain marine beds show that it was some hundreds of feet below the present, sea-level during part of the inter-glacial period. scandinavia stood at least feet higher than at present during the climax of the glacial period as proved by the depths of the fiords, and afterwards or lower as proved by the raised beaches. in great britain and ireland we have conclusive evidence both of higher elevation, and of depression of at least feet, and probably more than feet below the present sea-level, as proved by the marine shells on the top of moel-tryfen. but these elevations and depressions are small in amount compared with the mountain building which is known to have occurred in asia in comparatively recent geological times. here the himalayas, stretching for miles from east to west, and rising to heights of from , to , feet above the sea, have been formed in great part during this period. within the same period the great table-lands of thibet and central asia have been uplifted, and the asian mediterranean sea, of which the black sea, the caspian, the salt deserts and lake balkash are the remnants, has been converted into dry land. movements of this magnitude, of which there are many other examples, may well account for great changes in isothermal lines and climates. the complete removal of the conditions which produced the glacial period might go far to account for the preceding tertiary period. we have only to suppose a different configuration of sea and land; nothing but low lands and islands in high latitudes; free access for warm oceanic currents like the gulf stream into the limited area of the polar basin; no great continents or lofty mountain ranges to drain the return trade winds of their moisture; in short, all the conditions of a mild and moist insular climate, as opposed to those of a continental one, to understand how forests of temperate trees might flourish as far north as greenland and spitzbergen. and the geological evidence which, as we have seen, shows that great elevation of land in the northern hemisphere did in fact inaugurate the glacial period, favours the conclusion that the reverse conditions actually prevailed during the tertiary and preceding epochs. the presence of the nummulitic and other marine eocene and miocene formations over such extensive areas, and at such great elevations, is a conclusive proof that a great part of our existing continents were then at the bottom of deep oceans. the alps were certainly , feet lower than their present level, and the himalayas more so; and when this was the case a great part of europe and asia must have been sea, in which only a few of the highest peaks and elevated plateaux stood up as islands. the pacific and indian oceans as well as the atlantic might then have poured their gulf streams into the polar basin, and prevalent southerly and westerly winds, blowing over wide expanses of water, have deposited their vapour in genial showers instead of in solid snow. the effect of such geographical conditions in producing both heat and cold is admirably worked out by wallace in his _island life_, and few who read it can doubt that lyell was right in saying that they have been the principal causes of the vicissitudes of climate. and here i may say a word to express my admiration of the innate sagacity with which lyell, many years ago, and with comparatively few facts to work upon, sketched out the leading lines of geology, which have been confirmed by subsequent research. details may have been corrected or added, but his main theories have stood the fullest test of the survival of the fittest. his law of the uniformity of natural causes, continued for long intervals of time, holds the field unchallenged. these causes may have operated a little more quickly or slowly in former ages than at present, but they have been of the same order. the waste of continents, instead, of averaging one foot in years, may have averaged ten or twenty feet during certain periods, and certain portions of the earth's crust may have been elevated or depressed at a quicker rate than is now going on in scandinavia; but no one any longer believes in paroxysms throwing up mountain chains or sinking continents below the ocean at a single blow. in like manner later geologists have corrected details in the distribution of land and sea suggested by lyell to account for the glacial period, but his main law has only received confirmation--viz. that this distribution, and especially high land in high latitudes, has been the principal cause of such periods. at the same time there is a pretty general consensus of the best and latest geologists, that, as lyell himself suggested, elevation and depression and other geographical changes, though the principal, are not the sole causes of the glacial period. the main argument is, that the phases of this period, though not exactly simultaneous over the whole world, are too nearly so to be due to mere local movements, and require the intervention of some general cosmic cause. we have already seen that of such causes there is none which appears feasible except croll's theory of the effects of precession combined with high eccentricity. let us consider what this theory really asserts. if the earth were a perfect sphere, its orbit round the sun a perfect circle, and the equator coincided with the ecliptic, there would be no seasons. the four quarters of the year would each receive the same quantity of solar heat and light, and the days and nights would be always equal. but the inclination of the equator to the ecliptic, that is, of the earth's plane of daily rotation to that of its annual revolution, necessitates seasons. each pole must be alternately turned to and away from the sun every year. each hemisphere, therefore, must have alternately its spring, summer, autumn, and winter. but if the earth's orbit were exactly circular, these seasons would be of equal duration, and the distance from the sun no greater in one than in another. but the earth's orbit is not circular, but elliptic, and the eccentricity, or deviation of the oval from the circular form, varies considerably over very long periods, though always coming back to the amount from which it started. these variations are due to perturbations from the other bodies of the solar system acting according to the law of newton's gravitation, and therefore calculable. again, the earth is not a perfect sphere, but a spheroid, and there is a factor called precession, due to the attraction on the protuberant mass at and towards the equator. the effect of this is, that instead of the earth's axis pointing uniformly towards the same celestial pole, it describes a small circle round it. this circle is completed in about , years, so that if the earth is nearest to the sun when the north pole is turned away from it, and it is winter in the northern hemisphere, as is now the case, in , years the conditions will be reversed, and the southern hemisphere will be in perihelion, or nearest the sun, when its pole points away from it. and as the perihelion portion of the earth's orbit is, owing to its eccentricity, shorter and more quickly traversed than the aphelion portion, this means practically that winters will be shorter than summers in the hemisphere which precession favours, and longer in that to which it is adverse. as precession now favours the northern hemisphere, which is warmer than the southern in corresponding latitudes, it might be thought at first sight that this was the cause of the glacial period. but it is evident that this is not the case, for the precessional revolutions come round far too rapidly, and it is impossible to suppose that there have been glacial and genial periods alternating every , years, with all the inevitable changes of seas and lands, and of fauna and flora, accompanying each alternation throughout the whole of geological time. in fact, it is abundantly evident, on historical evidence alone, that there has been no approach to any such changes during the last , years, which carries us back to a period when our northern summers were short and our winters long. but croll's theory brings in the secular variation of the eccentricity, and contends that although precession may have little or no effect while the earth's orbit is nearly circular, as it is now, it must have a considerable effect when the orbit flattens out, so that the distances from the sun and the durations of summer and winter become exaggerated. croll calculated the periods when such _maxima_ and _minima_ of eccentricity occurred for several revolutions back from the formula of the great astronomer leverrier, and found that going back for the last , years there had been two _maxima_ of high eccentricity, one , years, and the other, and more intense, , years ago, with corresponding _minima_ of low eccentricity between, which corresponded remarkably well with the refrigeration commencing in the pliocene, culminating towards its close or in the early quaternary, subsiding into a long inter-glacial period, rising again in the later quaternary to a second glacial _maximum_ a little less intense than the first, and finally gradually subsiding into the low eccentricity and temperate climates of more recent times; especially as the geological evidence shows many minor oscillations of heat and cold and advances and retreats of glaciers during each phase of these periods, such as must have occurred from the shorter recurrent effects of precession according to croll's theory. croll's calculations show that, at the period of _maximum_ eccentricity , years ago, the earth would have been in mid-winter , , miles further from the sun than it is now, and the winter half of the year nearly twenty-eight days longer than the summer half, instead of being six days shorter as at present. it appears, moreover, from a volume just published, _on the astronomical causes of an ice age_, by sir r. ball, one of the highest authorities on mathematics and astronomy, that croll had understated his case. ball says that "croll, misled by a statement of herschell's, had assumed the number of units of heat received from the sun, in a hemisphere of the earth, as equal in summer and winter. but in reality, of such units, are received in summer and only in winter. as the maximum of eccentricity which is possible would produce an inequality between summer and winter of days, they had the following possible conditions in a hemisphere--summer days and winter days, or summer days and winter days. in each case it must be borne in mind that heat units arrived in summer and in winter. if the summer were a long one and the winter short, then the allotment of heat between the two seasons would be fairly adjusted. the units were distributed over days and the units over days, and a general inter-glacial state was the result on the hemisphere. if, however, a torrent of heat represented by units was poured in during a brief summer of days, whilst, the balance of units is made to stretch itself over days, a brief, intensely hot summer would be followed by a very long and cold winter, and as this condition lasted for many centuries, it seemed sufficient to produce a glacial epoch." it would be going, too far, however, to assume that these conditions necessarily produced glacial periods whenever they occurred, and ball himself points out that even on astronomical grounds, several conditions must concur before high eccentricity alone would affect climate. but even with this reservation the same objection applies to assigning, this as the sole or principal cause of ice ages, as to precession alone, viz. that periods of high eccentricity occur too frequently to allow us to suppose that every such period in the past has had its corresponding glacial period. there was a _maximum_ phase of eccentricity , years ago, even higher than that of , years, and there must have been at least two or three such _maxima_ within each of the twenty-eight geological ages. but there are only two or three traces of glacial periods in past epochs on which geologists can rely with confidence, as proving extensive ice-action--one in the permian, the other in the carboniferous age. there are a few other instances which look like glacial action, as the conglomerate of the superga at turin, the flysch of switzerland, the great conglomerate at the base of the devonian; and professor geikie thinks that the oldest cambrian rocks in the west highlands have been rounded and smoothed by ice before the silurian strata were deposited on them. but even if these were authenticated and proved to be due to general and not merely local causes, they would not supply anything like the number of glacial periods required by croll's theory. croll attempts to meet this by the extensive denudation which has repeatedly carried away such large portions of land surface; but this scarcely explains the absence of the boulders of hard rocks, which accompany every moraine and iceberg; and still less the continuance of the same fauna and flora throughout whole geological periods with little or no change. we have no such abrupt changes as during the last glacial period, when at one time the canary laurel flourished in central france, while at another the reindeer moss and arctic willow extended to the pyrenees, both occurring within what may be called a short time, geologically speaking. on the contrary, there seems to have been no material changes in the flora throughout very long geological periods such as that of the coal measures. the only real answer to this objection is that the question is, not whether croll's theory is the sole or even the principal cause of glacial periods, or able to influence them materially if the geographical conditions favour genial climates; but whether it has not a co-operating effect, when these conditions are such as to produce glaciation. it seems difficult to suppose that such contrasts of conditions as are pointed out by sir r. ball can have had no perceptible effect on climates; or that such close coincidences as are shown between the astronomical theory and geological facts, during the last glacial period, can be due to mere accident. geology shows six phases of this period:--( ) a refrigeration coming on in the pliocene; ( ) its culmination in a first and most intense _maximum_; ( ) a gradual return to a milder inter-glacial period; ( ) a second refrigeration; ( ) its culmination in a second _maximum_; ( ) a second return to genial conditions, such as still prevail. croll's theory shows six astronomical phases, corresponding to these six geological phases. geology shows that each of its six phases involves several minor alternations of hot and cold; croll shows that this must have been the case owing to the effects of the shorter cycles of precession, occurring during the long cycles of variations in eccentricity. geology tells us that cold alone would not account for a glacial period; we must have heat to supply the evaporation which is condensed by the cold; croll shows that with high eccentricity cold and long winters must have been accompanied by short and hot summers. and sir r. ball's recent calculations show that the argument is really very much stronger than croll puts it. the duration of each of the phases of croll's theory corresponds also, on the whole, remarkably well with that required for each phase of the geological record. they would average about , years each for croll's phases, and a less time can hardly be allowed for the immense amount of geological work in the way of denudation and deposition, elevation and depression, and changes of fauna and flora which have occurred since the commencement of the great refrigeration in the late pliocene. in fact the only reasonable doubt seems to be whether croll's times are sufficient, and whether, as lyell was inclined to think, the first and greatest glaciation must not be carried back to the extreme period of high eccentricity which occurred about , years ago. unless we are prepared to ignore all these considerations and deny that croll's theory, as amended by sir r. ball, has had any appreciable effect on the conditions of the glacial period, it follows with mathematical certainty, that this period, taking it from the commencement of the great refrigeration in the pliocene to its final disappearance in the recent, must have lasted for about , years. and as man clearly existed in the pre-glacial period, and was already widely spread and in considerable numbers in the early glacial, , years may be taken as an approximation to the _minimum_ duration of the existence of the human race on the earth. to this must be added an indefinitely long period beyond, unless we are prepared to disprove the apparently excessively strong evidence for its existence in the pliocene and even in the miocene periods; evidence which has been rapidly accumulating of late years; and to which, as far as i know, there has been no serious and unbiassed attempt at scientific refutation; and to which confirmation is given by the undoubted fact that the dryopithecus, the hylobates, and other quadrumana, closely resembling man in physical structure, already existed in the miocene, and, if professor ameghino's discoveries referred to at p. are confirmed, in the vastly more remote period of the early eocene. chapter x. quaternary man. no longer doubted--men not only existed, but in numbers and widely spread--palæolithic implements of similar type found everywhere--progress shown--tests of antiquity--position of strata--fauna--oldest types--mixed northern and southern species--reindeer period--correspondence of human remains with these three periods--advance of civilization--clothing and barbed arrows--drawing and sculpture--passage into neolithic and recent periods--corresponding progress of physical man--distinct races--how tested--tests applied to historical, neolithic, and palæolithic man--long heads and broad heads--aryan controversy--primitive european types--canon taylor--huxley--preservation of human remains depends mainly on burials--about forty skulls and skeletons known from quaternary times--summary of results--quatrefages and hamy--races of canstadt--cro-magnon--furfooz--truchere--skeletons of neanderthal and spy--canstadt type oldest--cro-magnon type next--skeleton of cro-magnon--broad-headed and short race resembling lapps--american type--no evidence from asia, africa, india, polynesia, and australia--negroes, negrillos, and negritos--summary of results. the time is past when it is necessary to go into any lengthened argument to prove that man has existed throughout the quaternary period. less than half a century has elapsed since the confirmation of boucher-de-perthes' discovery of palæolithic implements in the old gravels of the somme, and yet the proofs have multiplied to such an extent that they are now reckoned, not by scores or hundreds, but by tens of thousands. they have been found not in one locality or in one formation only, but in all the deposits of the quaternary age, from the earliest to the latest, and in association with all the phases of the quaternary period, from the extinct mammoth, woolly rhinoceros, and cave-bear, to the reindeer, horse, ox, and other existing animals. no geologist or palæontologist, who approaches the subject with anything like competent knowledge, and without theological or other prepossessions, doubts that man is as much a characteristic member of the quaternary fauna as any of these extinct or existing animals, and that reasonable doubt only begins when we pass from the quaternary into the tertiary ages. i will content myself, therefore, instead of going over old ground and proving facts which are no longer disputed, with showing what bearing they have on the question of human origins. [illustration: palÆolithic celt (type of st. acheul). from quaternary deposits of the nerbudda, india.] [illustration: palÆolithic celt in argillite. from the delaware, united states (abbott).] the first remarkable fact to note is, that at this remote period man not only existed, but existed in considerable numbers, and already widely spread over nearly the whole surface of the habitable earth. implements and weapons of the palæolithic type, such as celts or hatchets, lance and arrow-heads, knives, borers and scrapers of flint, or if that be wanting of some hard stone of the district, fashioned entirely by chipping without any grinding or polishing, have been found in the sands and gravels of most of the rivers of southern england, france, belgium and germany, of the tagus and manzanares in spain, and the tiber in italy. still more numerously also in the caves and glacial drifts of these and other european countries. nor are they confined to europe. stone implements of the same type have been found in algeria, morocco, and egypt, and in natal and south africa. also in greece, syria, palestine, hindostan, and as far east as china and japan, while in the new world they have been found in maryland, ohio, california, and other states in north america, and in brazil, and the argentine pampas in the south. and this has been the result of the explorations of little more than thirty years, prior to which the coexistence of man with the extinct animals was almost universally denied; and of explorations which except in a few european countries have been very partial. [illustration: palÆolithic flint celt (type of st. acheul). from algeria (lubbock).] [illustration: palÆolithic celt of quartzite from natal, south africa. (_quatrefages._)] in fact the area over which these evidences of man's existence have been found may be best defined by the negative, where they have not been found, as there is every probability that it will eventually be proved that, with a few exceptions, wherever man could have existed during the quaternary period, there he did exist. the northern portions of europe which were buried under ice-caps are the only countries where considerable search has failed to discover palæolithic implements, while nearly all asia, africa, and america, and vast extents of desert and forests remain unexplored. the next point to observe is, that throughout the whole of the quaternary period there has been a constant progression of human intelligence upwards. any theory of human origins which says that man has fallen and not risen is demonstrably false. how do we know this? the time scale of the quaternary as of other geological periods is determined partly by the superposition of strata, and partly by the changes of fauna. in the case of existing rivers which have excavated their present valleys in the course of ages, it is evident that the highest deposits are the oldest. if the somme, seine, or thames left remains of their terraces and patches of their silts and gravels at heights feet or more above their present level, it is because they began to run at these higher levels, and gradually worked their way downwards, leaving traces of their floods ever lower and lower. in the case of deposits in caves or in still water, or where glacial moraines and _débris_ are superimposed on one another, the case is reversed, and the lowest are the oldest and the highest the most recent. in like manner if the fauna has changed, the remains found in the highest deposits of rivers and lowest, of caves will be the oldest, and will become more modern as we descend in the one case or ascend in the others. this is practically confirmed by the coincidence of innumerable observations. the oldest quaternary fauna is characterized by a preponderance of three species, the mammoth (elephas primigenius), the woolly rhinoceros (rhinoceros tichorinus), and the cave-bear (ursus spelæus). there are a few survivals from the pliocene, as the gigantic elephant (elephas antiquus) and a few anticipations of later phases, as the reindeer, horse, and ox, but the three mentioned are, with palæolithic man, the most characteristic. then comes a long period when a strange mixture of northern and southern forms occurs. side by side with the remains of arctic animals such as the mammoth, the glutton, the musk ox, and the lemming, are found those of african species adapted only for a warm climate, the lion, panther, hyena, and above all the hippopotamus, not distinguishable from the existing species, which could certainly not have lived in rivers that were frozen in winter. the intermixture is most difficult to account for. no doubt africa and europe were then united, and the theory of migration is invoked. the arctic animals may, it is said, have moved south in winter and the african animals north in summer, and this was doubtless the case to some extent. but there are some facts which militate against this theory; for instance, the hyena caves, which seem to show a continuous occupation by the same african species for long periods. nor is it easy to conceive how the hippopotamus could have travelled every summer from africa to yorkshire, and retreated every autumn with the approach of frost. such instances point rather to long inter-glacial periods with vicissitudes of climate, enabling now a northern, and now a southern fauna to inhabit permanently the same region. be this as it may, the fact is certain that this strange intermixture of northern and southern species is found in almost all the european deposits of the quaternary age, until towards its close with the coming on of the second great glacial period, when the southern forms disappear, and the reindeer, with an arctic or boreal flora and fauna, become preponderant, and extend themselves over southern france and germany up to the alps and pyrenees. the quaternary period is therefore roughly divided by geologists into three stages: st, that of the mammoth and cave-bear, there being some difference of opinion as to which came first, though probably they were simultaneous; nd, the middle stage of the mixed fauna; rd, the latest stage, that of the reindeer. now to these stages there is an exact correspondence in the character of the human implements found in them. in the earliest, those of the oldest deposits and of the oldest animals, we find the rudest implements. they consist almost exclusively of native stones, chipped roughly into a few primitive shapes: celts, which are merely lumps of flint or other hard stone with a little chipping to supplement natural fractures in bringing them to a point or edge, while the butt-end is left rough to be grasped by the hand; scrapers with a little chipping to an edge on one side; very rude arrow-heads without the vestige of a barb or socket; and flakes struck off at a blow, which may have served for knives. as we ascend to later deposits we find these primitive types constantly improving. the celts are chipped all over and the butt-ends adapted for haftings, so also are the other implements and weapons, and the arrow-heads by degrees acquire barbs. but the great advance occurs with the use of bone, which seems to have been as important a civilizing agent for palæolithic as metals were for neolithic man. this again seems to have been due to the increasing preponderance of the reindeer, whose horns afforded an abundant and easily manipulated material for working into the desired forms by flint knives. at any rate the fact is, that as we trace palæolithic man upwards into the later half of the quaternary period when the reindeer became abundant, we find a notable advance of civilization. needles appear, showing that skins of animals were stitched together with sinews to provide clothing. barbed arrows and harpoons show that the arts of war and of the chase had made a great advance on the primitive unhafted celt. and finally we arrive at a time when certain tribes showed not only an advance in the industrial arts, but a really marvellous proficiency in the arts of sculpture and drawing. in the later reindeer period, when herds of that animal and of the wild horse and ox roamed over the plains of southern france and germany, and when the mammoth and cave-bear, though not extinct, were becoming scarce, tribes of palæolithic savages who lived in the caves and rock shelters of the valleys of southern france and germany, and of switzerland and belgium, drew pictures of their chases and of the animals with which they were surrounded, with the point of a flint on pieces of bone or of schist. they also carved bones into images of these animals, to adorn the handles of their weapons or as idols or amulets. both drawings and sculptures are in many cases admirably executed, so as to leave no doubt of the animal intended, especially in the case of the wild animals, for the rare portraits of the human figure are very inferior. most of them represent the reindeer in various attitudes, but the mammoth, the cave-bear, the wild horse, the bos primigenius, and others, are also represented with wonderful fidelity. with the close of the reindeer age we pass into the recent period and from palæolithic to neolithic man. physically there is no very decided break, and we cannot draw a hard-and-fast line where one ends and the other begins. all we can say is, that there is general evidence of constantly decreasing cold during the whole post-glacial period, from the climax of the second great glaciation until modern conditions of climate are fairly established, and the existing fauna has completely superseded that of the quaternary, the older characteristic forms of which having either become extinct or migrated. how does this affect the most characteristic of all quaternary forms, that of man? can we trace an uninterrupted succession from the earliest quaternary to the latest modern times, or is there a break between the quaternary and recent periods which with our present knowledge cannot be bridged over? and did the division of mankind into distinct and widely different races, which is such a prominent feature at the present day and ever since the commencement of history, exist in the case of the palæolithic man, whose remains are so widespread? these are questions which can only be answered by the evidence of actual remains of the human body. implements and weapons may have altered gradually with the lapse of ages, and new forms may have been introduced by commerce and conquest, without any fundamental change in the race using them. still less can language be appealed to as a test of race, for experience shows how easily the language of a superior race may be imposed on populations with which it has no affinity in blood. to establish distinction of races we consult the anthropologist rather than the geologist or philologist. [illustration: portrait of mammoth. drawn with a flint on a piece of mammoth's ivory; from cave of la madeleine, dordogne, france.] [illustration: earliest portrait of a man with serpents and horses' heads. from grotto of les eyzies. reindeer period.] [illustration: reindeer feeding. from grotto of thayngen, near schaffhausen, switzerland.] on what are the distinctions of the human race founded? mainly on colour, stature, hair, and on the anatomical character of skulls and skeletons. these are wonderfully persistent, and have been so since historical times, intermediate characters only appearing where there has been intercrossing between different races. but the primitive types have continued unchanged, and no one has ever seen a white race of negroes, or a black one of europeans. and this has certainly been the case during the historical period, or for at least years, for the paintings on old egyptian tombs show us the types of the negro, the libyan, the syrian, and the copt as distinct as at the present day, and the negroes especially, with their black colour, long heads, projecting muzzles, and woolly hair growing in separate tufts, might pass for typical photographs of the african negro of the nineteenth century. of these indications of race we cannot hope to meet with any of the former class in quaternary gravel or caves. we have to trust to the anatomical character to be drawn from skulls and skeletons, of which it may be inferred, as a matter of course, that they will be few and scanty, and will become constantly fewer and more imperfect as we ascend the stream of time to earlier periods. it must be remembered also that even these scanty specimens of early man are confined almost entirely to one comparatively small portion of the earth, that of europe, and that we have hardly a single palæolithic skull or skeleton of the black, the yellow, the olive, the copper-coloured, or other typical race into which the population of the earth is actually divided. we are confined therefore to europe for anything like positive evidence of these anatomical characters of prehistoric and primæval man, and can only draw inferences from implements as to those of other portions of the earth and other races. fortunately these racial characters are very persistent, especially those of the skull and stature, and they exist in ample abundance throughout the historic, prehistoric, and neolithic ages, to enable us to draw very certain conclusions. thus at present, and as far as we can see back with certainty, the races which have inhabited europe may be classified under the heads, tall and short, long-headed and broad-headed, and those of intermediate types, which latter may be dismissed for the present, though constituting a majority of most modern countries, as they are almost certainly not primitive, but the result of intercrossing. colour, complexion, and hair are also very persistent, though, as we have pointed out, we have no certain evidence by which to test them beyond the historical period. but the form of skulls, jaws, teeth, and other parts of the skeleton remain wonderfully constant in races where there has been little or no intermixture. the first great division is in the form of the skull. comparing the extreme breadth of the skull with its extreme length from front to back, if the breadth does not exceed three-fourths or per cent. of the length, the skull is said to be dolicocephalic or long-headed; if it equals or exceeds per cent. it is called brachycephalic, _i.e._ short or broad-headed. intermediate indices between and per cent. are called sub-dolicocephalic, or sub-brachycephalic, according as they approach one or the other of these extremes, but these are of less importance, as they probably are the result of intercrossing. the prognathism also of the jaws, the form of the eye-orbits and nasal bones, the superciliary ridges, the proportion of the frontal to the posterior regions of the skull, the stature and proportions of the limbs, are also both characteristic and persistent features, and correspond generally with the type of the skull. the controversy as to the origin of the aryans has led to a great deal of argument as to these ethnological traits in prehistoric and neolithic times, and the interesting volume of canon taylor's on the _origin of the aryans_, and professor huxley's article on the same subject in the _nineteenth century_ for november , give a summary of the latest researches on the subject. we shall have to refer to these more fully in discussing the question as to the place or places of human origins; but for the present it is sufficient to state the general result at which the latest science has arrived. the theory of a common asiatic centre from which all the races of mankind have migrated is given up as unsupported by the slightest vestige of evidence. when we first know anything of the aryan and other european races, we find them occupying substantially very much the same regions as at present. there are four distinct european types, two tall and two short, two long-headed and two broad-headed. of these two were fair, and two dark, and one, apparently the oldest in western europe and in the mediterranean region, and probably represented by the iberians, and now by the spanish basques, was short, dark, and long-headed; a second short, dark, and broad-headed, who are probably represented by the ancient ligurians, and survive now in the auvergnats and savoyards; a third, tall, fair, and long-headed, whose original seats were in the regions of the baltic and north sea, and who were always an energetic and conquering race; and the fourth, like the third, tall and fair, but with broad heads, and possibly not a primitive race, but the result of some very ancient intermixture of the third or northern type with some of the broad-headed races. now as far back as frequent human remains enable us to form some satisfactory conclusion, that is up to the early neolithic period, we find similar race-types already existing, and to a considerable extent in the same localities. in modern and historical times we find, according to canon taylor, "all the anthropological tests agreeing in exhibiting two extreme types--the african, with long heads, long eye-orbits, and flat hair; and the mongolian, with round heads, round orbits, and round hair. the european type is intermediate--the head, orbits, and sections of hair are oval. in the east of europe we find an approximation to the asiatic type; in the south of europe to the african." more specifically, we find in europe the four races mentioned above of tall and short long-heads, and tall and short broad-heads. the question is, how far back can any of these races be identified? the preservation of human remains depends mainly on the practice of burying the dead. until the corpse is placed in a tomb protected by a stone coffin or dolmen, or in a grave dug in a cave, or otherwise sheltered from rains, floods, and wild beasts, the chances of its preservation are few and far between. now it is not until the neolithic period that the custom of burying the dead became general, and even then it was not universal, and in many nations even in historical times corpses were burnt, not buried. it was connected doubtless with ideas of a future existence, which either required troublesome ghosts to be put securely out of the way, or to retain a shadowy existence by some mysterious connection with the body which had once served them for a habitation. such ideas, however, only come with some advance of civilization, and it is questionable whether in palæolithic times the human animal had any more notion of preserving the body after death than the other animals by which he was surrounded. this neolithic habit moreover of burying, though it preserves many relics of its own time, increases the difficulty when we come to deal with those of an earlier age. a great many caves which had been inhabited by palæolithic man were selected as fitting spots for the graves of their neolithic successors, and thus the remains of the two periods became intermixed. it is never safe to rely on the antiquity of skulls and skeletons found in association with palæolithic implements and extinct animals, unless the exploration has been made with the greatest care by some well-known scientific observer, or the circumstances of the case are such as to preclude the possibility of later interments. thus in the famous cavern of aurignac there is no doubt that it had been long a palæolithic station, and that many of the human remains date back to this period; but whether the fourteen skeletons which were found in it, and lost owing to the pietistic zeal of the mayor who directed their burial, were really palæolithic, is a disputed point, or rather the better opinion is that they were part of a secondary neolithic interment. but to return to undoubted neolithic skulls, we have very clear evidence that the four distinct european races already existed. thus in britain we have two distinct forms of barrows or burial tombs, one long, the other round, and it has become proverbial that long skulls go with long barrows, and round skulls with round barrows. the long barrows are the oldest, and belong entirely to the stone age, no trace of metal, according to canon greenwell, having ever been found in them. the skulls and skeletons are those of a long-headed, short, and feeble race, who may be identified with the iberians; while the round barrows contain bronze and finally iron, and the people buried in them were the tall, fair, round-headed gauls or celts of early history, or intermediate types between these and the older race. later came in the tall, fair, and long-headed anglo-saxon and scandinavian races, so that we have three out of the four european types clearly defined in the british islands and traceable in their descendants of the present day. but when we attempt to go beyond the iberians of the neolithic age in britain, we are completely at fault. we have abundant remains of palæolithic implements, but scarcely a single undoubted specimen of a palæolithic skeleton, and it is impossible to say whether the men who feasted on the mammoth and rhinoceros in kent's cavern, or who left their rude implements in the high-level gravel of the chalk downs, were tall or short, long-headed or round-headed. on the contrary, there seems a great hiatus between the neolithic and the palæolithic periods, and, as geikie has shown, this appears to be the case not in england only but in a great part of europe. it would almost seem as if the old era had disappeared with the last glacial period, and a completely new one had been introduced. but although the skulls and bones of palæolithic races are wanting in britain and scarce everywhere, enough of them have been found in other european countries to enable anthropologists not merely to say that different races already existed at this immensely remote period, but to classify them by their types, and see how far these correspond with those of later times. this has been done especially in france and belgium, where the discoveries of palæolithic skeletons and skulls have been far more frequent than elsewhere. debierre in his _l'homme avant l'histoire_, published in the _bibliothèque scientifique_ of , enumerates upwards of forty instances of such undoubted quaternary human remains, of which at least twenty consisted of entire skulls, and others of jaws and other important bones connected with racial type. the best and latest conclusions of modern anthropology from these remains will be found in this work of debierre's, and in hamy's _palæontologie humaine_, quatrefages' _races humaines_, and topinard's _anthropologie_, and it will be sufficient to give a short summary of the results. the history of quaternary fossil man is divided, in the _crania ethnica_ of quatrefages and hamy, into four races: st, the canstadt race; nd, the cro-magnon race; rd, the races of grenelle and furfooz; th, the race of truchere. the canstadt race, so called from the first skull of this type, which was discovered in the loess of the valley of the rhone near wurtemburg, though it is better known from the celebrated neanderthal skull, which gave rise to so much discussion, and was pronounced by some that of an idiot, by others the most pithecoid specimen of a human skull yet known, in fact almost the long-sought-for missing link. a still later discovery, however, has set at rest all doubt as to the reality of this neanderthal type, and of its being the oldest quaternary human type known in western europe. in the year two belgian savants, messrs. fraissent and lohest, one an anatomist, the other a geologist, discovered in a cave at spy near namur two skeletons with the skulls complete, which presented the neanderthal type in an exaggerated form. they were found under circumstances which leave no doubt as to their belonging to the earliest quaternary deposit, being at the bottom of the cave, in the lowest of three distinct strata, the two uppermost of which were full of the usual palæolithic implements of stone and bone, while the few found in the lowest stratum with the skeletons were of the rudest description. huxley pronounces the evidence such as will bear the severest criticism, and he sums up the anatomical characters of the skeletons in the following terms-- "they were short of stature, but powerfully built, with strong, curiously curved thigh-bones, the lower ends of which are so fashioned that they must have walked with a bend at the knees. their long depressed skulls had very strong brow-ridges, their lower jaws, of brutal depth and solidity, sloped away from the teeth downwards and backwards, in consequence of the absence of that especially characteristic feature of the higher type of man, the chin prominence." m. fraissent says, "we consider ourselves in a position to say that, having regard merely to the anatomical structure of the man of spy, he possessed a greater number of pithecoid characters than any other race of mankind." and again he says-- "the distance which separates the man of spy from the modern anthropoid ape is undoubtedly enormous; but we must be permitted to point out that if the man of the quaternary age is the stock whence existing races have sprung, he has travelled a very great way. from the data now obtained, it is permissible to believe that we shall be able to pursue the ancestral type of man and the anthropoid apes still further, perhaps as far as the eocene and even beyond." this canstadt or neanderthal type was widely diffused early in the quaternary period, having been found in a skull from the breccia of gibraltar, in skulls from italy, spain, austria, sweden, and in france, belgium, and western germany; in fact almost everywhere where skulls and skeletons have been found in the oldest deposits of caves and river-beds, notably in the alluvia of the seine valley near paris, where three distinct superimposed strata are found, each with different human types, that of canstadt being the oldest. wherever explorations have been carefully made it seems to be certain that the oldest race of all in europe was dolicocephalic, and probable that it was of the canstadt type, the skulls of which are all low and long, the length being attained by a great development of the posterior part of the head, which compensates for a deficient forehead. this type is also interesting because, although the oldest, it shows occasional signs of survival through the later palæolithic and neolithic ages down to recent times. the skulls of st. manserg, a mediæval bishop of toul, and of lykke, a scientific dane of the last century, closely resemble the neanderthal skull in type, and can scarcely be accounted for except as instances of that atavism, or reversion to old ancestral forms, which occasionally crops up both in the human and in animal species. it is thought by many that these earliest palæolithic men may be the ancestors of the tall, fair, long-headed race of northern europe; and professor virchow states that in the frisian islands off the north german coast, where the original teutonic type has been least affected by intermixture, the frisian skull unmistakably approaches the neanderthal and spy type. but if this be so, the type must have persisted for an immense time, for, as huxley observes, "the difference is abysmal between these rude and brutal savages, and the comely, fair, tall, and long-headed races of historical times and of civilized nations." at the present day the closest resemblance to the neanderthal type is afforded by the skulls of certain tribes of native australians. next in antiquity to the canstadt type, though still in the early age when the mammoth and cave-bear were abundant, and the implements and weapons still very rude, a totally different type appears, that of cro-magnon. the name is taken from the skeleton of an old man, which was found entire in the rock shelter of cro-magnon in the valley of the vezere, near the station of moustier, which gave the type of some of the oldest and rudest stone implements of the age of the mammoth. the skeleton was found in the inner extremity of the shelter, buried under a mass of _débris_ and fallen blocks of limestone, and associated with bones of the mammoth and implements of the moustier type, so that there can be no doubt, of its extreme antiquity. the skull, like that of the canstadt type, is dolichocephalic, but in all other respects totally different. the brow-ridges and generally bestial characters have disappeared; the brain is of fair or even large capacity; the stature tall; the forehead fairly high and well-rounded; the face large; the nose straight, the jaws prognathous, and the chin prominent. this type is found in a number of localities, especially in the south-west of france, belgium, and italy, and it continued through the quaternary into the neolithic period, being found in the caves of the reindeer age, and in the dolmens. it is thought by some ethnologists to present analogies to the berber type of north africa, and to that of the extinct guanches of the canary islands. coexistent with or a little later than this type is one of a totally different character both from it and from that of canstadt, viz. that of a brachycephalic race of very short stature, closely resembling the modern lapps. this has been subdivided into the several races of furfooz, grenelle, and truchere, according to the degree of brachycephaly and other features; but practically we may look on these as the results of local variations or intercrossings, and consider all the short, brachycephalic races as forming a third type sharply opposed to those of canstadt and cro-magnon. we have thus distinct evidence that the quaternary fauna in europe comprised at least three distinct races of palæolithic men, and there is a good deal of evidence for the existence of a fourth distinct race in america with features differing from any of the european races, and resembling those of the native american men in recent times. but this affords absolutely no clue as to the existence of other palæolithic types in asia, africa, india, australia, and other countries, forming quite three-fourths of the inhabited world, in which totally different races now exist and have existed since the commencement of history, who cannot possibly have been derived from any of the european types within the lapse of time comprised within the quaternary period. the negro race is the most striking instance of this, for it differs essentially from any other in many particulars, which are all in the direction of an approximation towards the pithecoid type. the size of the brain is less, and a larger proportion of it is in the hinder half; the muzzle much more projecting, and the nose flatter; the fore-arm longer; and various other anatomical peculiarities all point in the same direction, though the type remains perfectly human in the main features. it diverges, however, from the known types of quaternary man in europe and from the american type, as completely as it does from those of modern man, and it is impossible to suppose that it can be derived from them, or they from it, in the way of direct descent. if there is any truth in evolution, the negro type must be one of the oldest, as nearest to the animal ancestor, and this ancestor must be placed very far back beyond the quaternary period, to allow sufficient time for the development of such entirely different and improved races. this will be the more evident if we consider the case of the pygmy negritos and negrillos, who are spread over a wide tropical belt of half the circumference of the earth, from new guinea to western africa. they seem originally to have occupied a large part of this belt, and to have been driven into dense forests, high mountains, and isolated islands, by taller and stronger races, such as the true negro, the melanesian, and the malay, and probably represent therefore a more primitive race. but they had already existed long enough to develop various sub-types among themselves, for although always approaching more to the negro type than any other, the asiatic negrito and the african negrillo and bushman differ in the length of skull, colour, hair, prognathism, and other particulars. but they all agree in the one respect which makes it impossible to associate them with any known quaternary type, either as ancestors or descendants, viz. that of dwarfish stature. as a rule the bushmen and negritos do not average above four feet six inches, and the females three inches less; while in some cases they are as low as four feet--_i.e._ they are quite a foot shorter than the average of the higher races, and nearly a foot and a half below that of the quaternary cro-magnon and mentone skeletons, and of the modern swedes and scotchmen. and they are small and slightly built in proportion, and by no means deformed specimens of humanity. professor flower suggests that they may be "the primitive type from which the african negroes on the one hand, and the melanesians on the other have sprung." in any case they must certainly have existed as a distinct type in the quaternary period, and probably much earlier. it is remarkable also that the very oldest human implements known get continually smaller as they get older, until those of the miocene, from thenay and puy courny, are almost too small for the hands even of stanley's pygmies. if mere guesses were worth anything, it would be rather a plausible one that the original adam and eve were something between a monkey and an andaman islander. in concluding this summary of the evidence as to quaternary man, i must remark on the analogy which it presents to that of the historical period dealt with in the earlier chapters. in each case we have distinct evidence carrying us a long way back; in that of the historical period for years; in that of the quaternary for a vastly longer time, which, if the effects of high eccentricity, postulated by croll's theory, had any influence on the two last glacial periods, cannot be less than , years, an estimate which is confirmed by the amount of geological work and changes of flora and fauna which have taken place. in each case also the positive evidence takes us back to a state of things which gives the most incontrovertible proof of long previous existence; in the historical case the evidence of a dense population and high civilization already long prevailing when written records began; in the case of palæolithic man, that of his existence in the same state of rude civilization in the most remote regions, and over the greater part of the habitable earth, his almost uniform progression upwards from a lower to a higher civilization, and his existing at the beginning of the quaternary period already differentiated into races as remote from one another as the typical races of the present day. these facts of themselves afford an irresistible presumption that the origin of the human race must be sought much further back, and it remains to consider what positive evidence has been adduced in support of this presumption. chapter xi. tertiary man. definition of periods--passage from pliocene to quaternary--scarcity of human remains in tertiary--denudation--evidence from caves wanting--tertiary man a necessary inference from widespread existence of quaternary man--both equally inconsistent with genesis--was the first great glaciation pliocene or quaternary?--section of perrier--confirms croll's theory--elephas meridionalis--mammoth--st. prest--cut bones--instances of tertiary man--halitherium--balæonotus--puy courny--thenay--evidence for--proofs of human agency--latest conclusions--gaudry's theory--dryopithecus--type of tertiary man--skeleton of castelnedolo--- shows no approach to the missing link--contrary to theory of evolution--- must be sought in the eocene--evidence from the new world--glacial period in america--palæolithic implements--quaternary man--similar to europe--california--conditions different--auriferous gravels--- volcanic eruptions--enormous denudation--great antiquity--flora and fauna--point to tertiary age--discovery of human remains--table mountain--latest finds--calaveras skull--summary of evidence--other evidence--tuolumne--brazil--buenos ayres--nampa images--take us farther from first origins and the missing link--if darwin's theory applies to man, must go back to the eocene. the first difficulty which meets us in this question is that of distinguishing clearly between the different geological periods. no hard-and-fast line separates the quaternary from the pliocene, the pliocene from the miocene, or the miocene from the eocene. they pass from one into the other by insensible gradations, and the names given to them merely imply that such considerable changes have taken place in the fauna as to enable us to distinguish one period from another. and even this only applies when we take the periods as a whole, and see what have been the predominant types, for single types often survive through successive periods. the course of evolution seems to be that types and species, like individuals, have their periods of birth, growth, maturity, decay, and death. thus fish of the ganoid type appear sparingly in the silurian, culminate in the devonian, and gradually die out in the later formations. so also saurian reptiles appear in the carboniferous, culminate in the lias, and die out with the secondary, or so nearly so that the crocodilia are their sole remaining representatives. and this applies when we attempt to take our first step backwards in tracing the origin of man, and follow him from the quaternary into the pliocene. when did the pliocene end and the quaternary begin? within which of the two did the first great glacial period fall? does pre-glacial mean pliocene, or is it included in the quaternary? and to which do the oldest human remains belong, such as the skeletons of spy? the difficulty of answering these questions is increased because, as we go back in time, the human remains which guide us in the quaternary age necessarily become scarcer. mankind must have been fewer in number, and their relics to a great extent removed by denudation. thus the evidence from caves, which affords by far the most information as to quaternary man, entirely fails us as to the pliocene and earlier periods. this may be readily accounted for when we consider the great amount of the earth's surface which has been removed by denudation. in fact we have seen that nearly feet of a mountain range must have disappeared from denudation in the weald of kent, since the streams from it rolled down the gravels with human implements, scattered over the north downs as described by professor prestwich. what chance would tertiary caves have of surviving such an extensive denudation? moreover, if any of the present caves existed before the glacial period, their original contents must have been swept out, perhaps more than once, before they became filled by the present deposits. there is evidence in many caves that this was the case, from small patches of the older deposit being found adhering to the roof, as at brixham and maccaguone in sicily, in which latter case flakes of chipped stone and pieces of carbon were found by dr. falconer in these patches of a hard breccia. there is another consideration also which must have greatly diminished the chance of finding human remains in tertiary deposits. why did men take to living in dark and damp caves? presumably for protection against cold. but in the miocene and the greater part of the pliocene there was no great cold. the climate, as shown by the vegetation, was mild, equable, and ranged from semi-tropical to south-temperate, and the earth was to a certain extent covered by forests sustaining many fruit-bearing trees. under such conditions men would have every inducement to live in the open air, and in or near forests where they could obtain food and shelter, rather than in caves. and a few scattered savages, thus living, would leave exceedingly few traces of their existence. if the pygmy races of central africa, or of the andaman islands, became extinct, the chances would be exceedingly small of a future geologist finding any of their stone implements, which alone would have a chance of surviving, dropped under secular accumulations of vegetable mould in a wide forest. it is the more important therefore where instances of human remains in tertiary strata, supported by strong _primâ facie_ evidence, and vouched for by competent authorities, do actually occur, to examine them dispassionately, and not, as a good many of our english geologists are disposed to do, dismiss them with a sort of scientific _non possumus_, like that which was so long opposed to the existence of quaternary man, and the discoveries of boucher-de-perthes. it is perfectly evident from the admitted existence of man throughout the quaternary period, already spread over a great part of the earth's surface, and divided into distinct types, that if there is any truth in evolution, mankind must have had a long previous existence. the only other possible alternative would be the special miraculous creations of men of several different types, and in many different centres, at the particular period of time when the tertiary was replaced by the quaternary. in other words that, while all the rest of the animal creation have come into existence by evolution from ancestral types, man alone, and that not merely as regards his spiritual qualities, but physical man, with every bone and muscle having its counterpart in the other quadrumana, was an exception to this universal law, and sprang into existence spontaneously or by repeated acts of supernatural interference. as long as the account of the creation in genesis was held to be a divinely-inspired narrative, and no facts contradicting it had been discovered, it is conceivable that such a theory might be held, but to admit evolution for quaternary, and refuse to admit it for tertiary man, is an extreme instance of "straining at a gnat and swallowing a camel," for a duration of even , or , years is just as inconsistent with genesis as one of , or half a million. in attacking the question of tertiary man, the first point is to aim at some clear conception of where the pliocene ends and the quaternary begins. these are after all but terms applied to gradual changes through long intervals of time; still they require some definition, or otherwise we should be beating the air, and ticketing in some museums as tertiary the identical specimens which in others were labelled as quaternary. this turns very much on whether the first great glaciation was pliocene or quaternary, and must be decided partly by the order of superposition and partly by the fauna. if we can find a section where a thick morainic deposit is interposed between two stratified deposits, a lower one characterized by the usual fauna of the older pliocene, and an upper one by that of the newer pliocene, it is evident that the glacier or ice-cap which left this moraine must have existed in pliocene times. we know that the climate became colder in the pliocene, and rapidly colder towards its close, and that in the cliffs of cromer, the forest bed with a temperate climate had given place to arctic willows and mosses, before the first and lowest boulder-clay had brought blocks of scandinavian granite to england. we should be prepared, therefore, for evidence that this first period of greatest cold had occurred within the limits of the pliocene period. such evidence is afforded by the valleys which radiate from the great central boss of france in the auvergne. the hill of perrier had long been known as a rich site of the fossil remains of the extinct pliocene fauna, and its section has been carefully studied by some of the best french geologists, whose results are summed up as follows by hamy in his _palæontologie humaine_-- "the bed-rock is primitive protogine, which is covered by nearly horizontal lacustrine miocene, itself covered by some metres of fluviatile gravels. above comes a bed of fine sand, a mètre thick, which contains numerous specimens of the well-known mammalian fauna of the lower pliocene, characterized by two mastodons (_m. armenicus_ and _m. borsoni_). then comes a mass of conglomerates mètres thick, consisting of pebbles and boulders cemented by yellowish mud; and above this a distinct layer of upper pliocene characterized by the _elephas meridionalis_. "the boulders, some of which are of great size, are all angular, never rounded or stratified, often scratched, and mostly consisting of trachyte, which must have been transported twenty-five kilomètres from the puy de dôme. in short, the conglomerate is absolutely indistinguishable from any other glacial moraine, whether of the quaternary period or of the present day. it is divided into three sections by two layers of rolled pebbles and sands, which could only have been caused by running water, so that the glacier must have advanced and retreated three times, leaving each time a moraine fifty mètres thick, and the whole of this must have occurred before the deposit of the upper pliocene stratum with its _elephas meridionalis_ and other pliocene mammals." the importance of this will presently be seen, for the _elephas meridionalis_ is one of the extinct animals which is most directly connected with the proofs of man's existence before the quaternary period. it is also important as confirming the immense time which must have elapsed between the date of the first and second _maxima_ of glacial cold, and thus adding probability to the calculations derived from croll's periods of maximum and minimum eccentricity. the three advances and retreats of the great perrier glacier also fit in extremely well with the calculated effects of precession during high eccentricity, as about three of such periods must have occurred in the period of the coming on, culminating, and receding of each phase of maximum eccentricity. this evidence from perrier does not stand alone, for in the neighbouring valleys, and in many other localities, isolated boulders of foreign rocks which could only have been transported by ice, are found at heights considerably above those of the more recent moraines and boulders which had been supposed to mark the limit of the greatest glaciation. thus on the slopes of the jura and the vosges, boulders of alpine rocks, much worn by age, and whose accompanying drifts and moraines have disappeared by denudation, are found at heights or mètres above the more obvious moraines and boulders, which themselves rise to a height of nearly feet, and must have been the front of glaciers from the alps which buried the plain of switzerland under that thickness of solid ice. the only possible alternative to this evidence from perrier would be to throw back the duration of the quaternary and limit that of the pliocene enormously, by supposing that all the deposits above the great glacial conglomerate or old moraine, are inter-glacial and not tertiary. this is, as has been pointed out, very much a question of words, for the phenomena and the time required to account for them remain the same by whatever name we elect to call them. but it still has its importance, for it involves the fundamental principle of geology, that of classifying eras and formations by their fauna. if the _elephas meridionalis_ is a pliocene and not a quaternary species, we must admit, with the great majority of continental geologists, that the first and greatest glaciation fell within the pliocene period. if, on the other hand, this elephant is, like the mammoth, part of the quaternary fauna, we may believe, as many english geologists do, that the first glacial period coincided with and probably occasioned the change from pliocene to quaternary, and that everything above the oldest boulder-clays and moraines is not tertiary but inter-glacial. as bones of the _elephas meridionalis_ have been frequently found in connection with human implements, and with cuts on them which could only have been made by flint knives ground by the human hand, it will be seen at once what an interest attaches to this apparently dry geological question, of the age of the great southern elephant. the transition from the mastodon into the elephant took place in the old world (for in america the succession is different) in the pliocene period. in the older pliocene we have nothing but mastodons, in the newer nothing but elephants, and the transition from the older to the newer type is distinctly traced by intermediate forms in the fossil fauna of the sewalek hills. the _elephas meridionalis_ is the oldest known form of true elephant, and it is characteristic of all the different formations of the upper pliocene, while it is nowhere found in cave or river deposits which belong unmistakably to the quaternary. it was a gigantic animal, fully four feet higher than the tallest existing elephant, and bulky in proportion. it had a near relation in the _elephas antiquus_, which was of equal size, and different from it mainly in a more specialized structure of the molar teeth, and the remains of this elephant have been found in the lower strata of some of the oldest bone-caves and river-silts, as to which it is difficult to say whether they are older or younger than the first glacial period. the remains of a pygmy elephant, no bigger than an ass, have also been found in the upper pliocene, at malta and sicily, and those of the existing african elephant in sicily and spain. it would seem, therefore, that the upper pliocene was the golden age of the elephants where they were most widely diffused, and comprised most species and most varieties, both in the direction of gigantic and of diminutive size. but in passing from the pliocene into the quaternary period, they all, or almost all, disappeared, and were superseded by the _elephas primigenius_, or mammoth, which had put in a first appearance in the latest pliocene, and became the principal representative of the genus _elephas_ in europe and northern asia down to comparatively recent times. this succession is confirmed by that of the rhinoceros, of which several species were contemporary with the _elephas meridionalis_, while the _rhinoceros tichorinus_, or woolly rhinoceros, who is the inseparable companion of the mammoth, appeared and disappeared with him. in these matters, those who are not themselves specialists must rely on authority, and when we find lyell, geikie, and prestwich coinciding with all modern french, german, italian, and belgian geologists, in considering _elephas meridionalis_ as one of the characteristic upper pliocene fauna, we can have no hesitation in adopting their conclusion. in this case the section of st. prest, near chartres, affords a first absolutely secure foothold in tracing our way backwards towards human origins beyond the quaternary. the sands and gravels of a river which ran on the bed rock without any underlying glacial _débris_ are here exposed. it had no relation to the existing river eure, the bed of which it crosses at an angle, and it must have run before that river had begun to excavate its valley, and when the drainage of the country was quite different. the sands contain an extraordinary number of bones of the _elephas meridionalis_, associated with old species of rhinoceros, and other pliocene species. lyell, who visited the spot, had no hesitation in calling it a pliocene river. in fact it never would have been disputed if the question of man's antiquity had not been involved in it, for in these sands and gravels have been found numerous specimens of cut bones of the _elephas meridionalis_, together with the flint knives which made the cuts, and other stone implements, rude but still unmistakably of the usual palæolithic type. the subjoined plate will enable the reader to compare the arrow-head, which is the commonest type found at st. prest, with a comparatively recent arrow-head from the yorkshire wolds, and see how impossible it is to concede human agency to the post-glacial and deny it to the pliocene specimen. [illustration: pliocene. arrow-head--st. prest. (hamy, _palæontologie humaine_.) post-glacial. arrow-head--yorkshire wolds. (evans, _stone implements_.)] in this and other instances, cut bones afford one of the most certain tests of the presence of man. the bones tell their own tale, and their geological age can be certainly identified. sharp cuts could only be made on them while the bones were fresh, and the state of fossilization, and presence of dendrites or minute crystals alike on the side of the cuts and on the bone, negative any idea of forgery. the cuts can be compared with those on thousands of undoubted human cuts on bones from the reindeer and other later periods, and with cuts now made with old flint knives on fresh bones. all these tests have been applied by some of the best anthropologists of the day, who have made a special study of the subject, and who have shown their caution and good faith by rejecting numerous specimens which did not fully meet the most rigorous requirements, with the result that in several cases there could be no reasonable doubt that the cuts were really made by human implements guided by human hands. the only possible alternative suggested is, that they might have been made by gnawing animals or fishes. but as quatrefages observes, even an ordinary carpenter would have no difficulty in distinguishing between a clean cut made by a sharp knife, and a groove cut by repeated strokes of a narrow chisel; and how much more would it be impossible for a professor trained to scientific investigation, and armed with a microscope, to mistake a groove gnawed out by a shark or rodent for a cut made by a flint knife. no one who will refer to quatrefages' _hommes fossilés_, and look at the figures of cut bones given there from actual photographs, can feel any doubt that the cuts there delineated were made by flint knives held by the human hand. in addition to this instance of st. prest, quatrefages in his _histoire des races humaines_, published in , and containing the latest summary of the evidence generally accepted by french geologists as to tertiary man, says that, omitting doubtful cases, the presence of man has been signalized in deposits undoubtedly tertiary in five different localities, viz. in france by the abbé bourgeois, in the lower miocene of thenay near pontlevoy (loir-et-cher); by m. rames at puy courny near aurillac (cantal), in the upper miocene; in italy by m. capellini in the pliocene of monte aperto near sienna, and by m. ragazzoni in the lower pliocene of castelnedolo near brescia; in portugal by m. ribiero at otta, in the valley of the tagus, in the upper miocene. [illustration: cuts with flint knife on rib of balÆonotus--pliocene. from monte aperto, italy. (quatrefages, _histoire des races humaines_.)] [illustration: cut magnified by microscope.] to these may be added the cut bones of halitherium, a miocene species, from pouancé (maine et loire), by m. delaunay; and those on the tibia of a rhinoceros etruscus, and other fossil bones from the upper pliocene of the val d'arno. in addition to these are the numerous remains, certainly human and presumably tertiary, from north and south america, which will be referred to later, and a considerable number of cases where there is a good deal of _primâ facie_ evidence for tertiary human remains, but where doubts remain and their authenticity is still denied by competent authorities. among these ought to be placed the instance from portugal, for although a large celt very like those of the oldest palæolithic type was undoubtedly found in strata which had always been considered as miocene, the congress of palæontologists who assembled at lisbon were divided in opinion as to the conclusiveness of the evidence. but there remain six cases in the old world, ranging from st. prest in the upper pliocene to thenay in the lower miocene, in which the preponderance of evidence and authority in support of tertiary man seems so decisive, that nothing but a preconceived bias against the antiquity of the human race can refuse to accept it. i have already discussed this evidence so fully in a former work (_problems of the future_, ch. v. on tertiary man) that i do not propose to go over the ground again, but merely to refer briefly to some of the more important points which come out in the above six instances. in three of them, those of the halitherium of pouancé, the balæonotus of monte aperto, and the rhinoceros of the val d'arno, the evidence depends entirely on cut bones, and in the case of st. prest on that of cut bones of _elephas meridionalis_ combined with palæolithic implements. the evidence from cut bones is for the reasons already stated very conclusive, and when a jury of four or five of the leading authorities, such as quatrefages, hamy, mortillet, and delaunay, who have devoted themselves to this branch of inquiry, and have shown their great care and conscientiousness by rejecting numbers of cases which did not satisfy the most rigid tests, arrive unanimously at the conclusion that many of the cuts on the bones of tertiary animals are unmistakably of human origin, there seems no room left for any reasonable scepticism. i cannot doubt therefore that we have positive evidence to confirm the existence of man, at any rate from the pliocene period, through the long series of ages intervening between it and the quaternary. but the discovery of flint implements at puy courny in the upper miocene, and at thenay in the lower miocene, carry us back a long step further, and involves such important issues as to the origin of the human race, that it may be well to recapitulate the evidence upon which those discoveries rest. the first question is as to the geological age of the deposits in which these chipped implements have been found. in the case of puy courny this is beyond dispute. in the central region of the auvergne there have been two series of volcanic eruptions, the latest towards the close of the pliocene or commencement of the quaternary period, and an older one, which, from its position and fossils, is clearly of the upper miocene. the gravels in which the chipped flints were discovered by m. rames, a very competent geologist, were interstratified with tuffs and lavas of these older volcanoes, and no doubt as to their geological age was raised by the congress of french archæologists to whom they were submitted. the whole question turns therefore on the sufficiency of the proofs of human origin, as to which the same congress expressed themselves as fully satisfied. [illustration: flint scraper from high level drift, kent. (prestwich.)] the specimens consist of several well-known palæolithic types, celts, scrapers, arrow-heads and flakes, only ruder and smaller than those of later periods. they were found at three different localities in the same stratum of gravel, and comply with all the tests by which the genuineness of quaternary implements is ascertained, such as bulbs of percussion, conchoidal fractures, and above all, intentional chipping in a determinate direction. it is evident that a series of small parallel chips or trimmings, confined often to one side only of the flint, and which have the effect of bringing it into a shape which is known from quaternary and recent implements to be adapted for human use, imply intelligent design, and could not have been produced by the casual collisions of pebbles rolled down by an impetuous torrent. thus the annexed plate of an implement from the high level drift on the north downs, shown by professor prestwich to the anthropological society, is rude enough, but no one has ever expressed the least doubt of its human origin. the chipped flints from puy courny also afford another very conclusive proof of intelligent design. the gravelly deposit in which they are found contains five different varieties of flints, and of these all that look like human implements are confined to one particular variety, which from its nature is peculiarly adapted for human use. as quatrefages says, no torrents or other natural causes could have exercised such a discrimination, which could only have been made by an intelligent being, selecting the stones best adapted for his tools and weapons. [illustration: upper miocene implements. puy courny. scraper, or lance-head. puy courny. upper miocene (rames). (quatrefages, _races humaines_, p. .) scraper. puy courny. upper miocene (rames) (quatrefages, _races humaines_, p. .)] the general reader must be content to rely to a great extent on the verdict of _experts_, and in this instance of puy courny need not perhaps go further than the conclusion of the french congress of archæologists, who pronounced in favour both of their miocene and human origin. it may be well, however, to annex a plate showing in two instances how closely the specimens from puy courny resemble those of later periods, of the human origin of which no doubt has ever been entertained. it is certainly carrying scientific scepticism to an unreasonable pitch to doubt that whatever cause fashioned the two lower figures, the same cause must equally have fashioned the upper ones; and if that cause be human intelligence in the quaternary period it must have been human or human-like intelligence in the upper miocene. [illustration: copare quaternary implements. wokey hole--glacial. (evans, _stone implements_, p .) plateau drift. north downs, kent (prestwich).] the evidence for the still older implements of thenay is of the same nature as that for those of puy courny. first as regards the geological horizon. subjoined is the section at thenay as made by m. bourgeois, verified by mm. vibraye, delaunay, schmidt, belgrand, and others, from personal inspection, and given by m. hamy in his _palæontologie humaine_. it would seem that there could be little doubt as to the geological position of the strata from which the alleged chipped flints come. the faluns are a well-known marine deposit of a shallow sea spread over a great part of central and southern france, and identified, beyond a doubt, as upper miocene by its shells. the orleans sands are another miocene deposit perfectly characterized by its mammalian fauna, in which the _mastodon angustidens_ first appears, with other peculiar species. the calcaire de beauce is a solid freshwater limestone formed in the great lake which in the miocene age occupied the plain of the beauce and extended into touraine. it forms a clear horizon or dividing line between the upper miocene, characterized by the mastodon, and the lower miocene, of which the acrotherium, a four-toed and hornless rhinoceros, is the most characteristic fossil. [illustration: section at thenay.] the supposed chipped flints are said to appear sparingly in the upper deposits, disappear in the calcaire de beauce, and reappear, at first sparingly and then plentifully, in the lacustrian marls below the limestone. they are by far the most numerous in a thin layer of greenish-yellow clay, no. of section, below which they rapidly disappear. there can be no question therefore that if the flints really came from the alleged deposits, and really show the work of human hands, the savages by whom they were chipped must have lived on the shores or sand-banks of this miocene lake. as regards the geological question, it is right to observe that professor prestwich, who visited the section a good many years ago in company with the abbé bourgeois, and who is one of the highest authorities on this class of questions, remained unconvinced that the flints shown him really came from the alleged strata below the calcaire de beauce, and thought that the specimens which appeared to show human manufacture might have come from the surface, and become intermixed with the natural flints of the lower strata. the geological horizon, however, seems to have been generally accepted by french and continental geologists, especially by the latest authorities, and the doubts which have been expressed have turned mainly on the proof of human design shown by the implements. this is a question which must be decided by the authority of experts, for it requires special experience to be able to distinguish between accidental fractures and human design, in implements of the extremely rude type of the earlier formations. the test is mainly afforded by the nature of the chipping. if it consists of a number of small chips, all in the same direction, with the result of bringing one face or side into a definite form, adapted for some special use, the inference is strong that the chips were the work of design. the general form might be the result of accident, but fractures from frost or collisions simulating chipping could hardly be all in the same direction, and confined to one part of the stone. the inference is strengthened if the specimen shows bulbs of percussion, where the blows had been struck to fashion the implement, and if the microscope discloses parallel striæ and other signs of use on the chipped edge, such as would be made by scraping bones or skins, while nothing of the sort is seen on the other natural edges, though they may be sharper. but above all, the surest test is afforded by a comparison with other implements of later dates, or even of existing savages, which are beyond all doubts products of human manufacture. tried by these tests, the evidence stands as follows-- when specimens of the flints from thenay were first submitted to the anthropological congress at brussels, in , their human origin was admitted by mm. worsae, de vibraye, de mortillet, and schmidt, and rejected by mm. nilson, hebert, and others, while m. quatrefages reserved his opinion, thinking a strong case made out, but not being entirely satisfied. m. bourgeois himself was partly responsible for these doubts, for, like boucher-de-perthes, he had injured his case by overstating it, and including a number of small flints, which might have been, and probably were, merely natural specimens. but the whole collection having been transferred to the archæological museum at st. germain, its director, m. mortillet, selected those which appeared most demonstrative of human origin, and placed them in a glass case, side by side with similar types of undoubted quaternary implements. this removed a great many doubts, and later discoveries of still better specimens of the type of scrapers have, in the words of quatrefages, "dispelled his last doubts," while not a single instance has occurred of any convert in the opposite direction, or of any opponent who has adduced facts contradicting the conclusions of quatrefages, mortillet, and hamy, after an equally careful and minute investigation. [illustration: middle miocene implements. scraper from thenay. (hamy, _palæontologie humaine_, p. .) scraper, or borer. thenay. (showing bulb of percussion. quatrefages, _races humaines_, p. .)] in order to assist the reader in forming an opinion as to the claim of these flints from thenay, to show clear traces of human design, i subjoin some illustrations of photographs in which they are compared with specimens of later date, which are undoubtedly and by universal consent works of human hands, guided by human intelligence. these figures seem to leave no reasonable doubt that some at least of the flints from thenay show unmistakable signs of human handiwork, and i only hesitate to accept them as conclusive proofs of the existence of man in the middle miocene, because such an authority as prestwich retains doubts of their having come from the geological horizon accepted by the most eminent modern french geologists. [illustration: middle miocene implements. borer, or awl. thenay. miocene. (congrès préhistorique, bruxelles, .) knife, or scraper. thenay. (gaudry. quatrefages, p. .)] the evidence of the authenticity of these implements from thenay is, moreover, greatly strengthened by the discovery of other miocene implements at puy courny, which have not been seriously impugned, and by the essay of professor prestwich, confirming the discovery of numerous flint implements in the upper level gravels of the north downs, which could only have been deposited by streams flowing from a mountain ridge along the anticlinal of the weald, of which feet must have disappeared by sub-aërial denudation since these rivers flowed northwards from its flanks. how far back such a denudation may carry us is a matter of speculation. certainly, as prestwich admits, into the pre-glacial or very early glacial ages, and possibly into the tertiaries, but at any rate for a time which, by whatever name we call it, must be enormous according to any standard of centuries or millenniums. and what is specially interesting in these extremely ancient implements is that, in prestwich's words, "these plateau implements exhibit distinct characters and types such as would denote them to be the work of a more primitive and ruder race than those fabricated by palæolithic men of the valley drift times." [illustration: compare quaternary implements. scraper. yorkshire wold. (evans, _stone implements_.) quaternary. mammoth period. river drift, mesvin. belgium. (congrès préhistorique, bruxelles, .) quaternary. chaleux, belgium. reindeer period. (congrès préhistorique, bruxelles, .)] in fact we have only to look at the figures which accompany prestwich's essay,[ ] to see that their types resemble those of puy courny and thenay, rather than those of st. acheul and moustier. [ ] _journal of anthropological institute_, feb. , p. . the following remarks of the professor would apply almost as well to the miocene implements as to those of the plateau-- "unlike the valley implements, the plateau implements are, as a rule, made of the _fragments_ of natural drift flints, that are found scattered over the surface of the ground, or picked up in gravel-beds and merely roughly trimmed. sometimes the work is so slight as to be scarcely apparent; at others, it is sufficient to show a distinct design and object. it indicates the very infancy of the art, and probably the earliest efforts of man to fabricate his tools and weapons from other substances than wood or bone. that there was an object and design is manifest from the fact that they admit of being grouped according to certain patterns. these are very simple, but they answered to the wants of a primitive people. "with few exceptions, the implements are small, from to inches in length, and mostly such as could have been used in the hand, and in the hand only. there is, with the exceptions before named, an almost entire absence of the large massive spear-head forms of the valley drifts, and a large preponderance of forms adapted for chipping, hammering, and scraping. with these are some implements that could not have been used in the hand, but they are few and rude. the difference between the plateau and the valley implements is as great or greater than between the latter and the neolithic implements. though the work on the plateau implements is often so slight as scarcely to be recognizable, even modern savage work, such as exhibited for example by the stone implements of the australian natives, show, when divested of their mounting, an amount of work no greater or more distinct, than do these early palæolithic specimens. "some persons may be disposed to look upon the slight and rude work which these flints have received as the result only of the abrasion and knocking about caused by collision during the transport of the drift. this belief prevailed for a time even in the case of the comparatively well-fashioned valley implements. a little practice, and comparison with natural drift flints, will show the difference, notwithstanding the, at first, unpromising appearance of these early specimens of man's handicraft. it is as such, and from their being the earliest such work with which we are acquainted, that they are of so great interest, for they give us some slight insight into the occupation and surroundings of the race by whom they were used. a main object their owners would seem to have had in view, was the trimming of flints to supply them with implements adapted to the breaking of bones for the sake of the marrow, scraping skins, and round bodies such as bones or sticks, for use as simple tools or poles. from the scarcity of the large massive implements of the pointed and adze type, so common in the valley drifts, it would seem as though offensive and defensive weapons of this class had not been so much needed, whether from the rarity of the large mammalia, so common later on in the low-level valley drifts, or from the habits and character of those early people." the positive evidence is therefore extremely strong that men existed in the tertiaries, and if we add to it the irresistible inference that he must have done so to develop so many different races, and leave his rude implements in so many and such remote regions as we found early in the quaternary, i do not see how it is possible to avoid accepting it as an established fact. but in using the term tertiary man, i do not venture to define the exact meaning of "man," or the precise stage in his evolution which had been attained at this enormously remote period. m. gaudry, an excellent authority, while admitting that the flints from thenay showed evidence of intentional chipping, thought that they might have been the work of the dryopithecus, a fossil ape, supposed to be nearer man than any existing anthropoid, whose remains had been found at sausan in the middle miocene. but the dryopithecus has been deposed from his pride of place by the subsequent discovery of a more perfect jaw, and he is now considered, though undoubtedly an anthropoid ape, to be of a lower type than the chimpanzee or gorilla.[ ] the strongest argument however for the essentially human character of the artificers of the flints of thenay and puy courny is that their type continues, with no change except that of slight successive improvements, through the pliocene, quaternary, and even down to the present day. the scraper of the esquimaux and the andaman islanders is but an enlarged and improved edition of the miocene scraper, and in the latter case the stones seem to have been split by the same agency, viz. that of fire. the early knowledge of fire is also confirmed by the discovery, reported by m. bourgeois in the orleans sand at thenay, with bones of mastodon and dinotherium, of a stony fragment mixed with carbon, in a sort of hardened paste, which, as we can hardly suppose pottery to have been known, must be the remnant of a hearth on which there had been a fire. [ ] having applied to professor flower, as the highest authority, to inform me of the actual position of the evidence as to the dryopithecus, he was good enough to reply to me as follows-- "dryopithecus (middle miocene of france) is an undoubted anthropoid, allied to gorilla and chimpanzee, but the recent discovery of a more complete jaw than that first found shows that it is rather a lower form than the two just mentioned, instead of higher as once thought. see gaudry, mem. soc. geol. france--_palæontologie_, . "the animal called _pliopithecus_, from the same formation, is now generally considered to be not distinguishable from the genus hylobates (gibbon). "so there is no doubt about the existence of anthropoid apes in the miocene of europe, but not of a higher type than the present african or asiatic species. yours truly, "w. flower." there must always, however, remain a doubt as to the nature of this ancestral tertiary man, until actual skulls and skeletons have been found, under circumstances which preclude doubt, and in sufficient numbers to enable anthropologists to speak with the same confidence as to types and races, as they can of his quaternary successors. this again is difficult from the rarity of such remains, and from the fact that after burial of the dead was introduced, graves must often have been dug down from the surface into older strata, with which in course of time their contents become intermixed. no case, therefore, can be safely admitted where the find was not made by well-known scientific authorities, under circumstances which preclude the possibility of subsequent interment, and vouch for the geological age of the undisturbed deposit. this test disposes of all the alleged discoveries of human remains in the tertiaries of the old world, except one, and although it is quite possible that some may be genuine among those rejected, it is safer not to rely on them. there is one, however, which is supported by extremely strong evidence, and the discussion of which i have reserved for the last, as if accepted it throws a new and unexpected light on the evolution of the human race. the following is the account of it, taken from quatrefages' _races humaines_-- "the bones of four individuals, a woman and two children, were found at castelnedolo, near brescia, in a bed identified by its fossils as lower pliocene. the excavations were made with the utmost care, in undisturbed strata, by m. ragazzoni, a well-known scientific man, assisted by m. germani, and the results confirmed by m. sergi, a well-known geologist, after a minute personal investigation. the deposit was removed in successive horizontal layers, and not the least trace was found of the beds having been mixed or disturbed. the human bones presented the same fossilized appearance as those of the extinct animals in the same deposit. the female skeleton was almost entire, and the fragments of the skull were sufficiently perfect to admit of their being pieced together so as to show almost its entire form." the first conjecture naturally was that it must have been a case of subsequent interment, a conjecture which was strengthened by the fact of the female skeleton being so entire; but this is negatived by the undisturbed nature of the beds, and by the fact that the other bones were found scattered at considerable distances throughout the stratum. m. quatrefages sums up the evidence by saying, "that there exists no serious reason for doubting the discovery, and that if made in a quaternary deposit, no one would have thought of contesting its accuracy. nothing can be opposed to it but theoretical _à priori_ objections similar to those which so long repelled the existence of quaternary man." but if we accept this discovery, it leads to the remarkable conclusion that tertiary man not only existed, but has undergone little change in the thousands of centuries which have since elapsed. the skull is of fair capacity, very much like what might be expected from a female of the canstadt type, and less rude and ape-like than the skulls of spy and neanderthal, or those of modern bushmen and australians. and the other bones of the skeleton show no marked peculiarities. this makes it difficult to accept the discovery unreservedly, notwithstanding the great weight of positive evidence in its favour. the great objection to tertiary man has been, that as all other species had changed, and many had become extinct two or three times over since the miocene, it was unlikely that an animal so highly specialized as man should alone have had a continuous existence. and this argument of course becomes stronger the more it can be shown that the oldest skeletons differed little if it at all from man of the quaternary and recent ages. moreover, the earlier specimens of quaternary man which are so numerous and authentic, show, if not anything that can be fairly called the "missing link," still a decided tendency, as they get older, towards the type of the rudest existing races, which again show a distinct though distant approximation towards the type of the higher apes. the oldest quaternary skulls are dolichocephalic, very thick with enormous frontal sinuses; low and receding foreheads; flattened vertices; prognathous jaws, and slight and receding' chins. the average cranial capacity is about cubic centimètres, or fully one-fourth less than that of modern european man, and of this smaller brain a larger proportion is in the posterior region. the other peculiarities of the skeletons all tend in the same direction, and, as we have seen in huxley's description of the men of spy, sometimes go a long way in the pithecoid direction, even to the extent of not being able to straighten the knee in walking. it would, therefore, be contrary to all our ideas of evolution to find that some , or , , or more probably , or , years prior to these men of spy and neanderthal, the human race had existed in higher physical perfection nearer to the existing type of modern man. quatrefages meets this by saying that tertiary men with a larger brain, and therefore more intelligence than the other tertiary mammals, might have survived, where these succumbed to changes and became extinct. this is doubtless true to some extent, but it hardly seems sufficient to account for the presence of a higher and more recent type, like that of castelnedolo in the lower pliocene, that is a whole geological period earlier than that of the lower quaternary. it is more to the purpose to say with gaudry that the changes on which the distinction of species are founded are often so slight that they might just as well be attributed to variations of races; and to appeal to instances like that of the hylobates of the miocene, one of the nearest congeners of man, in which no genuine difference can be detected from the hylobates or gibbon of the present day; and if the discovery referred to at p. , of anthropoid primates in the eocene of patagonia, should be confirmed, it would greatly strengthen the argument for the persistence of the order to which man belongs through several geological periods. in any case we require more than the evidence of this one discovery before we can assume the type of tertiary man as a proved fact with the same confidence as we can the existence of something like man in those remote ages, from the repeated evidence of chipped stones and cut bones, showing unmistakable signs of being the work of human intelligence. and in the meantime, the only safe conclusion seems to be that it is very probable that we may have to go back to the eocene to find the "missing link," or the ancestral animal which may have been the common progenitor of man and of the other quadrumana. i turn now to the evidence from the new world. i have kept this distinct, for there is no such proof of synchronism between the later geological phases of this and of the old world as would warrant us in assuming that what is true in one is necessarily true in the other. thus in europe the presence of the mastodon is a conclusive proof that the formation in which its remains are found is upper miocene or pliocene, and it has completely disappeared before the glacial period and the quaternary era. but in north america it has survived both these periods, and it is even a question whether it is not found in recent peat-mosses with arrow-heads of the historical indians. the glacial period also, which in the old world affords such a clear demarcation between tertiary and recent ages, and such manifest proofs of two great glaciations with a long inter-glacial period, presents different conditions in america, where the ice-caps radiated from different centres, and extended further south and over wider areas. there is no proof whether the great cold set in sooner or later, and whether the elevations and depressions of land synchronized with those of europe. the evidence for a long inter-glacial period is by no means so clear, and the best american geologists differ respecting it. and above all, the glacial period seems to have lasted longer, and the time required for post-glacial or recent denudation, and erosion of river-gorges, to be less than is required to account for post-glacial phenomena on this side of the atlantic. the evidence, therefore, from the new world, though conclusive as to the existence of man from an immense antiquity, can hardly be accepted as equally so in an attempt to prove that antiquity to be tertiary in the sense of identifying it with specific european formations. with this reservation i proceed to give a short account of this evidence as bearing on the question of the oldest proofs of man's existence. the first step or proof of the presence of man in the quaternary deposits which correspond with the oldest river-drifts of europe, has only been made quite recently. mr. abbott was the first to discover such implements of the usual palæolithic type in quaternary gravels of the river delaware, near trenton in new jersey, and since then they have been frequently found, as described by dr. wright in his recently-published _ice age in america_, in ohio, illinois, and other states, in the old gravels of rivers which carried the drainage of the great lake district to the hudson and the mississippi, before the present line of drainage was established by the falls of niagara and the st. lawrence. so far the evidence merely confirms that drawn from similar finds in the old world of the existence of man in the early glacial or quaternary times, already widely diffused, and everywhere in a similar condition of primitive savagery, and chipping his rude stone implements into the same forms. but if we cross the rocky mountains into california, we find evidence which apparently carries us further back and raises new questions. the whole region west of the rocky mountains is comparatively recent. the coast range which now fronts the pacific is composed entirely of marine tertiary strata, and when they were deposited, the waves of the pacific beat against the flanks of the sierra nevada. at length the coast range was upheaved and a wide valley left between it and the sierra of over miles in length, and with an average breadth of seventy-five miles. the sierra itself is old land, the lower hills consisting of triassic slates and the higher ranges of granite, and it has never been under water since the secondary age though doubtless it stood much higher before it was so greatly denuded. all along its western flank and far down into the great valley is an enormous bed of auriferous gravel, doubtless derived from the waste of the rocks of the sierra during an immense time by old rivers now buried under their own deposits. while these deposits were going on a great outburst of volcanoes occurred on the western slope of the sierra, and successive sheets of tuffs, ashes, and lavas are interstratified with the gravels, while finally an immense flow of basalt covered up everything. the country then presented the appearance of a great plain, sloping gradually downwards from the sierra according to the flow of the basalt and lavas. this plain was in its turn attacked by denudation and worn down by the existing main rivers into valleys and gorges, and by their tributary streams into a series of flat-topped hills, capped by basalt and divided from one another by deep and narrow cañons. the immense time required for this latest erosion may be inferred when it is stated that where the columbia river cuts through the axis of the cascade mountains, the precipitous rocks on either side, to a height of from to feet, consist of this late tertiary or post-tertiary basalt, and that the deschutes river has been cut into the great basaltic plain for miles to a depth of from to feet, without reaching the bottom of the lava. the american and yuba valleys have been lowered from to feet, and the gorge of the stanislas river has cut through one of these basalt-covered hills to the depth of feet. [illustration: section of great californian lava stream, cut through by rivers. _a_, _a_, basalt; _b_, _b_, volcanic ashes; _c_, _c_, tertiary; _d_, _d_, cretaceous rocks; _r_, _r_, direction of the old river-bed; _r´_, _r´_, sections of the present river-beds. (le conte, from whitney.)] the enormous gorge of the colorado has cut its cañons for hundreds of miles from to feet deep through all the orders of sedimentary rocks from the tertiaries down, and from to feet into the primordial granite below, thus draining the great lakes which in tertiary times occupied a vast space in the interior of america which is now an arid desert. evidently the gravels which lie below the basalt, and interstratified with the tuffs and lavas, or below them, and which belong to an older and still more extensive denudation, must be of immense antiquity, an antiquity which remains the same whether we call it quaternary or tertiary. it is in these gravels that gold is found, and in the search for it great masses have been removed in which numerous stone implements have been found. the great antiquity of those gravels and volcanic tuffs is further confirmed by the changes in the flora and fauna which are proved to have occurred. the animal remains found beneath the basaltic cap are very numerous, and all of extinct species. they belong to the genera rhinoceros, elatherium, felis, canis, bos, tapirus, hipparion, elephas (primigenius), mastodon, and auchenia, and form an assemblage entirely distinct from any now living in any part of north america. some of the genera survived into the quaternary age as in europe, but many, both of the genera and species, are among those most characteristic of the pliocene period. the flora also, which is well preserved in the white clays formed from the volcanic ash, comprises forty-nine species of deciduous trees and shrubs, all distinct from those now living, without a single trace of the pines, firs, and other conifera which are now the prevalent trees throughout california. tried by any test, therefore, of fauna, flora, and of immensely long deposit before the present drainage and configuration of the country had begun to be established, professor whitney's contention that the auriferous gravels are of tertiary origin seems to be fully established. it can only be met by obliterating all definite distinction between the quaternary and the pliocene, and adding to the former all the time subtracted from the latter. and even if we apply this to the physical changes, it would upset all our standards of geological formations characterized by fossils, to suppose that a fauna comprising the elatherium, hipparion, and auchenia could be properly transferred to the quaternary. in fact no one would have thought of doing so if human implements and remains had not been found in them. the discovery of such implements was first reported in , and since then a large number have been found, but their authenticity has been hotly contested. the most common were stone mortars very like those of the indians of the present day, only ruder, and it was objected, first, that they were ground and not chipped, and therefore belonged to the neolithic age; secondly, that they might have slipped down from the surface or been taken down by miners. the difficulty in meeting these objections was that the implements had been found not by scientific men _in situ_, but by ignorant miners, who were too keen in the pursuit of gold to notice the particulars of the find, and only knew that they had picked them out in sorting loads of the gravels, and generally thrown them aside. this, however, had occurred in such a number of instances, over such wide areas, and with such a total absence of any motive on the part of the miners to misrepresent or commit a fraud, that the cumulative evidence became almost irresistible; and we cannot sum it up better than in the words of the latest and best authority, professor wright, in an article in the _century_ of april , which is the more important because only two years previously, in his _ice age in north america_, he had still expressed himself as retaining doubts. he says, "but so many of such discoveries have been reported as to make it altogether improbable that the miners were in every case mistaken; and we must conclude that rude stone implements do actually occur in connection with the bones of various extinct animals in the undisturbed strata of the gold-bearing gravel." fortunately the most important human remains have been found in what may be considered as a test case, where it was physically impossible that they could have been introduced by accident, and where the evidence of a common workman as to the locality of the find is as good as that of a professed geologist. during the deposition of the auriferous gravel on the western flanks of the sierra there were great outbursts of volcanoes near the summits of that range. towards their close a vast stream of lava flowed down the shallow valley of the ancient stanislas river, filling up its channel for forty miles or more, and covering its extensive gravel deposits. the modern stanislas river has cut across its former bed, and now flows in a gorge from to feet deeper than the old valley which was filled up by the lava stream, the surface of which appears as a long flat-topped ridge, known as table mountain. in many places the sides of the valley which originally directed the course of the lava have been worn away, so that the walls on either side present a perpendicular face one hundred feet or more in height. the gravel of the ancient stanislas river being very auriferous, great efforts have been made to reach the portion of it which lies under table mountain. large sums have been spent in sinking shafts from the top through the lava cap, and tunnelling into it from the sides. great masses of gravel have been thus quarried and removed, and a considerable amount of gold obtained, though in most cases not enough to meet the expenses, and the workings have been mostly discontinued. [illustration: section across table mountain, tuolumne county, california. _b_, lava; _g_, gravel; _s_, slate; _r_, old river-bed; _r´_, present river-bed. (le conte.)] it is evident that objects brought from a great depth below this lava cap must have remained there undisturbed since they were deposited along with the gravels, and that the evidence of the simplest miner, who says he brought them with a truck-load of dirt from the bottoms of shafts, or ends of tunnels pierced for hundreds of feet through the solid lava, is, if he speaks the truth, as good as if a scientist had found them _in situ_. and this evidence, together with that of mining inspectors and respectable residents who took an interest in scientific subjects, has been forthcoming in such a large number of instances as to preclude any supposition of mistake or fraud. three of the latest of these discoveries were reported at the meeting of the geological society of america on the th december, , and they seem to be supported by very first-class evidence.[ ] mr. becker, one of the staff of the united states geological survey, to whom has been, committed the responsible work of reporting upon the gold-bearing gravels of california, exhibited to the society a stone mortar, and some arrow or spear-heads, with the sworn statement from mr. neale, a well-known mining superintendent, that he took them with his own hands from undisturbed gravel in a mine of which he had charge under the lava of table mountain. [ ] professor wright in _century_, april . a second object exhibited was a pestle found by mr. king, who was at one time general director of the united states geological survey, and is an expert whose judgment on such matters should be final, and who had no doubt that the gravel in which he found the object must have lain in place ever since the lava came down and covered it. the third object was a mortar taken from the old gravel at the end of a tunnel driven diagonally feet from the western edge of the basalt cliff, and feet or more below the surface of the flat top of table mountain, as supported by evidence entirely satisfactory to professor wright, who had just visited the locality and cross-examined the principal witnesses. this may prepare us to consider the case of the celebrated calaveras skull as by no means an isolated or exceptional one, but antecedently probable from the number of human implements found in the same gravels, under the same beds of basalt and lava, at table mountain and numerous other places. professor wright in the article already referred to, which is the latest on the subject, and made after his visit to california in , which he says enabled him to add some important evidence, sums up the facts as follows-- "in february , mr. mattenson, a blacksmith living near table mountain, in the county calaveras, employed his spare earnings in driving a tunnel under the portion of the sierra lava flow known as bald hill. at a depth of feet below the surface, of which feet consisted of solid lava, and the last fifty of interstratified beds of lava, gravel, and volcanic tuffs, he came upon petrified wood, and an object which he at first took for the root of a tree, thickly encased in cemented gravel. but seeing what he took for one of the roots was a lower jaw, he took the mass to the surface, and gave it to mr. scribner, the agent of an express company, and still living in the neighbourhood, and highly respected. mr. scribner, on perceiving what it was, sent it to dr. jones, a medical gentleman of the highest reputation, now living at san francisco, who gave it to professor whitney, who visited the spot, and after a careful inquiry was fully satisfied with the evidence. soon afterwards professor whitney took the skull home with him to cambridge, where, in conjunction with dr. wynam, he subjected it to a very careful investigation to see if the relic itself confirmed the story told by the discoverer, and this it did to such a degree that, to use professor wright's words, the circumstantial evidence alone places its genuineness beyond all reasonable question." this is not a solitary instance, for the professor reports as the result of his personal inquiries only a year ago in the district, that "the evidence that human implements and fragments of the human skeleton have been found in the stratum of gravel underneath the lava of table mountain seems to be abundantly sufficient;" among others a fragment of a skull which came up with a bucketful of dirt from feet below the surface of table mountain at tuolumne. dr. wallace, in an article on the "antiquity of man in north america," in the _nineteenth century_ of november , thus enumerates some of the principal instances-- "in tuolumne county from to stone mortars and platters were found in the auriferous gravel along with bones and teeth of mastodon feet below the surface, and a stone muller was obtained in a tunnel driven under table mountain. in a stone mortar was found at a depth of feet in gravel under clay and 'cement,' as the hard clay with vegetable remains (the old volcanic ash) is called by the miners. in calaveras county from to many mortars and other stone implements were found in the gravels under lava beds, and in other auriferous gravels and clays at a depth of feet. in amador county stone mortars have been found in similar gravel at a depth of feet. in placer county stone platters and dishes have been found in auriferous gravels from to feet below the surface. in nevada county stone mortars and ground discs have been found from to feet deep in the gravel. in butte county similar mortars and pestles have been found in the lower gravel beneath lava beds and auriferous gravel; and many other similar finds have been recorded.... "even these californian remains do not exhaust the proofs of man's great antiquity in america, since we have the record of another discovery which indicates that he may, possibly, have existed at an even more remote epoch. mr. e. l. berthoud has described the finding of stone implements of a rude type in the tertiary gravels of the crow creek, colorado. some shells were obtained from the same gravels, which were determined by mr. t. a. conrad to be species which are 'certainly not older than older pliocene, or possibly miocene.'" i do not dwell on the discoveries which have been made of human implements and skeletons in the cases of minas geraes in brazil, and in the drift or loess of the pampas of buenos ayres, for although associated with extinct animals usually considered as pliocene, there is a difference of opinion among competent geologists, whether the deposits are really tertiary or only early quaternary. there is, however, one discovery, made since the date of these above recorded, of human work below the great basalt cap of north-western america, brought up from a great depth of underlying gravels and sands of a silted-up lake, formerly forming part of the course of the snake river at nampa in idaho, which is as startling in its way as that of the calaveras skull. the following account of it is given on the authority of professor wright, who, having visited the locality in the summer of , states that he found "abundant confirmatory evidence"-- the nampa image was brought up in boring an artesian well, at nampa in ada county, idaho, through a lava-cap feet thick, and below it about feet of the quicksands and clays of a silted-up lake, formed in a basin of the snake river, which joins the columbia river, and flows into the pacific, forming part, therefore, of the same geographical and drainage system as the californian gravels. at this depth the borers came down to a stratum of coarse sand, mixed with clay balls at the top, and resting at the bottom on an ancient vegetable soil, and the image came up from the lower part of this coarse sand. the borer, or liner of the well, was a six-inch iron tube, and the drill was only used in piercing the lava, while the sands below it were all extracted by a sand pump. mr. king, a respectable citizen of nampa, who was boring the well, states that he had been for several days closely watching the progress of the well and passing through his hands the contents of the sand pump as they were brought up, so that he had hold of the image before he suspected what it was. mr. cumming, superintendent of that portion of the union pacific railway, a highly-trained graduate of harvard college, was on the ground next day and saw the image, and heard mr. king's account of the discovery, and mr. adams, the president of the railway, happening to pass that way about a month later, he brought it to the notice of some of the foremost geologists in the united states. the image was sent to boston by mr. king, who gave every information, and it was found to be modelled from stiff clay, like that of the clay balls found in the sand, slightly if at all touched by fire, and incrusted like those balls with grains of oxide of iron, which professor putnam considers to be a conclusive proof of its great antiquity. mr. emmons, of the state geological society, gives it as his opinion that the strata in which this image is said to have been found, is older by far than any others in which human remains have been discovered, unless it be those under table mountain, in california, from which came the celebrated calaveras skull. so much for the authenticity of the discovery, which seems unassailable, but now comes the remarkable feature of it, which to a great extent revolutionizes our conception of this early palæolithic age. the image, or rather statuette, which is scarcely an inch and a half long, is by no means a rude object, but on the contrary more artistic, and a better representation of the human form, than the little idols of many comparatively modern and civilized people, such as the phoenicians. it is in fact very like the little statuettes so abundantly found in the neighbourhood of the old temple-pyramids of mexico, which are generally believed to be not much older than the date of the spanish conquest. [illustration: front view. back view. the nampa image--actual size. (drawn from the object by j. d. woodward.)] in the face of this mass of evidence, from both the old and new worlds, it seems more like obstinate incredulity than scientific caution to deny the existence of tertiary man. indeed the objections put forward by those who still cling to the notion that any proofs of greater antiquity of man take them further back from the orthodox standpoint of genesis, are sufficient of themselves to show the straits to which they are driven to explain the facts. a conspiracy has been imagined of many hundreds of ignorant miners, living hundreds of miles apart, to hoax scientists, or make a trade of forging implements, which is about as probable as the theory that the palæolithic remains of the old world were all forged by the devil, and buried in quaternary strata in order to discredit the mosaic account of creation. it is enough to say that the great majority of the implements had been thrown away as rubbish, and that not a single instance has ever been adduced in which money was asked or offered for any of them. another equally wild theory is that gold-mining tunnels had been driven by some race of prehistoric indians through hundreds of feet of solid basalt and quicksands, who left their implements in them; and this on the face of the fact that no such tunnels or evidences of ancient mining have ever been found in california, and that gold was unknown there until its recent discovery. in accepting, however, the evidence for tertiary man, we must accept with it conclusions which are much opposed to preconceived opinions. in the two best authenticated instances in which human skulls have been found in presumably tertiary strata, those of castelnedolo and calaveras, it is distinctly stated that they present no unusual appearance, and do not go nearly as far in a brutal or pithecoid direction as the quaternary skulls of neanderthal and spy, or as those of many existing savage races. the nampa image also appears to show the existence of considerable artistic skill at a period which, if not tertiary, must be of immense antiquity. how can this be reconciled with the theory of evolution and the descent of man from some animal ancestor common to him and the other quadrumana? up to a certain point, viz. the earliest quaternary period, the evidence of progression seems fairly satisfactory. if we take the general average of this class of skulls as compared with modern skulls, we find them of smaller brain-capacity, thicker and flatter, with prominent frontal sinuses, receding foreheads, projecting muzzles, and weaker chins. the brain is decidedly smaller, the average being cubic centimètres as compared with in australians and bushmen, and in well-developed europeans; and of this smaller capacity a larger proportion is contained in the posterior part.[ ] other parts of the skeleton will tell the same story, and in many of the earliest and most extreme instances, as those of neanderthal and spy, a very decided step is made in the direction of the "missing link." [ ] quatrefages and hamy, _crania ethnica_. but if we accept the only two specimens known of the type of tertiary man, the skulls of castelnedolo and calaveras, which are supported by such extremely strong evidence, it would seem that as we recede in time, instead of getting nearer to the "missing link," we get further from it. this, and this alone, throws doubt on evidence which would otherwise seem to be irresistible, and without a greater number of well-authenticated confirmations we must be content to hold our judgment to a certain extent in suspense. this, however, it must be remarked, extends only to the type of man as shown by these two skulls, and does not at all affect the fact that man, of some type or other, did exist in the pliocene and miocene periods, which is established beyond reasonable doubt by the numerous instances in which chipped implements and cut bones have been found by experienced observers, and pronounced genuine by the highest authorities. all we can say with any certainty is, that if the darwinian theory of evolution applies to man, as it does to all other animals, and specially to man's closest kindred, the other quadrumana, the common ancestor must be sought very much further back, in the eocene, which inaugurated the reign of placental mammalia, and in which the primitive types of so many of the later mammals have been found. nor will this appear incredible when we consider that man's cousins, the apes and monkeys, first appear in the miocene, or even earlier in the eocene, and become plentiful in the later pliocene, and that even anthropoid apes, and one of them, the hylobates, scarcely if at all distinguishable from the gibbon of the present day, have been found at sansan and other miocene deposits in the south of france, at oeningen in switzerland, and pikermi in greece; while if professor ameghino's discoveries are to be credited, anthropoids already existed in the eocene, and their development may be traced from the oldest eocene forms. chapter xii. races of mankind. monogeny or polygeny--darwin--existing races--colour--hair--skulls and brains--dolichocephali and brachycephali--jaws and teeth--stature--other tests--isaac taylor--prehistoric types in europe--huxley's classification--language no test of race--egyptian monuments--- human and animal races unchanged for years--neolithic races--palæolithic--different races of man as far back as we can trace--types of canstadt, cro-magnon, and furfooz--oldest races dolichocephalic--skulls of neanderthal and spy--simian characters--objections--evidence confined to europe--american man--calaveras skull--tertiary man--skull of castelnedolo--leaves monogeny or polygeny an open question--arguments on each side--old arguments from the bible and philology exploded--what darwinian theory requires--animal types traced up to the eocene--secondary origins--dog and horse--fertility of races--question of hybridity--application to man--difference of constitutions--negro and white--bearing on question of migration--apes and monkeys--question of original locality of man--asiatic theory--eur-african--american--arctic--none based on sufficient evidence--- mere speculations--conclusion--summary of evidence as to human origins. the immense antiquity of man upon earth having been established, other questions of great interest present themselves as to the origin of the race. these questions, however, no longer depend on positive facts of observation, like the discovery of palæolithic remains in definite geological deposits, but on inference and conjecture from these and other observed facts, most of which are of comparatively recent date and hardly extend beyond the historical period. thus if we start with the existing state of things, we find a great variety of human races actually prevailing, located in different parts of the world, and of fundamental types so dissimilar as to constitute what in animal zoology would often be called separate species,[ ] and yet fertile among themselves, and so similar in many physical and mental characters as to infer an origin from common ancestors. and we can infer from history that this was so to a great extent years ago, and that the length of time has been insufficient to produce any marked changes, either in physical or linguistic types of the different fundamental races. [ ] topinard, one of the latest and best authorities, says in his book on anthropology: "we have seen the marked difference between woolly and straight hair, between the prognathous and the orthognathous, the jet black of the yoloff and the pale complexion of the scandinavian, between the ultra-dolichocephalic esquimaux or new caledonian, and the ultra-brachycephalic mongolian. but the line of separation between the european and the bosjesman, as regards these two characters, is, in a morphological point of view, still wider, as much so as between each of the anthropoid apes, or between the dog and the wolf, the goat and the sheep." was this always so, and what inference can be drawn as to the much-disputed question between monogeny and polygeny, that is, between the theory of descent from a single pair in a single locality, and that of descent from several pairs, developed in different localities by parallel, but not strictly identical, lines of evolution? this is a question which cannot be decided off-hand by _à priori_ considerations. no doubt darwinism points to the evolution of all life from primitive forms, and ultimately, perhaps, from the single simplest form of life in the cell or protoplasm. but this does not necessarily imply that the more highly specialized, and what may be called the secondary forms of life, have all originated from single secondary centres, at one time and in one locality. on the contrary, we have the authority of darwin himself for saying that this is not a necessary consequence of his theory. in a letter to bentham he says--"i dispute whether a new race or species is necessarily or even generally descended from a single or pair of parents. the whole body of individuals, i believe, became altered together--like our race-horses, and like all domestic breeds which are changed through unconscious selection by man." the problem is, therefore, an open one, and can only be solved (or rather attacked, for in the present state of our knowledge a complete solution is probably impossible) by a careful induction from ascertained facts, ascending step by step from the present to the past, from the known to the unknown. the first step is to have a clear idea of what actually exists at the present moment. there are an almost endless number of minor varieties of the human race, but none of them of sufficient importance to imply diversity of origin, with the exception of four, or at the most five or six fundamental types, which stand so widely apart that it is difficult to imagine that they are all descended from a common pair of ancestors. these are the white, yellow, and black races of the old world, the copper-coloured of america, and perhaps the olive-coloured of malaysia and polynesia, and the pygmy races of africa and eastern asia. the difficulty of supposing these races to have all sprung from a single pair will at once be apparent if we personify this pair under the name of adam for the first man and eve for the first woman, and ask ourselves the question, what do we suppose to have been their colour? but colour alone, though the most obvious, is by no means the sole criterion of difference of race. the evidence is cumulative, and other equally marked and persistent characters, both of physical structure and of physiological and mental peculiarities, stand out as distinctly as differences of colour in the great typical races. for instance, the hair is a very persistent index of race. when the section of it is circular, the hair is straight and lank; when flattened, woolly; and when oval, curly or wavy. now these characters are so persistent that many of the best anthropologists have taken hair as the surest test of race. everywhere the lank and straight hair and circular section go with the yellow and copper-coloured races; the woolly hair and flat section with the black; and the wavy hair and oval section with the white races. the solid framework of the skeleton also affords very distinctive types of race, especially where it is looked at in a general way as applicable to great masses of pure races, and not to individuals of mixed race, like most europeans. the skull is most important, for it affords the measure of the size and shape of the brain, which is the highest organ, and that on which the differentiation of man from the lower animals mainly depends. the size of the brain alone does not always afford a conclusive proof of mental superiority, for it varies with sex, height, and other individual characters, and often seems to depend more on quality than on quantity. still, if we take general averages, we find that superior and civilized races have larger brains than inferior and savage ones. thus the average brain of the european is about cubic centimètres, while that of the australian and bushman does not exceed . the shape as well as the size of the skull affords another test of race which is often appealed to. the main distinction taken is between dolichocephalic and brachycephalic, or long and broad skulls. here also we must look at general averages rather than at individuals, for there is often considerable variation within the same race, especially among the mesocephalic, or medium between the two extremes, which is generally the prevalent form where there has been much intermixture of races. but if we take widely different types there can be no doubt that the long or broad skull is a characteristic and persistent feature. the formation of the jaws and teeth affords another important test. some races are what is called prognathous, that is, the jaws project, and the teeth are set in sockets sloping outwards, so that the lower part of the face approximates to the form of a muzzle; others are orthognathous, or have the jaws and teeth vertical. and the form of the chin seems to be wonderfully correlated with the general character and energy of the race. it is hard to say why, but as a matter of fact a weak chin generally denotes a weak, and a strong chin a strong, race or individual. thus the chimpanzee and other apes have no chin, the negro and lower races generally have chins weak and receding. the races who, like the iberians, have been conquered or driven from plains to mountains, have had poor chins; while their successive conquerors, of aryan race,--celts, romans, teutons, and scandinavians,--might almost be classified by the prominence and solidity of this feature of the face. stature is another very persistent feature. the pygmy races of equatorial africa described by stanley have remained the same since the early records of egypt, while the pure aryan races of the north temperate zone, gauls, germans, and scandinavians, have from the first dawn of history amazed the shorter races of the south by their tall stature, huge limbs, blue eyes, and yellow hair. here and there isolated tall races may be found where the race has become thoroughly acclimatized to a suitable environment, as among some negro tribes, and the araucanian indians of patagonia; but as a rule the inferior races are short, the bulk of the civilized races of the world of intermediate stature, and the great conquering races of the north temperate zone decidedly tall. other tests are afforded by the shape of the eye-orbits and nasal bones, and other characters, all of which agree, in the words of isaac taylor in his _origin of the aryans_, in "exhibiting two extreme types--the african with long heads, long orbits, and flat hair; and the mongolian with round heads, round orbits, and round hair. the european type is intermediate, the head, the orbit, and the hair being oval. in the east of europe we find an approximation to the asiatic type; in the south of europe to the african." taking these prominent anthropological characters as tests, we find four distinct types among the earliest inhabitants of europe, which can be traced back from historic to neolithic times. they consist of two long-headed and two short-headed races, and in each case one is tall and the other short. the dolichocephalic are recognized everywhere throughout western europe and on the mediterranean basin, including north africa, as the oldest race, and they are thought still to survive in the original type in some of the people of wales and ireland and the spanish basques; while they doubtless form a large portion, intermixed with other races, of the blood of the existing populations of great britain and ireland, of western and southern france, of spain, portugal, sicily, sardinia, north africa, and other mediterranean districts. this is known as the iberian race, and it can be traced clearly beyond history and the knowledge of metals, into the neolithic stone age, and may possibly be descended from some of the vastly older palæolithic types such as that of cro-magnon. the type is everywhere a feeble one, of short stature, dolichocephalic skull, narrow oval face, orthognathic teeth, weak chin, and swarthy complexion. we have only to compare a skull of this type with one of ruder and stronger races, to understand how the latter must have survived as conquerors in the struggle for existence in the early ages of the world, before gunpowder and military discipline had placed civilization in a better position to contend with brute force and energy. huxley sums up the latest evidence as to the distinctive types of these historic and prehistoric races of europe as follows-- . blond long-heads of tall stature who appear with least admixture in scandinavia, north germany, and parts of the british islands. . brunette broad-heads of short stature in central france, the central european highlands, and piedmont. these are identified with the ligurian race, and their most typical modern representatives are the auvergnats and savoyards. . mongoloid brunette broad-heads of short stature in arctic and eastern europe, and central asia, represented by the lapps and other tribes of northern russia, passing into the mongols and chinese of eastern asia. . brunette long-heads of short stature--the iberian race. huxley adds, "the inhabitants of the regions which lie between these five present the intermediate gradations which might be expected to result from their intermixture. the evidence at present extant is consistent with the supposition that the blond long-heads, the brunette broad-heads, and the brunette long-heads--_i.e._ the scandinavian, ligurian, and iberian races--have existed in europe very nearly in their present localities throughout historic times and very far back into prehistoric times. there is no proof of any migration of asiatics into europe west of the basin of the dnieper down to the time of attila. on the contrary, the first great movements of the european population of which there is any conclusive evidence are that series of gaulish invasions of the east and south, which ultimately extended from north italy to galatia in asia minor." i may add, that in more recent times many of the principal movements have been from west to east, viz. of germans absorbing slavs, and slavs absorbing or expelling fins and tartars. the next question is, how far can we trace back the existence of the present widely different fundamental types of mankind by the light of ascertained and certain facts? the most important of these facts is, that egyptian monuments enable us to say, that the existing diversities of the typical races of mankind are not of recent origin, but have existed unchanged from the first dawn of history, say years ago. the egyptians themselves have come down from the old empire, through all the vicissitudes of conquests, mixtures of races, changes of religion and language, so little altered that the fellah of to-day is often the image of the egyptians who built the pyramids. the wooden statue of an officer of chephren who died some years ago, was such a striking portrait of the village magistrate of to-day, that the arab workmen christened it the "sheik-el-beled." and these old egyptians knew from the earliest times three at least of the fundamental types of mankind: the nahsu, or negroes to the south, who are represented on the monuments so faithfully that they might be taken as typical pictures of the modern negro; the lebu to the west, a fair-skinned and blue-eyed white race, whose descendants remain to this day as kabyles and berbers, in the same localities of north africa; and to the east various tribes of arabs, syrians, and other asiatics, who are always painted of a yellowish-brown colour, and whose features may often be traced in their modern descendants. the same may be said of the wild and domestic animals of the various countries, which are the same now, unless where subsequently imported, as when they were first known to the ancient egyptians. we start, therefore, with this undoubted fact, that a period of or years has been insufficient to make any perceptible change in the types of pure races, whether of the animal or of human species. and doubtless this period might be greatly extended if we had historical records of the growth of egyptian civilization in the times prior to menes, for in the earliest records we find accounts of wars both with the nahsu and the lebu, implying large populations of those races already existing both to the south and west of the valley of the nile. these positive dates carry us back so far that it is of little use to investigate minutely the differences of races shown by the remains of the neolithic period. they were very marked and numerous, but we have no evidence to show that they were different from those of more recent times, or that their date can be certainly said to be much older than the oldest egyptian records. all we can infer with certainty is, that whether the neolithic period be of longer or shorter duration, no changes have taken place in the animal fauna contemporary with man which cannot be traced to human agency or other known causes. no new species have appeared, or old ones disappeared, in the course of natural evolution, as was the case during the quaternary and preceding geological periods. the neolithic is, however, a mere drop in the ocean of time compared with the earlier periods in which the existence of palæolithic man can be traced by his remains; and as far back as we can go we find ourselves confronted by the same fact of a diversity of races. as we have seen in the chapter on quaternary man, europe, where alone skulls and skeletons of the palæolithic age have been discovered, affords at least three very distinct types--that of canstadt, of cro-magnon, and of furfooz. the canstadt type, which includes the men of neanderthal and spy, and which was widely diffused, having been found, as far south as gibraltar, is apparently the oldest, and certainly the rudest and most savage, being characterized by enormous brow-ridges, a low and receding forehead, projecting muzzle, and thick bones with powerful muscular attachments. it is very dolichocephalic, but the length is due mainly to the projection of the posterior part of the brain, the total size of which is below the average. the cro-magnon type, which is also very old, being contemporary with the cave-bear and mammoth, is the very opposite of that of canstadt in many respects. the superciliary ridges are scarcely marked, the forehead is elevated, the contour of the skull good, and the volume of the brain equal or superior to that of many modern civilized races. the stature was tall, the nose straight or projecting, and the chin prominent. the only resemblance to the canstadt type is, that they are both dolichocephalic chiefly on the posterior region, and both prognathous; but the differences are so many and profound that no anthropologist would say that one of these races could have been derived directly from the other. still less could he say that the small round-headed race of furfooz could have been a direct descendant of either of the two former. it is found in close vicinity with them over an extensive area, but generally in caves and deposits which, from their geological situation and associated fauna, point to a later origin. in fact, if we go by european evidence alone, we may consider it proved that the oldest known races were dolichocephalic, that the brachycephalic races came later, and that as long ago as in neolithic times, considerable intercrossing had taken place, which has gone on ever since, producing the great variety of intermediate types which now prevail over a great part of europe. this inference of the priority of the canstadt type is strengthened by its undoubted approximation to that of the most savage existing races and of the anthropoid apes. if we take the skulls and skeletons of neanderthal and spy, and compare them with those of modern civilized man, we find that while they are still perfectly human, they make a notable approximation towards a savage and simian type in all the peculiarities which have been described by anthropologists as tests. the most important of all, that of the capacity and form of the brain, is best illustrated by the subjoined diagram of the skulls of the european, the neanderthal, and the chimpanzee placed in superposition. [illustration: l'homme avant l'histoire. (from debierre.)] it will be seen at a glance that the neanderthal skull, especially in the frontal part, which is the chief seat of intelligence, is nearer to the chimpanzee than to modern man. and all the other characters correspond to this inferiority of brain. the enormous superciliary ridges; the greater length of the fore-arm; the prognathous jaws, larger canine teeth, and smaller chin; the thicker bones and stronger muscular attachments; the rounder ribs; the flatter tibia, and many other characters described by palæontologists, all point in the same direction, and take us some considerable way towards the missing link which is to connect the human race with animal ancestors. still there are other considerations which must make us pause before asserting too positively that in following quaternary man up to the canstadt type, we are on the track of original man, and can say with confidence that by following it up still further we shall arrive at the earlier form from which man was differentiated. in the first place, europe is the only part of the world where this canstadt type has hitherto been found. we have abundant evidence from palæolithic stone implements that man existed pretty well over the whole earth in early quaternary times, but have hitherto no evidence from human remains outside of europe from which we can draw any inference as to the type of man by whom these implements were made. it is clear that in europe the oldest races were dolichocephalic, but we have no certainty that this was the case in asia, in so many parts of which round-headed races exclusively prevail, and have done so from the earliest times. again, we have no evidence as to the origin of another of the most strongly marked types, that of the negro, or of the negrito, negrillo, bushmen, australian, or other existing races who approach most nearly to the simian type. the only evidence we have of the type of races who were certainly early quaternary, and may very possibly go back to an older geological age than that of the men of neanderthal and spy, comes from the new world, from california, brazil, and buenos ayres, and points to a type not so savage and simian as that of canstadt, but rather to that which characterizes all the different varieties of american man, though here also we find evidence of distinct dolichocephalic and brachycephalic races from the very earliest times. another difficulty in the way of considering the canstadt type as a real advance towards primitive man and the missing link, arises from the totally different and very superior type of cro-magnon being found so near it in time, as proved by the existence in both of the cave-bear, mammoth, and other extinct animals. we can hardly suppose the cro-magnon type to have sprung by slow evolution in the ordinary way of direct succession, from such a very different type as that of canstadt during such a short interval of time as a small portion of one geological period. again, it is very perplexing to find that the only tertiary skulls and skeletons for which we possess really strong evidence, those of castelnedolo, instead of showing, as might be expected, a still more rude and simian aspect than that of canstadt, show us the canstadt type indeed, but in a milder and more human form. all that can be said with certainty is, that as far as authentic evidence carries us back, the ancestral animal, or missing link, has not been discovered, but that man already existed from an enormous antiquity, extending certainly through the quaternary into the pliocene, and probably into the miocene period, and that at the earliest date at which his remains have been found the race was already divided, as at present, into several sharply distinguished types. this leaves the question of man's ultimate origin completely open to speculation, and enables both monogenists and polygenists to contend for their respective views with plausible arguments, and without fear of being refuted by facts. polygeny, or plural origins, would at first sight seem to be the most plausible theory to account for the great diversities of human races actually existing, and which can be shown to have existed from such an immense antiquity. and this seems to have been the first guess of primitive nations, for most of them considered themselves as autochthonous, sprung from the soil, or created by their own native gods. but by degrees this theory gave place to that of monogeny, which has been for a long while almost universally accepted by the civilized world. the cause of this among christians, jews, and mahometans has been the acceptance of the narratives in genesis, first of adam and secondly of noah, as literally true accounts of events which actually occurred. this is an argument which has completely broken down, and no competent and dispassionate thinker any longer accepts the hebrew scriptures as a literal and conclusive authority, on facts of history and science which lie within the domain of human reason. the question, therefore, became once more an open one, but as the old orthodox argument for monogeny faded into oblivion, a new and more powerful one was furnished by the doctrine of evolution as expounded by darwin. the same argument applies to man as to the rest of the animal world, that if separate species imply separate creations, these supernatural creations must be multiplied to such an extent as to make them altogether incredible; as for instance separate creations for the land shells alone of one of the group of madeira islands; while on the other hand genera grade off into species, species into races, and races into varieties, by such insensible degrees, as to establish an irresistible inference that they have all been developed by evolution from common ancestors. no one, i suppose, seriously doubts that this is in the main the true theory of life, though there may still be some uncertainty as to the causes and mode of operation, and of the different steps and stages of this evolution. monogeny therefore in this general sense of evolution from some primitive mammalian type, may be accepted as the present conclusion of science for man as it has come to be for the horse, dog, and so many other animals which are his constant companions. their evolution can in many cases be traced up, through successive steps, to some more simple and generalized type in the eocene; and it may be permitted to believe that if the whole geological record could be traced as far back as that of the horse, in the case of man and the other quadrumana, their pedigree would be as clearly made out. this, however, does not conclude the question, for it is quite permissible to contend that in the case of man, as in that of the horse, though the primary ancestral type in the eocene may be one, the secondary types from which existing races are more immediately derived may be more than one, and may have been evolved in different localities. thus in the case of the dog, it is almost certain that some of the existing races have been derived from wolves, and others from jackals and foxes; but this is quite consistent with the belief that all the canine genus have been evolved from the marsupial carnivora of the eocene, through the arctocyon, who was a generalized type, half dog and half bear. in fact, we have the authority of darwin himself, as quoted in the beginning of this chapter, for saying that this would be quite consistent with his view of the origin of species. now the controversy between monogenists and polygenists has turned mainly on these comparatively recent developments of secondary types. it has been fought to a great extent before the immense antiquity of the human race had been established, and it had become almost certain that its original starting-point must be sought at least as far back as in the eocene period. the main argument for monogeny has been that the different races of mankind are fertile among themselves. this is doubtless true to a great extent, and shows that these races have not diverged very far from their ancestral type. but the researches of darwin and his successors have thrown a good deal of new light on the question of hybridity. species can no longer be looked upon as separated from one another and from races by hard-and-fast lines, on one side of which is absolute sterility and on the other absolute fertility; but rather as blending into one another by insensible gradations from free intercrossing to sterility, according as the differences from the original type became more pronounced and more fixed by heredity. to revert to the case of dogs, we find free interbreeding between races descended from different secondary ancestors, such as wolves, jackals, and foxes, though freer, i believe, and more permanent as the races are closer; but as the specific differences become more marked, the fertility does not abruptly cease, but rapidly diminishes. thus buffon's experiment shows that a hybrid cross between the dog and the wolf may be produced and perpetuated for at least three generations, and the leporine cross between the hare and rabbit is almost an established race. on the other hand, we see in the mule the last expiring trace of fertility in a cross between species which have diverged so far in different directions as the horse and the ass. the human race repeats this lesson of the animal world, and shows a graduated scale of fertility and permanence in crosses, between different types according as they are closely or distantly related. thus if we take the two extremes, the blond white of north temperate europe and the negro of equatorial africa, the disposition to union is almost replaced by repugnance which is only overcome under special circumstances, such as slavery, and an absence of women of their own race; while the offspring, the mulatto, is everywhere a feeble folk, with deficient vitality, diminished fertility, and prone to die out, or revert to one or other of the original types. but where the types are not so extremely divergent the fertility of the cross increases, as between the brunet white of southern europe and the arab or moor with the negro, and of the european with the native indian of america. perhaps the strongest argument for polgyeny is that derived from the different constitutions of different races as regards susceptibility to climatic and other influences. at present, and as far back as history or tradition enables us to trace, mankind has, as in the case of other animals, been very much restricted to definite geological provinces. thus in the extreme case of the fair white and the negro, the former cannot live and propagate its type south of the parallel of °, or the latter north of it. this argument was no doubt pushed too far by agassiz, who supposed the whole world to be divided into a number of limited districts, in each of which a separate creation both of men, animals, and plants had taken place suited to the environment. this is clearly inconsistent with facts, but there is still some force in it when stripped of exaggeration, and confined to the three or four leading types which are markedly different. especially it bears on the argument, on which monogenists mainly rely, of the peopling of the earth by migration from one common centre. no doubt migration has played a very great part in the diffusion of all animal and vegetable species, and their zoological provinces are determined very much by the existence of insurmountable barriers in early geological times. no doubt also man is better organized for migration than most other terrestrial animals, and history and tradition show that in comparatively recent times he has reached the remotest islands of the pacific by perfectly natural means. but this does not meet the difficulty of accounting, if we place the origin of man from a single pair anywhere in the northern hemisphere, for his presence in palæolithic times in south africa and south america. how did he get across the equatorial zone, in which only a tropical fauna, including the tropical negro, can now live and flourish? or _vice versâ_, if the original adam and eve were black, and the garden of eden situated in the tropics, how did their descendants migrate northwards, and live on the skirts of the ice-caps of the glacial period? or how did the yellow race, so tolerant of heat and cold, and of insanitary conditions, and so different in physical and moral characters from either the whites or the blacks, either originate from them, or give rise to them? the nearest congeners of man, the quadrumana, monkeys and apes, are all catarrhine in the old world, and all platyrhine in america. why, if all are descended from the same pair of ancestors, and have spread from the same spot by migration? we can only reconcile the fact that it is so with the facts of evolution, by throwing the common starting-point or points of the lines of development much further back into the eocene, or even further; and if this be true for monkeys, why not for man? one point seems quite clear, that monogeny is only possible by extending the date of human origins far back into the tertiaries. on any short-dated theories of man's appearance upon earth--as for instance that of prestwich, that palæolithic man probably only existed for some , or , years before the neolithic period--some theory like that of agassiz, of separate creations in separate zoological provinces, follows inevitably. if the immense time from the miocene to the recent period has been insufficient to differentiate the hylobates and dryopithecus very materially from the existing anthropoid apes, a period such as , or , years would have gone a very little way in deriving the negro from the white, or the white from the negro. to deny the extension of human origins into the tertiaries is practically to deny darwin's theory of evolution altogether, or to contend that man is an exception to the laws by which the rest of the animal creation have come into existence in the course of evolution. the question of the locality in which the human species first originated depends also very materially on the date assigned for human origins. the various speculations which have been hazarded on this subject are almost all based on the supposition that this origin took place in comparatively recent times when geographical and other causes were not materially different from those of the present day. it was for ages the accepted belief that all mankind were descended primarily from a single pair of ancestors, who were miraculously created in mesopotamia, and secondarily from three pairs who were miraculously preserved in the ark in armenia. this of course never had any other foundation than the belief in the inspired authority of the bible, and when it came to be established that this, as regards its scientific and prehistoric speculations, was irreconcilable with the most certain facts of science, the orthodox account of the creation fell with it. the theory of asiatic origin was, however, taken up on other grounds, and still lingers in some quarters, mainly among philologists, who, headed by max müller, thought they had discovered in sanscrit and zend the nearest approach to a common aryan language. tracing backwards the lines of migration of these people, the sanscrit-speaking hindoos and the zend-speaking iranians, they found them intersecting somewhere about the upper oxus, and jumped at the conclusion that the great elevated plateau of pamir, the "roof of the world," had been the birthplace of man, as it was of so many of the great rivers which flowed from it to the north, south, east, and west. this theory, however, has pretty well broken down, since it has been shown that other branches of the aryan languages, specially the lithuanian, contain more archaic elements than either sanscrit or zend; that language is often no conclusive test of race; that aryan migrations have quite as often or oftener been from west to east than from east to west; and that all history, prehistoric traditions, and linguistic palæontology point to the principal aryan races having been located in northern and central europe and in central and southern russia very much as we find them at the present day. the question of the locality of human origins is now being debated on very different grounds, and although it is not denied that max müller's "somewhere in asia" may turn out to be a correct guess, it is denied that there is at present a particle of evidence to support it. for really the whole question is very much one of guesswork. the immense antiquity which on the lowest possible estimate can be assigned for the proved existence of man, carries us back to a period when geological, geographical, and climatic conditions were so entirely different, that all inferences from those of the present period are useless. for instance, certainly half the himalayas, and probably the whole, were under the sea; the pamir and central asia, instead of being the roof of the world, may have been fathoms deep under a great ocean; greenland and spitzbergen were types of the north temperate climate best suited for the highest races of man. in like manner language ceases to be an available factor in any attempt to trace human origins to their source. it is doubtless true that at the present day different fundamental types of language distinguish the different typical races of the human family. thus the monosyllabic type, consisting of roots only without grammar, characterizes the chinese and its allied races of the extreme east of asia; the agglutinative, in which different shades of meaning were attached to roots, by definite particles glued on to them as it were by prefixes or suffixes, is the type adopted by most of the oldest and most numerous races of mankind in the old world as their means of conveying ideas by sound; while in the new world the common type of an immense variety of languages is polysynthetic, or an attempt to splutter out as it were a whole sentence in a single immensely long word made up of fragments of separate roots and particles, a type which in the old world is confined to the euskarian of the spanish basque. and at the head of all as refined instruments for the conveyance of thought, the two inflectional languages, the aryan and semitic, by which, though in each case by a totally different system, roots acquire their different shades of meaning by particles, no longer mechanically glued on to them, but melted down as it were with the roots, and incorporated into new words according to definite grammatical rules. but this carries us back a very little way. judging by philology alone, the chinese, whose annals go back only to about b.c., would be an older race than the egyptians or accadians, whose languages can be traced at least years further back. and if we go back into prehistoric and geological times we are absolutely ignorant whether the neolithic and palæolithic races spoke these languages, or indeed spoke at all. some palæontologists have fancied that there was evidence for some of the older palæolithic races being speechless, and christened them "homo alalus," but this is based on the solitary fact that a single human jaw, that of naulette, is wanting in the genial tubercle, absent also in anthropoid apes, to which one of the muscles of the tongue is attached. but apart from this being a single instance, some of the best anatomists deny that this genial tubercle is really essential to speech, which the latest physiological researches show to be dependent on the development of a small tract in the third frontal convolution of the right side of the brain, any injury to which causes aphasia, or loss of the power of speech, though its physical organs of the larynx remain unimpaired. it is probable, however, that from the very first man had a certain faculty, like other animals, of expressing meaning by sounds and gestures, and the researches of romanes, and quite recently those of professor garner on the language of monkeys and apes, make this almost certain. but at what particular moment in the course of the evolution of man this faculty ripened into what may be properly called language is a matter of the purest conjecture. it may have been in the tertiary, the quaternary, or not until the recent period. all we can say is, that when we first catch sight of languages, they are already developed into the present distinct types, arguing, as in the case of physical types, either for distinct miraculous creations, or for such an immensely remote ancestry as to give time for the fixation of separate secondary types before the formation of language. thus, if we confine ourselves to the most perfect and advanced, and apparently therefore most modern form of language of the foremost races of the world, the inflectional, we find two types, the semitic and aryan, constructed on such totally different principles that it is impossible for one to be derived from the other, or both to be descended from a common parent. the semitic device of expressing shades of meaning by internal flexion, that is, by ringing the changes of vowels between three consonants, making every word triliteral, is fundamentally different from the aryan device for attaining the same object by fusing roots and added particles into one new word in which equal value is attached to vowels and consonants. we can partly see how the latter may have been developed from the agglutinative, but not how the stiff and cramped semitic can have been derived either from that or from the far more perfect and flexible type of the aryan languages. it has far more the appearance of being an artificial invention implying a considerable advance of intellectual attainment, and therefore of comparatively recent date. in any case we may safely accept the conclusion that there is nothing in language which assists us in tracing back human origins into geological times, or indeed much further than the commencement of history. we are reduced, therefore, to geological evidence, and this gives us nothing better than mere probabilities, or rather guesses, as to the original centre or centres of human existence upon the earth. the inference most generally drawn is in favour of the locality where the earliest traces of human remains have been found, and where the existence of the nearest allied species, the apes and monkeys, can be carried back furthest. this locality is undoubtedly eur-africa, that is the continent which existed when europe and africa were united by one or more land connections. and in this locality the preference must be assigned to western europe and to africa north of the atlas; in fact to the portion of this ancient continent facing the atlantic, and western mediterranean, then an inland sea. thus far central and south-western france, spain, portugal, italy, and algeria have afforded the oldest unequivocal proofs of the existence of man, and of the coexistence of anthropoid apes. accordingly darwin inclined to the view that north africa was probably the scene of man's first appearance, and the latest authority on the subject, brinton, in his _races and peoples_, gives at length reasons for assigning this to somewhere in eur-africa. but it must be remembered that this inference rests entirely on the fact that the district in question has been more or less explored, while the rest of the earth can hardly be said to have been explored at all, for anything prior to those quaternary paleolithic implements which prove the existence of man already spread over nearly the whole of the habitable globe. nor would the origin of the white race in eur-africa, even if it were established, help us to account for the existence of the negro race on the other side of the atlas and the sahara, or of the yellow race in eastern asia, or of the american race. indeed america may fairly compete with eur-africa for the honour of being the original seat of the human race, for the geological conditions and the animal fauna of the auriferous gravels of california point to the calaveras skull and other numerous human remains and implements found in them being of tertiary age, and quite possibly as old or even older than anything which has been found in europe.[ ] the wide diffusion of the same peculiar racial type over the whole continent of america down to cape horn, and its capability of existing under such different conditions of climate and environment, also point to its being an extremely ancient and primitive race, and the generic distinction between the apes and monkeys of the old and new worlds is a remarkable circumstance which is not accounted for by any monogenist theory of the origin of the order of quadrumana. [ ] if ameghino's discoveries of an anthropoid type in the lower eocene of patagonia should be confirmed, it would incline the balance of evidence in favour of south america, or rather of the temperate zone of the southern hemisphere, as the most probable scene of the evolution of the quadrumana, including the human variety, from ancestral forms allied to the marsupials of the secondary period. it is to be observed also, that although all american races have a certain peculiar type in common, still there are differences which show that secondary types must have existed from a very early period, intercrossing between which must have given rise to numerous varieties. thus, according to morton, dolichocephaly was most prevalent among the tribes who inhabited the eastern side of the continent facing the atlantic both in north and south america, while brachycephaly prevailed on the western, side facing the pacific. great differences of colour and stature are also found often among contiguous tribes, and irrespective of latitude. on the whole, however, the american type approximates in many important particulars, such as colour, hair, and anatomical structure, more nearly to the yellow races of eastern asia than to any other, though it is a fairly open question which of the two may have been the earliest to appear in the immensely remote ages of the tertiary period. another theory is that man probably originated in some continent of the arctic circle, where, as we know from fossil remains of the miocene and eocene periods, greenland and spitzbergen enjoyed a mild climate and forest vegetation, admirably adapted for the evolution of a temperate mammalian fauna, including the human species. this is a very plausible theory, but at present it is a mere theory, like that of a lost atlantis, or submerged continents in the pacific or indian oceans. the only thing approaching to evidence to support it is, as far as i am aware, that sir joseph hooker and other eminent botanists think that the diffusion of the forest trees and other flora of america can be traced along lines radiating from the extreme north, along the mountain chains and elevated plateaux which form the backbone of the continent from alaska to tierra del fuego. there seems a probability also that the evolution of the human race, which turns mainly on the development of the erect stature, which is the basis of the larger brain and other anatomical differences between man and the other quadrumana, must have taken place not in tropical regions of dense forests, where climbing would have had a decided advantage over walking in the struggle for life, but rather in some region of wide plains and open forests, where it would be an advantage to see enemies or prey at a distance, or over tall grass or ferns. it must be admitted, however, that in our present state of knowledge all these theories of the place, time, and manner of human origins are speculations rather than science. we have proof positive that man was already spread over most parts of the world in the quaternary period, and the irresistible inference that he must have existed long before, is confirmed by conclusive evidence as to the finding of his remains and implements in the earliest quaternary and latest pliocene periods, and very strong evidence for carrying them back into the miocene. anthropoid apes, which are so similar to man in physical structure, and in their ways are as highly specialized from any more general and primitive ancestral form as man himself, undoubtedly did exist in the miocene period, and have come down to us with comparatively little change. it puzzles the best anatomists to find any clear distinction between the present hylobates and the hylobates of the middle miocene, while that between the white man and the negro is clear and unmistakable. why then should "homo" not have existed as soon as "hylobates," and why should any prepossession in favour of man's recent creation, based mainly on exploded beliefs in the scientific value of the myths and guesses of the earliest civilized nations of asia, stand in the way of accepting the enormous and rapidly increasing accumulation of evidence, tracing back the evolution of the mammal man to the same course of development as other mammals? as regards the course of this evolution, all we know with any certainty is, that as far as we can trace it back, the human species was already differentiated into distinct races, and that in all probability the present fundamental types were already formed. when and where the primitive stock or stocks may have originated, and the secondary ancestral races may have branched off from it, is at present unknown. all we can say is, that the more we examine the evidence, the more it points to extreme antiquity even for these secondary stocks, and makes it probable that we must go, as in the case of the horse and other existing mammals, at least as far back as into the eocene to look for the primitive generalized type or types from which these secondary lines of quadrumanous and human evolution have taken their origin. as regards the secondary types themselves, there is no certainty as to the place or time of their origin, but the balance of evidence points rather in favour of polygeny, that is, of their having followed slightly different lines of evolution from the common starting-point, under different circumstances of environment and in different localities; so that when man, as we know him, first appeared, he was already differentiated into races distinct though not very far apart. in conclusion, i may remark that these hotly-contested questions as to monogeny or polygeny, and as to the place of man's first appearance on earth, lose most of their importance when it is realized that human origins must be pushed back at least as far as the miocene, and probably into the eocene period. as long as it was held that no traces of man's existence could be found, as cuvier held, until the recent period; or even as some english geologists still contend, until the post-glacial, or at any rate the glacial or quaternary periods, it was evident that the facts could only be explained by the theory of a series of supernatural interferences. agassiz's theory, or some modification of it, must be adopted, of numerous special creations of life at special centres, as of the esquimaux and polar bear in arctic regions, the negro and gorilla in the tropics, and so forth. this theory has been completely given up as regards animals, in favour of the darwinian theory of evolution by natural causes, and no one now believes in a multiplicity of miracles to account for the existence of animal species. is man alone an exception to this universal law, or is he like the rest of creation, a product of what darwinians call "evolution," and enlightened theologians "the original impress"? the existing species of anthropoid apes, the orang, the chimpanzee, and the gorilla, do not differ more widely from one another than do many of the extreme types of the human species. in colour, hair, volume of brain, form of skull, stature, and a hundred other peculiarities, the negro and the european stand further apart than those anthropoids do from one another, and no naturalist from mars or saturn, investigating the human family for the first time, and free from prepossession, would hesitate to class the white, black, yellow, red, and perhaps five or six other varieties, as different species. in the case of these anthropoid apes no one supposes that they were miraculously created in recent times. on the contrary, we find their type already fully developed in the miocene, and we infer, that like the horse, camel, and so many other existing mammals, their origin may be traced step by step backwards to some lower and generalized type in the eocene. who can doubt that physical man, an animal constructed almost exactly on the same anatomical ground-plan as the anthropoids, came into existence by a similar process? the only answer would be, if it could be proved, that his existence on earth had been so short as to make it impossible that so many and so great specific variations as now exist, and some of which have been proved to have existed early in the quaternary period, could have been developed by natural means and by the slow processes of evolution. but this is just where the evidence fails, and is breaking down more and more every year and with every fresh discovery. recent man has given place to quaternary man; post-glacial to inter-glacial and pre-glacial; and now the evidence for the existence of man or of some ancestral form of man, in the tertiary period, has accumulated to such an extent that there are few competent anthropologists who any longer deny it. but with this extension of time the existence of man, instead of being an anomaly and a discord, falls in with the sublime harmony of the universe, of which it is the dominant note. the end. _richard clay & sons, limited, london & bungay._ transcriber's note: the spelling of words in languages other than english, have been left as they appear in the book. minor spelling inconsistencies, mainly hyphenated words, have been harmonized. obvious typos have been corrected. an "illustration" section has been added as an aid to the reader. transcriber's note: text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_). text enclosed by equal signs is in bold face (=bold=). in the text and the index of this book there are letters with diacritical marks not available in the latin- character set used for this e-book: [=a] represents an a with a macron above it, [)e] represents an e with a breve above it. [)i] represents an i with a breve above it, [)o] represents an o with a breve above it, [)u] represents an u with a breve above it. please see the end of this book for further notes. ancient man in britain [illustration: copyright, , by charles scribner's sons head of a crÔ-magnon man after the restoration modelled by j. h. mcgregor. reproduced by permission from _men of the old stone age_ by henry fairfield osborn.] ancient man in britain by donald a. mackenzie author of "egyptian myth and legend" "myths of crete and pre-hellenic europe" "colour symbolism" &c. with foreword by g. elliot smith, f.r.s. blackie and son limited old bailey, london; glasgow, bombay printed in great britain foreword in his presidential address to the royal anthropological institute this year the late dr. rivers put his finger upon the most urgent need for reform in the study of man, when he appealed for "the unity of anthropology". no true conception of the nature and the early history of the human family can be acquired by investigations, however carefully they may be done, of one class of evidence only. the physical characters of a series of skulls can give no reliable information unless their exact provenance and relative age are known. but the interpretation of the meaning of these characters cannot be made unless we know something of the movements of the people and the distinctive peculiarities of the inhabitants of the foreign lands from which they may have come. no less important than the study of their physical structure is the cultural history of peoples. the real spirit of a population is revealed by its social and industrial achievements, and by its customs and beliefs, rather than by the shape of the heads and members of its units. the revival of the belief in the widespread diffusion of culture in early times has, as one of its many important effects, directed attention to the physical peculiarities of the mixed populations of important foci of civilization throughout the world. such inquiries have not only enabled the student of human structure to detect racial affinities where he might otherwise have neglected to look for them, but on the other hand they have been able to give the investigator of cultural diffusion evidence of the most definite and irrefutable kind in corroboration of the reality of his inferences. at the present time students are just awakening to the fact that no adequate idea of the anthropology of any area can be acquired unless every kind of evidence, somatic and cultural, be taken into account, and the problems of the particular locality are integrated with those worldwide movements of men and of civilization of which the people and culture of that locality form a part. the great merit of mr. donald mackenzie's book is due in the main to the fact that he has taken this wider vision of his subject and interpreted the history of early man in britain, not simply by describing the varieties of head-form or of implements, customs and beliefs, but rather by indicating how these different categories of information can be put into their appropriate setting in the history of mankind as a whole. there is nothing of technical pedantry about mr. mackenzie's writing. he has made himself thoroughly familiar with the customs and beliefs of the whole world, as his remarkable series of books on mythology has revealed, and in the process of acquiring this mass of information he has not sacrificed his common sense and powers of judgment. he has been able to see clearly through this amazing jumble of confusing statements the way in which every phase of civilization in all parts of the world is closely correlated with the rest; and he has given luminous expression to this clear vision of the history of man and civilization as it affects britain. g. elliot smith. the university of london. preface this volume deals with the history of man in britain from the ice age till the roman period. the evidence is gleaned from the various sciences which are usually studied apart, including geology, archæology, philology, ethnology or anthropology, &c., and the writer has set himself to tell the story of ancient man in a manner which will interest a wider circle of readers than is usually reached by purely technical books. it has not been assumed that the representatives of modern man who first settled in europe were simple-minded savages. the evidence afforded by the craftsmanship, the burial customs, and the art of the crô-magnon races, those contemporaries of the reindeer and the hairy mammoth in south-western france, suggests that they had been influenced by a centre of civilization in which considerable progress had already been achieved. there is absolutely no evidence that the pioneers were lacking in intelligence or foresight. if we are to judge merely by their skeletons and the shapes and sizes of their skulls, it would appear that they were, if anything, both physically and mentally superior to the average present-day inhabitants of europe. nor were they entirely isolated from the ancient culture area by which they had been originally influenced. as is shown, the evidence afforded by an indian ocean sea-shell, found in a crô-magnon burial cavern near mentone, indicates that much has yet to be discovered regarding the activities of the early people. in writing the history of ancient man in britain, it has been found necessary to investigate the continental evidence. when our early ancestors came from somewhere, they brought something with them, including habits of life and habits of thought. the story unfolded by british finds is but a part of a larger story; and if this larger story is to be reconstructed, our investigations must extend even beyond the continent of europe. the data afforded by the "red man of paviland", who was buried with crô-magnon rites in a welsh cave, not only emphasize that continental and north african cultural influences reached britain when the ice-cap was retreating in northern europe, but that from its very beginnings the history of our civilization cannot be considered apart from that of the early civilization of the world as a whole. the writer, however, has not assumed in this connection that in all parts of the world man had of necessity to pass through the same series of evolutionary stages of progress, and that the beliefs, customs, crafts, arts, &c., of like character found in different parts of the world were everywhere of spontaneous generation. there were inventors and discoverers and explorers in ancient times as there are at present, and many new contrivances were passed on from people to people. the man who, for instance, first discovered how to "make fire" by friction of fire-sticks was undoubtedly a great scientist and a benefactor of his kind. it is shown that shipbuilding had a definite area of origin. the "red man of paviland" also reveals to us minds pre-occupied with the problems of life and death. it is evident that the corpse of the early explorer was smeared with red earth and decorated with charms for very definite reasons. that the people who thus interred their dead with ceremony were less intelligent than the ancient egyptians who adopted the custom of mummification, or the homeric heroes who practised cremation, we have no justification for assuming. at the very dawn of british history, which begins when the earliest representatives of modern man reached our native land, the influences of cultures which had origin in distant areas of human activity came drifting northward to leave an impress which does not appear to be yet wholly obliterated. we are the heirs of the ages in a profounder sense than has hitherto been supposed. considered from this point of view, the orthodox scheme of archæological ages, which is of comparatively recent origin, leaves much to be desired. if anthropological data have insisted upon one thing more than another, it is that modes of thought, which govern action, were less affected by a change of material from which artifacts (articles made by man) were manufactured than they were by religious ideas and by new means for obtaining the necessary food supply. a profounder change was effected in the habits of early man in britain by the introduction of the agricultural mode of life, and the beliefs, social customs, &c., connected with it, than could possibly have been effected by the introduction of edged implements of stone, bone, or metal. as a substitute for the archæological ages, the writer suggests in this volume a new system, based on habits of life, which may be found useful for historical purposes. in this system the terms "palæolithic", "neolithic", &c., are confined to industries. "neolithic man", "bronze age man", "iron age man", and other terms of like character may be favoured by some archæologists, but they mean little or nothing to most anatomists, who detect different racial types in a single "age". a history of ancient man cannot ignore one set of scientists to pleasure another. several chapters are devoted to the religious beliefs and customs of our ancestors, and it is shown that there is available for study in this connection a mass of evidence which the archæological agnostics are too prone to ignore. the problem of the megalithic monuments must evidently be reconsidered in the light of the fuller anthropological data now available. indeed, it would appear that a firmer basis than that afforded by "crude evolutionary ideas" must be found for british archæology as a whole. the evidence of surviving beliefs and customs, of celtic philology and literature, of early christian writings, and of recent discoveries in spain, mesopotamia, and egypt, cannot, to say the least of it, be wholly ignored. in dealing with the race problem, the writer has sifted the available data which throw light on its connection with the history of british culture, and has written as he has written in the hope that the growth of fuller knowledge on the subject will be accompanied by the growth of a deeper sympathy and a deeper sense of kinship than has hitherto prevailed in these islands of ours, which were colonized from time to time by groups of enterprising pioneers, who have left an enduring impress on the national character. the time is past for beginning a history of britain with the roman invasion, and for the too-oft-repeated assertion that before the romans reached britain our ancestors were isolated and half civilized. donald a. mackenzie. contents chap. page i. britons of the stone age ii. earliest traces of modern man iii. the age of the "red man" of wales iv. shell deities and early trade v. new races in europe vi. the faithful dog vii. ancient mariners reach britain viii. neolithic trade and industries ix. metal workers and megalithic monuments x. celts and iberians as intruders and traders xi. races of britain and ireland xii. druidism in britain and gaul xiii. the lore of charms xiv. the world of our ancestors xv. why trees and wells were worshipped xvi. ancient pagan deities xvii. historical summary index list of plates page head of a crÔ-magnon man _frontispiece_ examples of lower palÆolithic industries found in england western europe during the third inter-glacial epoch examples of palÆolithic art flint lance heads from ireland chipped and polished artifacts from southern england the ring of stennis, orkney megaliths--kit's coty house, kent; trethevy stone, cornwall enamelled bronze shield european types ruins of pictish tower at carloway, lewis a scottish "broch" (mousa, shetland isles) a sardinian nuraghe megaliths--dolmen, near birori, sardinia; tynewydd dolmen one of the great trilithons, stonehenge bronze urn and cauldron bronze bucklers or shields list of illustrations page chellean _coup de poing_ or "hand axe" upper palÆolithic implements skull of a crÔ-magnon man: front and side views outline of a mammoth necklace of sea shells geometric or "pygmy" flints a notable example of late magdalenian culture horn and bone implements sketch of a boat, and crude drawing of a similar boat map of england & wales long-head (dolichocephalic) skull broad-head (brachycephalic) skull beads from bronze age barrows weapons and religious objects cult animals and "wonder beasts" diagram of the gaelic airts seal of city of glasgow ancient man in britain chapter i britons of the stone age caricatures of early britons--enterprising pioneers--diseases and folk-cures--ancient surgical operations--expert artisans--organized communities--introduction of agriculture--houses and cooking utensils--spinning and weaving--different habits of life--the seafarers. the early britons of the stone age have suffered much at the hands of modern artists, and especially the humorous artists. they are invariably depicted as rude and irresponsible savages, with semi-negroid features, who had perforce to endure our rigorous and uncertain climate clad in loosely fitting skin garments, and to go about, even in the depth of winter, barefooted and bareheaded, their long tangled locks floating in the wind. as a rule, the artists are found to have confused ideas regarding the geological periods. some place the white savages in the age when the wonderful megalithic monuments were erected and civilization was well advanced, while others consign them to the far-distant cretaceous age in association with the monstrous reptiles that browsed on tropical vegetation, being unaware, apparently, that the reptiles in question ceased to exist before the appearance of the earliest mammals. not unfrequently the geological ages and the early stages of human culture are hopelessly mixed up, and monsters that had been extinct for several million years are shown crawling across circles that were erected by men possessed of considerable engineering skill. it is extremely doubtful if our remote ancestors of the stone age were as savage or as backward as is generally supposed. they were, to begin with, the colonists who made britain a land fit for a strenuous people to live in. we cannot deny them either courage or enterprise, nor are we justified in assuming that they were devoid of the knowledge and experience required to enable them to face the problems of existence in their new environment. they came from somewhere, and brought something with them; their modes of life did not have origin in our native land. although the early people lived an open-air life, it is doubtful if they were more physically fit than are the britons of the twentieth century. they were certainly not immune from the ravages of disease. in their graves are found skeletons of babies, youths, and maidens, as well as those of elderly men and women; some spines reveal unmistakable evidence of the effects of rheumatism, and worn-down teeth are not uncommon. it is possible that the diseases associated with marshy localities and damp and cold weather were fairly prevalent, and that there were occasional pestilences with heavy death-rates. epidemics of influenza and measles may have cleared some areas for periods of their inhabitants, the survivors taking flight, as did many britons of the fifth century of our own era, when the country was swept by what is referred to in a welsh book[ ] as "the yellow plague", because "it made yellow and bloodless all whom it attacked". at the same time recognition must be given to the fact that the early people were not wholly ignorant of medical science. there is evidence that some quite effective "folk cures" are of great antiquity--that the "medicine-men" and sorcerers of ancient britain had discovered how to treat certain diseases by prescribing decoctions in which herbs and berries utilized in modern medical science were important ingredients. more direct evidence is available regarding surgical knowledge and skill. on the continent and in england have been found skulls on which the operation known as trepanning--the removing of a circular piece of skull so as to relieve the brain from pressure or irritation--was successfully performed, as is shown by the fact that severed bones had healed during life. the accomplished primitive surgeons had used flint instruments, which were less liable than those of metal to carry infection into a wound. one cannot help expressing astonishment that such an operation should have been possible--that an ancient man who had sustained a skull injury in a battle, or by accident, should have been again restored to sanity and health. sprains and ordinary fractures were doubtless treated with like skill and success. in some of the incantations and charms collected by folk-lorists are lines which suggest that the early medicine-men were more than mere magicians. one, for instance, dealing with the treatment of a fracture, states: "he put marrow to marrow; he put pith to pith; he put bone to bone; he put membrane to membrane; he put tendon to tendon; he put blood to blood; he put tallow to tallow; he put flesh to flesh; he put fat to fat; he put skin to skin; he put hair to hair; he put warm to warm; he put cool to cool." [ ] _book of llan daf._ "this," comments a medical man, "is quite a wonderful statement of the aim of modern surgical 'co-aptation', and we can hardly believe such an exact form of words imaginable without a very clear comprehension of the natural necessity of correct and precise setting."[ ] [ ] dr. hugh cameron gillies in _home life of the highlanders_, glasgow, , pp. _et seq._ the discovery that stone age man was capable of becoming a skilled surgeon is sufficient in itself to make us revise our superficial notions regarding him. a new interest is certainly imparted to our examination of his flint instruments. apparently these served him in good stead, and it must be acknowledged that, after all, a stone tool may, for some purposes, be quite as adequate as one of metal. it certainly does not follow that the man who uses a sharper instrument than did the early briton is necessarily endowed with a sharper intellect, or that his ability as an individual artisan is greater. the stone age man displayed wonderful skill in chipping flint--a most difficult operation--and he shaped and polished stone axes with so marked a degree of mathematical precision that, when laid on one side, they can be spun round on a centre of gravity. his saws were small, but are still found to be quite serviceable for the purposes they were constructed for, such as the cutting of arrow shafts and bows, and the teeth are so minute and regular that it is necessary for us to use a magnifying glass in order to appreciate the workmanship. some flint artifacts are comparable with the products of modern opticians. the flint workers must have had wonderfully keen and accurate eyesight to have produced, for instance, little "saws" with twenty-seven teeth to the inch, found even in the north of scotland. in ancient egypt these "saws" were used as sickles. considerable groups of the stone age men of britain had achieved a remarkable degree of progress. they lived in organized communities, and had evidently codes of laws and regularized habits of life. they were not entirely dependent for their food supply on the fish they caught and the animals they slew and snared. patches of ground were tilled, and root and cereal crops cultivated with success. corn was ground in handmills;[ ] the women baked cakes of barley and wheat and rye. a rough but serviceable pottery was manufactured and used for cooking food, for storing grain, nuts, and berries, and for carrying water. houses were constructed of wattles interwoven between wooden beams and plastered over with clay, and of turf and stones; these were no doubt thatched with heather, straw, or reeds. only a small proportion of the inhabitants of ancient britain could have dwelt in caves, for the simple reason that caves were not numerous. underground dwellings, not unlike the "dug-outs" made during the recent war, were constructed as stores for food and as winter retreats. [ ] a pestle or stone was used to pound grain in hollowed slabs or rocks before the mechanical mill was invented. as flax was cultivated, there can be little doubt that comfortable under-garments were worn, if not by all, at any rate by some of the stone age people. wool was also utilized, and fragments of cloth have been found on certain prehistoric sites, as well as spindle-whorls of stone, bone, and clay, wooden spindles shaped so as to serve their purpose without the aid of whorls, bone needles, and crochet or knitting-pins. those who have assumed that the early britons were attired in skin garments alone, overlook the possibility that a people who could sew, spin, and weave, might also have been skilled in knitting, and that the jersey and jumper may have a respectable antiquity. the art of knitting is closely related to that of basket-making, and some would have it that many of the earliest potters plastered their clay inside baskets of reeds, and that the decorations of the early pots were suggested by the markings impressed by these. it is of interest to note in this connection that some roman wares were called _bascaudæ_, or "baskets", and that the welsh _basged_--_basg_, from which our word "basket" is derived, signify "network" and "plaiting". the decoration of some pots certainly suggests the imitation of wickerwork and knitting, but there are symbols also, and these had, no doubt, a religious significance. it does not follow, of course, that all the early britons of the so-called stone age were in the same stage of civilization, or that they all pursued the same modes of life. there were then, as there are now, backward as well as progressive communities and individuals, and there were likewise representatives of different races--tall and short, spare and stout, dark and fair men and women, who had migrated at different periods from different areas of origin and characterization. some peoples clung to the sea-shore, and lived mainly on deep-sea fish and shell-fish; others were forest and moorland hunters, who never ventured to sea or cultivated the soil. there is no evidence to indicate that conflicts took place between different communities. it may be that in the winter season the hunters occasionally raided the houses and barns of the agriculturists. the fact, however, that weapons were not common during the stone age cannot be overlooked in this connection. the military profession had not come into existence. certain questions, however, arise in connection with even the most backward of the stone age peoples. how did they reach britain, and what attracted them from the continent? man did not take to the sea except under dire necessity, and it is certain that large numbers could not possibly have crossed the english channel on logs of wood. the boatbuilder's craft and the science of navigation must have advanced considerably before large migrations across the sea could have taken place. when the agricultural mode of life was introduced, the early people obtained the seeds of wheat and barley, and, as these cultivated grasses do not grow wild in britain, they must have been introduced either by traders or settlers. it is quite evident that the term "stone age" is inadequate in so far as it applies to the habits of life pursued by the early inhabitants of our native land. nor is it even sufficient in dealing with artifacts, for some people made more use of horn and bone than of stone, and these were represented among the early settlers in britain. chapter ii earliest traces of modern man the culture ages--ancient races--the neanderthals--crô-magnon man--the evolution theory--palæolithic ages--the transition period--neanderthal artifacts--birth of crô-magnon art--occupations of flint-yielding stations--ravages of disease--duration of glacial and inter-glacial periods. in , sir john lubbock (afterwards lord avebury), writing in the _prehistoric times_, suggested that the stone age artifacts found in western europe should be classified into two main periods, to which he applied the terms palæolithic (old stone) and neolithic (new stone). the foundations of the classification had previously been laid by the french antiquaries m. boucher de perthes and edouard lartet. it was intended that palæolithic should refer to rough stone implements, and neolithic to those of the period when certain artifacts were polished. at the time very little was known regarding the early peoples who had pursued the flint-chipping and polishing industries, and the science of geology was in its infancy. a great controversy, which continued for many years, was being waged in scientific circles regarding the remains of a savage primitive people that had been brought to light. of these the most notable were a woman's skull found in in a quarry at gibraltar, the cannstadt skull, found in , which had long been lying in stuttgart museum undescribed and unstudied, and portions of a male skeleton taken from a limestone cave in neanderthal, near dusseldorf, in . some refused to believe that these, and other similar remains subsequently discovered, were human at all; others declared that the skulls were those of idiots or that they had been distorted by disease. professor huxley contended that evidence had been forthcoming to prove the existence in remote times of a primitive race from which modern man had evolved. it is unnecessary here to review the prolonged controversy. one of its excellent results was the stimulation of research work. a number of important finds have been made during the present century, which have thrown a flood of light on the problem. in a skeleton was discovered in a grotto near la chapelle-aux-saints in france, which definitely established the fact that during the earlier or lower period of the palæolithic age a neanderthal race existed on the continent, and, as other remains testify, in england as well. this race became extinct. some hold that there are no living descendants of neanderthal man on our globe; others contend that some peoples, or individuals, reveal neanderthaloid traits. the natives of australia display certain characteristics of the extinct species, but they are more closely related to modern man (_homo sapiens_). there were pre-neanderthal peoples, including piltdown man and heidelberg man. during the palæolithic age the ancestors of modern man appeared in western europe. these are now known as the crô-magnon races. in dealing with the palæolithic age, therefore, it has to be borne in mind that the artifacts classified by the archæologists represent the activities, not only of different races, but of representatives of different species of humanity. neanderthal man, who differed greatly from modern man, is described as follows by professor elliot smith: "his short, thick-set, and coarsely built body was carried in a half-stooping slouch upon short, powerful, and half-flexed legs of peculiarly ungraceful form. his thick neck sloped forward from the broad shoulders to support the massive flattened head, which protruded forward, so as to form an unbroken curve of neck and back, in place of the alteration of curves, which is one of the graces of the truly erect _homo sapiens_. the heavy overhanging eyebrow ridges, and retreating forehead, the great coarse face, with its large eye-sockets, broad nose, and receding chin, combined to complete the picture of unattractiveness, which it is more probable than not was still further emphasized by a shaggy covering of hair over most of the body. the arms were relatively short, and the exceptionally large hands lacked the delicacy and the nicely balanced co-operation of thumb and fingers, which is regarded as one of the most distinctive of human characteristics."[ ] [ ] _primitive man._ as professor osborn says: "the structure of the hand is a matter of the highest interest in connection with the implement-making powers of the neanderthals". he notes that in the large and robust neanderthal hand, "the joint of the metacarpal bone which supports the thumb is of peculiar form, convex, and presenting a veritable convex condyle, whereas in the existing human races the articular surface of the upper part of the thumb joint is saddle-shaped, that is concave from within backward, and convex from without inward". the neanderthal fingers were "relatively short and robust".[ ] [ ] _men of the old stone age_ ( ), pp. - . the crô-magnons present a sharp contrast to the neanderthals. in all essential features they were of modern type. they would, dressed in modern attire, pass through the streets of a modern city without particular notice being taken of them. one branch of the crô-magnons was particularly tall and handsome, with an average height for the males of feet - / inches, with chests very broad in the upper part, and remarkably long shin-bones that indicate swiftness of foot. the neanderthals had short shins and bent knees, and their gait must have been slow and awkward. the crô-magnon hand was quite like that of the most civilized men of to-day. it is of importance to bring out these facts in connection with the study of the development of early civilization in our native land, because of the prevalence of the theory that in collections of stone implements, dating from remote palæolithic times till the neolithic age, a complete and orderly series of evolutionary stages can be traced. "as like needs", says one writer in this connection, "produce like means of satisfaction, the contrivances with which men in similar stages of progress overcome natural obstacles are in all times very much the same."[ ] hugh miller, the cromarty stonemason and geologist, was one of the first to urge this view. in , he wrote in his _scenes and legends_, ( st edition, pp. , ): "man in a savage stage is the same animal everywhere, and his constructive powers, whether employed in the formation of a legendary story or of a battleaxe, seem to expatiate almost everywhere in the same rugged track of invention. for even the traditions of this first stage may be identified, like its weapons of war, all the world over."[ ] [ ] _british museum--a guide to the antiquities of the stone age_, p. ( ). [ ] miller had adopted the "stratification theory" of professor william robertson of edinburgh university, who, in his _the history of america_ ( ), wrote: "men in their savage state pass their days like the animals round them, without knowledge or veneration of any superior power". he had written in this vein after seeing the collection of stone weapons and implements in the northern institution at inverness. "the most practised eye", he commented, "can hardly distinguish between the weapons of the old scot and the new zealander." eyes have become more practised in dealing with flints since miller's time. andrew lang remembered his miller when he wrote: "now just as the flint arrowheads are scattered everywhere, in all the continents and isles--and everywhere are much alike, and bear no very definite marks of the special influence of race--so it is with the habits and legends investigated by the student of folk-lore".[ ] [ ] _custom and myth_ ( edition), p. . lang's views regarding flints are worthless. the recent discovery that the early flints found in western europe and in england were shaped by the neanderthals and the pre-neanderthals compels a revision of this complacent view of an extraordinarily difficult and complex problem. it is obvious that the needs and constructive powers of the neanderthals, whose big clumsy hands lacked "the delicate play between the thumb and fingers characteristic of modern races", could not have been the same as those of the crô-magnons, and that the finely shaped implements of the crô-magnons could not have been evolved from the rough implements of the neanderthals. the craftsmen of one race may, however, have imitated, or attempted to imitate, the technique of those of another. there was a distinct break in the continuity of culture during the palæolithic age, caused by the arrival in western europe of the ancestors of modern man. the advent of the crô-magnons in europe "represents on the cultural side", as professor elliot smith says in _primitive man_, "the most momentous event in its history". [illustration: mousterian type (from suffolk)] [illustration: acheulian type (from suffolk)] [illustration: photos. oxford university press chellean type (from the thames gravel)] [illustration: photo. mansell examples of lower palÆolithic industries found in england (british museum)] some urge that the term "palæolithic" should now be discarded altogether, but its use has become so firmly established that archæologists are loth to dispense with it. the first period of human culture has, however, had to be divided into "lower" and "upper palæolithic"--lower closing with the disappearance of the neanderthals, and upper beginning with the arrival of the crô-magnons. these periods embrace the sub-divisions detected during the latter half of last century by the french archæologists, and are now classified as follows: lower palæolithic-- . pre-chellean. . chellean (named after the town of chelles, east of paris). . acheulian (named after st. acheul in somme valley). . mousterian (named after the caves of le moustier in the valley of the river vézère). upper palæolithic-- . aurignacian (named after aurignac, haute garonne). . solutrean (named after solutré, saône-et-loire). . magdalenian (named after la madeleine in the valley of the river vézère). then follows, in france, the azilian stage (named after mas d'azil, a town at the foot of the pyrenees) which is regarded as the link between upper palæolithic and neolithic. but in western europe, including britain, there were really three distinct cultures during the so-called "transition period". these are the azilian, the tardenoisian, and the maglemosian. these cultures were associated with the movements of new peoples in europe. the pre-chellean flints (also called eoliths) were wrought by the pre-neanderthals. chellean probably represents the earliest work in europe of a pre-neanderthal type like piltdown man. the most characteristic implement of this phase is the _coup de poing_ or pear-shaped "hand axe", which was at first roughly shaped and unsymmetrical. it was greatly improved during the acheulian stage, and after being finely wrought in mousterian times, when it was not much used, was supplanted by smaller and better chipped implements. the neanderthals practised the mousterian industry. [illustration: chellean _coup de poing_ or "hand axe" right-hand view shows sinuous cutting edge.] a profound change occurred when the aurignacian stage of culture was inaugurated by the intruding crô-magnons. skilled workers chipped flint in a new way, and, like the contemporary inhabitants of north africa, shaped artifacts from bone; they also used reindeer horn, and the ivory tusks of mammoths. the birth of pictorial art took place in europe after the crô-magnons arrived. it would appear that the remnants of the neanderthals in the late mousterian stage of culture were stimulated by the arrival of the crô-magnons to imitate new flint forms and adopt the new methods of workmanship. there is no other evidence to indicate that the crô-magnons came into contact with communities of the neanderthals. in these far-off days europe was thinly peopled by hunters who dwelt in caves. the climate was cold, and the hairy mammoth and the reindeer browsed in the lowlands of france and germany. italy was linked with africa; the grass-lands of north africa stretched southward across the area now known as the sahara desert, and dense forests fringed the banks of the river nile and extended eastward to the red sea. neanderthal man had originally entered europe when the climate was much milder than it is in our own time. he crossed over from africa by the italian land-bridge, and he found african fauna, including species of the elephant, rhinoceros, hippopotamus, lion, and the hyæna, jackal, and sabre-tooth tiger in spain, france, germany. thousands of years elapsed and the summers became shorter, and the winters longer and more severe, until the northern fauna began to migrate southward, and the african fauna deserted the plains and decaying forests of europe. then followed the fourth glacial phase, and when it was passing away the neanderthals, who had long been in the mousterian phase of culture, saw bands of crô-magnons prospecting and hunting in southern europe. the new-comers had migrated from some centre of culture in north africa, and appear to have crossed over the italian land-bridge. it is unlikely that many, if any, entered europe from the east. at the time the black sea was more than twice its present size, and glaciers still blocked the passes of asia minor. a great contrast was presented by the two types of mankind. the short, powerfully built, but slouching and slow-footed neanderthals were, in a conflict, no match for the tall, active, and swift-footed crô-magnons, before whom they retreated, yielding up their flint-working stations, and their caves and grottoes. it may be, as some suggest, that fierce battles were fought, but there is no evidence of warfare; it may be that the neanderthals succumbed to imported diseases, as did so many thousands of the inhabitants of the amazon valley, when measles and other diseases were introduced by the spaniards. the fact remains that the neanderthals died out as completely as did the tasmanians before the advance of british settlers. we do not know whether or not they resisted, for a time, the intrusion of strangers on their hunting-grounds. it may be that the ravages of disease completed the tragic history of such relations as they may have had with the ancestors of modern man. at this point, before we deal with the arrival in britain of the representatives of the early races, it should be noted that differences of opinion exist among scientists regarding the geological horizons of the palæolithic culture stages. in the pleistocene age there appear to have been four great glacial epochs and two minor ones. geological opinion is, however, divided in this connection. [illustration: western europe during the third inter-glacial epoch (according to the abbé breuil the strait of gibraltar was open and the balearic group a great island.)] during the first glacial epoch the musk-ox, now found in the arctic regions, migrated as far south as sussex. the pliocene[ ] mammals were not, however, completely exterminated; many of them survived until the first interglacial epoch, which lasted for about , years--that is three times longer than the first glacial epoch. the second glacial epoch is believed to have extended over , years. it brought to the southern shores of the baltic sea the reindeer and the hairy mammoth. then came the prolonged second interglacial stage which prevailed for about , years. the climate of europe underwent a change until it grew warmer than it is at the present day, and trees, not now found farther north than the canary islands, flourished in the forests of southern france. the third glacial stage gradually came on, grew in intensity, and then declined during a period estimated at about , years. it was followed by the third interglacial epoch which may have extended over at least , years. african animals returned to europe and mingled with those that wandered from asia and the survivors in europe of the second interglacial fauna. the fourth glacial epoch, which is believed to have lasted for about , years, was very severe. all the african or asiatic mammals either migrated or became extinct with the exception of lions and hyænas, and the reindeer found the western plains of europe as congenial as it does the northern plains at the present time. [ ] the last division of the tertiary period. during the fourth post-glacial epoch there were for a period of about , years[ ] partial glaciations and milder intervals, until during the neolithic age of the archæologists the climate of europe reached the phase that at present prevails. [ ] it must be borne in mind that the lengths of these periods are subject to revision. opinion is growing that they were not nearly so long as here stated. when, then, did man first appear in europe? according to some geologists, and especially penck and james geikie, the chellean phase of culture originated in the second interglacial epoch and the mousterian endured until the third interglacial stage, when the neanderthals witnessed the arrival of the crô-magnon peoples. boule, breuil, and others, however, place the pre-chellean, chellean, acheulian, and early mousterian stages of lower (or early) palæolithic culture in the third interglacial epoch, and fix the extermination of neanderthal man, in his late mousterian culture stage, at the close of the fourth glacial epoch. this view is now being generally accepted. it finds favour with the archæologists, and seems to accord with the evidence they have accumulated. the upper palæolithic culture of crô-magnon man, according to some, began in its aurignacian phase about , years ago; others consider, however, that it began about five or six thousand years ago, and was contemporaneous with the long pre-dynastic civilization of egypt. at the time england was connected with the continent by a land-bridge, and as the climate grew milder the ancestors of modern man could walk across from france to the white cliffs of dover which were then part of a low range of mountains. as will be shown, there is evidence that the last land movement in britain did not begin until about b.c. chapter iii the age of the "red man" of wales an ancient welshman--aurignacian culture in britain--coloured bones and luck charms--the cave of aurignac--discovery at crô-magnon village--an ancient tragedy--significant burial customs--crô-magnon characters--new race types in central europe--galley hill man--the piltdown skull--ancient religious beliefs--life principle in blood--why body-painting was practised--"sleepers" in caves--red symbolism in different countries--the heart as the seat of life--the green stone talisman--"soul substance". the earliest discovery of a representative of the crô-magnons was made in , when dr. buckland explored the ancient cave-dwelling of paviland in the vicinity of rhossilly, gower peninsula, south wales. this cave, known as "goat's hole", is situated between and feet above the present sea-level, on the face of a steep sandstone cliff about feet in height; it is feet in length and feet broad, while the roof attains an altitude of over feet. when this commodious natural shelter was occupied by our remote ancestors the land was on a much lower level than it is now, and it could be easily reached from the sea-shore. professor sollas has shown that the paviland cave-dwellers were in the aurignacian stage of culture, and that they had affinities with the tall crô-magnon peoples on the continent.[ ] [ ] _journal of the royal anthropological institute_, vol. xliii, . a human skeleton of a tall man was found in the cave deposit in association with the skull and tusks of a hairy mammoth, and with implements of aurignacian type. apparently the aurignacian colonists had walked over the land-bridge connecting england with france many centuries before the land sank and the channel tides began to carve out the white cliffs of dover. in his description of the bones of the ancient caveman, who has been wrongly referred to as the "red lady of paviland", dr. buckland wrote: "they were all of them stained superficially with a dark brick-red colour, and enveloped by a coating of a kind of ruddle, composed of red micaceous oxide of iron, which stained the earth, and in some parts extended itself to the distance of about half an inch around the surface of the bones. the body must have been entirely surrounded or covered over at the time of its interment with this red substance." near the thighs were about two handfuls of small shells (_nerita litoralis_) which had evidently formed a waist girdle. over forty little rods of ivory, which may have once formed a long necklace, lay near the ribs. a few ivory rings and a tongue-shaped implement or ornament lay beside the body, as well as an instrument or charm made of the metacarpal bone of a wolf. the next great discovery of this kind was made twenty-nine years later. in a french workman was trying to catch a wild rabbit on a lower slope of the pyrenees, near the town of aurignac in haute garonne, when he made a surprising find. from the rabbit's burrow he drew out a large human bone. a slab of stone was subsequently removed, and a grotto or cave shelter revealed. in the debris were found portions of seventeen skeletons of human beings of different ages and both sexes. only two skulls were intact. [illustration: upper palæolithic implements , aurignacian (chatelperron point). , , aurignacian (keeled scrapers). , aurignacian point. , magdalenian ("parrot-beak" graving tool). , solutrean (laurel-leaf point). , , , solutrean (drill, awl, and "shouldered" point). , , , magdalenian.] this discovery created a stir in the town of aurignac, and there was much speculation regarding the tragedy that was supposed to have taken place at some distant date. a few folks were prepared to supply circumstantial details by connecting the discovery with vague local traditions. no one dreamt that the burial-place dated back a few thousand years, or, indeed, that the grotto had really been a burial-place, and the mayor of the town gave instructions that the bones should be interred in the parish cemetery. eight years elapsed before the grotto was visited by m. louis lartet, the great french archæologist. outside the stone slab he found the remains of an ancient hearth, and a stone implement which had been used for chipping flints. in the outer debris were discovered, too, the bones of animals of the chase, and about a hundred flint artifacts, including knives, projectiles, and sling-stones, besides bone arrows, tools shaped from reindeer horns, and an implement like a bodkin of roe-deer horn. it transpired that the broken bones of animals included those of the cave-lion, the cave-bear, the hyæna, the elk, the mammoth, and the woolly-haired rhinoceros--all of which had been extinct in that part of the world for thousands of years. as in the paviland cave, there were indications that the dead had been interred with ornaments or charms on their bodies. inside the grotto were found "eighteen small round and flat plates of a white shelly substance, made of some species of cockle (_cardium_) pierced through the middle, as if for being strung into a bracelet". perforated teeth of wild animals had evidently been used for a like purpose. the distinct industry revealed by the grotto finds has been named aurignacian, after aurignac. had the human bones not been removed, the scientists would have definitely ascertained what particular race of ancient men they represented. it was not until the spring of that a flood of light was thrown on the aurignacian racial problem. a gang of workmen were engaged in the construction of a railway embankment in the vicinity of the village of crô-magnon, near les eyzies, in the valley of the river vézère, when they laid bare another grotto. intimation was at once made to the authorities, and the minister of public instruction caused an investigation to be made under the direction of m. louis lartet. the remains of five human skeletons were found. at the back of the grotto was the skull of an old man--now known as "the old man of crô-magnon"--and its antiquity was at once emphasized by the fact that some parts of it were coated by stalagmite caused by a calcareous drip from the roof of rock. near "the old man" was found the skeleton of a woman. her forehead bore signs of a deep wound that had been made by a cutting instrument. as the inner edge of the bone had partly healed, it was apparent she had survived her injury for a few weeks. beside her lay the skeleton of a baby which had been prematurely born. the skeletons of two young men were found not far from those of the others. apparently a tragic happening had occurred in ancient days in the vicinity of the crô-magnon grotto. the victims had been interred with ceremony, and in accordance with the religious rites prevailing at the time. above three hundred pierced marine shells, chiefly of the periwinkle species (_littorina littorea_), which are common on the atlantic coasts, and a few shells of _purpura lapillus_ (a purple-yielding shell), _turitella communis_, &c., were discovered besides the skeletons. these, it would appear, had been strung to form necklaces and other ornamental charms. m. lartet found, too, a flat ivory pendant pierced with two holes, and was given two other pendants picked up by young people. near the skeletons were several perforated teeth, a split block of gneiss with a smooth surface, the worked antlers of a reindeer that may have been used as a pick for excavating flint, and a few chipped flints. other artifacts of aurignacian type were unearthed in the debris associated with the grotto, which appears to have been used as a dwelling-place before the interments had taken place. [illustration: skull of a crô-magnon man: front and side views from the grotte des enfants, mentone. (after verneau.)] the human remains of the crô-magnon grotto were those of a tall and handsome race of which the "red man" of paviland was a representative. other finds have shown that this race was widely distributed in europe. the stature of the men varied from feet - / inches to feet - / inches on the riviera, that of the women being slightly less. that the crô-magnons were people of high intelligence is suggested by the fact that the skulls of the men and women were large, and remarkably well developed in the frontal region. according to a prominent anatomist the crô-magnon women had bigger brains than has the average male european of to-day. all these ancient skulls are of the dolichocephalic (long-headed) type. the faces, however, were comparatively broad, and shorter than those of the modern fair north-europeans, while the cheek-bones were high--a characteristic, by the way, of so many modern scottish faces. this type of head--known as the "disharmonic", because a broad face is usually a characteristic of a broad skull, and a long face of a long skull--has been found to be fairly common among the modern inhabitants of the dordogne valley. these french descendants of the crô-magnons are, however, short and "stocky", and most of them have dark hair and eyes. crô-magnon types have likewise been identified among the berbers of north africa, and the extinct fair-haired guanches of the canary islands, in brittany, on the islands of northern holland, and in the british isles.[ ] [ ] for principal references see _the races of europe_, w. z. ripley, pp. _et seq._, and _the anthropological history of europe_, john beddoe (rhind lectures for ; revised edition, ), p. . a comparatively short race, sometimes referred to as the "combe-capelle", after the rock-shelter at combe-capelle, near montferrand, perigord, was also active during the stage of aurignacian culture. an adult skeleton found in this shelter was that of a man only feet inches in height. the skull is long and narrow, with a lofty forehead, and the chin small and well developed. it has some similarity to modern european skulls. the skeleton had been subjected for thousands of years to the dripping of water saturated with lime, and had consequently been well preserved. near the head and neck lay a large number of perforated marine shells (_littorina_ and _nassa_). a collection of finely-worked flints of early aurignacian type also lay beside the body. reference may also be made here to the finds in moravia. fragmentary skull caps from brüx and brünn are regarded as evidence of a race which differed from the tall crô-magnons, and had closer affinities with combe-capelle man. some incline to connect the brünn type with england, the link being provided by a skeleton called the "galley hill" after the place of its discovery below gravesend and near northfleet in kent. scientists regard him as a contemporary of the aurignacian flint-workers of combe-capelle and brünn. "both the brüx and brünn skulls", writes professor osborn, "are harmonic; they do not present the very broad, high cheek-bones characteristic of the crô-magnon race,[ ] the face being of a narrow modern type, but not very long. there is a possibility that the brünn race was ancestral to several later dolichocephalic groups which are found in the region of the danube and of middle and southern germany."[ ] [ ] that is, the tall representatives of the crô-magnon races. [ ] _men of the old stone age_, pp. - . the galley hill man had been buried in the gravels of the "high terrace", feet above the thames. his bones when found were much decayed and denuded, and the skull contorted. the somewhat worn "wisdom tooth" indicates that he was a "fully-grown adult, though probably not an aged individual". those who think he was not as old as the flints and the bones of extinct animals found in the gravels, regard him as a pioneer of the brünn branch of the aurignacians. the piltdown skull appears to date back to a period vastly more ancient than neanderthal times. our special interest in the story of early man in britain is with the "red man" of paviland and galley hill man, because these were representatives of the species to which we ourselves belong. the neanderthals and pre-neanderthals, who have left their eoliths and palæoliths in our gravels, vanished like the glaciers and the icebergs, and have left, as has been indicated, no descendants in our midst. our history begins with the arrival of the crô-magnon races, who were followed in time by other peoples to whom europe offered attractions during the period of the great thaw, when the ice-cap was shrinking towards the north, and the flooded rivers were forming the beds on which they now flow. we have little to learn from galley hill man. his geological horizon is uncertain, but the balance of the available evidence tends to show he was a pioneer of the medium-sized hunters who entered europe from the east, during the aurignacian stage of culture. it is otherwise with the "red man" of wales. we know definitely what particular family he belonged to; he was a representative of the tall variety of crô-magnons. we know too that those who loved him, and laid his lifeless body in the paviland cave, had introduced into europe the germs of a culture that had been radiated from some centre, probably in the ancient forest land to the east of the nile, along the north african coast at a time when it jutted far out into the mediterranean and the sahara was a grassy plain. the crô-magnons were no mere savages who lived the life of animals and concerned themselves merely with their material needs. they appear to have been a people of active, inventive, and inquiring minds, with a social organization and a body of definite beliefs, which found expression in their art and in their burial customs. the "red man" was so called by the archæologists because his bones and the earth beside them were stained, as has been noted, by "red micaceous oxide of iron". here we meet with an ancient custom of high significance. it was not the case, as some have suggested, that the skeleton was coloured after the flesh had decayed. there was no indication when the human remains were discovered that the grave had been disturbed after the corpse was laid in it. the fact that the earth as well as the bones retained the coloration affords clear proof that the corpse had been smeared over with red earth which, after the flesh had decayed, fell on the skeleton and the earth and gravel beside it. but why, it will be asked, was the corpse so treated? did the crô-magnons paint their bodies during life, as do the australians, the red indians, and others, to provide "a substitute for clothing"? that cannot be the reason. they could not have concerned themselves about a "substitute" for something they did not possess. in france, the crô-magnons have left pictorial records of their activities and interests in their caves and other shelters. bas reliefs on boulders within a shelter at laussel show that they did not wear clothing during the aurignacian epoch which continued for many long centuries. we know too that the australians and indians painted their bodies for religious and magical purposes--to protect themselves in battle or enable them to perform their mysteries--rain-getting, food-getting, and other ceremonies. the ancient egyptians painted their gods to "make them healthy". prolonged good health was immortality. the evidence afforded by the paviland and other crô-magnon burials indicates that the red colour was freshly applied before the dead was laid in the sepulchre. no doubt it was intended to serve a definite purpose, that it was an expression of a system of beliefs regarding life and the hereafter. apparently among the crô-magnons the belief was already prevalent that the "blood is the life". the loss of life appeared to them to be due to the loss of the red vitalizing fluid which flowed in the veins. strong men who received wounds in conflict with their fellows, or with wild animals, were seen to faint and die in consequence of profuse bleeding; and those who were stricken with sickness grew ashen pale because, as it seemed, the supply of blood was insufficient, a condition they may have accounted for, as did the babylonians of a later period, by conceiving that demons entered the body and devoured the flesh and blood. it is not too much to suppose that they feared death, and that like other pagan religions of antiquity theirs was deeply concerned with the problem of how to restore and prolong life. their medicine-men appear to have arrived at the conclusion that the active principle in blood was the substance that coloured it, and they identified this substance with red earth. if cheeks grew pale in sickness, the flush of health seemed to be restored by the application of a red face paint. the patient did not invariably regain strength, but when he did, the recovery was in all likelihood attributed to the influence of the blood substitute. rest and slumber were required, as experience showed, to work the cure. when death took place, it seemed to be a deeper and more prolonged slumber, and the whole body was smeared over with the vitalizing blood substitute so that, when the spell of weakness had passed away, the sleeper might awaken, and come forth again with renewed strength from the cave-house in which he had been laid. the many persistent legends about famous "sleepers" that survive till our own day appear to have originally been connected with a belief in the return of the dead, the antiquity of which we are not justified in limiting, especially when it is found that the beliefs connected with body paint and shell ornaments and amulets were introduced into europe in early post-glacial times. ancient folk heroes might be forgotten, but from age to age there arose new heroes to take their places; the habit of placing them among the sleepers remained. charlemagne, frederick of barbarossa, william tell, king arthur, the fians, and the irish brian boroimhe, are famous sleepers. french peasants long believed that the sleeping napoleon would one day return to protect their native land from invaders, and during the russo-japanese war it was whispered in russia that general skobeleff would suddenly awake and hasten to manchuria to lead their troops to victory. for many generations the scots were convinced that james iv, who fell at flodden, was a "sleeper". his place was taken in time by thomas the rhymer, who slept in a cave and occasionally awoke to visit markets so that he might purchase horses for the great war which was to redden tweed and clyde with blood. even in our own day there were those who refused to believe that general gordon, sir hector macdonald, and lord kitchener, were really dead. the haunting belief in sleeping heroes dies hard. among the famous groups of sleeping heroes are the seven sleepers of ephesus--the christians who had been condemned to death by the emperor decius and concealed themselves in a cave where they slept for three and a half centuries. an eighteenth century legend tells of seven men in roman attire, who lay in a cave in western germany. in norse mythology, the seven sons of mimer sleep in the underworld awaiting the blast of the horn, which will be blown at ragnarok when the gods and demons will wage the last battle. the sleepers of arabia once awoke to foretell the coming of mahomet, and their sleeping dog, according to moslem beliefs, is one of the ten animals that will enter paradise. a representative scottish legend regarding the sleepers is located at the cave of craigiehowe in the black isle, ross-shire, a few miles distant from the rosemarkie cave. it is told that a shepherd once entered the cave and saw the sleepers and their dog. a horn, or as some say, a whistle, hung suspended from the roof. the shepherd blew it once and the sleepers shook themselves; he blew a second time, and they opened their eyes and raised themselves on their elbows. terrified by the forbidding aspect of the mighty men, the shepherd refrained from blowing a third time, but turned and fled. as he left the cave he heard one of the heroes call after him: "alas! you have left us worse than you found us." as whistles are sometimes found in magdalenian shelters in western and central europe, it may be that these were at an early period connected with the beliefs about the calling back of the crô-magnon dead. the ancient whistles were made of hare--and reindeer-foot bone. the clay whistle dates from the introduction of the neolithic industry in hungary. the remarkable tendency on the part of mankind to cling to and perpetuate ancient beliefs and customs, and especially those connected with sickness and death, is forcibly illustrated by the custom of smearing the bodies of the living and dead with red ochre. in every part of the world red is regarded as a particularly "lucky colour", which protects houses and human beings, and imparts vitality to those who use it. the belief in the protective value of red berries is perpetuated in our own christmas customs when houses are decorated with holly, and by those dwellers in remote parts who still tie rowan berries to their cows' tails so as to prevent witches and fairies from interfering with the milk supply. egyptian women who wore a red jasper in their waist-girdles called the stone "a drop of the blood of isis (the mother goddess)". red symbolism is everywhere connected with lifeblood and the "vital spark"--the hot "blood of life". brinton[ ] has shown that in the north american languages the word for blood is derived from the word for red or the word for fire. the ancient greek custom of painting red the wooden images of gods was evidently connected with the belief that a supply of lifeblood was thus assured, and that the colour animated the deity, as homer's ghosts were animated by a blood offering when odysseus visited hades. "the anointing of idols with blood for the purpose of animating them is", says farnell, "a part of old mediterranean magic."[ ] the ancient egyptians, as has been indicated, painted their gods, some of whom wore red garments; a part of their underworld dewat was "red land", and there were "red souls" in it.[ ] in india standing stones connected with deities are either painted red or smeared with the blood of a sacrificed animal. the chinese regard red as the colour of fire and light, and in their philosophy they identify it with _yang_, the chief principle of life;[ ] it is believed "to expel pernicious influences, and thus particularly to symbolize good luck, happiness, delight, and pleasure". red coffins are favoured. the "red gate" on the south side of a cemetery "is never opened except for the passage of an emperor".[ ] the chinese put a powdered red stone called _hun-hong_ in a drink or in food to destroy an evil spirit which may have taken possession of one. red earth is eaten for a similar reason by the polynesians and others. many instances of this kind could be given to illustrate the widespread persistence of the belief in the vitalizing and protective qualities associated with red substances. in irish gaelic, professor w. j. watson tells me, "ruadh" means both "red" and "strong". [ ] _myths of the new world_, p. . [ ] _cults of the greek states_, vol. v. p. . [ ] budge, _gods of the egyptians_. vol. i, p. . [ ] de groot, _the religious system of china_, book i, pp. - . [ ] _ibid._, book i, pp. and . the crô-magnons regarded the heart as the seat of life, having apparently discovered that it controls the distribution of blood. in the cavern of pindal, in south-western france, is the outline of a hairy mammoth painted in red ochre, and the seat of life is indicated by a large red heart. the painting dates back to the early aurignacian period. in other cases, as in the drawing of a large bison in the cavern of niaux, the seat of life and the vulnerable parts are indicated by spear--or arrowheads incised on the body. the ancient egyptians identified the heart with the mind. to them the heart was the seat of intelligence and will-power as well as the seat of life. the germ of this belief can apparently be found in the pictorial art and burial customs of the aurignacian crô-magnons. [illustration: outline of a mammoth painted in red ochre in the cavern of pindal, france the seat of life is indicated by a large red heart. (after breuil.)] another interesting burial custom has been traced in the grimaldi caves. some of the skeletons were found to have small green stones between their teeth or inside their mouths.[ ] no doubt these were amulets. their colour suggests that green symbolism has not necessarily a connection with agricultural religion, as some have supposed. the crô-magnons do not appear to have paid much attention to vegetation. in ancient egypt the green stone (khepera) amulet "typified the germ of life". a text says, "a scarab of green stone ... shall be placed in the heart of a man, and it shall perform for him the 'opening of the mouth'"--that is, it will enable him to speak and eat again. the scarab is addressed in a funerary text, "my heart, my mother. my heart whereby i came into being." it is believed by budge that the egyptian custom of "burying green basalt scarabs inside or on the breasts of the dead" is as old as the first dynasty (_c._ b.c.).[ ] how much older it is one can only speculate. "the mexicans", according to brinton, "were accustomed to say that at one time all men have been stones, and that at last they would all return to stones, and acting literally on this conviction they interred with the bones of the dead a small green stone, which was called 'the principle of life'."[ ] in china the custom of placing jade tongue amulets for the purpose of preserving the dead from decay and stimulating the soul to take flight to paradise is of considerable antiquity.[ ] crystals and pebbles have been found in ancient british graves. it may well be that these pebbles were regarded as having had an intimate connection with deities, and perhaps to have been coagulated forms of what has been called "life substance". of undoubted importance and significance was the ancient custom of adorning the dead with shells. as we have seen, this was a notable feature of the paviland cave burial. the "red man" was not only smeared with red earth, but "charmed" or protected by shell amulets. in the next chapter it will be shown that this custom not only affords us a glimpse of aurignacian religious beliefs, but indicates the area from which the crô-magnons came. [ ] i am indebted to the abbé breuil for this information which he gave me during the course of a conversation. [ ] budge, _gods of the egyptians_, vol. i, p. . these scarabs have not been found in the early dynastic graves. green malachite charms, however, were used in even the pre-dynastic period. [ ] _the myths of the new world_, p. . according to bancroft the green stones were often placed in the mouths of the dead. [ ] laufer, _jade_, pp. _et seq._ (chicago, ). professor g. elliot smith was the first to emphasize the importance attached in ancient times to the beliefs associated with the divine "giver of life". chapter iv shell deities and early trade early culture and early races--did civilization originate in europe?--an important clue--trade in shells between red sea and italy--traces of early trade in central europe--religious value of personal ornaments--importance of shell lore--links between far east and europe--shell deities--a hebridean shell goddess--"milk of wisdom"--ancient goddesses as providers of food--gaelic "spirit shell" and japanese "god body"--influence of deities in jewels, &c.--a shakespearean reference--shells in crô-magnon graves--early sacrifices--hand colours in palæolithic caves--finger lore and "hand spells". when the question is asked, "whence came the crô-magnon people of the aurignacian phase of culture?" the answer usually given is, "somewhere in the east". the distribution of the aurignacian sites indicates that the new-comers entered south-western france by way of italy--that is, across the italian land-bridge from north africa. of special significance in this connection is the fact that aurignacian culture persisted for the longest period of time in italy. the tallest crô-magnons appear to have inhabited south-eastern france and the western shores of italy. "it is probable", says osborn, referring to the men six feet four and a half inches in height, "that in the genial climate of the riviera these men obtained their finest development; the country was admirably protected from the cold winds of the north, refuges were abundant, and game by no means scarce, to judge from the quantity of animal bones found in the caves. under such conditions of life the race enjoyed a fine physical development and dispersed widely."[ ] [ ] _men of the old stone age_, pp. - . it does not follow, however, that the tall people originated aurignacian culture. as has been indicated, the stumpy people represented by combe-capelle skeletons were likewise exponents of it. "it must not be assumed", as elliot smith reminds us, "that the aurignacian culture was necessarily invented by the same people who introduced it into europe, and whose remains were associated with it ... for any culture can be transmitted to an alien people, even when it has not been adopted by many branches of the race which was responsible for its invention, just as gas illumination, oil lamps, and even candles are still in current use by the people who invented the electric light, which has been widely adopted by many foreign peoples. this elementary consideration is so often ignored that it is necessary thus to emphasize it, because it is essential for any proper understanding of the history of early civilization."[ ] [ ] primitive man (_proceedings of the british academy_, vol. vii). no trace of aurignacian culture has, so far, been found outside europe. "may it not, therefore," it may be asked, "have originated in italy or france?" in absence of direct evidence, this possibility might be admitted. but an important discovery has been made at grimaldi in la grotte des enfants (the "grotto of infants"--so called because of the discovery there of the skeletons of young crô-magnon children). among the shells used as amulets by those who used the grotto as a sepulchre was one (_cassis rufa_) that had been carried either by a migrating folk, or by traders, along the north african coast and through italy from some south-western asian beach. the find has been recorded by professor marcellin boule.[ ] [ ] _les grottes de grimaldi (baousse-rousse)_, tome i, fasc. ii--_géologie et paléontologie_ (monaco, ), p. . in a footnote, g. dollfus writes: "_cassis rufa, l._, an indian ocean shell, is represented in the collection at monaco by two fragments; one was found in the lower habitation level d, the other is probably of the same origin. the presence of this shell is extraordinary, as it has no analogue in the mediterranean, neither recent nor fossil; there exists no species in the north atlantic or off senegal with which it could be confounded. the fragments have traces of the reddish colour preserved, and are not fossil; one of them presents a notch which has determined a hole that seems to have been made intentionally. the species has not yet been found in the gulf of suez nor in the raised beaches of the isthmus. m. jousseaume has found it in the gulf of tadjoura at aden, but it has not yet been encountered in the red sea nor in the raised beaches of that region. the common habitat of _cassis rufa_ is socotra, besides the seychelles, madagascar, mauritius, new caledonia, and perhaps tahiti. the fragments discovered at mentone have therefore been brought from a great distance at a very ancient epoch by prehistoric man." after the crô-magnon peoples had spread into western and central europe they imported shells from the mediterranean. at laugerie basse in the dordogne, for instance, a necklace of pierced shells from the mediterranean was found in association with a skeleton. atlantic shells could have been obtained from a nearer sea-shore. it may be that the rhone valley, which later became a well-known trade route, was utilized at an exceedingly remote period, and that cultural influences occasionally "flowed" along it. "prehistoric man" had acquired some experience as a trader even during the "hunting period", and he had formulated definite religious beliefs. it has been the habit of some archæologists to refer to shell and other necklaces, &c., as "personal ornaments". the late dr. robert munro wrote in this connection: "we have no knowledge of any phase of humanity in which the love of personal ornament does not play an important part in the life of the individual. the savage of the present day, who paints or tattoos his body, and adorns it with shells, feathers, teeth, and trinkets made of the more gaudy materials at his disposal, may be accepted as on a parallel with the neolithic people of europe.... teeth are often perforated and used as pendants, especially the canines of carnivorous animals, but such ornaments are not peculiar to neolithic times, as they were equally prevalent among the later palæolithic races of europe."[ ] [ ] _prehistoric britain_, pp. - . modern savages have very definite reasons for wearing the so-called "ornaments", and for painting and tattooing their bodies. they believe that the shells, teeth, &c., afford them protection, and bring them luck. earpiercing, distending the lobe of the ear, disfiguring the body, the pointing, blackening, or knocking out of teeth, are all practices that have a religious significance. even such a highly civilized people as the chinese perpetuate, in their funerary ceremonies, customs that can be traced back to an exceedingly remote period in the history of mankind. it is not due to "love of personal ornament" that they place cowries, jade, gold, &c., in the mouth of the dead, but because they believe that by so doing the body is protected, and given a new lease of life. the far eastern belief that an elixir of ground oyster shells will prolong life in the next world is evidently a relic of early shell lore. certain deities are associated with certain shells. some deities have, like snails, shells for "houses"; others issue at birth from shells. the goddess venus (aphrodite) springs from the froth of the sea, and is lifted up by tritons on a shell; she wears a love-girdle. hathor, the egyptian venus, had originally a love-girdle of shells. she appears to have originated as the personification of a shell, and afterwards to have personified the pearl within the shell. in early egyptian graves the shell-amulets have been found in thousands. the importance of shell lore in ancient religious systems has been emphasized by mr. j. wilfrid jackson in his _shells as evidence of the migrations of early culture_.[ ] he shows why the cowry and snail shells were worn as amulets and charms, and why men were impelled "to search for them far and wide and often at great peril". "the murmur of the shell was the voice of the god, and the trumpet made of a shell became an important instrument in initiation ceremonies and in temple worship." shells protected wearers against evil, including the evil eye. in like manner protection was afforded by the teeth and claws of carnivorous animals. in asia and africa the belief that tigers, lions, &c., will not injure those who are thus protected is still quite widespread. [ ] london, . [illustration: necklace of sea shells, from the cave of crô-magnon. (after e. lartet.)] it cannot have been merely for love of personal ornaments that the crô-magnons of southern france imported indian ocean shells, and those of central and western europe created a trade in mediterranean shells. like the ancient inhabitants of the nile valley who in remote pre-dynastic times imported shells, not only from the mediterranean but from the red sea, along a long and dangerous desert trade-route, they evidently had imparted to shells a definite religious significance. the "luck-girdle" of snail-shells worn by the "red man of paviland" has, therefore, an interesting history. when the crô-magnons reached britain they brought with them not only implements invented and developed elsewhere, but a heritage of religious beliefs connected with shell ornaments and with the red earth with which the corpse was smeared when laid in its last resting-place. the ancient religious beliefs connected with shells appear to have spread far and wide. traces of them still survive in districts far separated from one another and from the area of origin--the borderlands of asia and africa. in japanese mythology a young god, ohonamochie--a sort of male cinderella--is slain by his jealous brothers. his mother makes appeal to a sky deity who sends to her aid the two goddesses princess cockleshell and princess clam. princess cockleshell burns and grinds her shell, and with water provided by princess clam prepares an elixir called "nurse's milk" or "mother's milk". as soon as this "milk" is smeared over the young god, he is restored to life. in the hebrides it is still the custom of mothers to burn and grind the cockle-shell to prepare a lime-water for children who suffer from what in gaelic is called "wasting". in north america shells of _unio_ were placed in the graves of red indians "as food for the dead during the journey to the land of spirits". the pearls were used in india as medicines. "the burnt powder of the gems, if taken with water, cures hæmorrhages, prevents evil spirits working mischief in men's minds, cures lunacy and all mental diseases, jaundice, &c.... rubbed over the body with other medicines it cures leprosy and all skin diseases."[ ] the ancient cretans, whose culture was carried into asia and through europe by their enterprising sea-and-land traders and prospectors, attached great importance to the cockle-shell which they connected with their mother goddess, the source of all life and the giver of medicines and food. sir arthur evans found a large number of cockle-shells, some in faeince, in the shrine of the serpent goddess in the ruins of the palace of knossos. the fact that the cretans made artificial cockle-shells is of special interest, especially when we find that in egypt the earliest use to which gold was put was in the manufacture of models of snail-shells in a necklace.[ ] in different countries cowrie shells were similarly imitated in stone, ivory, and metal.[ ] [ ] _shells as evidence of the migrations of early culture_, pp. - . [ ] g. a. reisner. _early dynastic cemeteries of naga-ed-der_, vol. i, , plates and . [ ] jackson's _shells_, pp. , , , . shells were thought to impart vitality and give protection, not only to human beings, but even to the plots of the earliest florists and agriculturists. "mary, mary, quite contrairie", who in the nursery rhyme has in her garden "cockle-shells all in row", was perpetuating an ancient custom. the cockle-shell is still favoured by conservative villagers, and may be seen in their garden plots and in graveyards. shells placed at cottage doors, on window-sills, and round fire-places are supposed to bring luck and give security, like the horse-shoe on the door. the mother goddess, remembered as the fairy queen, is still connected with shells in hebridean folk-lore. a gaelic poet refers to the goddess as "the maiden queen of wisdom who dwelt in the beauteous bower of the single tree where she could see the whole world and where no fool could see her beauty". she lamented the lack of wisdom among women, and invited them to her knoll. when they were assembled there the goddess appeared, holding in her hand the _copan moire_ ("cup of mary"), as the blue-eyed limpet shell is called. the shell contained "the ais (milk) of wisdom", which she gave to all who sought it. "many", we are told, "came to the knoll too late, and there was no wisdom left for them."[ ] a gaelic poet says the "maiden queen" was attired in emerald green, silver, and mother-of-pearl. [ ] dr. alexander carmichael, _carmina gadeiica_, vol. ii, pp. _et seq._ mr. wilfrid jackson, author of _shells as evidence of the migrations of early culture_, tells me that the "blue-eyed limpet" is our common limpet--_patella vulgata_--the lepas, patelle, jambe, oeil de boue, bernicle, or flie of the french. in cornwall it is the "crogan", the "bornigan", and the "brennick". it is "flither" of the english, "flia" of the faroese, and "lapa" of the portuguese. a cornish giant was once, according to a folk-tale, set to perform the hopeless task of emptying a pool with a single limpet which had a hole in it. limpets are found in early british graves and in the "kitchen middens". they are met with in abundance in cromlechs, on the channel isles and in brittany, covering the bones and the skulls of the dead. mr. jackson thinks they were used like cowries for vitalizing and protecting the dead. here a particular shell is used by an old goddess for a specific purpose. she imparts knowledge by providing a magic drink referred to as "milk". the question arises, however, if a deity of this kind was known in early times. did the crô-magnons of the aurignacian stage of culture conceive of a god or goddess in human form who nourished her human children and instructed them as do human mothers? the figure of a woman, holding in her hand a horn which appears to have been used for drinking from, is of special interest in this connection. as will be shown, the hebridean "maiden" links with other milk-providing deities. the earliest religious writings in the world are the pyramid texts of ancient egypt which, as professor breasted so finely says, "vaguely disclose to us a vanished world of thought and speech". they abound "in allusions to lost myths, to customs and usages long since ended". withal, they reflect the physical conditions of a particular area--the nile valley, in which the sun and the river are two outstanding natural features. there was, however, a special religious reason for connecting the sun and the river. in these old pyramid texts are survivals from a period apparently as ancient as that of early aurignacian civilization in europe, and perhaps, as the clue afforded by the indian shell found in the grimaldi cave, not unconnected with it. the mother goddess, for instance, is prayed to so that she may suckle the soul of the dead pharaoh as a mother suckles her child and never wean him.[ ] milk was thus the elixir of life, and as the mother goddess of egypt is found to have been identified with the cowrie--indeed to have been the spirit or personification of the shell--the connection between shells and milk may have obtained even in aurignacian times in south-western europe. that the mother goddess of crô-magnons had a human form is suggested by the representations of mothers which have been brought to light. an aurignacian statuette of limestone found in the cave of willendorf, lower austria, has been called the "venus of willendorf". she is very corpulent--apparently because she was regarded as a giver of life. other statues of like character have been unearthed near mentone, and they have a striking resemblance to the figurines of fat women found in the pre-dynastic graves of egypt and in crete and malta. the bas-relief of the fat woman sculptured on a boulder inside the aurignacian shelter of laussel may similarly have been a goddess. in her right hand she holds a bison's horn--perhaps a drinking horn containing an elixir. traces of red colouring remain on the body. a notable fact about these mysterious female forms is that the heads are formal, the features being scarcely, if at all, indicated. [ ] breasted, _religion and thought in ancient egypt_, p. . even if no such "idols" had been found, it does not follow that the early people had no ideas about supernatural beings. there are references in gaelic to the _coich anama_ (the "spirit case", or "soul shell", or "soul husk"). in japan, which has a particularly rich and voluminous mythology, there are no idols in shinto temples. a deity is symbolized by the _shintai_ (god body), which may be a mirror, a weapon, or a round stone, a jewel or a pearl. a pearl is a _tama_; so is a precious stone, a crystal, a bit of worked jade, or a necklace of jewels, ivory, artificial beads, &c. the soul of a supernatural being is called _mi-tama--mi_ being now a honorific prefix, but originally signifying a water serpent (dragon god). the shells, of which ancient deities were personifications, may well have been to the crô-magnons pretty much what a _tama_ is to the japanese, and what magic crystals were to mediæval europeans who used them for magical purposes. it may have been believed that in the shells, green stones, and crystals remained the influence of deities as the power of beasts of prey remained in their teeth and claws. the ear-rings and other pagan ornaments which jacob buried with laban's idols under the oak at shechem were similarly supposed to be god bodies or coagulated forms of "life substance". all idols were temporary or permanent bodies of deities, and idols were not necessarily large. it would seem to be a reasonable conclusion that all the so-called ornaments found in ancient graves were supposed to have had an intimate connection with the supernatural beings who gave origin to and sustained life. these ornaments, or charms, or amulets, imparted vitality to human beings, because they were regarded as the substance of life itself. the red jasper worn in the waist girdles of the ancient egyptians was reputed, as has been stated, to be a coagulated drop of the blood of the mother goddess isis. blood was the essence of life. the red woman or goddess of the laussel shelter was probably coloured so as to emphasize her vitalizing attributes; the red colour animated the image. an interesting reference in shakespeare's _hamlet_ to ancient burial customs may here be quoted, because it throws light on the problem under discussion. when ophelia's body is carried into the graveyard[ ] one of the priests says that as "her death was doubtful" she should have been buried in "ground unsanctified"--that is, among the suicides and murderers. having taken her own life, she was unworthy of christian burial, and should be buried in accordance with pagan customs. in all our old churchyards the takers of life were interred on the north side, and apparently in shakespeare's day traditional pagan rites were observed in the burials of those regarded as pagans. the priest in _hamlet_, therefore, says of ophelia: she should in ground unsanctified have lodged till the last trumpet; _for charitable prayers, shards, flints, and pebbles should be thrown on her_. [ ] _hamlet_, v. i. there are no shards (fragments of pottery) in the crô-magnon graves, but flints and pebbles mingle with shells, teeth, and other charms and amulets. vast numbers of perforated shells have been found in the burial caves near mentone. in one case the shells are so numerous that they seem to have formed a sort of burial mantle. "similarly," says professor osborn, describing another of these finds, "the female skeleton was enveloped in a bed of shells not perforated; the legs were extended, while the arms were stretched beside the body; there were a few pierced shells and a few bits of silex. one of the large male skeletons of the same grotto had the lower limbs extended, the upper limbs folded, and was decorated with a gorget and crown of perforated shells; the head rested on a block of red stone." in another case "heavy stones protected the body from disturbance; the head was decorated with a circle of perforated shells _coloured in red_, and implements of various types were carefully placed on the forehead and chest". the body of the combe-capelle man "was decorated with a necklace of perforated shells and surrounded with a great number of fine aurignacian flints. it appears", adds osborn, "that in all the numerous burials of these grottos of aurignacian age and industry of the crô-magnon race we have the burial standards which prevailed in western europe at this time."[ ] [ ] _men of the old stone age_, pp. - . it has been suggested by one of the british archæologists that the necklaces of perforated cowrie shells and the red pigment found among the remains of early man in britain were used by children. this theory does not accord with the evidence afforded by the grimaldi caves, in which the infant skeletons are neither coloured nor decorated. occasionally, however, the children were interred in burial mantles of small perforated shells, while female adults were sometimes placed in beds of unperforated shells. shells have been found in early british graves. these include _nerita litoralis_, and even _patella vulgata_, the common limpet. holes were rubbed in them so that they might be strung together. in a megalithic cist unearthed in phoenix park, dublin, in , two male skeletons had each beside them perforated shells (_nerita litoralis_). during the construction of the edinburgh and granton railway there was found beside a skeleton in a stone cist a quantity of cockle-shell rings. two dozen perforated oyster-shells were found in a single orkney cist. many other examples of this kind could be referred to.[ ] [ ] a red sea cowry shell (_cyproea minor_) found on the site of hurstbourne station (l. & s. w. railway, main line) in hampshire, was associated with "early iron age" artifacts. (paper read by j. r. le b. tomlin at meeting of linnæan society, june , .) in the crô-magnon caverns are imprints of human hands which had been laid on rock and then dusted round with coloured earth. in a number of cases it is shown that one or more finger joints of the left hand had been cut off. the practice of finger mutilation among bushman, australian, and red indian tribes, is associated with burial customs and the ravages of disease. a bushman woman may cut off a joint of one of her fingers when a near relative is about to die. red indians cut off finger-joints when burying their dead during a pestilence, so as "to cut off deaths"; they sacrificed a part of the body to save the whole. in australia finger mutilation is occasionally practised. highland gaelic stories tell of heroes who lie asleep to gather power which will enable them to combat with monsters or fierce enemies. heroines awake them by cutting off a finger joint, a part of the ear, or a portion of skin from the scalp.[ ] [ ] for references see my _myths of crete and pre-hellenic europe_, pp. - . the colours used in drawings of hands in palæolithic caves are black, white, red, and yellow, as the abbé breuil has noted. in spain and india, the hand prints are supposed to protect dwellings from evil influences. horse-shoes, holly with berries, various plants, shells, &c, are used for a like purpose among those who in our native land perpetuate ancient customs. the arabs have a custom of suspending figures of an open hand from the necks of their children, and the turks and moors paint hands upon their ships and houses, "as an antidote and counter charm to an evil eye; for five is with them an unlucky number; and 'five (fingers, perhaps) in your eyes' is their proverb of cursing and defiance". in portugal the hand spell is called the _figa_. southey suggests that our common phrase "a fig for him" was derived from the name of the portuguese hand amulet.[ ] [ ] notes to _thalaba_, book v, canto . "the figo for thy friendship" is an interesting reference by shakespeare.[ ] fig or figo is probably from _fico_, a snap of the fingers, which in french is _faire la figue_, and in italian _far le fiche_. finger snapping had no doubt originally a magical significance. [ ] _henry v_, v, iii, . chapter v new races in europe the solutrean industry--a racial and cultural intrusion--decline of aurignacian art--a god-cult--the solutrean thor--open-air life--magdalenian culture--decline of flint working--horn and bone weapons and implements--revival of crô-magnon art--the lamps and palettes of cave artists--the domesticated horse--eskimos in europe--magdalenian culture in england--the vanishing ice--reindeer migrate northward--new industries--tardenoisian and azilian industries--pictures and symbols of azilians--"long-heads" and "broad-heads"--maglemosian culture of fair northerners--pre-neolithic peoples in britain. in late aurignacian times the influence of a new industry was felt in western europe. it first came from the south, and reached as far north as england where it can be traced in the caverns. then, in time, it spread westward and wedge-like through central europe in full strength, with the force and thoroughness of an invasion, reaching the northern fringe of the spanish coast. this was the solutrean industry which had distinctive and independent features of its own. it was not derived from aurignacian but had developed somewhere in africa--perhaps in somaliland, whence it radiated along the libyan coast towards the west and eastward into asia. the main or "true" solutrean influence entered europe from the south-east. it did not pass into italy, which remained in the aurignacian stage until azilian times, nor did it cross the pyrenees or invade spain south of the cantabrian mountains. the earlier "influence" is referred to as "proto-solutrean". solutrean is well represented in hungary where no trace of aurignacian culture has yet been found. apparently that part of europe had offered no attractions for the crô-magnons. who the carriers of this new culture were it is as yet impossible to say with confidence. they may have been a late "wave" of the same people who had first introduced aurignacian culture into europe, and they may have been representative of a different race. some ethnologists incline to connect the solutrean culture with a new people whose presence is indicated by the skulls found at brünn and brüx in bohemia. these intruders had lower foreheads than the crô-magnons, narrower and longer faces, and low cheek-bones. it may be that they represented a variety of the mediterranean race. whoever they were, they did not make much use of ivory and bone, but they worked flint with surpassing skill and originality. their technique was quite distinct from the aurignacian. with the aid of wooden or bone tools, they finished their flint artifacts by pressure, gave them excellent edges and points, and shaped them with artistic skill. their most characteristic flints are the so-called laurel-leaf (broad) and willow-leaf (narrow) lances. these were evidently used in the chase. there is no evidence that they were used in battle. withal, their weapons had a religious significance. fourteen laurel-leaf spear-heads of solutrean type which were found together at volgu, saône-et-loire, are believed to have been a votive offering to a deity. at any rate, these were too finely worked and too fragile, like some of the peculiar shetland and swedish knives of later times, to have been used as implements. one has retained traces of red colouring. it may be that the belief enshrined in the gaelic saying, "every weapon has its demon", had already come into existence. in crete the double-axe was in minoan times a symbol of a deity;[ ] and in northern egypt and on the libyan coast the crossed arrows symbolized the goddess neith; while in various countries, and especially in india, there are ancient stories about the spirits of weapons appearing in visions and promising to aid great hunters and warriors. the custom of giving weapons personal names, which survived for long in europe, may have had origin in solutrean times. [ ] for other examples see mr. legge's article in _proceedings of the society of biblical archæology_, . p. . art languished in solutrean times. geometrical figures were incised on ivory and bone; some engraving of mammoths, reindeer, and lions have been found in moravia and france. when the human figure was depicted, the female was neglected and studies made of males. it may be that the solutreans had a god-cult as distinguished from the goddess-cult of the aurignacians, and that their "flint-god" was an early form of zeus, or of thor, whose earliest hammer was of flint. the romans revered "jupiter lapis" (silex). when the solemn oath was taken at the ceremony of treaty-making, the representative of the roman people struck a sacrificial pig with the _silex_ and said, "do thou, diespiter, strike the roman people as i strike this pig here to-day, and strike them the more, as thou art greater and stronger". mr. cyril bailey (_the religion of ancient rome_, p. ) expresses the view that "in origin the stone is itself the god". during solutrean times the climate of europe, although still cold, was drier that in aurignacian times. it may be that the intruders seized the flint quarries of the crô-magnons, and also disputed with them the possession of hunting-grounds. the cave art declined or was suspended during what may have been a military regime and perhaps, too, under the influence of a new religion and new social customs. open-air camps beside rock-shelters were greatly favoured. it may be, as has been suggested, that the solutreans were as expert as the modern eskimos in providing clothing and skin-tents. bone needles were numerous. they fed well, and horse-flesh was a specially favoured food. in their mountain retreats, the aurignacians may have concentrated more attention than they had previously done on the working of bone and horn; it may be that they were reinforced by new races from north-eastern europe, who had been developing a distinctive industry on the borders of asia. at any rate, the industry known as magdalenian became widespread when the ice-fields crept southward again, and southern and central europe became as wet and cold as in early aurignacian times. solutrean culture gradually declined and vanished and magdalenian became supreme. the magdalenian stage of culture shows affinities with aurignacian and betrays no influence of solutrean technique. the method of working flint was quite different. the magdalenians, indeed, appear to have attached little importance to flint for implements of the chase. they often chipped it badly in their own way and sometimes selected flint of poor quality, but they had beautiful "scrapers" and "gravers" of flint. it does not follow, however, that they were a people on a lower stage of culture than the solutreans. new inventions had rendered it unnecessary for them to adopt solutrean technique. most effective implements of horn and bone had come into use and, if wars were waged--there is no evidence of warfare--the magdalenians were able to give a good account of themselves with javelins and exceedingly strong spears which were given a greater range by the introduction of spear-throwers--"cases" from which spears were thrown. the food supply was increased by a new method of catching fish. barbed harpoons of reindeer-horn had been invented, and no doubt many salmon, &c., were caught at river-side stations. the crô-magnons, as has been found, were again in the ascendant, and their artistic genius was given full play as in aurignacian times, and, no doubt, as a result of the revival of religious beliefs that fostered art as a cult product. once again the painters, engravers, and sculptors adorned the caves with representations of wild animals. colours were used with increasing skill and taste. the artists had palettes on which to mix their colours, and used stone lamps, specimens of which have been found, to light up their "studios" in deep cave recesses. during this magdalenian stage of culture the art of the crô-magnons reached its highest standard of excellence, and grew so extraordinarily rich and varied that it compares well with the later religious arts of ancient egypt and babylonia. the horse appears to have been domesticated. there is at saint michel d'arudy a "celtic" horse depicted with a bridle, while at la madeleine was found a "bâton de commandement" on which a human figure, with a stave in his right hand, walks past two horses which betray no signs of alarm. our knowledge is scanty regarding the races that occupied europe during magdalenian times. in addition to the crô-magnons there were other distinctive types. one of these is represented by the chancelade skeleton found at raymonden shelter. some think it betrays eskimo affinities and represents a racial "drift" from the russian steppes. in his _ancient hunters_ professor sollas shows that there are resemblances between eskimo and magdalenian artifacts. the magdalenian culture reached england, although it never penetrated into italy, and was shut out from the greater part of spain. it has been traced as far north as derbyshire, on the north-eastern border of which the cresswell caves have yielded magdalenian relics, including flint-borers, engravers, &c., and bone implements, including a needle, an awl, chisels, an engraving of a horse on bone, &c. kent's cavern, near torquay in devonshire, has also yielded magdalenian flints and implements of bone, including pins, awls, barbed harpoons, &c. during early magdalenian times, however, our native land did not offer great attractions to continental people. the final glacial epoch may have been partial, but it was severe, and there was a decided lowering of the temperature. then came a warmer and drier spell, which was followed by the sixth partial glaciation. thereafter the "great thaw" opened up europe to the invasion of new races from asia and africa. three distinct movements of peoples in europe can be traced in post-magdalenian times, and during what has been called the "transition period", between the upper palæolithic and lower neolithic ages or stages. the ice-cap retreated finally from the mountains of scotland and sweden, and the reindeer migrated northward. magdalenian civilization was gradually broken up, and the cave art suffered sharp decline until at length it perished utterly. trees flourished in areas where formerly the reindeer scraped the snow to crop moss and lichen, and rich pastures attracted the northward migrating red deer, the roe-deer, the ibex, the wild boar, wild cattle, &c. the new industries are known as the tardenoisian, the azilian, and the maglemosian. [illustration: geometric or "pygmy" flints. (after breuil.) , from tunis and southern spain. , from portugal. , , azilian types. , , , tardenoisian types.] tardenoisian flints are exceedingly small and beautifully worked, and have geometric forms; they are known as "microliths" and "pygmy flints". they were evidently used in catching fish, some being hooks and others spear-heads; and they represent a culture that spread round the mediterranean basin: these flints are found in northern egypt, tunis, algeria, and italy; from italy they passed through europe into england and scotland. a people who decorated with scenes of daily life rock shelters and caves in spain, and hunted red deer and other animals with bows and arrows, were pressing northward across the new grass-lands towards the old magdalenian stations. men wore pants and feather head-dresses; women had short gowns, blouses, and caps, as had the late magdalenians, and both sexes wore armlets, anklets, and other ornaments of magical potency. females were nude when engaged in the chase. the goddess diana had evidently her human prototypes. there were ceremonial dances, as the rock pictures show; women lamented over graves, and affectionate couples--at least they seem to have been affectionate--walked hand in hand as they gradually migrated towards northern spain, and northern france and britain. the horse was domesticated, and is seen being led by the halter. wild animal "drives" were organized, and many victims fell to archer and spearman. arrows were feathered; bows were large and strong. symbolic signs indicate that a script similar to those of the Ægean area, the northern african coast, and pre-dynastic egypt was freely used. drawings became conventional, and ultimately animals and human beings were represented by signs. this culture lasted after the introduction of the neolithic industry in some areas, and in others after the bronze industry had been adopted by sections of the people. when the magdalenian harpoon of reindeer horn was imitated by the flat harpoon of red-deer horn, this new culture became what is known as azilian. it met and mingled with tardenoisian, which appears to have arrived later, and the combined industries are referred to as azilian-tardenoisian. while the race-drifts, represented by the carriers of the azilian and tardenoisian industries, were moving into france and britain, another invasion from the east was in progress. it is represented in the famous ofnet cave where long-heads and broad-heads were interred. the asiatic armenoids (alpine type) had begun to arrive in europe, the glaciers having vanished in asia minor. skulls of broad-heads found in the belgian cave of furfooz, in which sixteen human skeletons were unearthed in , belong to this period. the early armenoids met and mingled with representatives of the blond northern race, and were the basis of the broad-headed blonds of holland, denmark, and belgium. [illustration: examples of palÆolithic art the objects include: handles of knives and daggers carved in ivory and bone, line drawings of wild animals, faces of masked men, of animal-headed deity or masked man with arms uplifted (compare egyptian "ka" attitude of adoration), of wild horses on perforated _bâton de commandement_, of man stalking a bison, of seal, cow, reindeer, cave-bear, &c., and perforated amulets.] maglemosian culture is believed to have been introduced by the ancestors of the fair peoples of northern europe. it has been so named after the finds at maglemose in the "great moor", near mullerup, on the western coast of zeeland. a lake existed at this place at a time when the baltic was an inland water completely shut off from the north sea. in a peat bog, formerly the bed of the lake, were found a large number of flint and bone artifacts. these included tardenoisian microliths, barbed harpoons of bone, needles of bone, spears of bone, &c. bone was more freely used than horn for implements and weapons. the animals hunted included the stag, roe-deer, moose, wild ox, and wild boar. dogs were domesticated. it appears that the maglemosians were lake-dwellers. their houses, however, had not been erected on stilts, but apparently on a floating platform of logs, which was no doubt anchored or moored to the shore. there are traces of magdalenian influence in maglemosian culture. although many decorative forms on bone implements and engravings on rocks are formal and symbolic, there are some fine and realistic representations of animals worthy of the magdalenian cave artists. traces of the maglemosian racial drift have been obtained on both sides of the baltic and in the danish kitchen middens. engravings on rocks at lake onega in northern russia closely resemble typical maglemosian work. apparently the northern fair peoples entered europe from western siberia, and in time were influenced by neolithic culture. but before the europeans began to polish their stone implements and weapons, the blond hunters and fishermen settled not only in denmark and southern sweden and norway but also in britain. at the time when the baltic was an inland fresh-water lake, the southern part of the north sea was dry land, and trees grew on dogger bank, from which fishermen still occasionally lift in their trawls lumps of "moor-log" (peat) and the bones of animals, including those of the reindeer, the red deer, the horse, the wild ox, the bison, the irish elk, the bear, the wolf, the beaver, the woolly rhinoceros, the mammoth, and the walrus. no doubt the maglemosians found their way over this "land-bridge", crossing the rivers in rude boats, and on foot when the rivers were frozen. evidence has been forthcoming that they also followed the present coast line towards boulogne, near which a typical maglemosian harpoon has been discovered. [illustration: a notable example of late magdalenian culture: engraving on bone of browsing reindeer. from kesserloch, switzerland. (after heim.)] traces of maglemosian influence have been found as far north as scotland on the hebridean islands of oronsay and risga. the macarthur cave at oban reveals azilian artifacts. in the victoria cave near settle in yorkshire a late magdalenian or proto-azilian harpoon made of reindeer-horn is of special interest, displaying, as it does, a close connection between late magdalenian and early azilian. barbed harpoons, found at the shelter of druimvargie, near oban, are azilian, some displaying maglemosian features. barbed harpoons of bone, and especially those with barbs on one side only, are generally maglemosian, while those of horn and double-barbed are typically azilian. [illustration: horn and bone implements harpoons: and , from macarthur cave, oban; , from laugerie basse rock-shelter, france; , from shell-heap, oronsay, hebrides; , from bed of river dee near kirkcudbright; , from palude brabbie, italy--all of azilian type. , reindeer-horn harpoon of late magdalenian, or proto-azilian, type from victoria cave, near settle, yorks. , maglemosian, or azilian-maglemosian, harpoon from rock-shelter, druimvargie, oban. , , , , , and , bone and deer-horn implements from macarthur cave, oban.] apparently the fair northerners, the carriers of maglemosian culture, and the dark iberians, the carriers of azilian culture, met and mingled in scotland and england long before the neolithic industry was introduced. there were also, it would appear, communities in britain of crô-magnons, and perhaps of other racial types that existed on the continent and in late magdalenian times. the fair peoples of england and wales, scotland and ireland are not therefore all necessarily descendants of celts, angles, saxons, and vikings. the pioneer settlers in the british isles, in all probability, included blue and grey-eyed and fair or reddish-haired peoples who in scotland may have formed the basis of the later caledonian type, compared by tacitus to the germans, but bearing an undoubted celtic racial name, the military aristocrats being celts.[ ] [ ] the abbé breuil, having examined the artifacts associated with the western scottish harpoons, inclines to refer to the culture as "azilian-tardenoisian". at the same time he considers the view that maglemosian influence was operating is worthy of consideration. he notes that traces of maglemosian culture have been reported from england. the abbé has detected magdalenian influence in artifacts from campbeltown, argyllshire (_proceedings of the society of antiquaries in scotland_, - ). chapter vi the faithful dog transition period between palæolithic and neolithic ages--theory of the neolithic edge--crô-magnon civilization was broken up by users of bow and arrow--domesticated dog of fair northerners--dogs as guides and protectors of man--the dog in early religion--dog guides of souls--the dog of hades--dogs and death--the scape-dog in scotland--souls in dog form--traces of early domesticated dogs--romans imported british dogs. the period we have now reached is regarded by some as that of transition between the palæolithic and neolithic ages, and by others as the early neolithic period. it is necessary, therefore, that we should keep in mind that these terms have been to a great extent divested of the significance originally attached to them. the transition period was a lengthy one, extending over many centuries during which great changes occurred. it was much longer than the so-called "neolithic age". new races appeared in europe and introduced new habits of life and thought, new animals appeared and animals formerly hunted by man retreated northward or became extinct; the land sank and rose; a great part of the north sea and the english channel was for a time dry land, and trees grew on the plateau now marked by the dogger bank during this "transition period", and before it had ended the strait of dover had widened and england was completely cut off from the continent. compared with these great changes the invention of the polished axe edge seems almost trivial. yet some writers have regarded this change as being all-important. "on the edge ever since its discovery", writes one of them with enthusiasm, "has depended and probably will depend to the end of time the whole artistic and artificial environment of human existence, in all its infinite varied complexity.... by this discovery was broken down a wall that for untold ages had dammed up a stagnant, unprogressive past, and through the breach were let loose all the potentialities of the future civilization of mankind. it was entirely due to the discovery of the edge that man was enabled, in the course of time, to invent the art of shipbuilding."[ ] [ ] eirikr magnusson in _notes on shipbuilding and nautical terms_, london, . this is a very sweeping claim and hardly justified by the evidence that of late years has come to light. much progress had been achieved before the easy method of polishing supplanted that of secondary working. the so-called palæolithic implements were not devoid of edges. what really happened was that flint-working was greatly simplified. the discovery was an important one, but it was not due to it alone that great changes in habits of life were introduced. long before the introduction of the neolithic industry, the earliest traces of which in western europe have been obtained at campigny near the village of blangy on the river bresle, the magdalenian civilization of the crô-magnons had been broken up by the azilian-tardenoisian intruders in central and western europe and by the maglemosians in the baltic area. the invading hordes in spain, so far as can be gathered from rock pictures, made more use of bows and arrows than of spears, and it may be that their social organization was superior to that of the magdalenians. their animal "drives" suggest as much. it may be that they were better equipped for organized warfare--if there was warfare--and for hunting by organizing drives than the taller and stronger crô-magnons. when they reached the magdalenian stations they adopted the barbed harpoon, imitating reindeer-horn forms in red-deer horn. the blond maglemosians in the baltic area introduced from asia the domesticated dog. they were thus able to obtain their food supply with greater ease than did the solutreans with their laurel-leaf lances, or the magdalenians with their spears tipped with bone or horn. when man was joined by his faithful ally he met with more success than when he pursued the chase unaided. withal, he could take greater risks when threatened by the angry bulls of a herd, and operate over more extended tracks of country with less fear of attack by beasts of prey. his dogs warned him of approaching peril and guarded his camp by night. hunters who dwelt in caves may have done so partly for protection against lions and bears and wolves that were attracted to hunters' camps by the scent of flesh and blood. no doubt barriers had to be erected to shield men, women, and children in the darkness; and it may be that there were fires and sentinels at cave entrances. the introduction of the domesticated dog may have influenced the development of religious beliefs. crô-magnon hunters appear to have performed ceremonies in the depths of caverns where they painted and carved wild animals, with purpose to obtain power over them. their masked dances, in which men and women represented wild animals, chiefly beasts of prey, may have had a similar significance. the fact that, during the transition period, a cult art passed out of existence, and the caves were no longer centres of culture and political power, may have been directly or indirectly due to the domestication of the dog and the supremacy achieved by the intruders who possessed it. there can be no doubt that the dog played its part in the development of civilization. as much is suggested by the lore attaching to this animal. it occupies a prominent place in mythology. the dog which guided and protected the hunter in his wanderings was supposed to guide his soul to the other world. he thought admitted to that equal sky, his faithful dog would bear him company. in ancient egypt the dog-headed god anubis was the guide and protector of souls. apuatua, an early form of osiris, was a dog god. yama, the hindu god of death, as dharma, god of justice, assumed his dog form to guide the panadava brothers to paradise, as is related in the sanskrit epic the _mahá-bhárata_[ ]. the god indra, the hindu jupiter, was the "big dog", and the custom still prevails among primitive indian peoples of torturing a dog by pouring hot oil into its ears so that the "big dog" may hear and send rain. in the _mahá-bhárata_ there is a story about indra appearing as a hunter followed by a pack of dogs. as the "wild huntsman" the scandinavian god odin rides through the air followed by dogs. the dog is in greek mythology the sentinel of hades; it figures in a like capacity in the hades of northern mythology. cuchullin, the gaelic hero, kills the dog of hades and takes its place until another dog is found and trained, and that is why he is called "cu" (the dog) of culann. a pool in kildonan, sutherland, which was reputed to contain a pot of gold, was supposed to be guarded by a big black dog with two heads. a similar legend attaches to hound's pool in the parish of dean combe, devonshire. in different parts of the world the dog is the creator and ancestor of the human race, the symbol of kinship, &c. the star sirius was associated with the dog. in scotland and ireland "dog stones" were venerated. a common surviving belief is that dogs howl by night when a sudden death is about to occur. this association of the dog with death is echoed by theocritus. "hark!" cries simaetha, "the dogs are barking through the town. hecate is at the crossways. haste, clash the brazen cymbals." the dog-god of scotland is remembered as _an cù sìth_ ("the supernatural dog"); it is as big as a calf, and by night passes rapidly over land and sea. a black demon-dog--the "moddey dhoo"--referred to by scott in _peveril of the peak_ was supposed to haunt peel castle in the isle of man. a former new year's day custom in perthshire was to send away from a house door a scape-dog with the words, "get away you dog! whatever death of men or loss of cattle would happen in this house till the end of the present year, may it all light on your head." a similar custom obtained among western himalayan peoples. early man appears to have regarded his faithful companion as a supernatural being. there are gaelic references to souls appearing in dog form to assist families in time of need. not only did the dog attack beasts of prey; in gaelic folk-tales it is the enemy of fairies and demons, and especially cave-haunting demons. early man's gratitude to and dependence on the dog seems to be reflected in stories of this kind. [ ] pronounced ma-haw'-baw'-rata (the two final _a_'s are short). when the baltic peoples, who are believed to be the first "wave" of blond northerners, moved westward towards denmark during the period of the "great thaw", they must have been greatly assisted by the domesticated dog, traces of which are found in maglemosian stations. bones of dogs have been found in the danish kitchen middens and in the macarthur cave at oban. it may be that the famous breed of british hunting dogs which were in roman times exported to italy were descended from those introduced by the maglemosian hunters. seven irish dogs were in the fourth century presented to symmachus, a roman consul, by his brother. "all rome", the grateful recipient wrote, "view them with wonder and thought they must have been brought hither in iron cages." great dogs were kept in ancient britain and ireland for protection against wolves as well as for hunting wild animals. the ancient irish made free use in battle of large fierce hounds. in the folk-stories of scotland dogs help human beings to attack and overcome supernatural beings. dogs were the enemies of the fairies, mermaids, &c. dog gods figure on the ancient sculptured stones of scotland. the names of the irish heroes cuchullin and con-chobar were derived from those of dog deities. "con" is the genitive of "cu" (dog). chapter vii ancient mariners reach britain reindeer in scotland--north sea and english channel land-bridges--early river rafts and river boats--breaking of land-bridges--coast erosion--tilbury man--where were first boats invented?--ancient boats in britain--"dug-out" canoes--imitations of earlier papyri and skin boats--cork plug in ancient clyde boat--early swedish boats--an african link--various types of british boats--daring ancient mariners--the veneti seafarers--attractions of early britain for colonists. the maglemosian (baltic) and azilian (iberian) peoples, who reached and settled in britain long before the introduction of the neolithic industry, appear, as has been shown, to have crossed the great land-bridge, which is now marked by the dogger bank, and the narrowed land-bridge that connected england and france. no doubt they came at first in small bands, wandering along the river banks and founding fishing communities, following the herds of red deer and wild cows that had moved northward, and seeking flints, &c. the crô-magnons, whose civilization the new intruders had broken up on the continent, were already in britain, where the reindeer lingered for many centuries after they had vanished from france. the reindeer moss still grows in the north of scotland. bones and horns of the reindeer have been found in this area in association with human remains as late as of the roman period. in the twelfth century the norsemen hunted reindeer in caithness.[ ] cæsar refers to the reindeer in the hercynian forest of germany (_gallic war_, vi, ). [ ] _the orkneyinga saga_, p. , edinburgh, , and _proceedings of the society of antiquaries of scotland_, vol. viii. the early colonists of fair northerners who introduced the maglemosian culture into britain from the baltic area could not have crossed the north sea land-bridge without the aid of rafts or boats. great broad rivers were flowing towards the north. the elbe and the weser joined one another near the island of heligoland, and received tributaries from marshy valleys until a long estuary wider than is the wash at present was formed. another long river flowed northward from the valley of the zuyder zee, the mouth of which has been traced on the north-east of the dogger bank. the rhine reached the north sea on the south-west of the dogger bank, off flamborough head; its tributaries included the meuse and the thames. the humber and the rivers flowing at present into the wash were united before entering the north sea between the mouth of the rhine and the coast of east riding. the dogger bank was then a plateau. trawlers, as has been stated, sometimes lift from its surface in their trawl nets lumps of peat, which they call "moor-log", and also the bones of wild animals, including the wild ox, the wild horse, red deer, reindeer, the elk, the bear, the wolf, the hyæna, the beaver, the walrus, the woolly rhinoceros, and the hairy mammoth. in the peat have been found the remains of the white birch, the hazel, sallow, and willow, seeds of bog-bean, fragments of fern, &c. all the plants have a northern range. in some pieces of peat have been found plants and insects that still flourish in britain.[ ] [ ] clement reid, _submerged forests_, pp. - . london, . the easiest crossing to britain was over the english channel land-bridge. it was ultimately cut through by the english channel river, so that the dark azilian-tardenoisian peoples from central and western europe and the fair maglemosians must have required and used rafts or boats before polished implements of neolithic type came into use. in time the north sea broke through the marshes of the river land to the east of the thames estuary and joined the waters of the english channel. the strait of dover was then formed. at first it may have been narrow enough for animals to swim across or, at any rate, for the rude river boats or rafts of the early colonists to be paddled over in safety between tides. gradually, however, the strait grew wider and wider; the chalk cliffs, long undermined by boring molluscs and scouring shingle, were torn down by great billows during winter storms. it may be that for a long period after the north sea and english channel were united, the dogger bank remained an island, and that there were other islands between heligoland and the english coast. pliny, who had served with the roman army in germany, writing in the first century of our era, refers to twenty-three islands between the texel and the eider in schleswig-holstein. seven of these have since vanished. the west coast of schleswig has, during the past eighteen hundred years, suffered greatly from erosion, and alluvial plains that formerly yielded rich harvests are now represented by sandbanks. the goodwin sands, which stretch for about ten miles off the kentish coast, were once part of the fertile estate of earl godwin which was destroyed and engulfed by a great storm towards the end of the eleventh century. the gulf of zuyder zee was formerly a green plain with many towns and villages. periodic inundations since the roman period have destroyed flourishing dutch farms and villages and eaten far into the land. there are records of storm-floods that drowned on one occasion , , and on another no fewer than , inhabitants.[ ] it is believed that large tracts of land, the remnants of the ancient north sea land-bridge, have been engulfed since about b.c., as a result not merely of erosion but the gradual submergence of the land. this date is suggested by mr. clement reid. [ ] the dates of the greatest disasters on record are , , and . there were also terrible inundations in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, and in and . "the estimate", he says, "may have to be modified as we obtain better evidence; but it is as well to realize clearly that we are not dealing with a long period of great geological antiquity; we are dealing with times when the egyptian, babylonian, and minoan (cretan) civilizations flourished. northern europe was then probably barbarous, and metals had not come into use;[ ] but the amber trade of the baltic was probably in full swing. rumours of any great disaster, such as the submergence of thousands of square miles and the displacement of large populations, might spread far and wide along the trade routes." it may be that the legend of the lost atlantis was founded on reports of such a disaster, that must have occurred when areas like the dogger bank were engulfed. it may be too that the gradual wasting away of lands that have long since vanished propelled migrations of peoples towards the smiling coasts of england. according to ammianus the druids stated that some of the inhabitants of gaul were descendants of refugees from sea-invaded areas. [ ] it was not necessarily barbarous because metal weapons had not been invented. the gradual sinking of the land and the process of coast erosion has greatly altered the geography of england. the beach on which julius cæsar landed has long since vanished, the dwellings of the ancient azilian and maglemosian colonists, who reached england in post-glacial times, have been sunk below the english channel. when tilbury docks were being excavated roman remains were found embedded in clay several feet below high-water mark. below several layers of peat and mud, and immediately under a bank of sand in which were fragments of decomposed wood, was found the human skeleton known as "tilbury man". the land in this area was originally feet above its present level.[ ] but while england was sinking scotland was rising. the macarthur cave at oban, in which azilian hunters and fishermen made their home on the sea-beach, is now about feet above the old sea-level. [ ] _submerged forests_, p. . before dover strait had been widened by the gradual sinking of the land and the process of coast erosion, and before the great islands had vanished from the southern part of the north sea, the early hunters and fishermen could have experienced no great difficulty in reaching england. it is possible that the azilian, tardenoisian, and maglemosian peoples had made considerable progress in the art of navigation. traces of the tardenoisian industry have been obtained in northern egypt, along the ancient libyan coast of north africa where a great deal of land has been submerged, and especially at tunis, and in algiers, in italy, and in england and scotland, as has been noted. there were boats on the mediterranean at a very early period. the island of crete was reached long before the introduction of copper-working by seafarers who visited the island of melos, and there obtained obsidian (natural glass) from which sharp implements were fashioned. egyptian mariners, who dwelt on the delta coast, imported cedar, not only from lebanon but from morocco, as has been found from the evidence afforded by mummies packed with the sawdust of cedar from the atlas mountains.[ ] when this trade with morocco began it is impossible to say with certainty. long before b.c., however, the egyptians were building boats that were fitted with masts and sails. the ancient mariners were active as explorers and traders before implements of copper came into use. [ ] _the cairo scientific journal_, vol. iii. no. (may, ), p. . here we touch on a very interesting problem. where were boats first invented and the art of navigation developed? rafts and floats formed by tying together two trees or, as in egypt, two bundles of reeds, were in use at a very early period in various countries. in babylonia the "kufa", a great floating basket made watertight with pitch or covered with skins, was an early invention. it was used as it still is for river ferry boats. but ships were not developed from "kufas". the dug-out canoe is one of the early prototypes of the modern ocean-going vessel. it reached this country before the neolithic industry was introduced, and during that period when england was slowly sinking and scotland was gradually rising. dug-out canoes continued to come during the so-called "neolithic" stage of culture ere yet the sinking and rising of land had ceased. "that neolithic man lived in scotland during the formation of this beach (the -to -foot beach) is proved", wrote the late professor james geikie, "by the frequent occurrence in it of his relics. at perth, for example, a dug-out canoe of pine was met with towards the bottom of the carse clays; and similar finds have frequently been recorded from the contemporaneous deposits in the valleys of the forth and the clyde."[ ] [ ] _antiquity of man in europe_, p. , edinburgh, . the term "neolithic" is here rather vague. it applies to the azilians and maglemosians as well as to later peoples. how did early man come to invent the dug-out? not only did he hollow out a tree trunk by the laborious process of burning and by chipping with a flint adze, he dressed the trunk so that his boat could be balanced on the water. the early shipbuilders had to learn, and did learn, for themselves, "the values of length and beam, of draught and sweet lines, of straight keel; with high stem to breast a wave and high stern to repel a following sea". the fashioning of a sea-worthy, or even a river-worthy boat, must have been in ancient times as difficult a task as was the fashioning of the first aeroplane in our own day. many problems had to be solved, many experiments had to be made, and, no doubt, many tragedies took place before the first safe model-boat was paddled across a river. the early experimenters may have had shapes of vessels suggested to them by fish and birds, and especially by the aquatic birds that paddled past them on the river breast with dignity and ease. but is it probable that the first experiments were made with trees? did early man undertake the laborious task of hewing down tree after tree to shape new models, until in the end he found on launching the correctly shaped vessel that its balance was perfect? or was the dug-out canoe an imitation of a boat already in existence, just as a modern ship built of steel or concrete is an imitation of the earlier wooden ships? the available evidence regarding this important phase of the shipping problem tends to show that, before the dug-out was invented, boats were constructed of light material. ancient egypt was the earliest shipbuilding country in the world, and all ancient ships were modelled on those that traded on the calm waters of the nile. yet egypt is an almost treeless land. there the earliest boats--broad, light skiffs--were made by binding together long bundles of the reeds of papyrus. ropes were twisted from papyrus as well as from palm fibre.[ ] it would appear that, before dug-outs were made, the problems of boat construction were solved by those who had invented papyri skiffs and skin boats. in the case of the latter the skins were stretched round a framework, sewed together and made watertight with pitch. we still refer to the "seams" and the "skin" of a boat. [ ] breasted, _a history of egypt_, pp. - . the art of boat-building spread far and wide from the area of origin. until recently the chinese were building junks of the same type as they did four or five hundred years earlier. these junks have been compared by more than one writer to the deep-sea boats of the egyptian empire period. the papuans make "dug-outs" and carve eyes on the prows as did the ancient egyptians and as do the maltese, chinese, &c., in our own day. even when only partly hollowed, the papuan boats have perfect balance in the water as soon as they are launched.[ ] the polynesians performed religious ceremonies when cutting down trees and constructing boats.[ ] in their incantations, &c., the lore of boat-building was enshrined and handed down. the polynesian boat was dedicated to the _mo-o_ (dragon-god). we still retain a relic of an ancient religious ceremony when a bottle of wine is broken on the bows of a vessel just as it is being launched. [ ] wollaston, _pygmies and papuans (the stone age to-day in dutch new guinea)_, london, , pp. et seq. [ ] westervelt, _legends of old honolulu_, pp. _et seq._ after the egyptians were able to secure supplies of cedar wood from the atlas mountains or lebanon, by drifting rafts of lashed trees along the coast line, they made dug-out vessels of various shapes, as can be seen in the tomb pictures of the old kingdom period. these dug-outs were apparently modelled on the earlier papyri and skin boats. a ship with a square sail spread to the wind is depicted on an ancient egyptian two-handed jar in the british museum, which is of pre-dynastic age and may date to anything like or b.c. at that remote period the art of navigation was already well advanced, no doubt on account of the experience gained on the calm waters of the nile. [illustration: (_a_) sketch of a boat from victoria nyanza, after the drawing in sir henry stanley's _darkest africa_. only the handles of the oars are shown. in outline the positions of some of the oarsmen are roughly represented. (_b_) crude drawing of a similar boat carved upon the rocks in sweden during the early bronze age, after montelius. by comparison with (_a_) it will be seen that the vertical projections were probably intended to represent the oarsmen. the upturned hook-like appendage at the stern is found in ancient egyptian and mediterranean ships, but is absent in the modern african vessel shown in (_a_). these figures are taken from elliot smith's _ancient mariners_ ( ).] the existence of these boats on the nile at a time when great race migrations were in progress may well account for the early appearance of dug-outs in northern europe. one of the clyde canoes, found embedded in clyde silt twenty-five feet above the present sea-level, was found to have a plug of cork which could only have come from the area in which cork trees grow--spain, southern france, or italy.[ ] it may have been manned by the azilians of spain whose rock paintings date from the transition period. similar striking evidence of the drift of culture from the mediterranean area towards northern europe is obtained from some of the rock paintings and carvings of sweden. among the canoes depicted are some with distinct mediterranean characteristics. one at tegneby in bohuslän bears a striking resemblance to a boat seen by sir henry stanley on lake victoria nyanza. it seems undoubted that the designs are of common origin, although separated not only by centuries but by barriers of mountain, desert, and sea extending many hundreds of miles. from the maglemosian boat the viking ship was ultimately developed; the unprogressive victoria nyanza boatbuilders continued through the ages repeating the design adopted by their remote ancestors. in both vessels the keel projects forward, and the figure-head is that of a goat or ram. the northern vessel has the characteristic inward curving stern of ancient egyptian ships. as the rock on which it was carved is situated in a metal-yielding area, the probability is that this type of vessel is a relic of the visits paid by searchers for metals in ancient times, who established colonies of dark miners among the fair northerners and introduced the elements of southern culture. [ ] lyell, _antiquity of man_, p. . the ancient boats found in scotland are of a variety of types. one of those at glasgow lay, when discovered, nearly vertical, with prow uppermost as if it had foundered; it had been built "of several pieces of oak, though without ribs". another had the remains of an outrigger attached to it: beside another, which had been partly hollowed by fire, lay two planks that appear to have been wash-boards like those on a sussex dug-out. a clyde clinker-built boat, eighteen feet long, had a keel and a base of oak to which ribs had been attached. an interesting find at kinaven in aberdeenshire, several miles distant from the ythan, a famous pearling river, was a dug-out eleven feet long, and about four feet broad. it lay embedded at the head of a small ravine in five feet of peat which appears to have been the bed of an ancient lake. near it were the stumps of big oaks, apparently of the upper forestian period. among the longest of the ancient boats that have been discovered are one forty-two feet long, with an animal head on the prow, from loch arthur, near dumfries, one thirty-five long from near the river arun in sussex, one sixty-three feet long excavated near the rother in kent, one forty-eight feet six inches long, found at brigg, lincolnshire, with wooden patches where she had sprung a leak, and signs of the caulking of cracks and small holes with moss. these vessels do not all belong to the same period. the date of the brigg boat is, judging from the geological strata, between and b.c. it would appear that some of the clyde vessels found at twenty-five feet above the present sea-level are even older. beside one clyde boat was found an axe of polished green-stone similar to the axes used by polynesians and others in shaping dug-outs. this axe may, however, have been a religious object. to the low bases of some vessels were fixed ribs on which skins were stretched. these boats were eminently suitable for rough seas, being more buoyant than dug-outs. according to himilco the inhabitants of the oestrymnides, the islands "rich in tin and lead", had most sea-worthy skiffs. "these people do not make pine keels, nor", he says, "do they know how to fashion them; nor do they make fir barks, but, with wonderful skill, fashion skiffs with sewn skins. in these hide-bound vessels, they skim across the ocean." apparently they were as daring mariners as the oregon islanders of whom washington irving has written: "it is surprising to see with what fearless unconcern these savages venture in their light barks upon the roughest and most tempestuous seas. they seem to ride upon the wave like sea-fowl. should a surge throw the canoe upon its side, and endanger its over turn, those to the windward lean over the upper gunwale, thrust their paddles deep into the wave, and by this action not merely regain an equilibrium, but give their bark a vigorous impulse forward." the ancient mariners whose rude vessels have been excavated around our coasts were the forerunners of the celtic sea-traders, who, as the gaelic evidence shows, had names not only for the north sea and the english channel but also for the mediterranean sea. they cultivated what is known as the "sea sense", and developed shipbuilding and the art of navigation in accordance with local needs. when julius cæsar came into conflict with the veneti of brittany he tells that their vessels were greatly superior to those of the romans. "the bodies of the ships", he says, "were built entirely of oak, stout enough to withstand any shock or violence.... instead of cables for their anchors they used iron chains.... the encounter of our fleet with these ships was of such a nature that our fleet excelled in speed alone, and the plying of oars; for neither could our ships injure theirs with their rams, so great was their strength, nor was a weapon easily cast up to them owing to their height.... about of their ships ... sailed forth from the harbour." in this great allied fleet were vessels from our own country.[ ] [ ] cæsar's _gallic war_, book iii, c. - . it must not be imagined that the "sea sense" was cultivated because man took pleasure in risking the perils of the deep. it was stern necessity that at the beginning compelled him to venture on long voyages. after england was cut off from france the peoples who had adopted the neolithic industry must have either found it absolutely necessary to seek refuge in britain, or were attracted towards it by reports of prospectors who found it to be suitable for residence and trade. chapter viii neolithic trade and industries attractions of ancient britain--romans search for gold, silver, pearls, &c.--the lure of precious stones and metals--distribution of ancient british population--neolithic settlements in flint-yielding areas--trade in flint--settlements on lias formation--implements from basic rocks--trade in body-painting materials--search for pearls--gold in britain and ireland--agriculture--the story of barley--neolithic settlers in ireland--scottish neolithic traders--neolithic peoples not wanderers--trained neolithic craftsmen. the "drift" of peoples into britain which began in aurignacian times continued until the roman period. there were definite reasons for early intrusions as there were for the roman invasion. "britain contains to reward the conqueror", tacitus wrote,[ ] "mines of gold and silver and other metals. the sea produces pearls." according to suetonius, who at the end of the first century of our era wrote the _lives of the cæsars_, julius cæsar invaded britain with the desire to enrich himself with the pearls found on different parts of the coast. on his return to rome he presented a corselet of british pearls to the goddess venus. he was in need of money to further his political ambitions. he found what he required elsewhere, however. after the death of queen cleopatra sufficient gold and silver flowed to rome from egypt to reduce the loan rate of interest from to per cent. spain likewise contributed its share to enrich the great predatory state of rome.[ ] [ ] _agricola_, chap. xii. [ ] smith, _roman empire_. long ages before the roman period the early peoples entered britain in search of pearls, precious stones, and precious metals because these had a religious value. the celts of gaul offered great quantities of gold to their deities, depositing the precious metals in their temples and in their sacred lakes. poseidonius of apamea tells that after conquering gaul "the romans put up these sacred lakes to public sale, and many of the purchasers found quantities of solid silver in them". he also says that gold was similarly placed in these lakes.[ ] apparently the celts believed, as did the aryo-indians, that gold was "a form of the gods" and "fire, light, and immortality", and that it was a "life giver".[ ] personal ornaments continued to have a religious value until christian times. [ ] _strabo_--iv, c. - . [ ] _satapatha-brahmana_, pt. v, "sacred books of the east", xliv, pp. , , . , - . [illustration: flint lance-heads from ireland (british museum)] [illustration: photo oxford university press chipped and polished artifacts from southern england (british museum)] as we have seen when dealing with the "red man of paviland", the earliest ornaments were shells, teeth of wild animals, coloured stones, ivory, &c. shells were carried great distances. then arose the habit of producing substitutes which were regarded as of great potency as the originals. the ancient egyptians made use of gold to manufacture imitation shells, and before they worked copper they wore charms of malachite, which is an ore of copper. they probably used copper first for magical purposes just as they used gold. pearls found in shells were regarded as depositories of supernatural influence, and so were coral and amber (see chapter xiii). like the aryo-indians, the egyptians, phoenicians, greeks, and others connected precious metals, stones, pearls, &c., with their deities, and believed that these contained the influence of their deities, and were therefore "lucky". these and similar beliefs are of great antiquity in europe and asia and north africa. it would be rash to assume that they were not known to the ancient mariners who reached our shores in vessels of mediterranean type. the colonists who were attracted to britain at various periods settled in those districts most suitable for their modes of life. it was necessary that they should obtain an adequate supply of the materials from which their implements and weapons were manufactured. the distribution of the population must have been determined by the resources of the various districts. at the present day the population of britain is most dense in those areas in which coal and iron are found and where commerce is concentrated. in ancient times, before metals were used, it must have been densest in those areas where flint was found--that is, on the upper chalk formations. if worked flints are discovered in areas which do not have deposits of flint, the only conclusion that can be drawn is that the flint was obtained by means of trade, just as mediterranean shells were in aurignacian and magdalenian times obtained by hunters who settled in central europe. in devon and cornwall, for instance, large numbers of flint implements have been found, yet in these counties suitable flint was exceedingly scarce in ancient times, except in east devon, where, however, the surface flint is of inferior character. in wilts and dorset, however, the finest quality of flint was found, and it was no doubt from these areas that the early settlers in cornwall and devon received their chief supplies of the raw material, if not of the manufactured articles. in england, as on the continent, the most abundant finds of the earliest flint implements have been made in those areas where the early hunters and fishermen could obtain their raw materials. river drift implements are discovered in largest numbers on the chalk formations of south-eastern england between the wash and the estuary of the thames. the neolithic peoples, who made less use of horn and bone than did the azilians and maglemosians, had many village settlements on the upper chalk in dorset and wiltshire, and especially at avebury where there were veritable flint factories, and near the famous flint mines at grimes graves in the vicinity of weeting in norfolk and at cissbury camp not far from worthing in sussex. implements were likewise made of basic rocks, including quartzite, ironstone, green-stone, hornblende schist, granite, mica-schist, &c.; while ornaments were made of jet, a hydrocarbon compound allied to cannel coal, which takes on a fine polish, kimeridge shale and ivory. withal, like the aurignacians and magdalenians, the neolithic-industry people used body paint, which was made with pigments of ochre, hæmatite, an ore of iron, and ruddle, an earthy variety of iron ore. in those districts, where the raw materials for stone implements, ornaments, and body paint were found, traces survive of the activities of the neolithic peoples. their graves of long-barrow type are found not only in the chalk areas but on the margins of the lias formations. hæmatite is found in large quantities in west cumberland and north lancashire and in south-western england, while the chief source of jet is whitby in yorkshire, where it occurs in large quantities in beds of the upper lias shale. [illustration: map of england & wales] mr. w. j. perry, of manchester university, who has devoted special attention to the study of the distribution of megalithic monuments, has been drawing attention to the interesting association of these monuments with geological formations.[ ] in the avebury district stone circles, dolmens, chambered barrows, long barrows, and neolithic settlements are numerous; another group of megalithic monuments occurs in oxford on the margin of the lias formation, and at the south-end of the great iron field extending as far as the clevelands. according to the memoir of the geological survey, there are traces of ancient surface iron-workings in the middle lias formation of oxfordshire, where red and brown hæmatite were found. mr. perry notes that there are megalithic monuments in the vicinity of all these surface workings, as at fawler, adderbury, hook norton, woodstock, steeple aston, and hanbury. apparently the neolithic peoples were attracted to the lias formatio because it contains hæmatite, ochre, shale, &c. there are significant megaliths in the whitby region where the jet is so plentiful. amber was obtained from the east coast of england and from the baltic. [ ] _proceedings of the manchester literary and philosophical society_, . the neolithic peoples appear to have searched for pearls, which are found in a number of english, welsh, scottish, and irish rivers, and in the vicinity of most, if not all, of these megaliths occur. gold was the first metal worked by man, and it appears to have attracted some of the early peoples who settled in britain. the ancient seafarers who found their way northward may have included searchers for gold and silver. the latter metal was at one time found in great abundance in spain, while gold was at one time fairly plentiful in south-western england, in north wales, in various parts of scotland and especially in lanarkshire, and in north-eastern, eastern, and western ireland. that there was a "drift" of civilized peoples into britain and ireland during the period of the neolithic industry is made evident by the fact that the agricultural mode of life was introduced. barley does not grow wild in europe. the nearest area in which it grew wild and was earliest cultivated was the delta area of egypt, the region from which the earliest vessels set out to explore the shores of the mediterranean. it may be that the barley seeds were carried to britain not by the overland routes alone to channel ports, but also by the seafarers whose boats, like the glasgow one with the cork plug, coasted round by spain and brittany, and crossed the channel to south-western england and thence went northward to scotland. as irish flints and ground axe-heads occur chiefly in ulster, it may be that the drift of early neolithic settlers into county antrim, in which gold was also found, was from south-western scotland. the neolithic settlement at whitepark bay, five miles from the giant's causeway, was embedded at a considerable depth, showing that there has been a sinking of the land in this area since the neolithic industry was introduced. neolithic remains are widely distributed over scotland, but these have not received the intensive study devoted to similar relics in england. mr. ludovic mann, the glasgow archæologist, has, however, compiled interesting data regarding one of the local industries that bring out the resource and activities of early man. on the island of arran is a workable variety of the natural volcanic glass, called pitch-stone, that of other parts of scotland and of ireland being "too much cracked into small pieces to be of use". it was used by the neolithic settlers in arran for manufacturing arrowheads, and as it was imported into bute, ayrshire, and wigtownshire, a trade in this material must have existed. "if", writes mr. mann, "the stone was not locally worked up into implements in bute, it was so manipulated on the mainland, where workshops of the neolithic period and the immediately succeeding overlap period yielded long fine flakes, testifying to greater expertness in manufacturing there than is shown by the remains in the domestic sites yet awaiting adequate exploration in arran. the explanation may be that the wigtownshire flint knappers, accustomed to handle an abundance of flint, were more proficient than in most other places, and that the pitch-stone was brought to them as experts, because the material required even more skilful handling than flint".[ ] in like manner obsidian, as has been noted, was imported into crete from the island of melos by seafarers, long before the introduction of metal working.[ ] [ ] _proceedings of the society of antiquaries of scotland_, - , pp. _et seq._ [ ] see my _myths of crete and pre-hellenic europe_ under "obsidian" in index. it will be seen that the neolithic peoples were no mere wandering hunters, as some have represented them to have been, but they had their social organization, their industries, and their system of trading by land and sea. they settled not only in those areas where they could procure a regular food supply, but those also in which they obtained the raw materials for implements, weapons, and the colouring material which they used for religious purposes. they made pottery for grave offerings and domestic use, and wooden implements regarding which, however, little is known. withal, they had their spinners and weavers. the conditions prevailing in neolithic settlements must have been similar to those of later times. there must have been systems of laws to make trade and peaceful social intercourse possible, and no doubt these had, as elsewhere, a religious basis. burial customs indicate a uniformity of beliefs over wide areas. the skill displayed in working stone was so great that it cannot now be emulated. ripple-flaking has long been a lost art. craftsmen must have undergone a prolonged period of training which was intelligently controlled under settled conditions of life. it is possible that the so-called neolithic folk were chiefly foreigners who exploited the riches of the country. the evidence in this connection will be found in the next chapter. chapter ix metal workers and megalithic monuments "broad-heads" of bronze age--the irish evidence--bronze introduced by traders--how metals were traced--a metal working tribe--damnonii in england, scotland, and ireland--miners as slaves--the lot of women workers--megalithic monuments in english metal-yielding areas--stone circles in barren localities--early colonies of easterners in spain--egyptian and babylonian relics associated with british jet and baltic amber--a new flint industry of eastern origin--british bronze identical with continental--ancient furnaces of common origin--"stones of worship" adorned with metals--the "maggot god" of stone circles--ancient egyptian beads at stonehenge--earliest authentic date in british history--the aim of conquests. it used to be thought that the introduction of metal working into britain was the result of an invasion of alien peoples, who partly exterminated and partly enslaved the long-headed neolithic inhabitants. this view was based on the evidence afforded by a new type of grave known as the "round barrow". in graves of this class have been found bronze age relics, a distinctive kind of pottery, and skulls of broad-heads. the invasion of broad-heads undoubtedly took place, and their burial customs suggest that their religious beliefs were not identical with those of the long-heads. but it remains to be proved that they were the actual introducers of the bronze industry. they do not appear to have reached ireland, where bronze relics are associated with a long-headed people of comparatively low stature. the early irish bronze forms were obviously obtained from spain, while early english bronze forms resemble those of france and italy. cutting implements were the first to be introduced. this fact does not suggest that a conquest took place. the implements may have been obtained by traders. britain apparently had in those ancient times its trading colonies, and was visited by active and enterprising seafarers. [illustration: long-head (dolichocephalic) skull] [illustration: broad-head (brachycephalic) skull both these specimens were found in "round" barrows in the east riding of yorkshire] the discovery of metals in britain and ireland was, no doubt, first made by prospectors who had obtained experience in working them elsewhere. they may have simply come to exploit the country. how these men conducted their investigations is indicated by the report found in a british museum manuscript, dating from about , in which the prospector gives his reason for believing that gold was to be found on crawford moor in lanarkshire. he tells that he saw among the rocks what scottish miners call "mothers" and english miners "leaders" or "metalline fumes". it was believed that the "fumes" arose from veins of metal and coloured the rocks as smoke passing upward through a tunnel blackens it, and leaves traces on the outside. he professed to be able to distinguish between the colours left by "fumes" of iron, lead, tin, copper, or silver. on crawford moor he found "sparr, keel, and brimstone" between rocks, and regarded this discovery as a sure indication that gold was _in situ_. the "mothers" or "leaders" were more pronounced than any he had ever seen in cornwall, somersetshire, about keswick, or "any other mineral parts wheresoever i have travelled".[ ] gold was found in this area of lanarkshire in considerable quantities, and was no doubt worked in ancient times. of special interest in this connection is the fact that it was part of the territory occupied by damnonians,[ ] who appear to have been a metal-working people. besides occupying the richest metal-yielding area in scotland, the damnonians were located in devon and cornwall, and in the east-midland and western parts of ireland, in which gold, copper, and tin-stone were found as in south-western england. the welsh _dyfneint_ (devon) is supposed by some to be connected with a form of this tribal name. another form in a yarrow inscription is dumnogeni. in ireland inber domnann is the old name of malahide bay north of dublin. domnu, the genitive of which is domnann, was the name of an ancient goddess. in the irish manuscripts these people are referred to as fir-domnann,[ ] and associated with the fir-bolg (the men with sacks). a sack-carrying people are represented in spanish rock paintings that date from the azilian till early "bronze age" times. in an irish manuscript which praises the fair and tall people, the fir-bolg and fir-domnann are included among the black-eyed and black-haired people, the descendants of slaves and churls, and "the promoters of discord among the people". [ ] r. w. cochrane patrick, _early records relating to mining in scotland_. edinburgh, , p. xxviii. [ ] the _damnonii_ or _dumnonii_. [ ] the fir-domnann were known as "the men who used to deepen the earth", or "dig pits". professor j. macneil in _labor gabula_, p. . they were thus called "diggers" like the modern australians. the name of the goddess referred to the depths (the underworld). it is probable she was the personification of the metal-yielding earth. the reference to "slaves" is of special interest because the lot of the working miners was in ancient days an extremely arduous one. in one of his collected records which describes the method "of the greatest antiquity" diodorus siculus (a.d. first century) tells how gold-miners, with lights bound on their foreheads, drove galleries into the rocks, the fragments of which were carried out by frail old men and boys. these were broken small by men in the prime of life. the pounded stone was then ground in handmills by women: three women to a mill and "to each of those who bear this lot, death is better than life". afterwards the milled quartz was spread out on an inclined table. men threw water on it, work it through their fingers, and dabbed it with sponges until the lighter matter was removed and the gold was left behind. the precious metal was placed in a clay crucible, which was kept heated for five days and five nights. it may be that the scandinavian references to the nine maidens who turn the handle of the "world mill" which grinds out metal and soil, and the celtic references to the nine maidens who are associated with the celtic cauldron, survive from beliefs that reflected the habits and methods of the ancient metal workers. it is difficult now to trace the various areas in which gold was anciently found in our islands. but this is not to be wondered at. in egypt there were once rich goldfields, especially in the eastern desert, where about square miles were so thoroughly worked in ancient times that "only the merest traces of gold remain".[ ] gold, as has been stated, was formerly found in south-western england, north wales, and, as historical records, archæological data, and place names indicate, in various parts of scotland and ireland. during the period of the "great thaw" a great deal of alluvial gold must have distributed throughout the country. silver was found in various parts. in sutherland it is mixed with gold as it is elsewhere with lead. copper was worked in a number of districts where the veins cannot in modern times be economically worked, and tin was found in ireland and scotland as well as in south-western england, where mining operations do not seem to have been begun, as principal sir john rhys has shown,[ ] until after the supplies of surface tin were exhausted. of special interest in connection with this problem is the association of megalithic monuments with ancient mine workings. an interesting fact to be borne in mind in connection with these relics of the activities and beliefs of the early peoples is that they represent a distinct culture of complex character. mr. t. eric peet[ ] shows that the megalithic buildings "occupy a very remarkable position along a vast seaboard which includes the mediterranean coast of africa and the atlantic coast of europe. in other words, they lie entirely along a natural sea route." he gives forcible reasons for arriving at the conclusion that "it is impossible to consider megalithic building as a mere phase through which many nations passed, and it must therefore have been a system originating with one race, and spreading far and wide, owing either to trade influence or migration". he adds: "great movements of races by sea were not by any means unusual in primitive days. in fact, the sea has always been less of an obstacle to early man than the land with its deserts, mountains, and unfordable rivers. there is nothing inherently impossible or even improbable in the suggestion that a great immigration brought the megalithic monuments from sweden to india or vice versa. history is full of instances of such migrations." [ ] alford, _a report on ancient and prospective gold mining in egypt_, , and _mining in egypt_ (by egyptologist). [ ] _celtic britain_, pp. _et seq._ ( th edition). [ ] _rough stone monuments_, london, , pp. - . but there must have been a definite reason for these race movements. it cannot be that in all cases they were forced merely by natural causes, such as changes of climate, invasions of the sea, and the drying up of once fertile districts, or by the propelling influences of stronger races in every country from the british isles to japan--that is, in all countries in which megalithic monuments of similar type are found. the fact that the megalithic monuments are distributed along "a vast seaboard" suggests that they were the work of people who had acquired a culture of common origin, and were attracted to different countries for the same reason. what that attraction was is indicated by studying the elements of the megalithic culture. in a lecture delivered before the british association in manchester in , mr. w. j. perry threw much light on the problem by showing that the carriers of the culture practised weaving linen, and in some cases the use of tyrian purple, pearls, precious stones, metals, and conch-shell trumpets, as well as curious beliefs and superstitions attached to the latter, while they "adopted certain definite metallurgical methods, as well as mining". mr. perry's paper was subsequently published by the manchester literary and philosophical society. it shows that in western europe the megalithic monuments are distributed in those areas in which ancient pre-roman and pre-greek mine workings and metal washings have been traced. "the same correspondence", he writes, "seems to hold in the case of england and wales. in the latter country the counties where megalithic structures abound are precisely those where mineral deposits and ancient mine-workings occur. in england the grouping in cumberland, westmorland, northumberland, durham, and derbyshire is precisely that of old mines; in cornwall the megalithic structures are mainly grouped west of falmouth, precisely in that district where mining has always been most active." pearls, amber, coral, jet, &c., were searched for as well as metals. the megalithic monuments near pearling rivers, in the vicinity of whitby, the main source of jet, and in denmark and the baltic area where amber was found were, in all likelihood, erected by people who had come under the spell of the same ancient culture. when, therefore, we come to deal with groups of monuments in areas which were unsuitable for agriculture and unable to sustain large populations, a reasonable conclusion to draw is that precious metals, precious stones, or pearls were once found near them. the pearling beds may have been destroyed or greatly reduced in value,[ ] or the metals may have been worked out, leaving but slight if any indication that they were ever _in situ_. reference has been made to the traces left by ancient miners in egypt where no gold is now found. in our own day rich gold fields in australia and north america have been exhausted. it would be unreasonable for us to suppose that the same thing did not happen in our country, even although but slight traces of the precious metal can now be obtained in areas which were thoroughly explored by ancient miners. [ ] the scottish pearling beds have suffered great injury in historic times. they are the property of the "crown", and no one takes any interest in them except the "pearl poachers". when early man reached scotland in search of suitable districts in which to settle, he was not likely to be attracted by the barren or semi-barren areas in which nature grudged soil for cultivation, where pasture lands were poor and the coasts were lashed by great billows for the greater part of the year, and the tempests of winter and spring were particularly severe. yet in such places as carloway, fronting the atlantic on the west coast of lewis, and at stennis in orkney, across the dangerous pentland firth, are found the most imposing stone circles north of stonehenge and avebury. traces of tin have been found in lewis, and orkney has yielded traces of lead, including silver-lead, copper and zinc, and has flint in glacial drift. traces of tin have likewise been found on the mainlands of ross-shire and argyllshire, in various islands of the hebrides and in stirlingshire. the great stonehenge circle is like the callernish and stennis circles situated in a semi-barren area, but it is an area where surface tin and gold were anciently obtained. one cannot help concluding that the early people, who populated the wastes of ancient britain and erected megalithic monuments, were attracted by something more tangible than the charms of solitude and wild scenery. they searched for and found the things they required. if they found gold, it must be recognized that there was a psychological motive for the search for this precious metal. they valued gold, or whatever other metal they worked in bleak and isolated places, because they had learned to value it elsewhere. who were the people that first searched for, found, and used metals in western europe? some have assumed that the natives themselves did so "as a matter of course". such a theory is, however, difficult to maintain. gold is a useless metal for all practical purposes. it is too soft for implements. besides, it cannot be found or worked except by those who have acquired a great deal of knowledge and skill. the men who first "washed" it from the soil in britain must have obtained the necessary knowledge and skill in a country where it was more plentiful and much easier to work, and where--and this point is a most important one--the magical and religious beliefs connected with gold have a very definite history. copper, tin, and silver were even more difficult to find and work in britain. the ancient people who reached britain and first worked metals or collected ores were not the people who were accustomed to use implements of bone, horn, and flint, and had been attracted to its shores merely because fish, fowl, deer, and cows, were numerous. the searchers for metals must have come from centres of eastern civilization, or from colonies of highly skilled peoples that had been established in western europe. they did not necessarily come to settle permanently in britain, but rather to exploit its natural riches. this conclusion is no mere hypothesis. siret,[ ] the belgian archæologist, has discovered in southern spain and portugal traces of numerous settlements of easterners who searched for minerals, &c., long before the introduction of bronze working in western europe. they came during the archæological "stone age"; they even introduced some of the flint implements classed as neolithic by the archæologists of a past generation. [ ] _l'anthropologie_, , contains a long account of his discoveries. these eastern colonists do not appear to have been an organized people. siret considers that they were merely groups of people from asia--probably the syrian coast--who were in contact with egypt. during the empire period of egypt, the egyptian sphere of influence extended to the borders of asia minor. at an earlier period babylonian influence permeated the syrian coast and part of asia minor. the religious beliefs of seafarers from syria were likely therefore to bear traces of the egyptian and babylonian religious systems. evidence that this was the case has been forthcoming in spain. these eastern colonists not only operated in spain and portugal, but established contact with northern europe. they exported what they had searched for and found to their eastern markets. no doubt, they employed native labour, but they do not appear to have instructed the natives how to make use of the ores they themselves valued so highly. in time they were expelled from spain and portugal by the people or mixed peoples who introduced the working of bronze and made use of bronze weapons. these bronze carriers and workers came from central europe, where colonies of peoples skilled in the arts of mining and metal working had been established. in the central european colonies Ægean and danubian influences have been detected. [illustration: valentine the ring of stennis, orkney (see page )] among the archæological finds, which prove that the easterners settled in iberia before bronze working was introduced among the natives, are idol-like objects made of hippopotamus ivory from egypt, a shell (_dentalium elephantum_) from the red sea, objects made from ostrich eggs which must have been carried to spain from africa, alabaster perfume flasks, cups of marble and alabaster of egyptian character which had been shaped with copper implements, oriental painted vases with decorations in red, black, blue, and green,[ ] mural paintings on layers of plaster, feminine statuettes in alabaster which siret considers to be of babylonian type, for they differ from Ægean and egyptian statuettes, a cult object (found in graves) resembling the egyptian _ded_ amulet, &c. the iberian burial places of these eastern colonists have arched cupolas and entrance corridors of egyptian-mycenæan character. [ ] the colours blue and green were obtained from copper. of special interest are the beautifully worked flints associated with these eastern remains in spain and portugal. siret draws attention to the fact that no trace has been found of "flint factories". this particular flint industry was an entirely new one. it was not a development of earlier flint-working in iberia. apparently the new industry, which suddenly appears in full perfection, was introduced by the eastern colonists. it afterwards spread over the whole maritime west, including scandinavia where the metal implements of more advanced countries were imitated in flint. this important fact emphasizes the need for caution in making use of such a term as "neolithic age". siret's view in this connection is that the easterners, who established trading colonies in spain and elsewhere, prevented the local use of metals which they had come to search for and export. it was part of their policy to keep the natives in ignorance of the uses to which metals could be put. evidence has been forthcoming that the operations of the eastern colonies in spain and portugal were extended towards the maritime north. associated with the oriential relics already referred to, siret has discovered amber from the baltic, jet from britain (apparently from whitby in yorkshire) and the green-stone called "callais" usually found in beds of tin. the eastern seafarers must have visited northern europe to exploit its virgin riches. a green-stone axe was found, as has been stated, near the boat with the cork plug, which lay embedded in clyde silt at glasgow. artifacts of callais have been discovered in brittany, in the south of france, in portugal, and in south-eastern spain. in the latter area, as siret has proved, the easterners worked silver-bearing lead and copper. the colonists appear to have likewise searched for and found gold. a diadem of gold was discovered in a necropolis in the south of spain, where some eminent ancient had been interred. this find is, however, an exception. precious metals do not as a rule appear in the graves of the period under consideration. as has been suggested, the easterners who exploited the wealth of ancient iberia kept the natives in ignorance. "this ignorance", siret says, "was the guarantee of the prosperity of the commerce carried on by the strangers.... the first action of the east on the west was the exploitation for its exclusive and personal profit of the virgin riches of the latter." these early westerners had no idea of the use and value of the metals lying on the surface of their native land, while the orientals valued them, were in need of them, and were anxious to obtain them. as siret puts it: "the west was a cow to be milked, a sheep to be fleeced, a field to be cultivated, a mine to be exploited." in the traditions preserved by classical writers, there are references to the skill and cunning of the phoenicians in commerce, and in the exploitation of colonies founded among the ignorant iberians. they did not inform rival traders where they found metals. "formerly", as strabo says, "the phoenicians monopolized the trade from gades (cadiz) with the islanders (of the cassiterides); and they kept the route a close secret." a vague ancient tradition is preserved by pliny, who tells that "tin was first fetched from cassiteris (the tin island) by midacritus".[ ] we owe it to the secretive phoenicians that the problem of the cassiterides still remains a difficult one to solve. [ ] _nat. hist._, vii, ( ), § . to keep the native people ignorant the easterners, siret believes, forbade the use of metals in their own colonies. a direct result of this policy was the great development which took place in the manufacture of the beautiful flint implements already referred to. these the natives imitated, never dreaming that they were imitating some forms that had been developed by a people who used copper in their own country. when, therefore, we pick up beautiful neolithic flints, we cannot be too sure that the skill displayed belongs entirely to the "stone age", or that the flints "evolved" from earlier native forms in those areas in which they are found. the easterners do not appear to have extracted the metals from their ores either in iberia or in northern europe. tin-stone and silver-bearing lead were used for ballast for their ships, and they made anchors of lead. gold washed from river beds could be easily packed in small bulk. a people who lived by hunting and fishing were not likely to be greatly interested in the laborious process of gold-washing. nor were they likely to attach to gold a magical and religious value as did the ancient egyptians and sumerians. so far as can be gathered from the iberian evidence, the period of exploitation by the colonists from the east was a somewhat prolonged one. how many centuries it covered we can only guess. it is of interest to find, in this connection, however, that something was known in mesopotamia before b.c. regarding the natural riches of western europe. tablets have recently been found on the site of asshur, the ancient capital of assyria, which was originally a sumerian settlement. these make reference to the empire of sargon of akkad (_c._ b.c.), which, according to tradition, extended from the persian gulf to the syrian coast. sargon was a great conqueror. "he poured out his glory over the world", declares a tablet found a good many years ago. it was believed, too, that sargon embarked on the mediterranean and occupied cyprus. the fresh evidence from the site of asshur is to the effect that he conquered kaptara (? crete) and "the tin land beyond the upper sea" (the mediterranean). the explanation may be that he obtained control of the markets to which the easterners carried from spain and the coasts of northern europe the ores, pearls, &c., they had searched for and found. it may be, therefore, that britain was visited by easterners even before sargon's time, and that the glasgow boat with the plug of cork was manned by dark orientals who were prospecting the scottish coast before the last land movement had ceased--that is, some time after b.c. [illustration: megaliths upper: kit's coty house, kent. lower: trethevy stone, cornwall.] when the easterners were expelled from spain by a people from central europe who used weapons of bronze, some of them appear to have found refuge in gaul. siret is of opinion that others withdrew from brittany, where subsidences were taking place along the coast, leaving their megalithic monuments below high-water mark, and even under several feet of water as at morbraz. he thinks that the settlements of easterners in brittany were invaded at one and the same time by the enemy and the ocean. other refugees from the colonies may have settled in etruria, and founded the etruscan civilization. etruscan menhirs resemble those of the south of france, while the etruscan crozier or wand, used in the art of augury, resembles the croziers of the megaliths, &c., of france, spain, and portugal. there are references in scottish gaelic stories to "magic wands" possessed by "wise women", and by the mothers of cyclopean one-eyed giants. ammianus marcellinus, quoting timagenes,[ ] attributes to the druids the statement that part of the inhabitants of gaul were indigenous, but that some had come from the farthest shores and districts across the rhine, "having been expelled from their own lands by frequent wars and the encroachments of the ocean". [ ] timagenes (_c._ - b.c.), an alexandrian historian, wrote a history of the gauls which was made use of by ammianus marcellinus (a.d. fourth century), a greek of antioch, and the author of a history of the roman emperors. the bronze-using peoples who established overland trade routes in europe, displacing in some localities the colonies of easterners and isolating others, must have instructed the natives of western europe how to mine and use metals. bronze appears to have been introduced into britain by traders. that the ancient britons did not begin quite spontaneously to work copper and tin and manufacture bronze is quite evident, because the earliest specimens of british bronze which have been found are made of ninety per cent of copper and ten per cent of tin as on the continent. "now, since a knowledge of the compound", wrote dr. robert munro, "implies a previous acquaintance with its component elements, it follows that progress in metallurgy had already reached the stage of knowing the best combination of these metals for the manufacture of cutting tools before bronze was practically known in britain."[ ] [ ] _prehistoric britain_, p. . the furnaces used were not invented in britain. professor gowland has shown that in europe and asia the system of working mines and melting metals was identical in ancient times. summarizing professor gowland's articles in _archæologia_ and the _journal of the royal anthropological institute_, mr. w. j. perry writes in this connection:[ ] "the furnaces employed were similar; the crucibles were of the same material, and generally of the same form; the process of smelting, first on the surface and then in the crucibles was found everywhere, even persisting down to present times in the absence of any fresh cultural influence. the study of the technique of mining and smelting has served to consolidate the floating mass of facts which we have accumulated, and to add support for the contention that one cultural influence is responsible for the earliest mining and smelting and washing of metals and the getting of precious stones and metals. the cause of the distribution of the megalithic culture was the search for certain forms of material wealth." [ ] _the relationship between the geographical distribution of megalithic monuments and ancient mines_, pp. _et seq._ that certain of the megalithic monuments were intimately connected with the people who attached a religious value to metals is brought out very forcibly in the references to pagan customs and beliefs in early christian gaelic literature. there are statements in the lives of st. patrick regarding a pagan god called "cenn cruach" and "crom cruach" whose stone statue was "adorned with gold and silver, and surrounded by twelve other statues with bronze ornaments". the "statue" is called "the king idol of erin", and it is stated that "the twelve idols were made of stone, but he ('crom cruach') was of gold". to this god of a stone circle were offered up "the firstlings of every issue and the chief scions of every clan". another idol was called crom dubh ("black crom"), and his name "is still connected", o'curry has written, "with the first sunday of august in munster and connaught". an ulster idol was called crom chonnaill, which was either a living animal or a tree, or was "believed to have been such", o'curry says. de jubainville translates _cenn cruach_ as "bloody head" and _crom cruach_ as "bloody curb" or "bloody crescent". o'curry, on the other hand, translates _crom cruach_ as "bloody maggot" and _crom dubh_ as "black maggot". in gaelic legends "maggots" or "worms" are referred to as forms of supernatural beings. the maggot which appeared on the flesh of a slain animal was apparently regarded as a new form assumed by the indestructible soul, just as in the egyptian story of bata the germ of life passes from his bull form in a drop of blood from which two trees spring up, and then in a chip from one of the trees from which the man is restored in his original form.[ ] a similar belief, which is widespread, is that bees have their origin as maggots placed in trees. one form of the story was taken over by the early christians, which tells that jesus was travelling with peter and paul and asked hospitality from an old woman. the woman refused it and struck paul on the head. when the wound putrified maggots were produced. jesus took the maggots from the wound and placed them in the hollow of a tree. when next they passed that way, "jesus directed paul to look in the tree hollow where, to his surprise, he found bees and honey sprung from his own head".[ ] the custom of placing crape on hives and "telling the bees" when a death takes place, which still survives in the south of england and in the north of scotland, appears to be connected with the ancient belief that the maggot, bee, and tree were connected with the sacred animal and the sacred stone in which was the spirit of a deity. sacred trees and sacred stones were intimately connected. tacitus tells us that the romans invaded mona (anglesea), they destroyed the sacred groves in which the druids and black-robed priestesses covered the altars with the blood of captives.[ ] there are a number of dolmens on this island and traces of ancient mine-workings, indicating that it had been occupied by the early seafarers who colonized britain and ireland and worked metals. a connection between the tree cult of the druids and the cult of the builders of megaliths is thus suggested by tacitus, as well as by the irish evidence regarding the ulster idol crom chonnaill, referred to above (see also chapter xii). [ ] a worm crept from the heart of a dead phoenix, and gave origin to a new phoenix.--_herodotus_, ii, . [ ] rendel harris, _the ascent of olympus_, p. . [ ] _annals of tacitus_, book xiv, chapter - . who were the people that followed the earliest easterners and visited our shores to search like them for metals and erect megalithic monuments? it is impossible to answer that question with certainty. there were after the introduction of bronze working, as has been indicated, intrusions of aliens. these included the introducers of the short-barrow method of burial and the later introducers of burial by cremation. it does not follow that all intrusions were those of conquerors. traders and artisans may have come with their families in large numbers and mingled with the earlier peoples. some intruders appear to have come by overland routes from southern and central france and from central europe and the danube valley, while others came across the sea from spain. that a regular over-seas trade-route was in existence is indicated by the references made by classical writers to the cassiterides (tin islands). strabo tells that the natives "bartered tin and hides with merchants for pottery, salt, and articles of bronze". the phoenicians, as has been noted, "monopolized the trade from gades (cadiz) with the islanders and kept the route a close secret". it was probably along this sea-route that egyptian blue beads reached britain. professor sayce has identified a number of these in devizes museum, and writes: "they are met with plentifully in the early bronze age tumuli of wiltshire in association with amber beads and barrel-shaped beads of jet or lignite. three of them come from stonehenge itself. similar beads of ivory have been found in a bronze age cist near warminster: if the material is really ivory it must have been derived from the east. the cylindrical faience beads, it may be added, have been discovered in dorsetshire as well as in wiltshire." professor sayce emphasizes that these blue beads "belong to one particular period in egyptian history, the latter part of the eighteenth dynasty and the earlier part of the nineteenth dynasty.... the period to which they belong may be dated - b.c., and as we must allow some time for their passage across the trade routes to wiltshire an approximate date for their presence in the british barrows will be b.c." [illustration: beads from bronze age barrows on salisbury plain the large central bead and the small round ones are of amber; the long plain ones are of jet; and the long segmented or notched beads are of an opaque blue substance (faience).] dr. h. r. hall, of the british museum, who discovered, at deir el-bahari in egypt, "thousands of blue glaze beads of the exact particular type of those found in britain", says that they date back till "about b.c.". he noted the resemblance before professor sayce had written. "it is gratifying", he comments, "that the professor agrees that the devizes beads are undoubtedly egyptian, as an important voice is thereby added to the consensus of opinion on the subject." similar beads have been found in the "middle bronze age in crete and in western europe". dr. hall thinks the egyptian beads may have reached britain as early as "about b.c.".[ ] we have thus provided for us an early date in british history, based on the well authenticated chronology of the empire period of ancient egypt. easterners, or traders in touch with easterners, reached our shores carrying egyptian beads shortly before or early in the fourteenth century b.c. at this time amber was being imported into the south of england from the baltic, while jet was being carried from whitby in yorkshire. [ ] the _journal of egyptian archæology_, vol. i, part i, pp. - . after the introduction of bronze working in western europe the natives began to work and use metals. these could not have been celts, for in the fourteenth century b.c. the celts had not yet reached western europe.[ ] the earliest searchers for metals who visited britain must therefore have been the congeners of those who erected the megalithic monuments in the metal-yielding areas of spain and portugal and north-western france. [ ] it may be that celtic chronology will have to be readjusted in the light of recent discoveries. it would appear that the early easterners exploited the virgin riches of western europe for a long period--perhaps for over a thousand years--and that, after their spanish colonies were broken up by a bronze-using people from central europe, the knowledge of how to work metals spread among the natives. overland trade routes were then opened up. at first these were controlled in western europe by the iberians. in time the celts swept westward and formed with the natives mixed communities of celtiberians. the easterners appear to have inaugurated a new era in western european commerce after the introduction of iron working. they had colonies in the south and west of europe and on the north african coast, and obtained supplies of metals, &c., by sea. they kept the sea-routes secret. british ores, &c., were carried to spain and carthage. after pytheas visited britain (see next chapter) the overland trade-route to marseilles was opened up. supplies of surface tin having become exhausted, tin-mines were opened in cornwall. the trade of britain then came under the control of celtiberian and celtic peoples, who had acquired their knowledge of shipbuilding and navigation from the easterners and the mixed descendants of eastern and iberian peoples. it does not follow that the early and later easterners were all of one physical type. they, no doubt, brought with them their slaves, including miners and seamen, drawn from various countries where they had been purchased or abducted. the men who controlled the ancient trade were not necessarily permanent settlers in western europe. when the carriers of bronze from central europe obtained control of the iberian colonies, many traders may have fled to other countries, but many colonists, and especially the workers, may have become the slaves of the intruders, as did the fir-bolgs of ireland who were subdued by the celts. the damnonians of britain and ireland who occupied mineral areas may have been a "wave" of early celtic or celtiberian people. ultimately the celts came, as did the later normans, and formed military aristocracies over peoples of mixed descent. the idea that each intrusion involved the extermination of earlier peoples is a theory which does not accord with the evidence of the ancient gaelic manuscripts, of classical writers, of folk tradition, and of existing race types in different areas in britain and ireland. a people who exterminated those they conquered would have robbed themselves of the chief fruits of conquest. in ancient as in later times the aim of conquest was to obtain the services of a subject people and the control of trade. chapter x celts and iberians as intruders and traders few invasions in years--broad-heads--the cremating people--a new religion--celtic people in britain--the continental celts--were celts dark or fair?--fair types in britain and ireland--celts as pork traders--the ancient tin trade--early explorers--pytheas and himilco--the cassiterides--tin mines and surface tin--cornish tin--metals in hebrides and ireland--lead in orkney--dark people in hebrides and orkney--celtic art--homeric civilization in britain and ireland--why romans were conquerors. the beginnings of the bronze and iron ages in britain are, according to the chronology favoured by archæologists, separated by about a thousand years. during this long period only two or three invasions appear to have taken place, but it is uncertain, as has been indicated, whether these came as sudden outbursts from the continent or were simply gradual and peaceful infiltrations of traders and settlers. we really know nothing about the broad-headed people who introduced the round-barrow system of burial, or of the people who cremated their dead. the latter became predominant in south-western england and part of wales. in the north of england the cremating people were less numerous. if they were conquerors they may have, as has been suggested, represented military aristocracies. it may be, however, on the other hand, that the cremation custom had in some areas more a religious than a racial significance. the beliefs associated with cremation of the dead may have spread farther than the people who introduced the new religion. it would appear that the habit of burning the dead was an expression of the beliefs that souls were transported by means of fire to the otherworld paradise. as much is indicated by greek evidence. homer's heroes burned their dead, and when the ghost of patroklos appeared to his friend achilles in a dream, he said: "thou sleepest, and hast forgotten me, o achilles. not in my life wast thou unmindful of me, but in my death. bury me with all speed, that i may pass the gates of hades. far off the spirits banish me, the phantoms of men outworn, nor suffer me to mingle with them beyond the river, but vainly i wander along the wide-gated dwelling of hades. now give me, i pray pitifully of thee, thy hand, for never more again shall i come back from hades, when ye have given me my due of fire."[ ] the arab traveller ibn haukal, who describes a tenth-century cremation ceremony at kieff, was addressed by a russ, who said: "as for you arabs you are mad, for those who are the most dear to you, and whom you honour most, you place in the ground, where they will become a prey to worms, whereas with us they are burned in an instant and go straight to paradise."[ ] [ ] _iliad_, xxiii, (lang, leaf, and myers' translation, p. ). [ ] _the mythology of the eddas_, pp. - (_transactions of the royal society of literature_, second series, vol. xii). the cremating people, who swept into greece and became the over-lords of the earlier settlers, were represented in the western movement of tribes towards gaul and britain. it is uncertain where the cremation custom had origin. apparently it entered europe from asia. the vedic aryans who invaded northern india worshipped the fire-god agni, who was believed to carry souls to paradise; they cremated their dead and combined with it the practice of _suttee_, that is, of burning the widows of the dead. in gaul, however, as we gather from julius cæsar, only those widows suspected of being concerned in the death of their husbands were burned. the norsemen, however, were acquainted with _suttee_. in one of the volsung lays brynhild rides towards the pyre on which sigurd is being burned, and casts herself into the flames. the russians strangled and burned widows when great men were cremated. the cremating people erected megalithic monuments, some of which cover their graves in britain and elsewhere. in some districts the intruders of the bronze age were the earliest settlers. the evidence of the graves in buchan, aberdeenshire, for instance, shows that the broad-heads colonized that area. it may be that, like the later norsemen, bands of people sought for new homes in countries where the struggle for existence would be less arduous than in their own, which suffered from over population, and did not land at points where resistance was offered to them. agriculturists would, no doubt, select areas suitable for their mode of life and favour river valleys, while seafarers and fishermen would cling to the coasts. the tendency of fishermen and agriculturists to live apart in separate communities has persisted till our own time. there are fishing villages along the east coast of scotland the inhabitants of which rarely intermarry with those who draw their means of sustenance from the land. during the bronze age celtic peoples were filtering into britain from gaul. they appear to have come originally from the danube area as conquerors who imposed their rule on the people they subjected. like the achæans who overran greece they seem to have originally been a vigorous pastoral people who had herds of pigs, were "horse-tamers", used chariots, and were fierce and impetuous in battle. in time they crossed the rhine and occupied gaul. they overcame the etruscans. in b.c. they sacked rome. their invasion of greece occurred in the third century, but their attempt to reach delphi was frustrated. crossing into asia minor they secured a footing in the area subsequently known as galatia, and their descendants there were addressed in an epistle by st. paul. like the achæans, the celts appear to have absorbed the culture of the Ægean area and that of the Ægean colony at hallstatt in austria. they were withal the "carriers" of the la tène iron age culture to britain and ireland. the potter's wheel was introduced by them into britain during the archæological early iron age. it is possible that the cremating people of the bronze age were a celtic people. but later "waves" of the fighting charioteers did not cremate their dead. sharp difference of opinion exists between scholars regarding the celts. some identify them with the dark-haired, broad-headed armenoids, and others with the tall and fair long-headed people of northern europe. it is possible that the celts were not a pure race, but rather a confederacy of peoples who were influenced at different periods by different cultures. that some sections were confederacies or small nations of blended people is made evident by classic references to the celtiberians, the celto-scythians, the celto-ligyes, the celto-thracians, and the celtillyrians. on reaching britain they mingled with the earlier settlers, forming military aristocracies, and dominating large areas. the fair caledonians of scotland had a celtic tribal name, and used chariots in battle like the continental celts. two caledonian personal names are known--calgacus ("swordsman") and argentocoxus ("white foot"). in ireland the predominant tribes before and during the early roman period were of similar type. queen meave of connaught was like queen boadicea[ ] of the iceni, a fair-haired woman who rode to battle in a chariot. [ ] _boudicca_ was her real name. [illustration: weapons and religious objects (british museum) bronze socketed celts, bronze dagger, sword and spear-heads from thames; two bronze boars with "sun-disc" ears, which were worn on armour; bronze "sun-disc" from ireland; "chalk drum" from grave (yorkshire), with ornamentation showing butterfly and st. andrew's cross symbols; warrior with shield, from rock carving (denmark).] the continental trade routes up the danube and rhone valleys leading towards britain were for some centuries under the control of the celts. it was no doubt to obtain a control over trade that they entered britain and ireland. on the continent they engaged in pork curing, and supplied rome and indeed the whole of italy with smoked and salted bacon. dr. sullivan tells that among the ancient irish the general name for bacon was _tini_. smoke-cured hams and flitches were called _tineiccas_, which "is almost identical in form with the gallo-roman word _taniaccae_ or _tanacae_ used by varro for hams imported from transalpine gaul into rome and other parts of italy". puddings prepared from the blood of pigs--now known as "black puddings"--were, we learn from varro, likewise exported from gaul to italy. the ancient irish were partial to "black puddings".[ ] it would appear, therefore, that the so-called dreamy celt was a greasy pork merchant. [ ] introduction to o'curry's _manners and customs of the ancient irish_, vol. i, pp. ccclxix _et seq._ according to strabo the exports from britain in the early part of the first century consisted of gold, silver, and iron, wheat, cattle, skins, slaves, and dogs; while the imports included ivory ornaments, such as bracelets, amber beads, and glass. tin was exported from cornwall to gaul, and carried overland to marseilles, but this does not appear to have been the earliest route. as has been indicated, tin appears to have been carried, before the celts obtained control of british trade, by the sea route to the carthaginian colonies in spain. the carthaginians had long kept secret the sources of their supplies of tin from the group of islands known as the cassiterides. about b.c., however, the greek merchants at marseilles fitted out an expedition which was placed in charge of pytheas, a mathematician, for the purpose of exploring the northern area. this scholar wrote an account of his voyage, but only fragments of it quoted by different ancient authors have come down to us. he appears to have coasted round spain and brittany, and to have sailed up the english channel to kent, to have reached as far north as orkney and shetland, and perhaps, as some think, iceland, to have crossed the north sea towards the mouth of the baltic, and explored a part of the coast of norway. he returned to britain, which he appears to have partly explored before crossing over to gaul. in an extract from his diary, quoted by strabo, he tells that the britons in certain districts not detailed grew corn, millet, and vegetables. such of them as had corn and honey made a beverage from these materials. they brought the corn ears into great houses (barns) and threshed them there, for on account of the rain and lack of sunshine out-door threshing floors were of little use to them. pytheas noted that in britain the days were longer and the nights brighter than in the mediterranean area. in the northern parts he visited the nights were so short that the interval between sunset and sunrise was scarcely perceptible. the farthest north headland of britain was cape orcas.[ ] six days sail north of britain lay thule, which was situated near the frozen sea. there a day lasted six months and a night for the same space of time. [ ] _orcas_ is a celtic word signifying "young boar". another extract refers to hot springs in britain, and a presiding deity identified with minerva, in whose temple "the fires never go out, yet never whiten into ashes; when the fire has got dull it turns into round lumps like stones". apparently coal was in use at a temple situated at bath. timæus, a contemporary of pytheas, quoting from the lost diary of the explorer, states that tin was found on an island called mictis, lying inwards (northward) at a distance of six days' sail from britain. the natives made voyages to and from the island in their canoes of wickerwork covered with hides. mictis could not have been cornwall or an island in the english channel. strabo states that crassus, who succeeded in reaching the cassiterides, announced that the distance to them was greater than that from the continent to britain, and he found that the tin ore lay on the surface. evidently tin was not mined on the island of mictis as it was in cornwall in later times. an earlier explorer than pytheas was himilco, the carthaginian. he reached britain about b.c. a latin metrical rendering of his lost work was made by rufus festus avienus in the fourth century of our era. reference is made to the islands called the oestrymnides that "raise their heads, lie scattered, and are rich in tin and lead". these islands were visited by himilco, and were distant "two days voyage from the sacred island (ireland) and near the broad isle of the albiones". as rufus festus avienus refers to "the hardy folk of britain", his albiones may have been the people of scotland. the name albion was originally applied to england and scotland. in the first century, however, latin writers never used "albion" except as a curiosity, and knew england as britain. according to himilco, the tartessi of spain were wont to trade with the natives of the northern tin islands. even the carthaginians "were accustomed to visit these seas". from other sources we learn that the phoenicians carried tin from the cassiterides direct to the spanish port of corbilo, the exact location of which is uncertain. [illustration: enamelled bronze shield (from the thames near battersea) (british museum)] it is of special importance to note that the tin-stone was collected on the surface of the islands before mining operations were conducted elsewhere. in all probability the laborious work of digging mines was not commenced before the available surface supplies became scanty. according to sir john rhys[ ] the districts in southern england, where surface tin was first obtained, were "chiefly dartmoor, with the country round tavistock and that around st. austell, including several valleys looking towards the southern coast of cornwall. in most of the old districts where tin existed, it is supposed to have lain too deep to have been worked in early times." when, however, poseidonius visited cornwall in the first century of our era, he found that a beginning had been made in skilful mining operations. it may be that the trade with the cassiterides was already languishing on account of changed political conditions and the shortage of supplies. [ ] _celtic britain_, p. . where then were the cassiterides? m. reinach struck at the heart of the problem when he asked, "in what western european island is tin found?" those writers who have favoured the group of islands off the north-western coast of spain are confronted by the difficulty that these have failed to yield traces of tin, while those writers who favour cornwall and the scilly islands cannot ignore the precise statements that the "tin islands" were farther distant from the continent than britain, and that in the time of pytheas tin was carried from mictis, which was six days' sail from britain. the fact that traces of tin, copper, and lead have been found in the hebrides is therefore of special interest. copper, too, has been found in shetland, and lead and zinc in orkney. withal there are gaelic place-names in which _staoin_ (tin) is referred to, in islay, jura (where there are traces of old mine-workings), in iona, and on the mainland of ross-shire. traces of tin are said to have been found in lewis where the great stone circle of callernish in a semi-barren area indicates the presence at one time in its area of a considerable population. the hebrides may well have been the oestrymnides of himilco and the cassiterides of classical writers. jura or iona may have been the mictis of pytheas. tin-stone has been found in ireland too, near dublin, in wicklow, and in killarney. the short dark people in the hebrides and orkney may well be, like the silurians of wales, the descendants of the ancient mine workers. they have been referred to by some as descendants of the crews of wrecked ships of the spanish armada, and by others as remnants of the lost ten tribes. in irish gaelic literature, however, there is evidence that the dark people were in ancient times believed to be the descendants of the fir-bolgs (men with sacks), the fir-domnann (the men who dug the ground), and the galioin (gauls). campbell in his _west highland tales_ has in a note referred to the dark hebrideans. "behind the fire", he wrote, "sat a girl with one of those strange faces which are occasionally to be seen in the western isles, a face which reminded me of the nineveh sculptures, and of faces seen in san sebastian. her hair was black as night, and her clear dark eyes glittered through the peat smoke. her complexion was dark, and her features so unlike those who sat about her that i asked if she were a native of the island (of barra), and learned that she was a highland girl." it may be that the dark eastern people were those who introduced the eastern and non-celtic, non-teutonic prejudice against pork as food into scotland. in ireland the celtic people apparently obliterated the "taboo" at an early period. it was during the archæological late bronze and early iron ages that the celtic artistic patterns reached england. these betray affinities with Ægean motifs, and they were afterwards developed in ireland and scotland. in both countries they were fused with symbols of egyptian and anatolian origin. like the celts and the pre-hellenic people of greece and crete, the britons and the irish wore breeches. the roman poet, martial,[ ] satirizes a _life_ "as loose as the old breeches of a british pauper". claudian, the poet, pictures britannia with her cheeks tattoed and wearing a sea-coloured cloak and a cap of bear-skin. the fact that the caledonians fought with scanty clothing, as did the greeks, and as did the highlanders in historic times, must not be taken as proof that they could not manufacture cloth. according to rhys, briton means a "cloth clad"[ ] person. the bronze fibulæ found at bronze age sites could not have been used to fasten heavy skins. [ ] _ep._ x, . [ ] _celtic britain_ ( th edition), p. . when the romans reached britain, the natives, like the heroes of homer, used chariots, and had weapons of bronze and iron. the archæology of the ancient irish stories is of similar character. in the bronze age the swords were pointed and apparently used chiefly for thrusting. the conquerors who introduced the unpointed iron swords were able to shatter the brittle bronze weapons. these iron swords were in turn superseded by the pointed and well-tempered swords of the romans. but it was not only their superior weapons, their discipline, and their knowledge of military strategy that brought the romans success. england was broken up into a number of petty kingdoms. "our greatest advantage", tacitus confessed, "in dealing with such powerful people is that they cannot act in concert; it is seldom that even two or three tribes will join in meeting a common danger; and so while each fights for himself they are all conquered together."[ ] [ ] tacitus, _agricola_, chap. xii. when the britons, under agricola, began to adopt roman civilization they "rose superior", tacitus says, "by the forces of their natural genius, to the attainments of the gauls". in time they adopted the roman dress,[ ] which may have been the prototype of the kilt. the roman language supplanted the celtic dialects in certain parts of england. [ ] _agricola_, chap. xxi. chapter xi races of britain and ireland colours of ancient races and mythical ages--caucasian race theory--the aryan or indo-european theory--races and languages--celts and teutons--fair and dark palæolithic peoples in modern britain--mediterranean man--the armenoid or alpine broad-heads--ancient british tribes--cruithne and picts--the picts of the "brochs" as pirates and traders--picts and fairies--scottish types--racial "pockets". the race problem has ever been one of engrossing interest to civilized peoples. in almost every old mythology we meet with theories that were formulated to account for the existence of the different races living in the world, and for the races that were supposed to have existed for a time and became extinct. an outstanding feature of each racial myth is that the people among whom it grew up are invariably represented to be the finest type of humanity. a widespread habit, and one of great antiquity, was to divide the races, as the world was divided, into four sections, and to distinguish them by their colours. the colours were those of the cardinal points and chiefly black, white, red, and yellow. the same system was adopted in dealing with extinct races. each of these were coloured according to the age in which they had existence, and the colours were connected with metals. in greece and india, for instance, the "yellow age" was a "golden age", the "white age" a "silver age", the "red age" a "bronze age", and the "black age" an "iron age". although the old theories regarding the mythical ages and mythical races have long been discarded, the habit of dividing mankind and their history into four sections, according to colours and the metals chiefly used by them, is not yet extinct. we still speak of the "black man", the "yellow man", the "red man", and the "white man". archæologists have divided what they call the "pre-history of mankind" into the two "stone ages", the "bronze age" and the "iron age". the belief that certain races have become extinct as the result of conquest by invaders is still traceable in those histories that refer, for instance, to the disappearance of "stone age man" or "bronze age man", or of the british celts, or of the picts of scotland. that some races have completely disappeared there can be no shadow of a doubt. as we have seen, neanderthal man entirely vanished from the face of the globe, and has not left a single descendant among the races of mankind. in our own day the tasmanians have become extinct. these cases, however, are exceptional. the complete extinction of a race is an unusual thing in the history of mankind. a section may vanish in one particular area and yet persist in another. as a rule, in those districts where races are supposed to have perished, it is found that they have been absorbed by intruders. in some cases the chief change has been one of racial designation and nationality. crô-magnon man, who entered europe when the neanderthals were hunting the reindeer and other animals, is still represented in our midst. dr. collignon, the french ethnologist, who has found many representatives of this type in the dordogne valley where their ancestors lived in the decorated cave-dwellings before their organization was broken up by the azilian and other intruders, shows that the intrusion of minorities of males rarely leaves a permanent change in a racial type. the alien element tends to disappear. "when", he writes, "a race is well seated in a region, fixed to the soil by agriculture, acclimatized by natural selection and sufficiently dense, it opposes, for the most precise observations confirm it, an enormous resistance to new-comers, whoever they may be." intruders of the male sex only may be bred out in time. our interest here is with the races of britain and ireland, but, as our native islands were peopled from the continent, we cannot ignore the evidence afforded by western and northern europe when dealing with our own particular phase of the racial problem. it is necessary in the first place to get rid of certain old theories that were based on imperfect knowledge or wrong foundations. one theory applies the term "caucasian man" to either a considerable section or the majority of european peoples. "the utter absurdity of the misnomer caucasian, as applied to the blue-eyed and fair-haired aryan (?) race of western europe, is revealed", says ripley,[ ] "by two indisputable facts. in the first place, this ideal blond type does not occur within many hundred miles of caucasia; and, secondly, nowhere along the great caucasian chain is there a single native tribe making use of a purely inflectional or aryan language." [ ] _races of europe_, p. . the term "aryan" is similarly a misleading one. it was invented by professor max müller and applied by him chiefly to a group of languages at a time when races were being identified by the languages they spoke. these peoples--with as different physical characteristics as have indians and norseman, or russians and spaniards, who spoke indo-european, or, as german scholars have patriotically adapted the term, indo-germanic languages--were regarded by ethnologists of the "philological school" as members of the one indo-european or aryan race or "family". language, however, is no sure indication of race. the spread of a language over wide areas may be accounted for by trade or political influence or cultural contact. in our own day the english language is spoken by "black", "yellow", and "red", as well as by "white" peoples. a safer system is to distinguish racial types by their physical peculiarities. when, however, this system is applied in europe, as elsewhere, we shall still find differences between peoples. habits of thought and habits of life exercise a stronger influence over individuals, and groups of individuals, than do, for instance, the shape of their heads, the colours of their hair, eyes, and skin, or the length and strength of their limbs. two particular individuals may be typical representatives of a distinct race and yet not only speak different languages, but have a different outlook on life, and different ideas as to what is right and what is wrong. different types of people are in different parts of the world united by their sense of nationality. they are united by language, traditions, and beliefs, and by their love of a particular locality in which they reside or in which their ancestors were wont to reside. a sense of nationality, such as unites the british empire, may extend to far-distant parts of the world. [illustration: european types i, mediterranean. ii, crô-magnon. iii, armenoid (alpine). iv, northern.] but, while conscious of the uniting sense of nationality, our people are at the same time conscious of and interested in their physical differences and the histories of different sections of our countrymen. the problem as to whether we are mainly celtic or mainly teutonic is one of perennial interest. here again, when dealing with the past, we meet with the same condition of things that prevail at the present day. both the ancient celts and the people they called teutons ("strangers") were mixed peoples with different physical peculiarities. the celts known to the greeks were a tall, fair-haired people. in western europe, as has been indicated, they mingled with the dark iberians, and a section of the mingled races was known to the romans as celtiberians. the teutons included the tall, fair, long-headed northerners, and the dark, medium-sized, broad-headed central europeans. both the fair celts and the fair teutons appear to have been sections of the northern race known to antiquaries as the "baltic people", or "maglemosians", who entered europe from siberia and "drifted" along the northern and southern shores of the baltic sea--the ancient "white sea" of the "white people" of the "white north". as we have seen, other types of humanity were "drifting" towards britain at the same time--that is, before the system of polishing stone implements and weapons inaugurated what has been called the "neolithic age". as modern-day ethnologists have found that the masses of the population in great britain and ireland are of the early types known to archæologists as palæolithic, neolithic, and bronze age men, the race history of our people may be formulated as follows: the earliest inhabitants of our islands whose physical characteristics can be traced among the living population were the crô-magnon peoples. these were followed by the fair northerners, the "carriers" of maglemosian culture, and the dark, medium-sized iberians, who were the "carriers" of azilian-tardenoisian culture. there were thus fair people in england, scotland, and ireland thousands of years before the invasions of celts, angles, saxons, jutes, norsemen, or danes. for a long period, extending over many centuries, the migration "stream" from the continent appears to have been continuously flowing. the carriers of neolithic culture were in the main iberians of mediterranean racial type--the descendants of the azilian-tardenoisian peoples who used bows and arrows, and broke up the magdalenian civilization of crô-magnon man in western and central europe. this race appears to have been characterized in north and north-east africa. "so striking", writes professor elliot smith, "is the family likeness between the early neolithic peoples of the british isles and the mediterranean and the bulk of the population, both ancient and modern, of egypt and east africa, that a description of the bones of an early briton of that remote epoch might apply in all essential details to an inhabitant of somaliland."[ ] [ ] _the ancient egyptians_, p. . this proto-egyptian (iberian) people were of medium stature, had long skulls and short narrow faces, and skeletons of slight and mild build; their complexions were as dark as those of the southern italians in our own day, and they had dark-brown or black hair with a tendency to curl; the men had scanty facial hair, except for a chin-tuft beard. these brunets introduced the agricultural mode of life, and, as they settled on the granite in south-western england, appear to have searched for gold there, and imported flint from the settlers on the upper chalk formation. in time europe was invaded from asia minor by increasing numbers of an asiatic, broad-headed, long-bearded people of similar type to those who had filtered into central europe and reached belgium and denmark before neolithic times. this type is known as the "armenoid race" (the "alpine race" of some writers). it was quite different from the long-headed and fair northern type and the short, brunet mediterranean (proto-egyptian and iberian) type. the armenoid skeletons found in the early graves indicate that the asiatics were a medium-sized, heavily-built people, capable, as the large bosses on their bones indicate, of considerable muscular development. during the archæological bronze age these armenoids reached britain in considerable numbers, and introduced the round-barrow method of burial. they do not appear, however, as has been indicated, to have settled in ireland. at a later period britain was invaded by a people who cremated their dead. as they thus destroyed the evidence that would have afforded us an indication of their racial affinities, their origin is obscure. while these overland migrations were in progress, considerable numbers of peoples appear to have reached britain and ireland by sea from northern and north-western france, portugal, and spain. they settled chiefly in the areas where metals and pearls were once found or are still found. "kitchen middens" and megalithic remains are in ireland mainly associated with pearl-yielding rivers. the fair celts and the darker celtiberians were invading and settling in britain before and after the romans first reached its southern shores. during the roman period, the ruling caste was mainly of south-european type, but the roman legions were composed of gauls, germans, and iberians, as well as italians. no permanent change took place in the ethnics of britain during the four centuries of roman occupation. the armenoid broad-heads, however, became fewer: "the disappearance", as ripley puts it, "of the round-barrow men is the last event of the prehistoric period which we are able to distinguish". the inhabitants of the british isles are, on the whole, long-headed. "highland and lowland, city or country, peasant or philosopher, all are", says ripley, "practically alike in respect to this fundamental racial characteristic." broad-headed types are, of course, to be found, but they are in the minority. [illustration: valentine ruins of pictish tower at carloway, lewis modern "black house" in the foreground.] the chief source of our knowledge regarding the early tribes or little nations of britain and ireland is the work of ptolemy, the geographer, who lived between a.d. and , from which the earliest maps were compiled in the fourth century. he shows that england, wales, scotland, and ireland were divided among a number of peoples. the dumnonii,[ ] as has been stated, were in possession of devon and cornwall, as well as of a large area in the south-western and central lowlands of scotland. near them were the durotriges, who were also in ireland. sussex was occupied by the regni and kent by the cantion. the atrebates, the belgæ, and the parisii were invaders from gaul during the century that followed cæsar's invasion. the belgæ lay across the neck of the land between the bristol channel and the isle of wight; the atrebates clung to the river thames, while the parisii, who gave their name to paris, occupied the east coast between the wash and the humber. essex was the land of the iceni or eceni, the tribe of boadicea (boudicca). near them were the catuvellauni (men who rejoiced in battle) who were probably rulers of a league, and the trinovantes, whose name is said to signify "very vigorous". the most important tribe of the north and midlands of england was the brigantes,[ ] whose sphere of influence extended to the firth of forth, where they met the votadini, who were probably kinsmen or allies. on the north-west were the setantii, who appear to have been connected with the brigantes in england and ireland. cuchullin, the hero of the red branch of ulster, was originally named setanta.[ ] in south wales the chief tribe was the silures, whose racial name is believed to cling to the scilly (silura) islands. they were evidently like the dumnonii a metal-working people. south-western wales was occupied by the demetæ (the "firm folk"). in south-western scotland, the selgovæ ("hunters") occupied galloway, their nearest neighbours being the novantæ of wigtownshire. the selgovæ may have been those peoples known later as the atecotti. from fife to southern aberdeenshire the predominant people on the east were the vernicones. in north-east aberdeenshire were the tæxali. to the west of these were the vacomagi. the caledonians occupied the central highlands from inverness southward to loch lomond. in ross-shire were the decantæ, a name resembling novantæ and setantii. the lugi and smertæ (smeared people) were farther north. the cornavii of caithness and north wales were those who occupied the "horns" or "capes". along the west of scotland were peoples called the cerones, creones, and carnonacæ, or carini, perhaps a sheep-rearing people. the epidii were an argyll tribe, whose name is connected with that of the horse--perhaps a horse-god.[ ] orkney enshrines the tribal name of the boar--perhaps that of the ancient boar-god represented on a standing stone near inverness with the sun symbol above its head. the gaelic name of the shetlanders is "cat". caithness is the county of the "cat" people, too. professor watson reminds us that the people of sutherland are still "cats" in gaelic, and that the duke of sutherland is referred to as "duke of the cats". [ ] englished "damnonians" (chapter ix). [ ] tacitus says that the brigantes were in point of numbers the most considerable folkin britain (_agricola_, chapter xvii). [ ] evidently cuchullin and other heroes of the "red branch" in ireland were descended from peoples who had migrated into ireland from britain. their warriors in the old manuscript tales receive their higher military training in alba. it is unlikely they would have been trained in a colony. [ ] ancient sacred stones with horses depicted on them survive in scotland. in harris one horse-stone remains in an old church tower. the picts are not mentioned by ptolemy. they appear to have been an agricultural and sea-faring people who (_c._ a.d. ) engaged in trade and piracy. a flood of light has been thrown on the pictish problem by professor w. j. watson, edinburgh.[ ] he shows that when agricola invaded scotland (a.d. ) the predominant people were the caledonians. early in the third century the caledonians and mæatæ--names which included all the tribes north of hadrian's wall--were so aggressive that emperor septimus severus organized a great expedition against them. he pressed northward as far as the southern shore of the moray firth, and, although he fought no battle, lost , men in skirmishes, &c. the caledonians and mæatæ rose again, and severus was preparing a second expedition when he died at york in a.d. . his son, caracalla, withdrew from scotland altogether. the emperor constantius, who died at york in a.d. , had returned from an expedition, not against the caledonians, but against the picts. the picts were beginning to become prominent. in they had again to be driven back. they had then become allies of the scots from ulster, who were mentioned in a.d. by the orator eumenius, as enemies of the britons in association with the picti. professor watson, drawing on gaelic evidence, dates the first settlement of the scots in argyll "about a.d. ". [ ] _the picts_, inverness, (lecture delivered to the gaelic society of inverness and reprinted from _the inverness courier_). in the caledonians were, like the verturiones, a division of the picts. afterwards their tribal name disappeared. that the picts and caledonians were originally separate peoples is made clear by the statement of a roman orator who said: "i do not mention the woods and marshes of the caledonians, the picts, and others". in the pecti, saxons, scots, and atecotti harassed the britons. thus by the fourth century the picts had taken the place of the caledonians as the leading tribe, or as the military aristocrats of a great part of scotland, the name of which, formerly caledonia, came to be pictland, pictavia. who then were the picts? professor watson shows that the racial name is in old norse "pettr", in old english "peohta", and in old scots "pecht"[ ] these forms suggest that the original name was "pect". ammianus refers to the "pecti". in old welsh "peith-wyr" means "pict-men" and "peith" comes from "pect". the derivation from the latin "pictus" (painted) must therefore be rejected. it should be borne in mind in this connection that the ancient britons stained their bodies with woad. the application of the term "painted" to only one section of them seems improbable. "pecti", says professor watson, "cannot be separated etymologically from pictones, the name of a gaulish tribe on the bay of biscay south of the loire, near neighbours of the veneti. their name shows the same variation between pictones and pectones. we may therefore claim pecti as a genuine celtic word. it is of the cymric or old british and gaulish type, not of the gaelic type, for gaelic has no initial p, while those others have." gildas (_c._ a.d. ), bede (_c._ a.d. ), and nennius (_c._ a.d. ) refer to the picts as a people from the north of scotland. nennius says they occupied orkney first. the legends which connect the picts with scythia and hercules were based on virgil's mention of "picti agathyrsi" and "picti geloni" (_Æneid_ iv, , _georgics_, ii, ) combined with the account by herodotus (iv, ) of the descent of gelonus and agathyrsus from hercules. of late origin therefore was the irish myth that the picts from scythia were called agathyrsi and were descended from gelon, son of hercules. [ ] the fact that in the scottish lowlands the fairies were sometimes called "pechts" has been made much of by those who contend that the prototypes of the fairies were the original inhabitants of western europe. this theory ignores the well-established custom of giving human names to supernatural beings. in scotland the hill-giants (fomorians) have been re-named after arthur (as in arthur's seat, edinburgh), patrick (inverness), wallace (eildon hills), samson (ben ledi), &c. in like manner fairies were referred to as pechts. the irish evidence is of similar character. the danann deities were consigned to fairyland. donald gorm, a west highland chief, gave his name to an irish fairy. fairyland was the old paradise. arthur, thomas the rhymer, finn-mac-coul, &c., became "fairy-men" after death. a good deal of confusion has been caused by mistranslating the scottish gaelic word _sith_ (irish _sidhe_) as "fairy". the word _sith_ (pronounced _shee_) means anything unearthly or supernatural, and the "peace" of supernatural life--of death after life, as well as the silence of the movements of supernatural beings. the cuckoo was supposed to dwell for a part of the year in the underworld, and was called _eun sith_ ("supernatural bird"). mysterious epidemics were _sith_ diseases. there were _sith_ (supernatural) dogs, cats, mice, cows, &c., as well as _sith_ men and _sith_ women. there never were picts in ireland, except as visitors. the theory about the irish picts arose by mistranslating the racial name "cruithne" as "picts". communities of cruithne were anciently settled in the four provinces of ireland, but cruithne means britons not picts. [illustration: valentine a scottish "broch" (mousa, shetland isles) compare with sardinian _nuraghe_, page .] the ancient name of great britain was albion, while ireland was in greek "ierne", and in latin "iubernia" (later "hibernia"). the racial name was applied by pliny to albion and hibernia when he referred to the island group as "britanniæ". ptolemy says that albion is "a britannic isle" and further that albion (england and scotland) was an island "belonging to the britannic isles". ireland was also a britannic isle. it is therefore quite clear that the britons were regarded as the predominant people in england, wales, scotland, and ireland, and that the verdict of history includes ireland in the british isles. the britons were p-celts, and their racial name "pretan-pritan" became in the gaelic language of the q-celts "cruithen", plural "cruithne". in latin the british isles are called after their inhabitants, the rendering being "britanni", while in greek it is "pretannoi" or "pretanoi". as professor w. j. watson and professor sir j. morris jones, two able and reliable philologists, have insisted, the greek form is the older and more correct, and the latin form is merely an adaptation of the greek form. in the early centuries of our era the term "britannus" was shortened in latin to "britto" plural "brittones". this diminutive form, which may be compared with "scotty" for scotsman, became popular. in gaelic it originated the form "breatain", representing "brittones" (britons), which was applied to the britons of strathclyde, wales, and cornwall, who retained their native speech under roman rule; in welsh, the rendering was "brython". the welsh name for scotland became "prydyn". the northern people of scotland, having come under the sway of the picts, were referred to as picts just as they became "scots" after the tribe of scots rose into prominence. in this sense the scottish cruithne were picts. but the cruithne (britons) of ireland were never referred to as picts. modern scholars who have mixed up cruithne and picts are the inventors of the term "irish picts". the picts of scotland have been traditionally associated with the round buildings known as "brochs", which are all built on the same plan. "of known brochs", says professor w. j. watson, "orkney and shetland possess , caithness has , and sutherland --a total of . on the mainland south of sutherland there are in ross, inverness-shire, in forfar, in stirling, midlothian, selkirk, and berwick-shires, in wigtownshire. in the isles there are in lewis, in harris, in skye, in raasay, and at least in the isles of argyll. the inference is that the original seat of the broch builders must have been in the far north, and that their influence proceeded southwards. the masonry and contents of the brochs prove them to be the work of a most capable people, who lived partly at least by agriculture and had a fairly high standard of civilization.... the distribution of the brochs also indicate that their occupants combined agriculture with sea-faring.... the wigtown brochs, like the west coast ones generally, are all close to the sea, and in exceedingly strong positions." these scottish brochs bear a striking resemblance to the _nuraghi_ of the island of sardinia. both the broch and the _nuraghe_ have low doorways which "would at once put an enemy at a disadvantage in attempting to enter". describing the sardinian structures, mr. t. eric peet writes:[ ] "all the _nuraghi_ stand in commanding situations overlooking large tracts of country, and the more important a position is from a strategical point of view the stronger will be the _nuraghe_ which defends it". ruins of villages surround these structures. "there cannot be the least doubt", says peet, "that in time of danger the inhabitants drove their cattle into the fortified enclosure, entered it themselves, and then closed the gates." [ ] _rough stone monuments_, pp. _et seq._ in the balearic islands are towers called _talayots_ which "resemble rather closely", in peet's opinion, the _nuraghi_ of sardinia. the architecture of the _talayots_, the _nuraghi_, and the brochs resembles that of the bee-hive tombs of mycenæ (pre-hellenic greece). there are no brochs in ireland. the "round towers" are of christian origin (between ninth and thirteenth centuries a.d.). a tomb at labbamologa, county cork, however, resembles the tombs of the balearic isles and sardinia (peet, _rough stone monuments_, pp. - ). the picts appear to have come to scotland from the country of the ancient pictones, whose name survives in poitiers (poictiers) and the province of poitou in france. these pictones were anciently rivals of the veneti, the chief sea-traders in western and northern europe during the pre-roman period. we gather from cæsar that the pictones espoused the cause of the romans when the veneti and their allies revolted. they and their near neighbours, the santoni, supplied cæsar with ships.[ ] these were apparently skiffs which were much lighter and smaller than the imposing vessels of the veneti. as the big vessels of the armada were no match for the smaller english vessels, so were the veneti ships no match for the skiffs of the pictones. [ ] _de bello gallico_, book iii, chapter ii. the picts who settled in orkney appear to have dominated the eastern and western scottish sea-routes. it is possible that they traded with scandinavia and imported baltic amber. tacitus states that the baltic people, who engaged in the amber trade, spoke a dialect similar to that of britain, worshipped the mother-goddess, and regarded the boar as the symbol of their deity.[ ] orkney, as has been noted, is derived from the old celtic word for boar. the boar-people of orkney who came under the sway of the picts may have been related to the amber traders. [ ] _manners of the germans_, chapter xlv. the boar was the son of a sow-goddess. demeter had originally a sow form. the scottish broch-people, associated in tradition with the picts, were notorious for their piratic habits. in those ancient days, however, piracy was a common occupation. the later vikings, who seized the naval base of orkney for the same reason we may conclude as did the picts, occupied the brochs. viking means "pirate", as york powell has shown. in _egil's saga_ (chapter xxxii) the hero bjorn "was sometimes in viking but sometimes on trading voyages".[ ] [ ] _scandinavian britain_ (london, ), pp. - . it may be that the term _pictus_ was confused with the racial name pecti, because the picts had adopted the sailor-like habit of tattoing their skins--a habit which probably had a religious significance. claudian, the fourth-century roman poet, refers to "the fading steel-wrought figures on the dying pict". like the sea-faring scots of northern ireland who harried the welsh coast between the second and fifth centuries of our era, the picts of scotland had skiffs (scaphæ) with sails and twenty oars a side. vessels, masts, ropes, and sails were painted a neutral tint, and the crews were attired in the same colour. thus "camouflaged", the picts and scots were able to harry the coasts of romanized britain. they appear to have turned hadrian's wall from the sea. the pictish sea-faring tribes, the keiths or cats and the mæatæ, have left their names in caithness, inchkeith, dalkeith, &c., and in the isle of may, &c.[ ] [ ] rhys, _celtic britain_ ( th ed.), pp. , . a glimpse of piratical operations in the first century before the christian era is obtained in an irish manuscript account of certain happenings in the reign of king conaire the great of ireland. so strict was this monarch's rule that several lawless and discontented persons were forced into exile. "among the most desperate of the outlaws were the monarch's own foster brothers, the four sons of dond dess, an important chieftain of leinster. these refractory youths, with a large party of followers, took to their boats and ships and scoured the coasts of britain and scotland, as well as of their own country. having met on the sea with ingcel, the son of the king of britain, who, for his misdeeds, had been likewise banished by his own father, both parties entered into a league, the first fruits of which were the plunder and devastation of a great part of the british coast." [illustration: by courtesy of the director of the british school of rome a sardinian _nuraghe_ (page ) compare with the scottish "broch", page .] they afterwards made a descent on the coast of ireland, and when king conaire returned from a visit to clare, "he found the whole country before him one sheet of fire, the plunderers having landed in his absence and carried fire and sword wherever they went".[ ] [ ] o'curry, _manners and customs of the ancient irish_, vol. iii, p. . in his description of britain, tacitus says that the inhabitants varied in their physical traits. different conclusions were drawn concerning their origin. he thought the caledonians were, because of their ruddy hair and muscular limbs, of german descent, and that the dark silures of wales were descendants of iberian colonists. he noted that the inhabitants of southern england resembled those of gaul.[ ] [ ] _agricola_, chap. xi. later writers have expressed divergent views regarding the ethnics of the british isles. one theory is that the fair teutonic peoples, who invaded britain during the post-roman period, drove the "dark celts" westward, and that that is the reason why in england and scotland the inhabitants of western areas are darker than those in the eastern. as we have seen, however, the early metal workers settled in the western areas for the reason that the minerals they sought for were located there. in south-western scotland the inhabitants are darker than those on the east, except in aberdeenshire, where there are distinctive megalithic remains and two famous pearling rivers, the ythan and ugie, as well as deposits of flint and traces of gold. the people of scotland are, on the whole, the tallest and heaviest people in europe. it has been suggested that their great average stature is due to the settlement in their country of the hardy norsemen of the viking period, but this is improbable, because the average stature of norway, sweden, and denmark is lower than that of scotland. a distinctive feature of the scottish face is the high cheek-bone. the norse cheek-bone is distinctly flatter. it may be that the tall crô-magnons, who had high cheek-bones, have contributed to scottish physical traits. that all the fair peoples of britain and ireland are, as has been indicated, not necessarily descendants of the fair celts and anglo-saxons is evident from the traces that have been found of the early settlement in these islands of the proto-scandinavians, who introduced the maglemosian culture long before the introduction of the neolithic industry. modern ethnologists lean to the view that the masses of the present-day population of europe betray palæolithic racial affinities. in no country in europe, other than our own, have there been fewer ethnic changes. as we have seen, there were only two or three intrusions from the continent between the periods when the bronze and iron industries were introduced--that is, during about a thousand years. the latter invasions were those of types already settled in britain. as in other countries, the tendency to revert to the early types represented by the masses of the people has not been absent in our native land. the intrusions of energetic minorities may have caused changes of languages and habits of life, but in time the alien element has been absorbed.[ ] withal, the influences of climate and of the diseases associated with localities have ever been at work in eliminating the physically unfit--that is, those individuals who cannot live in a climate too severe for their constitutions. in large industrial cities the short, dark types are more numerous than the tall, fair, and large-lunged types. the latter appear to be more suited for an open-air life. [ ] "the rule is", writes beddoe in this connection (_the anthropological history of europe_, p. ), "that an anthropological type is never wholly dispossessed or extirpated". "pockets" of peoples of distinctive type are to be found in different parts of the british isles. in barvas, lewis, and elsewhere in the hebrides, pockets of dark peoples of foreign appearance are reputed by theorists, as has been indicated, to be descendants of the sailors of the spanish armada. they resemble, however, the fir-bolgs of ireland and the silures of wales. hertfordshire has a dark, short people too. galloway, the country of the ancient selgovæ (hunters), is noted for its tall people. it may be that there is a crô-magnon strain in galloway, and that among the short, dark peoples are descendants of the ancient metal workers, including the easterners who settled in spain. (see chaps. ix and xii.) beddoe thinks that the phoenician type "occasionally crops up" in cornwall.[ ] [ ] _the anthropological history of europe_ (new edition, paisley, ), p. . chapter xii druidism in britain and gaul culture mixing--classical evidence regarding druids--doctrine of transmigration of souls--celtic paradises: isles of the blest, land-under-waves, fairyland, and "loveless land"--paradise as apple-land--apples, nuts, and pork of longevity--mistletoe connected with the oak, apple, and other trees--druids and oracular birds--druids as soothsayers--thomas the rhymer as "true thomas"--christ as the druid of st. columba--stones of worship--druid groves and dolmens in anglesea--early christians denounce worship of stones, trees, wells, and heavenly bodies--vows over holy objects--bull sacrifices, stone worship, &c., in highlands--"cup-marked" stones--origin of druidism--milk-goddesses and milk-yielding trees--european and oriental milk myths--tree cults and megalithic monuments. when the question is asked "what was the religion of the ancient britons?" the answer generally given is "druidism". but such a term means little more than "priestism". it would perhaps be better not to assume that the religious beliefs of our remote ancestors were either indigenous or homogeneous, or that they were ever completely systematized at any period or in any district. although certain fundamental beliefs may have been widespread, it is clear that there existed not a few local or tribal cults. "i swear by the gods of my people" one hero may declare in a story, while of another it may be told that "coll" (the hazel) or "fire" was his god. certain animals were sacred in some districts and not in others, or were sacred to some individuals only in a single tribe. in a country like britain, subjected in early times to periodic intrusions of peoples from different areas, the process of "culture mixing" must have been active and constant. imported beliefs were fused with native beliefs, or beliefs that had assumed local features, while local pantheons no doubt reflected local politics--the gods of a military aristocracy being placed over the gods of the subject people. at the same time, it does not follow that when we find a chief deity bearing a certain name in one district, and a different name in another, that the religious rites and practices differed greatly. nor does it follow that all peoples who gave recognition to a political deity performed the same ceremonies or attached the same importance to all festivals. hunters, seafarers, and agriculturists had their own peculiar rites, as surviving superstitions (the beliefs of other days) clearly indicate, while the workers in metals clung to ceremonial practices that differed from those performed by representatives of a military aristocracy served by the artisans. much has been written about the druids, but it must be confessed that our knowledge regarding them is somewhat scanty. classical writers have made contradictory statements about their beliefs and ceremonies. pliny alone tells that they showed special reverence for the mistletoe growing on the oak, and suggests that the name druid was connected with the greek word _drus_ (an oak). others tell that there were druids, seers, and bards in the celtic priesthood. in his book on divination, cicero indicates that the druids had embraced the doctrines of pythagoras, the greek philosopher, who was born about b.c., including that of the transmigration of souls.[ ] julius cæsar tells that the special province of the druids in gaulish society was religion in all its aspects; they read oracles, and instructed large numbers of the nation's youth. pomponius mela[ ] says the instruction was given in caves and in secluded groves. cæsar records that once a year the druids presided over a general assembly of the gauls at a sacred spot in the country of the carnutes, which was supposed to be the centre of gaul. it is not known whether this holy place was marked by a mound, a grove, a stone circle, or a dolmen. the archdruid was chief of the priesthood. cæsar notes that the germans had no druids and paid no attention to sacrifices. [ ] cæsar (_de bello gallico_, vi, xiv, ) says the druids believed the soul passed from one individual to another. [ ] a spaniard of the first century a.d. of special interest is the statement that the druids believed in the doctrine of transmigration of souls--that is, they believed that after death the soul passed from one individual to another, or into plants or animals before again passing into a human being at birth. according to diodorus siculus, who lived in the latter part of the first century a.d., the gauls took little account of the end of life, believing they would come to life after a certain term of years, entering other bodies. he also refers to the custom of throwing letters on the funeral pyre, so that the dead might read them.[ ] this suggests a belief in residence for a period in a hades. [ ] book v. chap. xxviii. the doctrine of transmigration of souls did not, however, prevail among all celtic peoples even in gaul. valerius maximus, writing about a.d. , says that the gauls were in the habit of lending sums of money on the promise that they would be repaid in the next world. gaelic and welsh literature contains little evidence of the doctrine of transmigration of souls. a few myths suggest that re-birth was a privilege of certain specially famous individuals. mongan, king of dalriada in ulster, and the welsh taliessin, for instance, were supposed to have lived for periods in various forms, including animal, plant, and human forms, while other heroes were incarnations of deities. the most persistent british belief, however, was that after death the soul passed to an otherworld. julius cæsar says that druidism was believed to have originated in britain.[ ] this cannot apply, however, to the belief in transmigration of souls, which was shared in common by celts, greeks, and indians. according to herodotus, "the egyptians are the first who have affirmed that the soul is immortal, and that when the body decays the soul invariably enters another body on the point of death". the story of "the two brothers" (anpu and bata) indicates that the doctrine was known in egypt. there are references in the "book of the dead" to a soul becoming a lily, a golden falcon, a ram, a crocodile, &c., but this doctrine was connected, according to egyptologists, with the belief that souls could assume different shapes in the otherworld. in india souls are supposed to pass through animal or reptile forms only. the greek doctrine, like the celtic, includes plant forms. certain african tribes believe in the transmigration of souls. [ ] pliny (book xxx) says britain seems to have taught druidism to the persians. siret's view, given in the concluding part of this chapter, that druidism was of eastern origin, is of special interest in this connection. in ancient britain and ireland the belief obtained, as in greece and elsewhere, that there was an underworld paradise and certain islands of the blest (in gaelic called "the land of youth", "the plain of bliss", &c.) the underworld was entered through caves, wells, rivers or lakes, or through the ocean cavern from which the moon arose. there are references in scottish folk-tales to "the land-under-waves", and to men and women entering the underworld through a "fairy" mound, and seeing the dead plucking fruit and reaping grain as in the paradise of the egyptian god osiris. it is evident that fairyland was originally a paradise, and the fairy queen an old mother goddess. there are references in welsh to as gloomy an underworld as the babylonian one. "in addition to _annwfn_, a term which", according to the late professor anwyl, "seems to mean the 'not-world', we have other names for the world below, such as _anghar_, 'the loveless place'; _difant_, the unrimmed place (whence the modern welsh word _difancoll_, 'lost for ever'); _affwys_, the abyss; _affan_, 'the land invisible'." in a welsh poem a bard speaks of the otherworld as "the cruel prison of earth, the abode of death, the loveless land".[ ] [ ] _celtic religion_, p. . the border ballads of scotland contain references to the fairyland paradise of the underworld, to the islands or continent of paradise, and to the dark otherworld of the grave in which the dead lie among devouring worms. in one celtic elysium, known to the welsh and irish, the dead feast on pork as do the heroes in the paradise of the scandinavian god odin. there is no trace in scotland of a belief or desire to reach a paradise in which the pig was eaten. the popularity of the apple as the fruit of longevity was, however, widespread. it is uncertain when the beliefs connected with it were introduced into england, wales, scotland, and ireland. as they were similar to those connected with the hazel-nut, the acorn, the rowan, &c., there may have simply been a change of fruit rather than a religious change, except in so far as new ceremonies may have been associated with the cultivated apple tree. a gaelic story tells of a youth who in paradise held a fragrant golden apple in his right hand. "a third part of it he would eat and still, for all he consumed, never a whit would it be diminished." as long as he ate the apple "nor age nor dimness could affect him". paradise was in welsh and gaelic called "apple land".[ ] its "tree of life" always bore ripe fruit and fresh blossoms. one of the irish st. patrick legends pictures a fair youth coming from the south[ ] clad in crimson mantle and yellow shirt, carrying a "double armful of round yellow-headed nuts and of most beautiful golden-yellow apples". there are stories, too, about the hazel with its "good fruit", and of holy fire being taken from this tree, and withal a number of hazel place-names that probably indicate where sacred hazel groves once existed. hallowe'en customs connected with apples and nuts are evidently relics of ancient religious beliefs and ceremonies. [ ] avalon, emain ablach, &c. [ ] the south was on the right and signified heaven, while the north was on the left and signified hell. the druids are reported by pliny (as has been stated) to have venerated the mistletoe, especially when it was found growing on an oak. but the popular parasitic plant is very rarely found associated with this tree. in france and england it grows chiefly on firs and pines or on apple trees, but never on the plane, beech, or birch.[ ] it is therefore doubtful if the name druid was derived from the root _dru_ which is found in the greek word _drus_ (oak). in gaelic the druids are "wise men" who read oracles, worked spells, controlled the weather, and acted as intercessors between the gods and men. like the dragon-slayers of romance, they understood "the language of birds", and especially that of the particular bird associated with the holy tree of a cult. one sacred bird was the wren. according to dr. whitley stokes the old celtic names of wren and druid were derived from the root _dreo_, which is cognate with the german word _treu_ and the english _true_. the druid was therefore, as one who understood the language of the wren, a soothsayer, a truth-sayer--a revealer of divine truth. a judgment pronounced by druid or king was supposed to be inspired by the deity. it was essentially a divine decree. the judge wore round his neck the symbol of the deity. "when what he said was true, it was roomy for his neck; when false, it was narrow." this symbol according to _cormac's glossary_ was called _sin_ (sheen). some seers derived their power to reveal the truth by tasting the blood or juice of a holy animal or reptile, or, like thomas the rhymer, by eating of an apple plucked from the tree of life in the paradise of fairyland. in an old ballad it is told that when thomas was carried off to the underworld by the fairy queen he was given an inspiring apple that made him a "truth-sayer" (a prophet). [ ] bacon wrote: "mistletoe groweth chiefly upon crab trees, apple trees, sometimes upon hazels, and rarely upon oaks; the mistletoe whereof is counted very medicinal. it is evergreen in winter and summer, and beareth a white glistening berry; and it is a plant utterly differing from the plant on which it groweth." syne they came to a garden green and she pu'd an apple frae a tree; "take this for thy wages, true thomas; it will give thee the tongue that can never lee (lie)." "true thomas" was "druid thomas". an interesting reference to druidism is found in a gaelic poem supposed to have been written by st. columba, in which the missionary says: the voices of birds i do not reverence, nor sneezing, nor any charm in this wide world. christ, the son of god, is my druid. there are gaelic stories about druids who read the omens of the air and foretell the fates of individuals at birth, fix the days on which young warriors should take arms, &c. in england, scotland, ireland, and wales not only trees and birds were reverenced, but also standing stones, which are sometimes referred to even in modern gaelic as "stones of worship". some stories tell of standing stones being transformed into human beings when struck by a magician's wand. the wand in one story is possessed by a "wise woman". other traditions relate that once a year the stones become maidens who visit a neighbouring stream and bathe in it. a version of this myth survives in oxfordshire. according to tacitus there were on the island of mona (anglesea), which was a centre of religious influence, not only druids, but "women in black attire like furies"--apparently priestesses. as has been noted, a large number of dolmens existed on mona, in which there were also "groves devoted to inhuman superstitions".[ ] [ ] _the annals of tacitus_, xiv, . the theory that mediæval witches were the priestesses of a secret cult that perpetuated pre-roman british religion is not supported by gaelic evidence. the gaelic "witches" had no meetings with the devil, and never rode on broomsticks. the gaelic name for witchcraft is derived from english and is not old. the early christian writers refer to the "worship of stones" in ireland. in the seventh century the council at rouen denounced all those who offer vows to trees, or wells, or stones, as they would at altars, or offer candles or gifts, as if any divinity resided there capable of conferring good or evil. the council at arles (a.d. ) and the council at toledo (a.d. ) dealt with similar pagan practices. that sacred stones were associated with sacred trees is indicated in a decree of an early christian council held at nantes which exhorts "bishops and their servants to dig up and remove and hide in places where they cannot be found those stones which in remote and woody places are still worshipped and where vows are still made". this worship of stones was in britain, or at any rate in part of england, connected with the worship of the heavenly bodies. a statute of the time of king canute forbids the barbarous adoration of the sun and moon, fire, fountains, stones, and all kinds of trees and wood. in the confession attributed to st. patrick, the irish are warned that all those who adore the sun shall perish eternally. _cormac's_ _glossary_ explains that _indelba_ signified _images_ and that this name was applied to the altars of certain idols. "they (the pagans) were wont to carve on them the forms of the elements they adored: for example, the figure of the sun." irish gaels swore by "the sun, moon, water, and air, day and night, sea and land". in a scottish story some warriors lift up a portion of earth and swear on it. the custom of swearing on weapons was widespread in these islands. in ancient times people swore by what was holiest to them.[ ] [ ] "every weapon has its demon" is an old gaelic saying. one of the latest references to pagan religious customs is found in the records of dingwall presbytery dating from to . in the parish of gairloch, ross-shire, bulls were sacrificed, oblations of milk were poured on the hills, wells were adored, and chapels were "circulated"--the worshippers walked round them sunwise. those who intended to set out on journeys thrust their heads into a hole in a stone.[ ] if a head entered the hole, it was believed the man would return; if it did not, his luck was doubtful. the reference to "oblations of milk" is of special interest, because milk was offered to the fairies. a milk offering was likewise poured daily into the "cup" of a stone known as clach-na-gruagach (the stone of the long-haired one). a bowl of milk was, in the highlands, placed beside a corpse, and, after burial took place, either outside the house door or at the grave. the conventionalized azilian human form is sometimes found to be depicted by small "cups" on boulders or rocks. some "cups" were formed by "knocking" with a small stone for purposes of divination. the "cradle stone" at burghead is a case in point. it is dealt with by sir arthur mitchell (_the past in the present_, pp. - ), who refers to other "cup-stones" that were regarded as being "efficacious in cases of barrenness". in some hollowed stones highland parents immersed children suspected of being changelings. [ ] according to the dingwall records knowledge of "future events in reference especialle to lyfe and death" was obtained by performing a ceremony in connection with the hollowed stone. a flood of light has been thrown on the origin of druidism by siret,[ ] the discoverer of the settlements of easterners in spain which have been dealt with in an earlier chapter. he shows that the colonists were an intensely religious people, who introduced the eastern palm-tree cult and worshipped a goddess similar to the egyptian hathor, a form of whom was nut. after they were expelled from spain by a bronze-using people, the refugees settled in gaul and italy, carrying with them the science and religious beliefs and practices associated with druidism. commercial relations were established between the etruscans, the peoples of gaul and the south of spain, and with the phoenicians of tyre and carthage during the archæological early iron age. some of the megalithic monuments of north africa were connected with this later drift. [ ] _l'anthropologie_, . tome xxx, pp. _et seq._ the goddess hathor of egypt was associated with the sycamore fig which exudes a milk-like fluid, with a sea-shell, with the sky (as nut she was depicted as a star-spangled woman), and with the primeval cow. the tree cult was introduced into rome. the legend of the foundation of that city is closely associated with the "milk"-yielding fig tree, under which the twins romulus and remus were nourished by the wolf. the fig-milk was regarded as an elixir and was given by the greeks to newly born children. siret shows that the ancient name of the tiber was rumon, which was derived from the root signifying milk. it was supposed to nourish the earth with terrestrial milk. from the same root came the name of rome. the ancient milk-providing goddess of rome was deva rumina. offerings of milk instead of wine were made to her. the starry heavens were called "juno's milk" by the romans, and "hera's milk" by the greeks, and the name "milky way" is still retained. the milk tree of the british isles is the hazel. it contains a milky fluid in the green nut, which highland children of a past generation regarded as a fluid that gave them strength. nut-milk was evidently regarded in ancient times as an elixir like fig-milk.[ ] there is a great deal of gaelic lore connected with the hazel. in keating's _history of ireland_ (vol. i, section ) appears the significant statement, "coll (the hazel) indeed was god to maccuil". "coll" is the old gaelic word for hazel; the modern word is "call". "calltuinn" (englished "calton") is a "hazel grove". there are caltons in edinburgh and glasgow and well-worn forms of the ancient name elsewhere. in the legends associated with the irish saint maedóg is one regarding a dried-up stick of hazel which "sprouted into leaf and blossom and good fruit". it is added that this hazel "endures yet (a.d. ), a fresh tree, undecayed, unwithered, nut-laden yearly".[ ] the sacred hazel was supposed to be impregnated with the substance of life. another reference is made to _coll na nothar_ ("hazel of the wounded"). hazel-nuts of longevity, as well as apples of longevity, were supposed to grow in the gaelic paradise. in a st. patrick legend a youth comes from the south ("south" is paradise and "north" is hell) carrying "a double armful of round yellow-headed nuts and of beautiful golden-yellow apples". dr. joyce states that the ancient irish "attributed certain druidical or fairy virtues to the yew, the hazel, and the quicken or rowan tree", and refers to "innumerable instances in tales, poems, and other old records, in such expressions as 'cruachan of the fair hazels', 'derry-na-nath, on which fair-nutted hazels are constantly found'.... among the blessings a good king brought on the land was plenty of hazel-nuts:--'o'berga (the chief) for whom the hazels stoop', 'each hazel is rich from the hero'." hazel-nuts were like the figs and dates of the easterners, largely used for food.[ ] [ ] "comb of the honey and milk of the nut" (in gaelic _cir na meala 'is bainne nan cnò_) was given as a tonic to weakly children, and is still remembered, the rev. kenneth macleod, colonsay, informs me. [ ] standish h. o'grady, _silva gadelica_, p. . [ ] _a smaller social history of ancient ireland_, pp. - and - . important evidence regarding the milk elixir and the associated myths and doctrines is preserved in the ancient religious literature of india and especially in the _mahá-bhárata_. the indian hathor is the cow-mother surabhi, who sprang from amrita (soma) in the mouth of the grandfather (brahma). a single jet of her milk gave origin to "milky ocean". the milk "mixing with the water" appeared as foam, and was the only nourishment of the holy men called "foam drinkers". divine milk was also obtained from "milk-yielding trees", which were the "children" of one of her daughters. these trees included nut trees. another daughter was the mother of birds of the parrot species (oracular birds). in the vedic poems _soma_, a drink prepared from a plant, is said to have been mixed with milk and honey, and mention is made of "_su-soma_" ("river of soma"). _madhu_ (mead) was a drink identified with _soma_, or milk and honey.[ ] [ ] macdonell and keith, _vedic index_, under _soma_ and _madhu_. there are rivers of mead in the celtic paradise. certain trees are in irish lore associated with rivers that were regarded as sacred. these were not necessarily milk-yielding trees. in gaul the plane tree took the place of the southern fig tree. the elm tree in ireland and scotland was similarly connected with the ancient milk cult. one of the old names for new milk, found in "cormac's glossary", is _lemlacht_, the later form of which is _leamhnacht_. from the same root (_lem_) comes _leamh_, the name of the elm. the river laune in killarney is a rendering of the gaelic name _leamhain_, which in scotland is found as leven, the river that gave its name to the area known as lennox (ancient _leamhna_). milk place-names in ireland include "new milk lake" (lough alewnaghta) in galway, "which", joyce suggests, "may have been so called from the softness of its water". a mythological origin of the name is more probable. wounds received in battle were supposed to be healed in baths of the milk of white hornless cows.[ ] in irish blood-covenant ceremonies new milk, blood, and wine were mixed and drunk by warriors.[ ] as late as the twelfth century a rich man's child was in ireland immersed immediately after birth in new milk.[ ] in rome, in the ninth century, at the easter-eve baptism the chalice was filled "not with wine but with milk and honey, that they may understand ... that they have entered already upon the promised land".[ ] [ ] joyce, _irish names of places_, vol. i, pp. - , vol. ii, pp. - and · marsh mallows (_leamh_) appear to have been included among the herbals of the milk-cult as the soma-plant was in india. [ ] _revue celtique_, vol. xiii, p. . [ ] warren, _liturgy and ritual of the celtic church_, p. . [ ] henderson's _survivals_, p. . the beliefs associated with the apple, rowan, hazel, and oak trees were essentially the same. these trees provided the fruits of longevity and knowledge, or the wine which was originally regarded as an elixir that imparted new life and inspired those who drank it to prophecy[ ]. the oak provided acorns which were eaten. although it does not bear red berries like the rowan, a variety of the oak is greatly favoured by the insect _kermes_, "which yields a scarlet dye nearly equal to cochineal, and is the 'scarlet' mentioned in scripture". this fact is of importance as the early peoples attached much value to colour and especially to red, the colour of life blood. withal, acorn-cups "are largely imported from the levant for the purposes of tanning, dyeing, and making ink".[ ] a seafaring people like the ancient britons must have tanned the skins used for boats so as to prevent them rotting on coming into contact with water. dr. joyce writes of the ancient irish in this connection, "curraghs[ ] or wicker-boats were often covered with leather. a jacket of hard, tough, tanned leather was sometimes worn in battle as a protecting corslet. bags made of leather, and often of undressed skins, were pretty generally used to hold liquids. there was a sort of leather wallet or bag called _crioll_, used like a modern travelling bag, to hold clothes and other soft articles. the art of tanning was well understood in ancient ireland. the name for a tanner was _sudaire_, which is still a living word. oak bark was employed, and in connection with this use was called _coirteach_ (latin, _cortex_)." the oak-god protected seafarers by making their vessels sea-worthy. [ ] rowan-berry wine was greatly favoured. there are gaelic references to "the wine of the apple (cider)". [ ] george nicholson, _encyclopædia of horticulture_, under "oak". [ ] curragh is connected with the latin _corium_, a hide. mistletoe berries may have been regarded as milk-berries because of their colour, and the ceremonial cutting of the mistletoe with the golden sickle may well have been a ceremony connected with the fertilization of trees practised in the east. the mistletoe was reputed to be an "all-heal", although really it is useless for medicinal purposes. that complex ideas were associated with deities imported into this country, the history of which must be sought for elsewhere, is made manifest when we find that, in the treeless outer hebrides, the goddess known as the "maiden queen" has her dwelling in a tree and provides the "milk of knowledge" from a sea-shell. she could not possibly have had independent origin in scotland. her history is rooted in ancient egypt, where hathor, the provider of the milk of knowledge and longevity, was, as has been indicated, connected with the starry sky (the milky way), a sea-shell, the milk-yielding sycamore fig, and the primeval cow. the cult animal of the goddess was in egypt the star-spangled cow; in troy it was a star-spangled sow[ ]. the cult animal of rome was the wolf which suckled romulus and remus. in crete the local zeus was suckled, according to the belief of one cult, by a horned sheep[ ], and according to another cult by a sow. there were various cult animals in ancient scotland, including the tabooed pig, the red deer milked by the fairies, the wolf, and the cat of the "cat" tribes in shetland, caithness, &c. the cow appears to have been sacred to certain peoples in ancient britain and ireland. it would appear, too, that there was a sacred dog in ireland.[ ] [ ] schliemann, _troy and its remains_, p. . [ ] _journal of hellenic studies_, vol. xxi, p. . [ ] it was because zeus had been suckled by a sow that the cretans, as athenæus records, "will not taste its flesh" (farnell, _cults of the greek states_, vol. i, p. ). in ireland the dog was taboo to cuchullin. there is a good deal of gaelic lore about the sacred cow. it is evident that among the eastern beliefs anciently imported into the british isles were some which still bear traces of the influence of cults and of culture mixing. that religious ideas of egyptian and babylonian origin were blended in this country there can be little doubt, for the gaelic-speaking peoples, who revered the hazel as the egyptians revered the sycamore, regarded the liver as the seat of life, as did the babylonians, and not the heart, as did the egyptians. in translations of ancient gaelic literature "liver" is always rendered as "vitals". [illustration: cult animals and "wonder beasts" (dragons or makaras) on scottish sculptured stones] it is of special interest to note that siret has found evidence to show that the tree cult of the easterners was connected with the early megalithic monuments. the testimony of tradition associates the stone circles, &c., with the druids. "we are now obliged", he writes[ ], "to go back to the theory of the archæologists of a hundred years ago who attributed the megalithic monuments to the druids. the instinct of our predecessors has been more penetrating than the scientific analysis which has taken its place." in gaelic, as will be shown, the words for a sacred grove and the shrine within a grove are derived from the same root _nem_. (see also chapter ix in this connection.) [ ] _l'anthropologie_ ( ), pp. _et seq._ chapter xiii the lore of charms the meaning of "luck"--symbolism of charms--colour symbolism--death as a change--food and charms for the dead--the lucky pearl--pearl goddess--moon as "pearl of heaven"--sky goddess connected with pearls, groves, and wells--night-shining jewels--pearl and coral as "life givers"--the morrigan and morgan le fay--goddess freyja and jewels--amber connected with goddess and boar--"soul substance" in amber, jet, coral, &c.--enamel as substitute for coral, &c.--precious metal and precious stones--goddess of life and law--pearl as a standard of value in gaelic trade. our ancestors were greatly concerned about their luck. they consulted oracles to discover what luck was in store for them. to them luck meant everything they most desired--good health, good fortune, an abundant food supply, and protection against drowning, wounds in battle, accidents, and so on. luck was ensured by performing ceremonies and wearing charms. some ceremonies were performed round sacred bon-fires (bone fires), when sacrifices were made, at holy wells, in groves, or in stone circles. charms included precious stones, coloured stones, pearls, and articles of silver, gold, or copper of symbolic shape, or bearing an image or inscription. mascots, "lucky pigs", &c., are relics of the ancient custom of wearing charms. the colour as well as the shape of a charm revealed its particular influence. certain colours are still regarded as being lucky or unlucky ("yellow is forsaken" some say). in ancient times colours meant much to the britons, as they did to other peoples. this fact is brought out in many tales and customs. a welsh story, for instance, which refers to the appearance of supernatural beings attired in red and blue, says, "the red on the one part signifies burning, and the blue on the other signifies coldness".[ ] [ ] lady charlotte guest, _the mabinogion_ (story of "kilwch and olwen" and note on "gwyn the son of nudd"). on their persisting belief in luck were based the religious ideas and practices of the ancient britons. their chief concern was to protect and prolong life in this world and in the next. when death came it was regarded as "a change". the individual was supposed either to fall asleep, or to be transported in the body to paradise, or to assume a new form. in scottish gaelic one can still hear the phrase _chaochail e_ ("he changed") used to signify that "he died".[ ] but after death charms were as necessary as during life. as in aurignacian times, luck-charms in the form of necklaces, armlets, &c., were placed in the graves of the dead by those who used flint, or bronze, or iron to shape implements and weapons. the dead had to receive nourishment, and clay vessels are invariably found in ancient graves, some of which contain dusty deposits. the writer has seen at fortrose a deposit in one of these grave urns, which a medical man identified as part of the skeleton of a bird. [ ] also _shiubhail e_ which signifies "he went off" (as when walking). necklaces of shells, of wild animals' teeth, and ornaments of ivory found in palæolithic graves or burial caves were connected with the belief that they contained the animating influence or "life substance" of the mother goddess. in later times the pearl found in the shell was regarded as being specially sacred. venus (aphrodite) is, in one of her phases, the personification of a pearl, and is lifted from the sea seated on a shell. as a sky deity she was connected with the planet that bears her name[ ] and also with the moon. the ancients connected the moon with the pearl. in some languages the moon is the "pearl of heaven". dante, in his _inferno_, refers to the moon as "the eternal pearl". one of the gaelic names for a pearl is _neamhnuid_. the root is _nem_ of _neamh_, and _neamh_ is "heaven", so that the pearl is "a heavenly thing" in gaelic, as in other ancient languages. it was associated not only with the sky goddess but with the sacred grove in which the goddess was worshipped. the gaulish name _nemeton_, of which the root is likewise _nem_, means "shrine in a grove". in early christian times in ireland the name was applied as _nemed_ to a chapel, and in scottish place-names[ ] it survives in the form of _neimhidh_, "church-land", the englished forms of which are _navity_, near cromarty, _navaty_ in fife, "rosneath", formerly rosneveth (the promontory of the _nemed_), "dalnavie" (dale of the _nemed_), "cnocnavie" (hillock of the _nemed_), inchnavie (island of the _nemed_), &c. the gauls had a _nemetomarus_ ("great shrine"), and when in roman times a shrine was dedicated to augustus it was called _augustonemeton_. the root _nem_ is in the latin word _nemus_ (a grove). it was apparently because the goddess of the grove was the goddess of the sky and of the pearl, and the goddess of battle as well as the goddess of love, that julius cæsar made a thanksgiving offering to venus in her temple at rome of a corslet of british pearls. [ ] when depicted with star-spangled garments she was the goddess of the starry sky ("milky way") like the egyptian hathor or nut. [ ] professor w. j. watson, _place-names of ross and cromarty_, pp. - . the irish goddess nemon was the spouse of the war god neit. a roman inscription at bath refers to the british goddess n[)e]m[)e]t[)o]na. the gauls had a goddess of similar name. in galatia, asia minor, the particular tree connected with the sky goddess was the oak, as is shown by the name of their religious centre which was _dru-nemeton_ ("oak-grove"). it will be shown in a later chapter that the sacred tree was connected with the sky and the deities of the sky, with the sacred wells and rivers, with the sacred fish, and with the fire, the sun, and lightning. here it may be noted that the sacred well is connected with the holy grove, the sky, the pearl, and the mother goddess in the irish place-name _neamhnach_ (navnagh),[ ] applied to the well from which flows the stream of the nith. the well is thus, like the pearl, "the heavenly one". the root _nem_ of _neamh_ (heaven) is found in the name of st. brendan's mother, who was called _neamhnat_ (navnat), which means "little" or "dear heavenly one". in _neamhan_ ("raven" and "crow") the bird form of the deity is enshrined. [ ] dr. joyce, _irish names of places_, vol. i, p. . [illustration: upper picture by courtesy of director, british school of rome megaliths upper: dolmen near birori, sardinia. lower: tynewydd dolmen.] owing to its connection with the moon, the pearl was supposed to shine by night. the same peculiarity was attributed to certain sacred stones, to coral, jade, &c., and to ivory. munster people perpetuate the belief that "at the bottom of the lower lake of killarney there is a diamond of priceless value, which sometimes shines so brightly that on certain nights the light bursts forth with dazzling brilliancy through the dark waters".[ ] night-shining jewels are known in scotland. one is suppose to shine on arthur's seat, edinburgh, and another on the north "souter" of the cromarty firth.[ ] another sacred stone connected with the goddess was the onyx, which in ancient gaelic is called _nem_. night-shining jewels are referred to in the myths of greece, arabia, persia, india, china, japan, &c. laufer has shown that the chinese received their lore about the night-shining diamond from "fu-lin" (the byzantine empire).[ ] [ ] _ibid._, vol. ii, p. . [ ] the two headlands, the "souters" or "sutors", are supposed to have been so called because they were sites of tanneries. [ ] _the diamond_ (chicago, ). the ancient pearl-fishers spread their pearl-lore far and wide. it is told in more than one land that pearls are formed by dew-drops from the sky. pliny says the dew-or rain-drops fall into the shells of the pearl-oyster when it gapes.[ ] in modern times the belief is that pearls are the congealed tears of the angels. in greece the pearl was called _margaritoe_, a name which survives in margaret, anciently the name of a goddess. the old persian name for pearl is _margan_, which signifies "life giver". it is possible that this is the original meaning of the name of morgan le fay (morgan the fairy), who is remembered as the sister of king arthur, and of the irish goddess morrigan, usually englished as "sea-queen" (the sea as the source of life), or "great queen". at any rate, morgan le fay and the morrigan closely resemble one another. in italian we meet with fata morgana. [ ] _natural history_, book ix. chap. liv. the old persian word for coral is likewise _margan_. coral was supposed to be a tree, and it was regarded as the sea-tree of the sea and sky goddess. amber was connected, too, with the goddess. in northern mythology, amber, pearls, precious stones, and precious metals were supposed to be congealed forms of the tears of the goddess freyja, the venus of the scandinavians. amber, like pearls, was sacred to the mother goddess because her life substance (the animating principle) was supposed to be concentrated in it. the connection between the precious or sacred amber and the goddess and her cult animal is brought out in a reference made by tacitus to the amber collectors and traders on the southern shore of the baltic. these are the Æstyans, who, according to tacitus, were costumed like the swedes, but spoke a language resembling the dialect of the britons. "they worship", the historian records, "the mother of the gods. the figure of a wild boar is the symbol of their superstition; and he who has that emblem about him thinks himself secure even in the thickest ranks of the enemy without any need of arms or any other mode of defence."[ ] the animal of the amber goddess was thus the boar, which was the sacred animal of the celtic tribe, the iceni of ancient britain, which under boadicea revolted against roman rule. the symbol of the boar (remembered as the "lucky pig") is found on ancient british armour. on the famous witham shield there are coral and enamel. three bronze boar symbols found in a field at hounslow are preserved in the british museum. in the same field was found a solar-wheel symbol. "the boar frequently occurs in british and gaulish coins of the period, and examples have been found as far off as gurina and transylvania."[ ] other sacred cult animals were connected with the goddess by those people who fished for pearls and coral or searched for sacred precious stones or precious metals. [ ] tacitus, _manners of the germans_, chap. xlv. [ ] _british museum guide to the antiquities of the early iron age_, pp. - . at the basis of the ancient religious system that connected coral, shells, and pearls with the mother goddess of the sea, wells, rivers, and lakes, was the belief that all life had its origin in water. pearls, amber, marsh plants, and animals connected with water were supposed to be closely associated with the goddess who herself had had her origin in water. tacitus tells that the baltic worshippers of the mother goddess called amber _glesse_. according to pliny[ ] it was called _glessum_ by the germans, and he tells that one of the baltic islands famous for its amber was named _glessaria_. the root is the celtic word _glas_, which originally meant "water" and especially life-giving water. boece (_cosmographie_, chapter xv) tells that in scotland the belief prevailed that amber was generated of sea-froth. it thus had its origin like aphrodite. _glas_ is now a colour term in welsh and gaelic, signifying green or grey, or even a shade of blue. it was anciently used to denote vigour, as in the term _gaidheal glas_ ("the vigorous gael" or "the ambered gael", the vigour being derived from the goddess of amber and the sea); and in the latinized form of the old british name cuneglasos, which like the irish conglas signified "vigorous hound".[ ] here the sacred hound figures in place of the sacred boar. [ ] _natural history_, book xxxviii, chapter iii. [ ] rhys rejects the view of gildas that "cuneglasos" meant "tawny butcher". from the root _glas_ comes also _glaisin_, the gaelic name for woad, the blue dyestuff with which ancient britons and gaels stained or tattooed their bodies with figures of sacred animals or symbols,[ ] apparently to secure protection as did those who had the boar symbol on their armour. for the same reason cuchullin, the irish achilles, wore pearls in his hair, and the roman emperor caligula had a pearl collar on his favourite horse. ice being a form of water is in french _glacé_, which also means "glass". when glass beads were first manufactured they were regarded, like amber, as depositories of "life substance" from the water goddess who, as sky goddess, was connected with sun and fire. her fire melted the constituents of glass into liquid form, and it hardened like jewels and amber. these beads were called "adder stones" (welsh _glain neidre_ and "druid's gem" or "glass"--in welsh _gleini na droedh_ and in gaelic _glaine nan druidhe_). [ ] herodian, lib. iii, says of the inhabitants of caledonia, "they mark their bodies with various pictures of all manner of animals". a special peculiarity about amber is that when rubbed vigorously it attracts or lifts light articles. that is why it is called in persian kahruba (_kah_, straw; _ruba_, to lift). this name appears in modern french as _carabé_ (yellow amber). in italian, spanish, and portuguese it is _carabe_. no doubt the early peoples, who gathered adriatic and baltic amber and distributed it and its lore far and wide, discovered this peculiar quality in the sacred substance. in britain, jet was used in the same way as amber for luck charms and ornaments. like amber it becomes negatively electric by friction. bede appears to have believed that jet was possessed of special virtue. "when heated", he says, "it drives away serpents."[ ] the romans regarded jet as a depository of supernatural power[ ] and used it for ornaments. until comparatively recently jet was used in scotland as a charm against witchcraft, the evil eye, &c. "a ring of hard black schistus found in a cairn in the parish of inchinan", writes a local scottish historian, "has performed, if we believe report, many astonishing cures."[ ] albertite, which, like jet and amber, attracts light articles when vigorously rubbed, was made into ornaments. it takes on a finer lustre than jet but loses it sooner. [ ] book i. chapter i. [ ] pliny, lib. xxxvi. cap. . [ ] ure's _history of rutherglen and kilbride_, p. . the fact that jet, albertite, and other black substances were supposed to be specially efficacious for protecting black horses and cattle is of peculiar interest. hathor, the cow goddess of egypt, had a black as well as a white form as goddess of the night sky and death. she was the prototype of the black aphrodite (venus). in scotland a black goddess (the _nigra dea_ in adamnan's _life of columba_) was associated with loch lochy. the use of coral as a sacred substance did not begin in britain until the knowledge of iron working was introduced. coral is not found nearer than the mediterranean. the people who first brought it to britain must have received it and the beliefs attached to it from the mediterranean area. before reaching britain they had begun to make imitation coral. the substitute was enamel, which required for its manufacture great skill and considerable knowledge, furnaces capable of generating an intense heat being necessary. it is inconceivable that so expensive a material could have been produced except for religious purposes. the warriors apparently believed that coral and its substitutes protected them as did amber and the boar symbol of the mother goddess. at first red enamel was used as a substitute for red coral, but ultimately blue, yellow, and white enamels were produced. sometimes we find, as at traprain in scotland, that silver took the place of white enamel. it is possible that blue enamel was a substitute for turquoise and lapis lazuli, the precious stones associated with the mother goddesses of hathor type, and that yellow and white enamels were substitutes for yellow and white amber. the greeks called white amber "electrum". the symbolism of gold and silver links closely with that of amber. possibly the various sacred substances and their substitutes were supposed to protect different parts of the body. as much is suggested, for instance, by the lingering belief that amber protects and strengthens the eyes. the solar cult connected the ear and the ear-ring with the sun, which was one of the "eyes" of the world-deity, the other "eye" being the moon. when human ears were pierced, the blood drops were offered to the sun-god. sailors of a past generation clung to the ancient notion that gold ear-rings exercised a beneficial influence on their eyes. not only the colours of luck objects, but their shapes were supposed to ensure luck. the swashtika symbol, the u-form, the s-form, and -form symbols, the spiral, the leaf-shaped and equal-limbed crosses, &c., were supposed to "attract" and "radiate" the influence of the deity. thus buddhists accumulate religious "merit" not only by fasting and praying, but by making collections of jewels and symbols. in britain, as in other countries, the deity was closely associated as an influence with law. a roman inscription on a slab found at carvoran refers to the mother goddess "poising life and laws in a balance". this was ceres, whose worship had been introduced during the roman period, but similar beliefs were attached to the ancient goddesses of britain. vows were taken over objects sacred to her, and sacred objects were used as mediums of exchange. in old gaelic, for instance, a jewel or pearl was called a _set_; in modern gaelic it is _sed_ (pronounced _shade_). a _set_ (pearl) was equal in value to an ounce of gold and to a cow. an ounce of gold was therefore a _set_ and a cow was a _set_, too. three _sets_ was the value of a bondmaid. the value of three sets was one _cumal_. another standard of value was a sack of corn (_miach_).[ ] [ ] joyce, _a smaller social history of ancient ireland_, p. . the value attached to gold and pearls was originally magical. jewels and precious metals were searched for for to bring wearers "luck"--that is, everything their hearts desired. the search for these promoted trade, and the _sets_ were used as a standard of value between traders. thus not only religious systems, but even the early systems of trade were closely connected with the persistent belief in luck and the deity who was the source of luck.[ ] [ ] professor w. j. watson has drawn my attention to an interesting reference to amber. in the _proceedings of the british academy_, vol. ii, p. , under "celtic inscriptions of france and italy", sir john rhys deals with vebrumaros, a man's name. the second element in this name is _m[=a]ros_ (great); the first, _uebru_, "is perhaps to be explained by reference to the welsh word _gwefr_ (amber)". rhys thought the name meant that the man was distinguished for his display of amber "in the adornment of his person". the name had probably a deeper significance. amber was closely associated with the mother goddess. one of her names may have been "uebru". she personified amber. chapter xiv the world of our ancestors "all heals"--influences of cardinal points--the four red divisions of the world--the black north, white south, purple east, and dun or pale east--good and bad words connected with south and north--north the left, south the right, east in front, and west behind--cardinal points doctrine in burial customs--stone circle burials--christian and pagan burial rites--sunwise customs--raising the devil in stone circle--coloured winds--coloured stones raise winds--the "god body" and "spirit husk"--deities and cardinal points--axis of stonehenge avenue--god and goddesses of circle--well worship--lore of druids. the ancient superstitions dealt with in the previous chapter afford us glimpses of the world in which our ancestors lived, and some idea of the incentives that caused them to undertake long and perilous journeys in search of articles of religious value. they were as greatly concerned as are their descendants about their health and their fate. everything connected with the deity, or possessing, as was believed, the influence of the deity, was valuable as a charm or as medicine. the mistletoe berry was a famous medicine because it was the fruit of a parasite supposed to contain the "life substance" of a powerful deity. it was an "all heal" or "cure all",[ ] yet it was a quack medicine and quite useless. red earth was "blood earth"; it contained the animating principle too. certain herbs were supposed to be curative. some herbs were, and in the course of time their precise qualities were identified. but many of them continued in use, although quite useless, because of the colour of their berries, the shape of their leaves, or the position in which they grew. if one red-berried plant was "lucky" or curative, all red-berried plants shared in its reputation. it was because of the lore attached to colours that dusky pearls were preferred to white pearls, just as in ceylon yellow pearls are chiefly favoured because yellow is the sacred colour of the buddhists. richard of cirencester,[ ] referring to bede, says that british pearls are "often of the best kind and of every colour: that is, red, purple, violet, green, but principally white". [ ] richard of cirencester (fourteenth century) says the mistletoe increased the number of animals, and was considered as a specific against all poisons (book i, chap. iv). [ ] book i. chap. v. in the lore of plants, in religious customs, including burial customs, and in beliefs connected with the seasons, weather, and sacred sites, there are traces of a doctrine based on the belief that good or bad influences "flowed" from the cardinal points, just as good or bad influences "flowed" from gems, metals, wood, and water. when, for instance, certain herbs were pulled from the ground, it was important that one should at the time of the operation be facing the south. a love-enticing plant had to be plucked in this way, and immediately before sunrise. there was much superstition in weather lore, as the beliefs connected with st. swithin's day indicate. certain days were lucky for removals in certain directions. saturday was the day for flitting northward, and monday for flitting southward. monday was "the key of the week". an old gaelic saying, repeated in various forms in folk stories, runs: shut the north window, and quickly close the window to the south; and shut the window facing west, evil never came from the east. south-running water was "powerful" for working protective charms; north-running water brought evil. [illustration: diagram of the gaelic airts (cardinal points) and their associated colours referred to in the text spring was connected with the east, summer with the south, autumn with the west, and winter with the north.] the idea behind these and other similar beliefs was that "the four red divisions" or the "four brown divisions" of the world were controlled by deities or groups of deities, whose influences for good or evil were continually "flowing", and especially when winds were blowing. a good deity sent a good wind, and a bad deity sent a bad wind. each wind was coloured. the north was the airt[ ] (cardinal point) of evil, misfortune, and bad luck, and was coloured black; the south was the source of good luck, good fortune, summer, and longevity, and was coloured white; the east was a specially sacred airt, and was coloured purple-red, while the west was the airt of death, and was coloured dun or pale. east and south and north and west were connected. there were various colours for the subsidiary points of the compass. [ ] this excellent gaelic word is current in scotland. burns uses it in the line, "o' a' the airts the wind can blaw". this doctrine was a very ancient one, because we find that in the gaelic language the specially good words are based on the word for the south, and the specially bad ones on the name for the north. in welsh and gaelic the north is on the left hand and the south on the right hand, the east in front, and the west behind. it is evident, therefore, that the colour scheme of the cardinal points had a connection with sun worship. a man who adored the rising sun faced the east, and had the north on his left and the south on his right. in early christian gaelic literature it is stated that on the day of judgment the goats (sinners) will be sent to the north (the left hand) and the sheep (the justified) to the south (the right hand). the same system can be traced in burial customs. many of the ancient graves lie east and west. graves that lie north and south may have been those of the members of a different religious cult, but in some cases it is found that the dead were placed in position so that they faced the east. in the most ancient graves in egypt men were laid on their right sides with their feet directed towards the "red north" and their faces towards the golden east. women were laid on the left sides facing the east. red was in ancient egypt the male colour, and white and yellow the female colours; the feet of the men were towards the red north and those of women towards the white or yellow south. all ancient british burials were not made in accordance with solar-cult customs. it can be shown, however, in some cases that, although a burial custom may appear to be either of local or of independent origin, the fundamental doctrine of which it was an expression was the same as that behind other burial customs. reference may be made, by way of illustration, to the graves at the stone circle of hakpen hill in the avebury area. in the seventeenth century a large number of skeletons were here unearthed. dr. toope of oxford, writing in , has recorded in this connection:[ ] "about yards from where the bones were found is a temple,[ ] yards diameter, with another yards; round about bones layd so close that scul (skull) toucheth scul. their feet all round turned towards the temple, one foot below the surface of the ground. at the feet of the first order lay the head of the next row, the feet always tending towards the temple." [ ] quoted by sir h. colt hoare in _ancient wiltshire_, ii. p. . [ ] stone circle. here the stone circle is apparently the symbol of the sun and the "mecca" from which the good influence or "luck" of the sun emanated and gave protection. one seems to come into touch with the influence of an organized priesthood in this stone circle burial custom. the more ancient custom of burying the dead so that the influences of the airts might be exercised upon them according to their deserts seems, however, to have been deep-rooted and persistent. in england, wales, scotland, and ireland the custom obtained until recently of reserving the north side of a churchyard for suicides and murderers; the "black north" was the proper place for such wrong-doers, who were refused christian rites of burial, and were interred according to traditional pagan customs. the east was reserved chiefly for ecclesiastics, the south for the upper classes, and the west for the poorer classes. funeral processions still enter the older churchyards from the east, and proceed in the direction of the sun towards the open graves. suicides and murderers were carried in the opposite direction ("withershins about").[ ] the custom of dealing out cards "sunwise", of stirring food "sunwise", and other customs in which turning to the right (the south) is observed, appear to be relics of the ancient belief in the influences of the airts. some fishermen still consider it unlucky to turn their boats "against the sun". it was anciently believed, as references in old ballads indicate, that a tempest-stricken vessel turned round three times against the sun before it sank. according to a belief that has survival in some parts of the north of scotland, the devil will appear in the centre of a stone circle if one walks round it three times "against the sun" at midnight. among the ancient irish warriors, professor w. j. watson tells me, it was a mark of hostile intent to drive round a fort keeping the left hand towards it. the early christian custom of circulating chapels and dwelling-houses "sunwise" was based on the pagan belief that good influences were conjured in this way. [ ] in gaelic _deis-iùil_ means a turning sunwise (by the right or south) from east to west, and _tual_, i.e. _tuath-iùil_, a turning by the north or left from east to west. _deis_ is the genitive of _deas_ (south, right hand), and _tuath_ is north or left hand. as the winds were coloured like the airts from which they blew, it was believed that they could be influenced by coloured objects. in his description of the western isles, martin, a seventeenth century writer, referring to the fladda chuan island, relates: "there is a chapel in the isle dedicated to st. columba. it has an altar in the east end and therein a blue stone of a round form on it, which is always moist. it is an ordinary custom, when any of the fishermen are detained in the isle by contrary winds, to wash the blue stone with water all round, expecting thereby to procure a favourable wind.... and so great is the regard they have for this stone, that they swear decisive oaths upon it." [illustration: valentine one of the great tri-lithons, stonehenge (see page )] the moist stone had an indwelling spirit, and was therefore a holy object which made vows and agreements of binding character. in japan a stone of this kind is called _shintai_ ("god body"). the gaelic name for a god body is "_cuach anama_" ("soul shrine", or "spirit-case", or "spirit-husk"). _coich na cno_ is the shell of a nut. the chinese believe that moist and coloured stones are the "eggs" of weather-controlling dragons. the connection between blue and the mother goddess is of great antiquity. imitation cowries and other shells in blue enamelled terra-cotta have been found in egyptian graves. blue was the colour of the "luck stone" of hathor, the sky and water goddess whose symbols included the cowrie. the brigantes of ancient britain had, according to seneca, blue shields. shields were connected with the goddess of war. in gaelic, blue is the luck colour for womens' clothing.[ ] english and scottish fishermen still use blue as a mourning colour. when a death takes place, a blue line is painted round a fishing-boat. the desire for protection by invoking the blue goddess probably gave origin to this custom. [ ] the following stanza is from the "book of ballymote": mottled to simpletons; blue to women; crimson to kings of every host; green and black to noble laymen; white to clerics of proper devotion. as influences came from the coloured airts, so did the great deities and the groups of minor deities associated with them. the god lugh, for instance, always comes in the old stories from the north-east, while the goddess morrigan comes from the north-west.[ ] the fierce wind-raising scottish goddess of spring comes from the south-west. all over britain the fairies come from the west and on eddies of wind like the greek nereids. in scotland the evil-working giants come from the black north. it was believed that the dead went westward or south-westward towards paradise. the fact that the axis of stonehenge circle and avenue points to the north-east is of special interest when we find that the god lugh, a celtic apollo, came from that airt. either lugh, or a god like him, may have been invoked to come through the avenue or to send his influence through it, while the priests walked in procession round the circle sunwise. apparently the south-west part of the circle, with its great trilithons, resembling the portals of the goddess artemis, was specially consecrated to a goddess like the scottish cailleach ("old wife") who had herds of wild animals, protected deer from huntsmen, raised storms, and transformed herself into a standing stone. the gaulish goddess ro-smerta ("very smeared") is regularly associated with the god identified with mercury. the god smertullis is equated with essus (the war god) by d'arbois de jubainville. [ ] in the cuchullin saga lugh is "a lone man out of the north-eastern quarter". when the cry of another supernatural being is heard, cuchullin asks from which direction it came. he is told "from the north-west". the goddess morrigan then appeared. the differently coloured winds were divine influences and revealed their characters by their colours. it was apparently because water was impregnated with the influences of the deities that wind and water beliefs were closely associated. holy and curative wells and sacred rivers and lakes were numerous in ancient britain and ireland. offerings made at wells were offerings made to a deity. these offerings might be gold and silver, as was the case in gaul, or simply pins of copper. a good many wells are still known as "pin wells" and "penny wells". the metals and pearls and precious stones supposed to contain vital substance were offered to the deities so as to animate them. the images of gods were painted red for the same reason, or sacrifices were offered and their altars drenched with blood. in ireland children were sacrificed to a god called crom cruach and exchanged for milk and corn. as a gaelic poem records: great was the horror and the scare of him. the ancient doctrines of which faint or fragmentary traces survive in britain and ireland may have been similar to those taught by the druids in gaul. according to pomponius mela, these sages professed to know the secrets of the motions of the heavenly bodies and the will of the gods.[ ] strabo's statement that the druids believed that "human souls and the world were immortal, but that fire and water would sometime prevail" is somewhat obscure. it may be, however, that light is thrown on the underlying doctrine by the evidence given in the next chapter regarding the beliefs that fire, water, and trees were intimately connected with the chief deity. [ ] in a cuchullin saga the hero, addressing the charioteer, says: "go out, my friend, observe the stars of the air, and ascertain when midnight comes". the irish gaelic _grien-tairisem_ is given in an eighth-or ninth-century gloss. it means "sun-standing", and refers to the summer solstice. chapter xv why trees and wells were worshipped ancient british idols--pagan temples--animism and goddess worship--trees and wells connected with sky--life principle in water--sacred berries, nuts, and acorns--parasite as "king of trees"--fire-making beliefs--tree and thunder-god--the sacred fish--salmon as form of the dragon--the dragon jewel--celtic dragon myth--the salmon and the solar ring--polycrates story--the st. mungo legends--glasgow coat of arms--holy fire from the hazel--hunting the wren, robin, and mouse--mouse lore and mouse deity--mouse-apollo in britain--goddess bride or brigit--the brigantian chief deity--goddess of fire, healing, smith-work, and poetry--bride's bird, tree, and well--mythical serpents--soul forms--souls in reptiles, animals, and trees--were-animals--the butterfly deity--souls as butterflies--souls as bees--a hebridean sea-god. gildas, a sixth-century churchman, tells us that the idols in ancient britain "almost surpassed in number those of egypt". that he did not refer merely to standing stones, which, as we have seen, were "idols" to the gaels, is evident from his precise statements that some idols could be seen in his day "mouldering away within or without the deserted temples", and that they had "stiff and deformed features". "mouldering" suggests wood. gildas states further that besides worshipping idols the british pagans were wont to pay "divine honour" to hills and wells and rivers. reference is made in the _life of columba_ to a well which was worshipped as a god. the british temples are referred to also by pope gregory the great, who in a.d. addressed a letter to abbot mellitus, then on a mission to england, giving him instructions for the guidance of augustine of canterbury. the pope did not wish to have the heathen buildings destroyed, "for", he wrote, "if those are well constructed, it is requisite that they can be converted from the worship of demons to the service of the true god.... let the idols that are in them be destroyed."[ ] [ ] bede, _historia ecclesiastica_, lib. i, cap. . the temples in question may have been those erected during the romano-british period. one which stood at canterbury was taken possession of by st. augustine after the conversion of king ethelbert, who had worshipped idols in it. the celtic peoples may, however, have had temples before the roman invasion. at any rate there were temples as well as sacred groves in gaul. poseidonius of apamea refers to a temple at toulouse which was greatly revered and richly endowed by the gifts of numerous donors. these gifts included "large quantities of gold consecrated to the gods". the druids crucified human victims who were sacrificed within their temples. diodorus siculus refers as follows to a famous temple in britain: "there is in that island a magnificent temple of apollo and a circular shrine, adorned with votive offerings and tablets with greek inscriptions suspended by travellers upon the walls. the kings of that city and rulers of the temples are the boreads who take up the government from each other according to the order of their tribes. the citizens are given up to music, harping and chaunting in honour of the sun." some writers have identified this temple with stonehenge circle. layamon informs us in his _brute_, however, that the temple of apollo was situated in london. of course there may have been several temples to this god or the british deity identified with him. it may be that the stone circles were regarded as temples. it may be, too, that temples constructed of wattles and clay were associated with the circles. in pope gregory's letter reference is made to the custom of constructing on festival days "tabernacles of branches of trees around those churches which have been changed from heathen temples", and to the pagan custom of slaying "oxen in sacrifices to demons". pytheas refers to a temple on an island opposite the mouth of the loire. this island was inhabited by women only, and once a year they unroofed and reroofed their temple. in the hebrides the annual custom of unroofing and reroofing thatched houses is not yet obsolete; it may originally have had a religious significance. gildas's reference to the worship of hills, wells, and rivers is by some writers regarded as evidence of the existence in ancient britain of the "primitive belief" in spirits. this stage of religious culture is called animism (spiritism). the discovery, however, that a goddess was worshipped in aurignacian times by the crô-magnon peoples in western europe suggests that animistic beliefs were not necessarily as ancient as has been assumed. it may be that what we know as animism was a product of a later period when there arose somewhat complex ideas about the soul or the various souls in man, and the belief became widespread that souls could not only transform themselves into animal shapes, but could enter statues and gravestones. this conception may have been confused with earlier ideas about stones, shells, &c., being impregnated with "life substance" (the animating principle) derived from the mother goddess. backward peoples, who adopted complex religious beliefs that had grown up in centres of civilization, may not always have had a complete understanding of their significance. it is difficult to believe that even savages, who adopted the boats invented in egypt from those peoples that came into touch with them, were always entirely immune to other cultural influences, and retained for thousands of years the beliefs supposed to be appropriate for those who were in the "stone age". our concern here is with the ancient britons. it is unnecessary for us to glean evidence from australia, south america, or central africa to ascertain the character of their early religious conceptions and practices. there is sufficient local evidence to show that a definite body of beliefs lay behind their worship of trees, rivers, lakes, wells, standing stones, and of the sun, moon, and stars. our ancestors do not appear to have worshipped natural objects either because they were beautiful or impressive, but chiefly because they were supposed to contain influences which affected mankind either directly or indirectly. these influences were supposed to be under divine control, and to emanate, in the first place, from one deity or another, or from groups of deities. a god or goddess was worshipped whether his or her influence was good or bad. the deity who sent disease, for instance, was believed to be the controller of disease, and to him or her offerings were made so that a plague might cease. thus in the _iliad_ offerings are made to the god mouse-apollo, who had caused an epidemic of disease. trees and wells were connected with the sky and the heavenly bodies. the deity who caused thunder and lightning had his habitation at times in the oak, the fir, the rowan, the hazel, or some other tree. he was the controller of the elements. there are references in gaelic charms to "the king of the elements". the belief in an intimate connection between a well, a tree, and the sky appears to have been a product of a quaint but not unintelligent process of reasoning.[ ] the early folk were thinkers, but their reasoning was confined within the limits of their knowledge, and biassed by preconceived ideas. to them water was the source of all life. it fell from the sky as rain, or bubbled up from the underworld to form a well from which a stream flowed. the well was the mother of the stream, and the stream was the mother of the lake. it was believed that the well-water was specially impregnated with the influences that sustained life. the tree that grew beside the well was nourished by it. if this tree was a rowan, its red berries were supposed to contain in concentrated form the animating influence of the deity; the berries cured diseases, and thus renewed youth, or protected those who used them as charms against evil influences. they were luck-berries. if the tree was a hazel, its nuts were similarly efficacious; if an oak, its acorns were regarded likewise as luck-bringers. the parasitic plant that grew on the tree was supposed to be stronger and more influential than the tree itself. this belief, which is so contrary to our way of thinking, is accounted for in an old gaelic story in which a supernatural being says: "o man that for fergus of the feasts dost kindle fire ... never burn the king of the woods. monarch of innisfail's forest the woodbine is, whom none may hold captive; no feeble sovereign's effort it is to hug all tough trees in his embrace." [ ] of course it does not follow that the reasoning originally took place in these islands. complex beliefs were imported at an early period. these were localized. the weakly parasite was thus regarded as being very powerful. that may be the reason why the mistletoe was reverenced, and why its milk-white berries were supposed to have curative and life-prolonging qualities. although the sacred parasite was not used for firewood, it served as a fire-producer. two fire-sticks, one from the soft parasite and one from the hard wood of the tree to which it clung, were rubbed together until sparks issued forth and fell on dry leaves or dry grass. the sparks were blown until a flame sprang up. at this flame of holy fire the people kindled their brands, which they carried to their houses. the house fires were extinguished once a year and relit from the sacred flames. fire was itself a deity, and the deity was "fed" with fuel. "need fires" (new fires)[ ] were kindled at festivals so that cattle and human beings might be charmed against injury. these festivals were held four times a year, and the "new-fire" custom lingers in those districts where new year's day, midsummer, may day, and hallowe'en bon-fires are still being regularly kindled. [ ] in gaelic these are called "friction fires". the fact that fire came from a tree induced the early people to believe that it was connected with lightning, and therefore with the sky god who thundered in the heavens. this god was supposed to wield a thunder-axe or thunder-hammer with which he smote the sky (believed to be solid) or the hills. with his axe or hammer he shaped the "world house". in scotland, a goddess, who is remembered as "the old wife",[ ] was supposed to wield the hammer, or to ride across the sky on a cloud and throw down "fire-balls" that set the woods in flame. here we find, probably as a result of culture mixing, a fusion of beliefs connected with the thunder god and the mother goddess. [ ] according to some, isis is a rendering of a libyan name meaning "old wife". rain fell when the sky deity sent thunder and lightning. to early man, who took fire from a tree which was nourished by a well, fire and water seemed to be intimately connected.[ ] the red berries on the sacred tree were supposed to contain fire, or the essence of fire. when he made rowan-berry wine, he regarded it as "fire water" or "the water of life". he drank it, and thus introduced into his blood fire which stimulated him. in his blood was "the vital spark". when he died the blood grew cold, because the "vital spark" had departed from it. [ ] this connection can be traced in ancient egypt. the sun and fire were connected, and the sun originally rose from the primordial waters. the sun's rays were the "tears" of ra (the sun god). herbs and trees sprang up where ra's tears fell. in the water fire lived in another form. fish were found to be phosphorescent. the fish in the pool was at any rate regarded as a form of the deity who nourished life and was the origin of life. a specially sacred fish was the salmon. it was observed that this fish had red spots, and these were accounted for by the myth that the red berries or nuts from the holy tree dropped into the well and were swallowed by the salmon. the "chief" or "king" of the salmon was called "the salmon of wisdom". if one caught the "salmon of wisdom" and, when roasting it, tasted the first portion of juice that came from its body, one obtained a special instalment of concentrated wisdom, and became a seer, or magician, or druid. the salmon was reverenced also because it was a migratory fish. its comings and goings were regular as the seasons, and seemed to be controlled by the ruler of the elements with whom it was intimately connected. one of its old gaelic names was _orc_ (pig). it was evidently connected with that animal; the sea-pig was possibly a form of the deity. the porpoise was also an _orc_.[ ] [ ] so was a whale. the latin orca is a celtic loan-word. milton uses the celtic whale-name in the line the haunt of seals, and orca, and sea-mews' clang. --_paradise lost_, book xi, line . hidden in the well lay a great monster which in gaelic and welsh stories is referred to as "the beast", "the serpent", or "the great worm". ultimately it was identified with the dragon with fiery breath. an irish story connects the salmon and dragon. it tells that a harper named cliach, who had the powers of a druid, kept playing his harp until a lake sprang up. this lake was visited by a goddess and her attendants, who had assumed the forms of beautiful birds. it was called loch bél seád ("lake of the jewel mouth") because pearls were found in it, and loch crotto cliach ("lake of cliach's harps"). another name was loch bél dragain ("dragon-mouth lake"), because ternog's nurse caught "a fiery dragon in the shape of a salmon" and she was induced to throw this salmon into the loch. the early christian addition to the legend runs: "and it is that dragon that will come in the festival of st. john, near the end of the world, in the reign of flann cinaidh. and it is of it and out of it shall grow the fiery bolt which will kill three-fourth of the people of the world."[ ] here fire is connected with the salmon. [ ] o'curry, _manuscript materials_, pp. - . the salmon which could transform itself into a great monster guarded the tree and its life-giving berries and the treasure offered to the deity of the well. apparently its own strength was supposed to be derived from or concentrated in the berries. the queen of the district obtained the supernatural power she was supposed to possess from the berries too, and stories are told of a hero who was persuaded to enter the pool and pluck the berries for the queen. he was invariably attacked by the "beast", and, after handing the berries to the queen, he fell down and died. there are several versions of this story. in one version a specially valued gold ring, a symbol of authority, is thrown into the pool and swallowed by the salmon. the hero catches and throws the salmon on to the bank. when he plucks the berries, he is attacked by the monster and kills it. having recovered the ring, he gives it to the princess, who becomes his wife. apparently she will be chosen as the next queen, because she has eaten the salmon and obtained the gold symbol. it may be that this story had its origin in the practice of offering a human sacrifice to the deity of the pool, so that the youth-renewing red berries might be obtained for the queen, the human representative of the deity. her fate was connected with the ring of gold in which, as in the berries, the influence of the deity was concentrated. polycrates of samos, a hellenic sea-king, was similarly supposed to have his "luck" connected with a beautiful seal-stone, the most precious of his jewels. on the advice of pharaoh amasis of egypt he flung it into the sea. according to herodotus, it was to avert his doom that he disposed of the ring. but he could not escape his fate. the jewel came back; it was found a few days later in the stomach of a big fish. in india, china, and japan dragons or sea monsters are supposed to have luck pearls which confer great power on those who obtain possession of them. the famous "jewel that grants all desires" and the jewels that control the ebb and flow of tides are obtained from, and are ultimately returned to, sea-monsters of the dragon order. the british and irish myths about sacred gold or jewels obtained from the dragon or one of its forms were taken over with much else by the early christian missionaries, and given a christian significance. among the legends attached to the memory of the irish saint moling is one that tells how he obtained treasure for christian purposes. his fishermen caught a salmon and found in its stomach an ingot of gold. moling divided the gold into three parts--"one third for the poor, another for the ornamenting of shrines, a third to provide for labour and work". the most complete form of the ancient myth is, however, found in the life of glasgow's patron saint, st. kentigern (st. mungo). a queen's gold ring had been thrown into the river clyde, and, as she was unable, when asked by the king, to produce it, she was condemned to death and cast into a dungeon. the queen appealed to st. kentigern, who instructed her messenger to catch a fish in the river and bring it to him. a large fish "commonly called a salmon" was caught. in its stomach was found the missing ring. the grateful queen, on her release, confessed her sins to the saint and became a christian. st. mungo's seal, now the coat of arms of glasgow, shows the salmon with a ring in its mouth, below an oak tree, in the branches of which sits, as the oracle bird, a robin red-breast. a christian bell dangles from a branch of the tree. [illustration: seal of city of glasgow, - , showing tree, bird, salmon, and bell] that the glasgow saint took the place of a druid,[ ] so that the people might say "kentigern is my druid" as st. columba said "christ is my druid", is suggested by his intimate connection, as shown in his seal, with the sacred tree of the "king of the elements", the oracular bird (the thunder bird), the salmon form of the deity, and the power-conferring ring. as the druids produced sacred fire from wood, so did st. kentigern. it is told that when a youth his rivals extinguished the sacred fire under his care. kentigern went outside the monastery and obtained "a bough of growing hazel and prayed to the 'father of lights'". then he made the sign of the cross, blessed the bough, and breathed on it. [ ] professor w. j. watson says in this connection: "the celtic clerics stepped in to the shoes of the druids. the people regarded them as superior druids." "a wonderful and remarkable thing followed. straightway fire coming forth from heaven, seizing the bough, as if the boy had exhaled flames for breath, sent forth fire, vomiting rays, and banished all the surrounding darkness.... god therefore sent forth his light, and led him and brought him into the monastery.... that hazel from which the little branch was taken received a blessing from st. kentigern, and afterwards began to grow into a wood. if from that grove of hazel, as the country folks say, even the greenest branch is taken, even at the present day, it catches fire like the driest material at the touch of fire...." a red-breast, which was kept as a pet at the monastery, was hunted by boys, who tore off its head. kentigern restored the bird to life. the robin was hunted down in some districts as was the wren in other districts. an old rhyme runs: a robin and a wren are god's cock and hen. in pagan times the oracular bird connected with the holy tree was sacrificed annually. the robin represented the god and the wren (kitty or jenny wren) the goddess in some areas. in gaelic, spanish, italian, and greek the wren is "the little king" or "the king of birds". a gaelic folk-tale tells that the wren flew highest in a competition held by the birds for the kingship, by concealing itself on an eagle's back. when the eagle reached its highest possible altitude, the wren rose above it and claimed the honour of kingship. in the isle of man the wren used to be hunted on st. stephen's day. elsewhere it was hunted on christmas eve or christmas day. the dead bird was carried on a pole at the head of a procession and buried with ceremony in a churchyard. in scotland the shrew mouse was hunted in like manner, and buried under an apple tree. a standing stone in perthshire is called in gaelic "stone of my little mouse". as there were mouse feasts in ancient scotland, it would appear that a mouse god like smintheus (mouse-apollo) was worshipped in ancient times. mouse cures were at one time prevalent. the liver of the mouse[ ] was given to children who were believed to be on the point of death. they rallied quickly after swallowing it. roasted mouse was in england and scotland a cure for whooping-cough and smallpox. the boers in south africa are perpetuating this ancient folk-cure.[ ] in gaelic folk-lore the mouse deity is remembered as _lucha sith_ ("the supernatural mouse"). [ ] in old gaelic the liver is the seat of life. [ ] mrs. e. tawse jollie, hervetia, s. melsetter, s. rhodesia, writes me under october , , in answer to my query, that the boers regard _striep muis_ (striped mice) as a cure for "weakness of the bowel" in children, &c. there still survive traces of the worship of a goddess who is remembered as bride in england and scotland, and as brigit in ireland. a good deal of the lore connected with her has been attached to the memory of st. brigit of ireland. february st (old style) was known as bride's day. her birds were the wood linnet, which in gaelic is called "bird of bride", and the oyster catcher called "page of bride", while her plant was the dandelion (_am bearnan brìde_), the "milk" of which was the salvation of the early lamb. on bride's day the serpent awoke from its winter sleep and crept from its hole. this serpent is called in gaelic "daughter of ivor", _an ribhinn_ ("the damsel"), &c. the white serpent was, like the salmon, a source of wisdom and magical power. it was evidently a form of the goddess. brigit was the goddess of the brigantes, a tribe whose territory extended from the firth of forth to the midlands of england.[ ] the brigantes took possession of a part of ireland where brigit had three forms as the goddess of healing, the goddess of smith-work, and the goddess of poetry, and therefore of metrical magical charms. some think her name signifies "fiery arrow". she was the source of fire, and was connected with different trees in different areas. the bride-wells were taken over by saint bride. [ ] in a roman representation of her at birrens, in perthshire, she is shown as a winged figure holding a spear in her right hand and a globe in her left. an altar in chester is dedicated to "de nymphæ brig". her name is enshrined in bregentz (anciently brigantium), a town in switzerland. the white serpent, referred to in the legends associated with farquhar, the physician, and michael scott, sometimes travelled very swiftly by forming itself into a ring with its tail in its mouth. this looks like the old celtic solar serpent. if the serpent were cut in two, the parts wriggled towards a stream and united as soon as they touched water. if the head were not smashed, it would become a _beithis_, the biggest and most poisonous variety of serpent.[ ] the "deathless snake" of egypt, referred to in an ancient folk-tale, was similarly able to unite its severed body. bride's serpent links with the serpent dragons of the far east, which sleep all winter and emerge in spring, when they cause thunder and send rain, spit pearls, &c. dr. alexander carmichael translates the following gaelic serpent-charm: to-day is the day of bride, the serpent shall come from his hole; i will not molest the serpent and the serpent will not molest me. [ ] the _beithis_ lay hidden in arms of the sea and came ashore to devour animals. de visser[ ] quotes the following from a chinese text referring to the dragons: if we offer a deprecatory service to them, they will leave their abodes; if we do not seek the dragons they will also not seek us. [ ] _the dragon in china and japan_ ( ). the serpent, known in scotland as _nathair challtuinn_ ("snake of the hazel grove"), had evidently a mythological significance. leviathan is represented by the gaelic _cirein cròin_ (sea-serpent), also called _mial mhòr a chuain_ ("the great beast of the sea") and _cuairtag mhòr a chuain_ ("the great whirlpool of the sea"); a sea-snake was supposed to be located in corryvreckan whirlpool. kelpies and water horses and water bulls are forms assumed by the scottish dragon. there are far eastern horse-and bull-dragons. in ancient british lore there are references to souls in serpent form. a serpent might be a "double" like the egyptian "ka". it was believed in wales that snake-souls were concealed in every farm-house. when one crept out from its hiding-place and died, the farmer or his wife died soon afterwards. lizards were supposed to be forms assumed by women after death.[ ] the otter, called in scottish gaelic _dobhar-chù_ ("water dog") and _righ nàn dobhran_ ("king of the water" or "river"), appears to have been a soul form. when one was killed a man or a woman died. the king otter was supposed to have a jewel in its head like the indian _n[=a]ga_ (serpent deity), the chinese dragon, the toad, &c. the king otter was invulnerable except on one white spot below its chin. those who wore a piece of its skin as a charm were supposed to be protected against injury in battle. evidently, therefore, the otter was originally a god like the boar, the image of which, as tacitus records, was worn for protection by the baltic amber searchers of celtic speech. the _biasd na srogaig_ ("the beast of the lowering horn") was a hebridean loch dragon with a single horn on its head; this unicorn was tall and clumsy. [ ] trevelyan. _folk-lore and folk-stories of wales_, p. . the "double" or external soul might also exist in a tree. both in england and scotland there are stories of trees withering when some one dies, or of some one dying when trees are felled. aubrey tells that when the earl of winchelsea began to cut down an oak grove near his seat at eastwell in kent, the countess died suddenly, and then his eldest son, lord maidstone, was killed at sea. allan ramsay, the scottish poet, tells that the edgewell tree near dalhousie castle was fatal to the family from which he was descended, and sir walter scott refers to it in his "journal", under the date th may, . when a branch fell from it in july, , an old forester exclaimed "the laird's deed noo!" and word was received not long afterwards of the death of the eleventh earl of dalhousie. souls of giants were supposed to be hidden in thorns, eggs, fish, swans, &c. at fasnacloich, in argyllshire, the visit of swans to a small loch is supposed to herald the death of a stewart. "external souls", or souls after death, assumed the forms of cormorants, cuckoos, cranes, eagles, gulls, herons, linnets, magpies, ravens, swans, wrens, &c., or of deer, mice, cats, dogs, &c. fairies (supernatural beings) appeared as deer or birds. among the scottish were-animals are cats, black sheep, mice, hares, gulls, crows, ravens, magpies, foxes, dogs, &c. children were sometimes transformed by magicians into white dogs, and were restored to human form by striking them with a magic wand or by supplying shirts of bog-cotton. the floating lore regarding were-animals was absorbed in witch-lore after the continental beliefs regarding witches were imported into this country. in like manner a good deal of floating lore was attached to the devil. in scotland he is supposed to appear as a goat or pig, as a gentleman with a pig's or horse's foot, or as a black or green man riding a black or green horse followed by black or green dogs. eels were "devil-fish", and were supposed to originate from the hairs of horses' manes or tails. men who ate eels became insane, and fought horses. in scotland butterflies and bees were not only soul-forms but deities, and there are traces of similar beliefs in england, wales, and ireland. scottish gaelic names of the butterfly include _dealbhan-dé_ ("image" or "form of god"), _dealbh_ signifying "image", "form", "picture", "idol", or "statue"; _dearbadan-dé_ ("manifestation of god"); _eunan-dé_ ("small bird of god"); _teine-dé_ ("fire of god"); and _dealan-dé_ ("brightness of god"). the word _dealan_ refers to ( ) lightning, ( ) the brightness of the starry sky, ( ) burning coal, ( ) the wooden bar of a door, and ( ) to a wooden peg fastening a cow-halter round the neck. the bar and peg, which gave security, were evidently connected with the deity. in addition to meaning butterfly, _dealan-dé_ ("the _dealan_ of god") refers to a burning stick which is shaken to and fro or whirled round about. when "need fires" (new fires) were lit at beltain festival ( st may)--"beltain" is supposed to mean "bright fires" or "white fires", that is, luck-bringing or sacred fires--burning brands were carried from them to houses, all domestic fires having previously been extinguished. the "new fire" brought luck, prosperity, health, increase, protection, &c. until recently highland boys who perpetuated the custom of lighting bon-fires to celebrate old celtic festivals were wont to snatch burning sticks from them and run homewards, whirling the _dealan-dé_ round about so as to keep it burning. souls took the form of a _dealan-dé_ (butterfly). lady wilde relates in _ancient legends_ (vol. i, pp. - ) the irish story of a child who saw the butterfly form of the soul--"a beautiful living creature with four snow-white wings"; it rose from the body of a man who had just died and went "fluttering round his head". the child and others watched the winged soul "until it passed from sight into the clouds". the story continues: "this was the first butterfly that was ever seen in ireland; and now all men know that the butterflies are the souls of the dead waiting for the moment when they may enter purgatory, and so pass through torture to purification and peace". in england and scotland moths were likewise souls of the dead that entered houses by night or fluttered outside windows, as if attempting to return to former haunts. the butterfly god or soul-form was known to the scandinavians. freyja, the northern goddess, appears to have had a butterfly _avatar_. at any rate, the butterfly was consecrated to her. in greece the nymph psyche, beloved by cupid, was a beautiful maiden with the wings of a butterfly; her name signifies "the soul". greek artistes frequently depicted the human soul as a butterfly, and especially the particular species called [greek: psychê] ("the soul"). on an ancient tomb in italy a butterfly is shown issuing from the open mouth of a death-mask. the serbians believed that the butterfly souls of witches arose from their mouths when they slept. they died if their butterfly souls did not return.[ ] evidence of belief in the butterfly soul has been forthcoming in burmah, where ceremonies are performed to prevent the baby's butterfly soul following that of a dead mother.[ ] the pre-columbian americans, and especially the mexicans, believed in butterfly souls and butterfly deities. in china the butterfly soul was carved in jade and associated with the plum tree;[ ] the sacred butterfly was in scotland associated apparently with the honeysuckle (_deoghalag_), a plant containing "life-substance" in the form of honey (_lus a mheahl_: "honey herb") and milk (another name of the plant being _bainne-ghamhnach_: "milk of the heifer"). as we have seen, the honeysuckle was supposed to be more powerful than the tree to which it clung; like the ivy and mistletoe, it was the plant of a powerful deity. its milk and honey names connect it with the great mother goddess who was the source of life and nourishment, and provided the milk-and-honey elixir of life. [ ] w. r. s. ralston, _songs of the russian people_, pp. _et seq._ [ ] _journal of the anthropological institute_, xxvi ( ). p. . [ ] laufer, _jade_, p. . bee-souls figure in scottish folk-stories. hugh miller relates a story of a sleeping man from whose mouth the soul issued in the form of the bee.[ ] another of like character is related by a clergyman.[ ] both are located in the north of scotland, where, as in the south of england, the custom was prevalent of "telling the bees" when a death took place, and of placing crape on hives. the bee-mandible symbol appears on scottish sculptured stones. both the bee and the butterfly were connected with the goddess artemis. milk-yielding fig trees were fertilized by bees or wasps, and the goddess, especially in her form as diana of the ephesians, was connected with the fig tree, the figs being "teats". [ ] _my schools and schoolmasters_, chapter vi. [ ] rev. w. forsyth, dornoch, in _folk-lore journal_, vi, . little is known regarding the hebridean sea-god _seonaidh_ (pronounced "shony"), who may have been a form of the sea-god known to the irish as lir and to the welsh as llyr. his name connects him with the word _seonadh_, signifying "augury", "sorcery", "druidism". according to martin, the inhabitants of lewis contributed the malt from which ale was brewed for an offering to the gods. at night a man waded into the sea up to his middle and cried out, "seonaidh! i give thee this cup of ale, hoping that thou wilt be so good as to send us plenty of sea-ware for enriching our ground during the coming year." he then poured the ale into the sea. the people afterwards gathered in the church of st. mulway, and stood still for a time before the altar on which a candle was burning. when a certain signal was given the candle was extinguished. the people then made merry in the fields, drinking ale. chapter xvi ancient pagan deities deities as birds--triads of gaelic goddesses--shape-shifting goddesses--black annis of leicestershire--the scottish black annis--black kali and black demeter--cat goddess and witches--a scottish artemis--celtic adonis myth--the cup of healing--myths of gaelic calendar--irish and scottish mythologies different--scottish pork taboo--eel tabooed in scotland but not in england--ancient english food taboos--irish danann deities--ancient deities of england and wales--the apple cult--english wassailling custom--the magic cauldron--the holy grail--cauldron a goddess symbol--pearls and cows of the cauldron--goddess--romano-british deities--grouped goddesses--the star goddess--sky and sea spirits. many of the old british and irish deities had bird forms, and might appear as doves, swallows, swans, cranes, cormorants, scald crows, ravens, &c. the cormorant, for instance, is still in some districts called the _cailleach dubh_ ("the black old wife"). some deities, like brigit and morrigan, had triple forms, and appeared as three old hags or as three beautiful girls, or assumed the forms of women known to those they visited. in the cuchullin stories the morrigan appears with a supernatural cow, the milk of which heals wounds and prolongs life. when in conflict with cuchullin, she takes alternately the forms of an eel, a grey wolf, and a white cow with red ears. on one occasion she changes from human form to that of a dark bird. an old west of england goddess was remembered until recently in leicestershire as "black annis", "black anny", or "cat anna". she frequented a cave on the dane hills,[ ] above which grew an oak tree. in the branches of the tree she concealed herself, so that she might pounce unawares on human beings. shepherds attributed to her the loss of lambs, and mothers their loss of children. the supernatural monster had one eye in her blue face, and talons instead of hands. round her waist she wore a girdle of human skins. [ ] it has been suggested that "dane" stands for "danann". a scottish deity called "yellow muilearteach" was similarly one-eyed and blue-faced, and had tusks protruding from her mouth. an apple dangled from her waist girdle. the indian goddess black kali is depicted as a ferocious being of like character, with a forehead eye, in addition to ordinary eyes, and a waist girdle of human heads. greece had its black demeter with animal-head (a horse's or pig's), and snakes in her hair. she haunted a cave in phigalia. the egyptian goddess hathor in her cat form (bast) was kindly, and in her sekhet form was a fierce slayer of mankind.[ ] [ ] a text states: "kindly is she as bast: terrible is she as sekhet." witches assume cat forms in scottish witch lore,[ ] and appear on the riggings and masts of ships doomed to destruction. there are references, too, to cat roasting, so as to compel the "big cat" to appear. the "big cat" is evidently the deity. in northern india dogs are tortured to compel the "big dog" (the god indra) to send rain. "lapus cati" (the cat stone) is referred to in early christian records. as a mouse was buried under an apple tree to make it fruitful, a cat was buried under a pear tree. [ ] the gaelic word for "witch" comes from english. gaelic "witch lore" is distinctive, having retained more ancient beliefs than those connected with the orthodox witches. the scottish "yellow muilearteach" revels in the slaughter of human beings, and folk poems, describing a battle waged against her, have been collected. in the end she is slain, and her consort comes from the sea to lament her death. a similar hag is remembered as the cailleach ("the old wife"). she had a "blue-black face" and one eye "on the flat of her forehead", and she carried a magic hammer. during the period of "the little sun" (the winter season) she held sway over the world. her blanket was washed in the whirlpool of corryvreckan, which kept boiling vigorously for several days. ben nevis was her chief dwelling-place, and in a cave in that mountain she kept as a prisoner all winter a beautiful maiden who was given the task of washing a brown fleece until it became white. when wandering among the mountains or along the sea-shore she is followed, like artemis, by herds of deer, goats, swine, &c. the venomous black boar is in some of the stories under her special protection. apparently this animal was her symbol as it was that of the baltic amber traders. the hero who hunts and slays the boar is himself killed by it, as was the syrian god adonis by the boar form of ares (mars). in gaul the boar-god moccus was identified by the romans with mars. in gaelic stories the hero who hunts and slays the boar is remembered as diarmid, the eponymous ancestor of the campbell clan. apparently the goddess was the ugly hag to whom he once gave shelter. she transformed herself into a beautiful maiden who touched his forehead and left on it a "love spot".[ ] [ ] the "fairy" queen (the queen of enchantment), who carried off thomas the rhymer, appeared as a beautiful woman, but was afterwards transformed into an ugly hag. thomas laments: how art thou faded thus in the face, that shone before as the sun so bricht (bright). when she vanished he followed her to the "land-under-waves". there he finds her as a beautiful girl who is suffering from a wasting disease. to cure her he goes on a long journey to obtain a draught of water from a healing well. this water he carries in the "cup of healing". the winter hag has a son who falls in love with the beautiful maiden of ben nevis. when he elopes with her, his mother raises storms in the early spring season to keep the couple apart and prevent the grass growing. these storms are named in the gaelic calendar as "the pecker", "the whistle", "the sweeper", "the complaint", &c. in the end her son pursues her on horseback, until she transforms herself into a moist grey stone "looking over the sea". the story tells that the son's horse leapt over arms of the sea. on loch etiveside a place-name "horseshoes" is attached to marks on a rock supposed to have been caused by his great steed. in the isle of man the place of the giant son is taken by st. patrick. he rides from ireland on horseback like the ancient sea god. he cursed a monster, which was turned into solid rock. st. patrick's steed left the marks of its hoofs on the cliffs.[ ] [ ] wm. cashen, _manx folk-lore_ (douglas, ), p. . in arthurian romance king arthur pursues morgan le fay, who likewise transforms herself into a stone. a welsh folk story tells that arthur's steed leapt across the bristol channel, and left the marks of its hoofs on a rock. it appears that morgan le fay is the same deity as the irish morrigan. both appear to link with anu, or danu, the irish mother goddess, and with black anna or annis of leicestershire. the irish danann deities wage war against the fomorians, who are referred to in one instance as the gods of the fir domnann (dumnonii), the mineral workers or "diggers" of cornwall and devon, of the south-western and central lowlands of scotland, and central and south-western ireland. in scotland the fomorians are numerous; they are hill and cave giants like the giants of cornwall. but there are no scottish dananns and no "war of the gods". the fomorians of scotland wage war against the fairies (as in wester ross) or engage in duels, throwing great boulders at one another. the intruding people who in ireland formulated the danann mythology do not appear to have reached scotland before the christian period. an outstanding difference between scottish and irish beliefs and practices is brought out by the treatment of the pig in both countries. like the continental celts, the irish celts, who formed a military aristocracy over the firbolgs, the fir domnann, and the fir gailian (gauls), kept pigs and ate pork. in scotland the pig was a demon as in ancient egypt, and pork was tabooed over wide areas. the prejudice against pork in scotland is not yet extinct. it is referred to by sir walter scott in a footnote in _the fortunes of nigel_, which states: "the scots (lowlanders), till within the last generation, disliked swine's flesh as an article of food as much as the highlanders do at present. ben jonson, in drawing james's character,[ ] says he loved no part of a swine."[ ] [ ] king james vi of scotland and i of england. [ ] ben jonson's reference is in _a masque of the metamorphosed gipsies_. dr. johnson wrote in his _a journey to the western highlands in _: "of their eels i can give no account, having never tasted them, for i believe they are not considered as wholesome food.... the vulgar inhabitants of skye, i know not whether of the other islands, have not only eels, but pork and bacon in abhorrence; and, accordingly, i never saw a hog in the hebrides, except one at dunvegan." "in the year a question was put, 'why do scotchmen hate swine's flesh?' and", says j. g. dalyell,[ ] "unsatisfactorily answered, 'they might borrow it of the jews'." as the early christians of england and ireland did not abhor pork, the prejudice could not have been of christian origin. it was based on superstition, and as the superstitions of to-day were the religious beliefs of yesterday, the prejudice appears to be a survival from pagan times. an ancient religious cult, which may have originally been small, became influential in scotland, and the taboo spread even after its original significance was forgotten. the scottish prejudice against pork existed chiefly among "the common people", as dr. johnson found when in skye. proprietors of alien origin and monks ate pork, but the old taboo persisted. pig-dealers, &c., in the highlands in the nineteenth century refused to eat pork. they exported their pigs.[ ] [ ] _the darker superstitions of scotland_ (london, ), p. , and _athenian mercury_, v, , no. , p. . [ ] the south-western scottish pork trade dates only from the latter part of the eighteenth century. there was trouble at carlisle custom house when the lowland scots began to export cured pork, because of the difference between the english and scottish salt duty. "for some time", complained a scottish writer on agriculture, in june, , "a duty of s. per hunderweight has been charged." dublin was exporting pork to london in the reign of henry viii. a small trade in pork was conducted in eastern scotland but was sporadic. traces of ancient food taboos, which were connected evidently with religious beliefs, have been obtained by archæologists in england. in some districts pork appears to have been more favoured than the beef or mutton or goat flesh preferred in other districts. evidence has been forthcoming that horse flesh was eaten in ancient england. a reference in the _life of st. columba_ to a relapsing christian returning to horse flesh suggests that it was a favoured food of a pagan cult. as the devil is called in scottish gaelic the "big black pig" and in wales is associated with the "black sow of all hallows", it may be that the welsh had once their pig taboo too. the association of the pig with hallowe'en is of special interest. in scotland the eel is still tabooed, although it is eaten freely in england. the reason may be that an ancient goddess, remembered longest in scotland, had an eel form. julius cæsar tells that the ancient britons with whom he came into contact did not regard it lawful to eat the hare, the domestic fowl, or the goose. in scotland and england the goose was, until recently, eaten only once a year at a festival. the tabooed pig was eaten once a year in egypt. it was sacrificed to osiris and the moon. an annual sacrificial pig feast may have been observed in ancient scotland. it is of special interest to find in this connection that in the _statistical account of scotland_ ( ) the writer on the parishes of sandwick and stromness, orkney, says: "every family that has a herd of swine, kills a sow on the th day of december, and thence it is called 'sow-day'." orkney retains the name of the orcs (boars), a pictish tribe. there are still people in the highlands who detest "feathered flesh" or "white flesh" (birds), and refuse to eat hare and rabbit. fish taboos have likewise persisted in the north of scotland, where mackerel, ling,[ ] and skate are disliked in some areas, while in some even the wholesome haddock is not eaten in the winter or spring, and is supposed not to be fit for food until it gets three drinks of may water--that is, after the first three may tides have ebbed and flowed. [ ] king james i of england and vi of scotland detested ling as he detested pork. the food prejudices of the common people thus influenced royalty, although earlier kings and norman nobles ate pork, eels, &c. the danann deities of ireland were the children of descendants of the goddess danu, whose name is also given as ana or anu. she was the source of abundance and the nourisher of gods and men. as "buanann" she was "nurse of heroes". as aynia, a "fairy"[ ] queen, she is still remembered in ulster, while as aine, a munster "fairy", she was formerly honoured on st. john's eve, when villagers, circulating a mound, carried straw torches which were afterwards waved over cattle and crops to give protection and increase. [ ] the gaelic word _sidh_ (irish) or _sith_ (scottish) means "supernatural" and the "peace" and "silence" of supernatural beings. "fairy", as skeat has emphasized, means "enchantment". it has taken the place of "fay", which is derived from fate. the "fay" was a supernatural being. a prominent danann god was dagda, whose name is translated as "the good god", "the good hand", by some, and as "the fire god" or "fire of god" by others. he appears to have been associated with the oak. by playing his harp, he caused the seasons to follow one another in their proper order. one of his special possessions was a cauldron called "the undry", from which an inexhaustible food supply could be obtained. he fed heavily on porridge, and was a cook (supplier of food) as well as a king. in some respects he resembles thor, and, like him, he was a giant slayer. his wife was the goddess boann, whose name clings to the river boyne, which was supposed to have had its origin from an overflowing well. above this well were nine hazel trees; the red nuts of these fell into the well to be devoured by salmon and especially by the "salmon of knowledge". here again we meet with the tree and well myth. brigit was a member of the dagda's family. another was angus, the god of love. diancecht was the danann god of healing. his grandson lugh (pronounced _loo_) has been called the "gaelic apollo". goibniu was a gaelic vulcan. neit, whose wife was nemon,[ ] was a fomorian god of battle. the sea god was manannán mac lir. he was known to the welsh as manawydan ab llyr, who was not only a sea god but "lord of headlands" and a patron of traders. llyr has come down as the legendary king lear, and his name survives in leicester, originally llyr-cestre of cær-llyr (walled city of llyr). his famous and gigantic son bran became, in the process of time, the "blessed bran" who introduced christianity into britain. [ ] from the root _nem_ in _neamh_, heaven, _nemus_, a grove, &c. another group of welsh gods, known as "the children of don", resemble somewhat the danann deities of ireland. the closest link is govannon, the smith, who appears to be identical with the irish goibniu. as irish pirates invaded and settled in wales between the second and fifth centuries of our era, it may be that the process of "culture mixing" which resulted can be traced in the mythological elements embedded in folk and manuscript stories. the welsh deities, however, were connected with certain constellations and may have been "intruders" from the continent. cassiopea's chair was llys don (the court of the goddess don). arianrod (silver circle), a goddess and wife of govannon, had for her castle the northern crown (corona borealis). she is, in arthurian romance, the sister of arthur. her brother gwydion had for his castle the "milky way", which in irish gaelic is "the chain of lugh". the irish danann god nuada has been identified with the british nudd whose children formed the group of "the children of nudd". there were three groups of welsh deities, the others being "the children of lyr" and "the children of don". professor rhys has identified nudd with lud, the god whose name survives in london (originally cær lud) and in ludgate, which may, as has been suggested, have originally been "the way of lud", leading to his holy place now occupied by st. paul's cathedral. lud had a sanctuary at lidney in gloucestershire, where he was worshipped in roman times as is indicated by inscriptions. a bronze plaque shows a youthful god, with solar rays round his head, standing in a four-horsed chariot. two winged genii and two tritons accompany him. apparently he was identified with apollo. the arthurian lot or loth was lud or ludd. his name lingers in "lothian". gwydion, the son of don, was a prominent british deity and has been compared to odin. he was the father of the god lleu, whose mother was arianrod. the rainbow was "lleu's rod-sling". dwynwen, the so-called british venus, was christianized as "the blessed dwyn" and the patron saint of the church of llanddwyn in anglesey. the magic cauldron was possessed by the welsh goddess kerridwen. [illustration: bronze urn and cauldron (_circa_ b.c.) (british museum) vessels such as these are unknown outside the british isles.] a prominent god whose worship appears to have been widespread was connected with the apple tree, which in the underworld and islands of the blest was the "tree of life". ancient beliefs and ceremonies connected with the apple cult survive in those districts in southern england where the curious custom is observed of "wassailing" the apple trees on christmas eve or twelfth night.[ ] the "wassailers" visit the tree and sing a song in which each apple is asked to bear hat-fulls, lap-fulls, sack-fulls, pocket-fulls. cider is poured about the roots of apple trees. this ceremony appears to have been originally an elaborate one. the tom-tit or some other small bird was connected with the apple tree, as was the robin or wren of other cults with the oak tree. at the wassailing ceremony a boy climbed up into a tree and impersonated the bird. it may be that in pagan times a boy was sacrificed to the god of the tree. that the bird (in some cases it was the robin red-breast) was hunted and sacrificed is indicated by old english folk-songs beginning like the following: old robin is dead and gone to his grave, hum! ha! gone to his grave; they planted an apple tree over his head, hum! ha! over his head. [ ] rendel harris, _apple cults_, and _the ascent of olympus_. in england, wales, scotland, and ireland a deity, or a group of deities in the underworld, was associated with a magic cauldron, or as it is called in gaelic a "pot of plenty". heroes or gods obtain possession of this cauldron, which provides an inexhaustible food supply and much treasure, or is used for purposes of divination. it appears to have been christianized into the "holy grail", to obtain possession of which arthurian knights set out on perilous journeys. originally the pot was a symbol of the mother goddess, who renewed youth, provided food for all, and was the source of treasure, luck, victory, and wisdom. this goddess was associated with the mother cow and the life-prolonging pearls that were searched for by early eastern prospectors. there are references to cows and pearls in welsh and gaelic poems and legends regarding the pot. an old welsh poem in the _book of taliesin_ says of the cauldron: by the breath of nine maidens it would be kindled. the head of hades' cauldron--what is it like? a rim it has, with pearls round its border: it boils not coward's food: it would not be perjured. this extract is from the poem known as "preidden annwfn" ("harryings of hades"), translated by the late professor sir john rhys. arthur and his heroes visit hades to obtain the cauldron, and reference is made to the "speckled ox". arthur, in another story, obtains the cauldron from ireland. it is full of money. the welsh god bran gives to a king of ireland a magic cauldron which restores to life those dead men who are placed in it. a gaelic narrative relates the story of cuchullin's harrying of hades, which is called "dun scaith". cuchullin's assailants issue from a pit in the centre of dun scaith in forms of serpents, toads, and sharp-beaked monsters. he wins the victory and carries away three magic cows and a cauldron that gives inexhaustible supplies of food, gold, and silver. the pot figures in various mythologies. it was a symbol of the mother goddess hathor of ancient egypt and of the mother goddess of troy, and it figures in indian religious literature. in gaelic lore the knife which cuts inexhaustible supplies of flesh from a dry bone is evidently another symbol of the deity. the talismans possessed by the dananns were the cauldron, the sword and spear of lugh, and the lia fail (or stone of destiny)[ ], which reminds one of the three japanese symbols, the solar mirror, the dragon sword, and the tama (a pearl or round stone) kept in a shinto shrine at ise. the goddess's "life substance" was likewise in fruits like the celestial apples, nuts, rowan berries, &c., of the celts, and the grapes, pomegranates, &c., of other peoples, and in herbs like the mugwort and mandrake. her animals were associated with rivers. the name of the river boyne signifies "white cow". tarf (bull) appears in several river names, as also does the goddess name deva (devona) in the devon, dee, &c. philologists have shown that ness, the inverness-shire river, is identical with nestos in thrace and neda in greece. the goddess belisama (the goddess of war) was identified with the mersey. [ ] called also _clach na cineamhuinn_ (the fatal stone). goddess groups, usually triads, were as common in gaul as they were in ancient crete. these deities were sometimes called the "mothers", as in marne, the famous french river, and in the welsh _y mamau_, one of the names of the "fairies". other names of goddess groups include proximæ (kinswoman), niskai (water spirits), and dervonnæ (oak spirits). the romans took over these and other groups of ancient deities and the beliefs about their origin in the mythical sea they were supposed to cross or rise from. gaelic references to "the coracle of the fairy woman" or "supernatural woman" are of special interest in this connection, especially when it is found that the "coracle" is a sea-shell which, by the way, figures as a canopy symbol in some of the sculptured groups of romano-british grouped goddesses who sometimes bear baskets of apples, sheafs of grain, &c. when the shell provides inexhaustible supplies of curative or knowledge-conferring milk, it links with the symbolic pot. most of the ancient deities had local names, and consequently a number of gaulish gods were identified by the romans with apollo, including borvo, whose name lingers in bourbon, grannos of aquæ granni (aix la chapelle), mogounus, whose name has been shortened to mainz, &c. the gods taranucus (thunderer), uxell[)i]mus (the highest), &c., were identified with jupiter; dunatis (fort god), albiorix (world king), caturix (battle king), belatucadros (brilliant in war), cocidius, &c., were identified with mars. the name of the god cam[)u]los clings to colchester (camulodunun). there are romano-british inscriptions that refer to the ancient gods under various celtic names. a popular deity was the god of silvanus, who conferred health and was, no doubt, identified with a tree or herb. it is uncertain at what period beliefs connected with stars were introduced into the british isles.[ ] as we have seen, the welsh deities were connected with certain star groups. "three celtic goddesses", writes anwyl, referring to gaul, "whose worship attained to highest development were damona (the goddess of cattle), sirona (the aged one or the star goddess), and ep[)o]na (the goddess of horses). these names are indo-european." an irish poem by a bard who is supposed to have lived in the ninth century refers to the christian saint ciaran of saigir as a man of stellar origin: liadaine (his mother) was asleep on her bed. when she turned her face to heaven a star fell into her mouth. thence was born the marvellous child ciaran of saigir who is proclaimed to thee. [ ] there is evidence in the gaelic manuscripts that time was measured by the apparent movements of the stars. cuchullin, while sitting at a feast, says to his charioteer: "laeg, my friend, go out, observe the stars of the air, and ascertain when midnight comes". in the north and north-west highlands the aurora borealis is called _na fir chlis_ ("the nimble men") and "the merry dancers". they are regarded as fairies (supernatural beings) like the sea "fairies" _na fir ghorm_ ("blue men"), who were probably sea gods. the religious beliefs of the romans were on no higher a level than those of the ancient britons and gaels. chapter xvii historical summary the evidence dealt with in the foregoing chapters throws considerable light on the history of early man in britain. we really know more about pre-roman times than about that obscure period of anglo-saxon invasion and settlement which followed on the withdrawal of the roman army of occupation, yet historians, as a rule, regard it as "pre-historic" and outside their sphere of interest. as there are no inscriptions and no documents to render articulate the archæological ages of stone and bronze, they find it impossible to draw any definite conclusions. it can be urged, however, in criticism of this attitude, that the relics of the so-called "pre-historic age" may be found to be even more reliable than some contemporary documents of the "historic" period. not a few of these are obviously biassed and prejudiced, while some are so vague and fragmentary that the conclusions drawn from them cannot be otherwise than hypothetical in character. a plainer, clearer, and more reliable story is revealed by the bones and the artifacts and the surviving relics of the intellectual life of our remote ancestors than by the writings of some early chroniclers and some early historians. it is possible, for instance, in consequence of the scanty evidence available, to hold widely diverging views regarding the anglo-saxon and celtic problems. pro-teutonic and pro-celtic protagonists involve us invariably in bitter controversy. that contemporary documentary evidence, even when somewhat voluminous, may fail to yield a clear record of facts is evident from the literature that deals, for instance, with the part played by mary queen of scots in the darnley conspiracy and in the events that led to her execution. the term "pre-historic" is one that should be discarded. it is possible, as has been shown, to write, although in outline, the history of certain ancient race movements, of the growth and decay of the civilization revealed by the cavern art of aurignacian and magdalenian times, of early trade and of early shipping. the history of art goes back for thousands of years before the classic age dawned in greece; the history of trade can be traced to that remote period when red sea shells were imported into italy by crô-magnon man; and the history of british shipping can be shown to be as old as those dug-outs that foundered in ancient scottish river beds before the last land movement had ceased. the history of man really begins when and where we find the first clear traces of his activities, and as it is possible to write not only regarding the movements of the crô-magnon races, but of their beliefs as revealed by burial customs, their use of body paint, the importance attached to shell and other talismans, and their wonderful and high attainments in the arts and crafts, the european historical period can be said to begin in the post-glacial epoch when tundra conditions prevailed in central and western europe and italy was connected with the north african coast. in the case of ancient egypt, historical data have been gleaned from archæological remains as well as from religious texts and brief records of historical events. the history of egyptian agriculture has been traced back beyond the dawn of the dynastic age and to that inarticulate period before the hieroglyphic system of writing had been invented, by the discovery in the stomachs of the bodies of proto-egyptians, naturally preserved in hot dry sands, of husks of barley and of millet native to the land of egypt.[ ] [ ] elliot smith, _the ancient egyptians_, p. . the historical data so industriously accumulated in egypt and babylonia have enabled excavators to date certain finds in crete, and to frame a chronological system for the ancient civilization of that island. other relics afford proof of cultural contact between crete and the mainland, as far westward as spain, where traces of cretan activities have been discovered. with the aid of comparative evidence, much light is thrown, too, on the history of the ancient hittites, who have left inscriptions that have not yet been deciphered. the discoveries made by siret in spain and portugal of unmistakable evidence of egyptian and babylonian cultural influence, trade, and colonization are, therefore, to be welcomed. the comparative evidence in this connection provides a more reliable basis than has hitherto been available for western european archæology. it is possible for the historian to date approximately the beginning of the export trade in jet from england--apparently from whitby in yorkshire--and of the export trade in amber from the baltic, and the opening of the sea routes between spain and northern europe. the further discovery of egyptian beads in south-western england, in association with relics of the english "bronze age", is of far-reaching importance. a "prehistoric" period surely ceases to be "prehistoric" when its relics can be dated even approximately. the english jet found in spain takes us back till about b.c., and the egyptian beads found in england till about b.c. the dating of these and other relics raises the question whether historians should accept, without qualification, or at all, the system of "ages" adopted by archæologists. terms like "palæolithic" (old stone) and "neolithic" (new stone) are, in most areas, without precise chronological significance. as applied in the historical sense, they tend to obscure the fact that the former applies to a most prolonged period during which more than one civilization arose, flourished, and decayed. in the so-called "old stone age" flint was worked with a degree of skill never surpassed in the "new stone age", as aurignacian and solutrean artifacts testify; it was also sometimes badly worked from poorly selected material, as in magdalenian times, when bone and horn were utilized to such an extent that archæologists would be justified in referring to a "bone and horn age". before the neolithic industry was introduced into western europe and the so-called "neolithic age" dawned, as it ended, at various periods in various areas, great climatic changes took place, and the distribution of sea and land changed more than once. withal, considerable race movements took place in central and western europe. in time new habits of life were introduced into our native land that influenced more profoundly the subsequent history of britain than could have been possibly accomplished by a new method of working flint. the most important cultural change was effected by the introduction of the agricultural mode of life. it is important to bear in mind in this connection that the ancient civilizations of egypt and babylonia were based on the agricultural mode of life, and that when this mode of life passed into europe a complex culture was transported with it from the area of origin. it was the early agriculturists who developed shipbuilding and the art of navigation, who first worked metals, and set a religious value on gold and silver, on pearls, and on certain precious stones, and sent out prospectors to search for precious metals and precious gems in distant lands. the importance of agriculture in the history of civilization cannot be overestimated. in so far as our native land is concerned, a new epoch was inaugurated when the first agriculturist tilled the soil, sowed imported barley seeds, using imported implements, and practising strange ceremonies at sowing, and ultimately at harvest time, that had origin in a far-distant "cradle" of civilization, and still linger in our midst as folk-lore evidence, testifies to the full. in ancient times the ceremonies were regarded as being of as much importance as the implements, and the associated myths were connected with the agriculturists' calendar, as the scottish gaelic calendar bears testimony. instead, therefore, of dividing the early history of man in britain into periods, named after the materials from which he made implements and weapons, these should be divided so as to throw light on habits of life and habits of thought. the early stages of civilization can be referred to as the "pre-agricultural", and those that follow as the "early agricultural". under "pre-agricultural" come the culture stages, or rather the industries known as ( ) aurignacian, ( ) solutrean, and ( ) magdalenian. these do not have the same chronological significance everywhere in europe, for the solutrean industry never disturbed or supplemented the aurignacian in italy or in spain south of the cantabrian mountains, nor did aurignacian penetrate into hungary, where the first stage of modern man's activities was the solutrean. the three stages, however, existed during the post-glacial period, when man hunted the reindeer and other animals favouring similar climatic conditions. the french archæologists have named this the "reindeer age". three later industries were introduced into europe during the pre-agricultural age. these are known as ( ) azilian, ( ) tardenoisian, and ( ) maglemosian. the ice-cap was retreating, the reindeer and other tundra animals moved northward, and the red deer arrived in central and western europe. we can, therefore, refer to the latter part of the pre-agricultural times as the "early red deer age". there is continental evidence to show that the neolithic industry was practised prior to the introduction of the agricultural mode of life. the "early agricultural age", therefore, cuts into the archæological "neolithic age" in france. whether or not it does so in britain is uncertain. at the dawn of the british "early agricultural age" cultural influences were beginning to "flow" from centres of ancient civilization, if not directly, at any rate indirectly. as has been indicated in the foregoing pages, the neolithic industry was practised in britain by a people who had a distinct social organization and engaged in trade. some neolithic flints were of eastern type or origin. the introduction of bronze from the continent appears to have been effected by seafaring traders, and there is no evidence that it changed the prevailing habits of thought and life. our ancestors did not change their skins and their ideas when they began to use and manufacture bronze. a section of them adopted a new industry, but before doing so they had engaged in the search for gold. this is shown by the fact that they settled on the granite in devon and cornwall, while yet they were using flints of neolithic form which had been made elsewhere. iron working was ultimately introduced. the bronze and iron "ages" of the archæologists can be included in the historian's "early agricultural age", because agriculture continued to be the most important factor in the economic life of britain. it was the basis of its civilization; it rendered possible the development of mining and of various industries, and the promotion of trade by land and sea. in time the celtic peoples--that is, peoples who spoke celtic dialects--arrived in britain. the celtic movement was in progress at b.c., and had not ended after julius cæsar invaded southern england. it was finally arrested by the roman occupation, but continued in ireland. when it really commenced is uncertain; the earliest celts may have used bronze only. the various ages, according to the system suggested, are as follows:-- . =the pre-agricultural age.= sub-divisions: (a) the _reindeer age_ with the aurignacian, solutrean, and magdalenian industries; (b) the _early red deer age_ with the azilian, tardenoisian, and maglemosian industries. . =the early agricultural age.= sub-divisions: (a) the _pre-celtic age_ with the neolithic, copper and bronze industries; (b) the _celtic age_ with the bronze, iron, and enamel industries. . =the romano-british age.= including in scotland (a) the _caledonian age_ and (b) the _early scoto-pictish age_; and in ireland the _cuchullin age_, during which bronze and iron were used. the view favoured by some historians that our ancestors were, prior to the roman invasion, mere "savages" can no longer obtain. it is clearly without justification. nor are we justified in perpetuating the equally hazardous theory that early british culture was of indigenous origin, and passed through a series of evolutionary stages in isolation until the country offered sufficient attractions to induce first the celts and afterwards the romans to conquer it. the correct and historical view appears to be that from the earliest times britain was subjected to racial and cultural "drifts" from the continent, and that the latter outnumbered the former. in the pre-agricultural age crô-magnon colonists reached england and wales while yet in the aurignacian stage of civilization. as much is indicated by the evidence of the paviland cave in south wales. at a later period, proto-solutrean influence, which had entered western europe from north africa, filtered into england, and can be traced in those caverns that have yielded evidence of occupation. the pure solutrean culture subsequently swept from eastern europe as far westward as northern spain, but britain, like southern spain and italy, remained immune to it. magdalenian culture then arose and became widespread. it had relations with the earlier aurignacian and owed nothing to solutrean. england yields undoubted traces of its influence, which operated vigorously at a time when scotland was yet largely covered with ice. certain elements in aurignacian and magdalenian cultures appear to have persisted in our midst until comparatively recent times, especially in connection with burial customs and myths regarding the "sleeping heroes" in burial caverns. the so-called "transition period" between the upper palæolithic and neolithic ages is well represented, especially in scotland, where the land rose after early man's arrival, and even after the introduction of shipping. as england was sinking when scotland was rising, english traces of the period are difficult to find. this "transition period" was of greater duration than the archæological "neolithic age". of special interest is the light thrown by relics of the "transition period" on the race problem. apparently the crô-magnons and other peoples of the magdalenian age were settled in britain when the intruders, who had broken up magdalenian civilization on the continent, began to arrive. these were ( ) the azilians of iberian (mediterranean) type; ( ) the tardenoisians, who came through italy from north africa, and were likewise, it would appear, of mediterranean racial type; and ( ) the maglemosians, who were mainly a fair, tall people of northern type. the close proximity of azilian and maglemosian stations in western scotland--at the macarthur cave (azilian) and the drumvaragie shelter (maglemosian) at oban, for instance--suggests that in the course of time racial intermixture took place. that all the fair peoples of england, scotland, and ireland are descended from celts or norwegians is a theory which has not taken into account the presence in these islands at an early period, and before the introduction of the neolithic industry, of the carriers from the baltic area of maglemosian culture. we next pass to the so-called neolithic stage of culture,[ ] and find it affords fuller and more definite evidence regarding the early history of our native land. as has been shown, there are data which indicate that there was no haphazard distribution of the population of england when the neolithic industry and the agricultural mode of life were introduced. the theory must be discarded that "neolithic man" was a wanderer, whose movements depended entirely on those of the wild animals he hunted, as well as the further theory that stone implements and weapons were not used after the introduction of metals. there were, as can be gathered from the evidence afforded by archæological remains, settled village communities, and centres of industry in the age referred to by archæologists as "neolithic". the early agricultural age had dawned. sections of the population engaged in agriculture, sections were miners and workers of flint, sections were hunters and fishermen, sections searched for gold, pigments for body paint, material for ornaments of religious value, &c., and sections engaged in trade, not only with english and scottish peoples, but with those of the continent. the english channel, and probably the north sea, were crossed by hardy mariners who engaged in trade. [ ] it must be borne in mind that among the producers and users of neolithic artifacts were the easterners who collected and exported ores. at an early period in the early agricultural age and before bronze working was introduced, england and wales, scotland and ireland, were influenced more directly than had hitherto been the case by the high civilizations of egypt and mesopotamia, and especially by their colonies in south-western europe. the recent spanish finds indicate that a great "wave" of high oriental culture was in motion in spain as far back as b.c., and perhaps at an even earlier period. included among babylonian and egyptian relics in spain are, as has been stated, jet from whitby, yorkshire, and amber from the baltic. apparently the colonists had trading relations with britain. whether the "tin land", which was occupied by a people owing allegiance to sargon of akkad, was ancient britain is quite uncertain. it was more probably some part of western europe. that western european influence was reaching britain before the last land movement had ceased is made evident by the fact that the ancient boat with a cork plug, which was found in clyde silt at glasgow, lay feet above the present sea-level. the cork plug undoubtedly came from spain or italy, and the boat is of mediterranean type.[ ] it is evident that long before the introduction of bronze working the coasts of britain were being explored by enterprizing prospectors, and that the virgin riches of our native land were being exploited. in this connection it is of importance to find that the earliest metal artifacts introduced into our native islands were brought by traders, and that those that reached england were mainly of gaulish type, while those that reached ireland were spanish. the neolithic industry does not appear to have been widespread in ireland, where copper artifacts were in use at a very early period. [ ] the boat dates the silting process rather than the silting process the boat. a large battle-axe of pure copper, described by sir david brewster in (_edinburgh philosophical journal_, vol. vi, p. ), was found at a depth of feet in ratho bog, near edinburgh. above it were feet of moss, feet of sand, and feet of hard black till-clay. "it must have been deposited along with the blue clay", wrote brewster, "prior to the formation of the superincumbent stratum of sand, and must have existed before the diluvial operations by which that stratum was formed. this opinion of its antiquity is strongly confirmed by the peculiarity of its shape, and the nature of its composition." the spanish discoveries have revived interest in this important find. as has been indicated, jet, pearls, gold, and tin appear to have been searched for and found before bronze working became a british industry. that the early prospectors had experience in locating and working metals before they reached this country there can be little doubt. there was a psychological motive for their adventurous voyages to unknown lands. the distribution of the megalithic monuments and graves indicates that metals were found and worked in south-western england, in wales, in derbyshire, and cumberland, that jet was worked at whitby, and that metals were located in ireland and scotland. gold must have been widely distributed during the period of the great thaw. it is unlikely that traces of alluvial gold, which had been located and well worked in ancient times, should remain until the present time. in scotland no traces of gold can now be found in a number of districts where, according to the records, it was worked as late as the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. some of the surviving scottish megalithic monuments may mark the sites of ancient goldfields that were abandoned in early times when the supplies of precious metal became exhausted. the great circles of callernish in lewis and stennis in orkney are records of activity in semi-barren areas. large communities could not have been attracted to these outlying islands to live on the produce of land or sea. traces of metals, &c., indicate that, in both areas in ancient times, the builders of megalithic monuments settled in remote areas in britain for the same reason as they settled on parts of the continent. a gold rod has been discovered in association with the "druid temple" at leys, near inverness. the inverness group of circles may well have been those of gold-seekers. in aberdeenshire a group of megalithic monuments appears to have been erected by searchers for pearls. gold was found in this county in the time of the stuart kings. the close association of megalithic monuments with ancient mine workings makes it impossible to resist the conclusion that the worship of trees and wells was closely connected with the religion of which the megalithic monuments are records. siret shows that the symbolic markings on typical stone monuments are identical with those of the tree cult. folk-lore and philological data tend to support this view. from the root _nem_ are derived the celtic names of the pearl, heaven, the grove, and the shrine within the grove (see chap. xiii). the celts appear to have embraced the druidic system of the earlier iberians in western europe, whose culture had been derived from that of the oriental colonists. the oriental mother goddess was connected with the sacred tree, with gold and gems, with pearls, with rivers, lakes, and the sea, with the sky and with the heavenly bodies, long centuries before the palm-tree cult was introduced into spain by oriental colonists. the symbolism of pearls links with that of jet, the symbolism of jet with that of baltic amber, and the symbolism of baltic amber with that of adriatic amber and of mediterranean coral. all these sacred things were supposed to contain, like jasper and turquoise in egypt, the "life substance" of the mother goddess who had her origin in water and her dwelling in a tree, and was connected with the sky and "the waters above the firmament". coral was supposed to be her sea tree, and jet, amber, silver, and gold were supposed to grow from her fertilizing tears. beliefs about "grown gold" were quite rife in mediæval britain.[ ] [ ] the ancient belief is enshrined in milton's lines referring to "ribs of gold" that "grow in hell" and are dug out of its hill (_paradise lost_, book i, lines - ). it should not surprise us, therefore, to find traces of oriental religious conceptions in ancient britain and ireland. these have apparently passed from country to country, from people to people, from language to language, and down the ages without suffering great change. even when mixed with ideas imported from other areas, they have preserved their original fundamental significance. the hebridean "maiden-queen" goddess, who dwells in a tree and provides milk from a sea-shell, has a history rooted in a distant area of origin, where the goddess who personified the life-giving shell was connected with the cow and the sky (the milky way), as was the goddess hathor, the egyptian aphrodite. the tendency to locate imported religious beliefs no doubt provides the reason why the original palm tree of the goddess was replaced in britain by the hazel, the elm, the rowan, the apple tree, the oak, &c. on the continent there were displacements of peoples after the introduction of bronze, and especially of bronze weapons. there was wealth and there was trade to attract and reward the conqueror. the eastern traders of spain were displaced. some appear to have migrated into gaul and north italy; others may have found refuge in ireland and britain. the sea-routes were not, however, closed. Ægean culture filtered into western europe from crete, and through the hallstatt culture centre from the danubian area. the culture of the tribes who spoke celtic dialects was veined with Ægean and asiatic influences. in time continental druidism imbibed ideas regarding the transmigration of souls and the custom of cremation from an area in the east which had influenced the aryan invaders of india. the origin of the celts is obscure. greek writers refer to them as a tall, fair people. they were evidently a branch of the fair northern race, but whether they came from northern europe or northern asia is uncertain. in western europe they intruded themselves as conquerors and formed military aristocracies. like other vigorous, intruding minorities elsewhere and at different periods, they were in certain localities absorbed by the conquered. in western europe they were fused with iberian communities, and confederacies of celtiberians came into existence. before the great celtic movements into western europe began--that is, before b.c.--britain was invaded by a broad-headed people, but it is uncertain whether they came as conquerors or as peaceful traders. in time these intruders were absorbed. the evidence afforded by burial customs and surviving traces of ancient religious beliefs and practices tends to show that the culture of the earlier peoples survived over large tracts of our native land. an intellectual conquest of conquerors or intruders was effected by the indigenous population which was rooted to the soil by agriculture and to centres of industry and trade by undisturbed habits of life. although the pre-celtic languages were ultimately displaced by the celtic--it is uncertain when this process was completed--the influence of ancient oriental culture remained. in scotland the pig-taboo, with its history rooted in ancient egypt, has had tardy survival until our own times. it has no connection with celtic culture, for the continental celts were a pig-rearing and pork-eating people, like the Ægæan invaders of greece. the pig-taboo is still as prevalent in northern arcadia as in the scottish highlands, where the descendants not only of the ancient iberians but of intruders from pork-loving ireland and scandinavia have acquired the ancient prejudice and are now perpetuating it. some centuries before the roman occupation, a system of gold coinage was established in england. trade with the continent appears to have greatly increased in volume and complexity. england, wales, scotland, and ireland were divided into small kingdoms. the evidence afforded by the irish gaelic manuscripts, which refer to events before and after the roman conquest of britain, shows that society was well organized and that the organization was of non-roman character. tacitus is responsible for the statement that the irish manners and customs were similar to those prevailing in britain, and he makes reference to irish sea-trade and the fact that irish sea-ports were well known to merchants. england suffered more from invasions before and after the arrival of julius cæsar than did scotland or ireland. it was consequently incapable of united action against the romans, as tacitus states clearly. the indigenous tribes refused to be allies of the intruders.[ ] [ ] _agricola_, chap. xii. in ireland, which pliny referred to as one of the british isles, the pre-celtic firbolgs were subdued by celtic invaders. the later "waves" of celts appeared to have subdued the earlier conquerors, with the result that "firbolg" ceased to have a racial significance and was applied to all subject peoples. there were in ireland, as in england, upper and lower classes, and military tribes that dominated other tribes. withal, there were confederacies, and petty kings, who owed allegiance to "high kings". the "red branch" of ulster, of which cuchullin was an outstanding representative, had their warriors trained in scotland. it may be that they were invaders who had passed through scotland into northern ireland; at any rate, it is unlikely that they would have sent their warriors to a "colony" to acquire skill in the use of weapons. there were cruithne (britons) in all the irish provinces. most irish saints were of this stock. the pre-roman britons had ships of superior quality, as is made evident by the fact that a british squadron was included in the great veneti fleet which cæsar attacked and defeated with the aid of pictones and other hereditary rivals of the veneti and their allies. in early roman times britain thus took an active part in european politics in consequence of its important commercial interests. [illustration: bronze bucklers or shields (british museum) upper: from the thames. lower: from wales.] when the romans reached scotland the caledonians, a people with a celtic tribal name, were politically predominant. like the english and irish pre-roman peoples, they used chariots and ornamented these with finely worked bronze. enamel was manufactured or imported. some of the roman stories about the savage condition of scotland may be dismissed as fictions. who can nowadays credit the statement of herodian[ ] that the warriors of scotland in roman times passed their days in the water, or dion cassius's[ ] story that they were wont to hide in mud for several days with nothing but their heads showing, and that despite their fine physique they fed chiefly on herbs, fruit, nuts, and the bark of trees, and, withal, that they had discovered a mysterious earth-nut and had only to eat a piece no larger than a bean to defy hunger and thirst. the further statement that the scottish "savages" were without state or family organization hardly accords with historical facts. even agricola had cause to feel alarm when confronted by the well-organized and well-equipped caledonian army at the battle of mons grampius, and he found it necessary to retreat afterwards, although he claimed to have won a complete victory. his retreat appears to have been as necessary as that of napoleon from moscow. the later invasion of the emperor severus was a disastrous one for him, entailing the loss of , men. [ ] _herodian_, iii, . [ ] dion cassius (_xiphilinus_) lxxvi, . a people who used chariots and horses, and artifacts displaying the artistic skill of those found in ancient britain, had reached a comparatively high state of civilization. warriors did not manufacture their own chariots, the harness of their horses, their own weapons, armour, and ornaments; these were provided for them by artisans. such things as they required and could not obtain in their own country had to be imported by traders. the artisans had to be paid in kind, if not in coin, and the traders had to give something in return for what they received. craftsmen and traders had to be protected by laws, and the laws had to be enforced. the evidence accumulated by archæologists is sufficient to prove that britain had inherited from seats of ancient civilization a high degree of culture and technical skill in metal-working, &c., many centuries before rome was built. the finest enamel work on bronze in the world was produced in england and ireland, and probably, although definite proof has not yet been forthcoming, in scotland, the enamels of which may have been imported and may not. artisans could not have manufactured enamel without furnaces capable of generating a high degree of heat. the process was a laborious and costly one. it required technical knowledge and skill on the part of the workers. red, white, yellow, and blue enamels were manufactured. even the romans were astonished at the skill displayed in enamel work by the britons. the people who produced these enamels and the local peoples who purchased them, including the caledonians, were far removed from a state of savagery. many writers, who have accepted without question the statements of certain roman writers regarding the early britons and ignored the evidence that archæological relics provide regarding the arts and crafts and social conditions of pre-roman times, have in the past written in depreciatory vein regarding the ancestors of the vast majority of the present population of these islands, who suffered so severely at the altar of roman ambition. everything roman has been glorified; roman victories over british "barbarians" have been included among the "blessings" of civilization. yet "there is", as elton says, "something at once mean and tragical about the story of the roman conquest.... on the one side stand the petty tribes, prosperous nations in minature, already enriched by commerce and rising to a homely culture; on the other the terrible romans strong in their tyranny and an avarice which could never be appeased."[ ] [ ] _origins of english history_, pp. - . it was in no altruistic spirit that the romans invaded gaul and broke up the celtic organization, or that they invaded briton and reduced a free people to a state of bondage. the life blood of young britain was drained by rome, and, for the loss sustained, roman institutions, roman villas and baths, and the latin language and literature were far from being compensations. rome was a predatory state. when its military organization collapsed, its subject states fell with it. gaul and britain had been weakened by roman rule; the ancient spirit of independence had been undermined; native initiative had been ruthlessly stamped out under a system more thorough and severe than modern prussianism. at the same time, there is, of course, much to admire in roman civilization. during the obscure post-roman period england was occupied by angles and saxons and jutes, who have been credited with the wholesale destruction of masses of the britons. the dark-haired survivors were supposed to have fled westward, leaving the fair intruders in undisputed occupation of the greater part of england. but the indigenous peoples of the english mining areas were originally a dark-haired and sallow people, and the invading celts were mainly a fair people. boadicea was fair-haired like queen maeve of ireland. the evidence collected of late years by ethnologists shows that the masses of the english population are descended from the early peoples of the pre-agricultural and early agricultural ages. the theory of the wholesale extermination by the anglo-saxons of the early britons has been founded manifestly on very scant and doubtful evidence. what the teutonic invasions accomplished in reality was the destruction not of a people but of a civilization. the native arts and crafts declined, and learning was stamped out, when the social organization of post-roman britain was shattered. on the continent a similar state of matters prevailed. roman civilization suffered decline when the roman soldier vanished. happily, the elements of "celtic" civilization had been preserved in those areas that had escaped the blight of roman ambition. the peoples of celtic speech had preserved, as ancient gaelic manuscripts testify, a love of the arts as ardent as that of rome, and a fine code of chivalry to which the romans were strangers. the introduction of christianity had advanced this ancient celtic civilization on new and higher lines. when the columban missionaries began their labours outside scotland and ireland, they carried christianity and "a new humanism" over england and the continent, "and became the teachers of whole nations, the counsellors of kings and emperors". ireland and scotland had originally received their christianity from romanized england and gaul. the celtic church developed on national lines. vernacular literature was promoted by the celtic clerics. in england, as a result of teutonic intrusions and conquests, christianity and romano-british culture had been suppressed. the anglo-saxons were pagans. in time the celtic missionaries from scotland and ireland spread christianity and christian culture throughout england. it is necessary for us to rid our minds of extreme pro-teutonic prejudices. nor is it less necessary to avoid the equally dangerous pitfall of the celtic hypothesis. christianity and the associated humanistic culture entered these islands during the roman period. in ireland and scotland the new religion was perpetuated by communities that had preserved pre-roman habits of life and thought which were not necessarily of celtic origin or embraced by a people who can be accurately referred to as the "celtic race". the celts did not exterminate the earlier settlers. probably the celts were military aristocrats over wide areas. before the fair celts had intruded themselves in britain and ireland, the seeds of pre-celtic culture, derived by trade and colonization from centres of ancient civilization through their colonies, had been sown and had borne fruit. the history of british civilization begins with neither celt nor roman, but with those early prospectors and traders who entered and settled in the british isles when mighty pharaohs were still reigning in egypt, and these and the enterprising monarchs in mesopotamia were promoting trade and extending their spheres of influence. the north syrian or anatolian carriers of eastern civilization who founded colonies in spain before b.c. were followed by cretans and phoenicians. the sea-trade promoted by these pioneers made possible the opening up of overland trade routes. it was after pytheas had (about b.c.) visited britain by coasting round spain and northern france from marseilles that the volume of british trade across france increased greatly and the sea-routes became of less importance. when carthage fell, the romans had the trade of western europe at their mercy, and their conquests of gaul and britain were undoubtedly effected for the purpose of enriching themselves at the expense of subject peoples. we owe much to roman culture, but we owe much also to the culture of the british pre-roman period. index achæans, celts and, , . acheulian culture, , . adonis, killed by boar, . Ægean culture, celts absorbed, . -- -- in central europe, . Æstyans, the, amber traders, . -- worship of mother goddess and boar god, , . africa, crô-magnon peoples entered europe from, . -- ostrich eggs, ivory, &c., from, found in spain, . -- transmigration of souls in, . age, the agricultural and pre-agricultural, . -- the early red deer, , . -- the prehistoric, . -- the historic, . -- the reindeer, . ages, archæological, new system of, . -- -- problem of scottish copper axe, . -- the mythical, colours and metals of, . see also _geological_ and _archæological ages_. agriculture, beginning of, in britain, . -- importance of introduction of, . -- history of, . -- neolithic sickles, . -- barley, wheat, and rye cultivated, . aine, the munster fairy, . airts (cardinal points), the, doctrine of, . see also _cardinal points_. akkad, sargon of, his knowledge of western europe, , . alabaster, eastern perfume flasks of, in neolithic spain, . albertite, jet and, . albiorix, the gaulish god, . all hallows, black sow of, . amber, associated with jet and egyptian blue beads in england, , (_ill._), . -- celtic and german names of, . -- as magical product of water, , . -- eyes strengthened by, . -- imported into britain at b.c., ; and in first century a.d., . -- jet and pearls and, . -- as "life substance", . -- megalithic people searched for, . -- origin of, in scottish lore, . -- persian, &c., names of, , . -- tacitus on the baltic Æstyans, . -- connection of, with boar god and mother goddess, . -- as "tears" of goddess, . -- trade in, . -- the "vigorous gael" and, . -- connection of, with woad, . -- white enamel as substitute for, . america, green stone symbolism in, . angles, . -- celts and, . anglo-saxon intruders, our scanty knowledge of, . angus, the irish god of love, . animism, not the earliest stage in religion, . annis, black (also "black anny" and "cat anna"), . -- -- irish anu (danu), and, . anthropology, stratification theory, , . anu (ana), the goddess, , . aphrodite, . -- amber and, . -- the black form of, . -- connection of, with pearl and moon, . -- julius cæsar's pearl offering to, . -- myth of origin of, . -- egyptian hathor and, . -- the scandinavian, . apollo, british temples of, . -- the gaelic, . -- the gaulish, . -- god of london, . -- mouse connection of, . -- mouse feasts, . apple, . -- connection of mouse with, . -- as fruit of longevity, . -- scottish hag-goddess and, . -- thomas the rhymer and apple of knowledge and longevity, . -- "wassailing", . apple land (avalon), the celtic paradise, . apples, life substance in, . apple tree, god of, . archæological ages, b.c., a date in british history, . -- -- "broad-heads" in britain and "long-heads" in ireland use bronze, . -- -- climate in upper palæolithic, . -- -- egyptian and babylonian relics in neolithic spain, . -- -- egyptian empire beads associated with bronze industry in south-western england, , (_ill._), . -- -- few intrusions between bronze and iron ages, . -- -- in humorous art, . -- -- "stone age" man not necessarily a savage, . archæological ages, influences of neanderthal and crô-magnon races, . -- -- irish sagas and, . -- -- bronze and iron swords, . -- -- lord avebury's system, . -- -- neolithic industry introduced by metal workers in spain, , . -- -- relations of neanderthal and crô-magnon races, , , . -- -- "transition period" longer than "neolithic age", . -- -- western european metals reached mesopotamia between b.c. and b.c., , . see also _palæolithic_ and _neolithic_. archæology, stratification theory, , . argentocoxus, the caledonian, . armenoid (alpine) races, early movements of, . armenoids in britain, . -- intrusions of, in europe, . -- partial disappearance of, from britain, . armlets, in graves, . arrow, the fiery, and goddess brigit, . arrows, azilians introduced, into europe, . -- as symbols of deity, . art, ancient man caricatured in modern, . artemis, bee and butterfly connected with, . -- myth of the scottish, , . arthur, king, celtic myth attached to, . arthur's seat, edinburgh, night-shining gem of, . -- -- giant of, , and also note . aryans, the, . astronomy in ancient britain and ireland, , and also note . -- welsh and gaelic names of constellations, . atlantis, the lost, . atrebates, the, in britain, . augustine of canterbury, pope gregory's letter, . -- -- canterbury temple occupied by, . augustonemeton (shrine of augustus), . aurignac, crô-magnon cave-tomb of, , . aurignacian, african source of culture called, , . -- custom of smearing bodies with red earth, . -- animism and goddess worship, . -- influence in britain, , . -- burial customs, . -- cave hand-prints, . -- "combe-capelle" man, . -- brüx and brünn race, . -- crô-magnons and, . -- culture of crô-magnon grotto, , . -- heart as seat of life, . -- green stone symbolism, . -- indian ocean shell at grimaldi, . -- magdalenians and, . -- the mother-goddess, , . -- egyptian milk and shells link, . -- "tama" belief, . -- origin of term, . -- pre-agricultural, . -- proto-solutrean influence on, . -- no trace of, in hungary, . aurignacian age, . aurignacian implements , (_ill._). australian natives, neanderthal man and, . avalon (apple land), the celtic paradise, . avebury, megaliths of, . -- -- burial customs, . axe, chellean , (_ill._). -- double, as "god-body", . -- glasgow and spanish green-stone axes, . -- as religious object, . axes, neolithic, distribution of population and, , . -- neolithic, mathematical skill in manufacture of, . aynia, irish fairy queen, . azilian culture, . -- -- artifacts, . -- -- english channel land-bridge crossed by carriers of, , , . azilian culture, iberian carriers of, . -- -- pre-agricultural, . -- -- rock paintings, . -- -- customs of, revealed in art, . -- -- script used, . -- -- in scotland and england, , . -- boats, . azilians in britain, , . babylonia, goddess of, in neolithic spain, . -- influence of, in asia minor and syria, . -- influence of culture of, . -- influence of, in britain, . -- knowledge of european metal-fields in, . -- religious ideas of, in britain, . baptism, milk and honey used in, . barley, cultivation of, . -- the egyptian, reaches britain, , . basket-making, relation of, to pottery and knitting, . beads, as "adder stones" and "druid's gems", . -- egyptian blue beads in england, , (_ill._), . -- egyptian, in britain, . bede, on jet symbolism, . bee, connection of, with artemis and fig tree, . -- as soul form in legends, . bees, connection of, with maggot soul form, . -- "telling the bees" custom, , . belatucadros, a gaulish mars, . belgæ, the, in britain, . belisama, goddess of mersey, . beltain festival, fires at, . berries, fire in, . -- life substance in, . -- "the luck", . -- salmon and red, . berry charms, . birds, butterfly as "bird of god", . -- celtic deities as, . birds, language of, druids and wren, . -- language of, in india, . -- language of, st. columba and, . -- oyster catcher and wood linnet as birds of goddess bride, . -- swan form of soul, . -- taboo in ancient britain, . -- taboo in highlands, . -- tom-tit, robin, wren, and apple cults, . -- wren as king of, . black annis, irish anu (danu) and, . --leicestershire hag-deity, , . black demeter, . black goddesses, greek and scottish, . black kali, indian goddess, . black pig, devil as, . black sow, devil as, . blood covenant, . boadicea, , . -- (boudicca), queen, . -- iceni tribe of, . boann, the goddess, . boar, adonis and diarmid slain by, . -- in orkney, . -- salmon and porpoise as, . boar god on british and gaulish coins, . -- -- connection of, with amber, . -- -- the gaulish, . -- -- mars as, . -- -- the inverness, , (_ill._). boats, ancient migrations by sea, . -- axe of clyde boat, . -- himilco's references to skin-boats, . -- sea-worthiness of skin-boats, . -- how sea-sense was cultivated, . -- veneti vessels, . -- azilian-tardenoisians and maglemosians required, . -- britain reached by, before last land movement ceased, . -- perth dug-out, under carse clays, . boats, forth and clyde dug-outs, . -- dug-outs not the earliest, , . -- ancient egyptian papyri and skin-boats, . -- "seams" and "skins" of, . -- egyptian models in europe and asia, . -- religious ceremonies at construction of dug-outs, . -- polynesian, dedicated to gods, . -- earliest egyptian, . -- britons and veneti, . -- celtic pirates, . -- earliest, in britain, . -- early builders of, . -- easterners exported ores by, from western europe, . -- egyptian barley carried by early seafarers to britain, . -- exports from early britain, . -- glasgow discoveries of ancient, , . -- cork plug in glasgow boat, , . -- invention of, . -- oak god and skin boats, . -- outrigger at glasgow, . -- ancient clyde clinker-built boat, . -- aberdeenshire dug-out, . -- sussex, kentish, and dumfries finds of, . -- brigg boat, . -- pictish, . -- pre-roman british, . -- similar types in africa and scandinavia , (_ill._). -- why early seafarers visited britain, , . bodies painted for religious reasons, . boers, the mouse cure of, , and also note . bone implements, . -- -- magdalenians favoured, . bonfires, at pagan festivals, . borvo, the gaulish apollo, . bows and arrows, azilians introduced, into europe, . boyne, river goddess of, . boyne, the "white cow", . bran, the god and saint, . bride, the goddess, bird of, and page of, . -- -- dandelion as milk-yielding plant of, . -- serpent of, as "daughter of ivor" and the "damsel", , . see _brigit_. -- saint, goddess bride and, . bride's day, . bride wells, . brigantes, blue shields of, . -- brigit (bride) goddess of, . -- territory occupied by, . -- in england, scotland, and ireland, , . brigit, dagda and, . -- as "fiery arrow", . -- the goddess (also bride), brigantes and, . -- three forms of, , . -- as hag or girl, . britain, stone age man in, . -- early races in, . -- date of last land movement in, . briton, "cloth clad", . britons, the, cruithne of ireland were, , . -- chief people in ancient england, ireland, and scotland, . brittany, easterners in, . bronze, celts and, . -- gaelic gods connected with, . -- knowledge of, introduced into britain by traders, . -- british, same as continental, . -- spanish easterners displaced by carriers of, . bronze age, the archæological, british "broad-heads" and irish "long-heads" as bronze users, . -- -- french forms in britain and spanish in ireland, . -- -- conquest theory, . -- -- prospectors discovered metals in britain, . -- -- how metals were located, . -- -- bronze carriers reached spain from central europe, . -- -- carriers of bronze earliest settlers in buchan, aberdeenshire, . bronze age, celtic horse-tamers as bronze carriers, . -- -- carriers expel easterners from spain, , . -- -- druidism and, . -- -- egyptian relics of, . -- -- relics of , (_ill._). bronze industry, fibulæ and clothing, . brünn and brüx races, . -- -- skull caps, , . _brut, the_, reference in, to apollo's temple, . bull, rivers and, . bulls, the sacred, (_ill._). -- sacrifice of, in ross-shire in seventeenth century, . burial customs, avebury evidence regarding, . -- -- body painting, . -- -- seven sleepers myth, . -- -- british pagan survivals, . -- -- crô-magnon aurignacian, in wales, . -- -- doctrine of cardinal points and, , . -- -- egyptian pre-dynastic customs, . -- -- food for the dead, . -- -- urns in graves, . -- -- green stones in mouths of crô-magnon dead, . -- -- egyptian and american use of green stones, , . -- -- long-barrow folk in england, . -- -- milk offerings to dead, . -- -- in neolithic britain, . -- -- palæolithic, . -- -- "round barrow" folk, . -- -- shakespeare's reference to pagan, . -- -- crô-magnon rites, . -- -- shell and other ornaments, . -- -- short-barrow and cremation intruders, . -- -- solar aspect of ancient british, . -- -- welsh ideas about destiny of soul, . -- -- why dead were cremated, , , . butterfly, connection of, with jade and soul in china, . -- connection with plum tree in china and honeysuckle in scotland, . -- as fire god in gaelic, . -- gaelic names of, . -- goddess freyja and, . -- psyche as, . -- as italian soul form, . -- serbian witches and, . -- burmese soul as, . -- mexican soul and fire god as, . byzantine empire, the, chinese lore from, . cailleach, the, , . see _artemis_. caithness, the "cat" country, . caledonians, the, . -- celtic tribal name of, . -- personal names of, . -- clothing of, . -- the picts and, . -- romans and, . -- tacitus's theory regarding, . calendar, the gaelic, . calgacus, . callernish stone circle, . calton (hazel grove), . camulos, god of colchester, . canoes. see _boats_. canterbury pagan temple, st. augustine used, . cantion, the, kent tribe, . cardinal points, doctrine of, , . -- -- south as road to heaven, , and also note . -- -- gaelic colours of, . -- -- goddesses and gods come from their own, . -- -- giants of north and fairies of west, . -- -- in modern burial customs, . -- -- "sunwise" and "withershins", , and also note . carnonacæ carini, the, . carthage, britain and, . -- british and spanish connection with, . -- megalithic monuments and, . carthage, trade of, with britain, . cassiterides, the, . -- carthagenians' trade with, . -- pytheas and, . -- crassus visits, . -- exports and imports of, . -- oestrymnides of himilco and, . -- the hebrides and, . cat, the big, . -- as goddess, . -- pear tree and, . cat-anna, leicestershire hag-goddess, . cat goddess of egypt, . cat stone, . cats, the, peoples of shetland, caithness, and sutherland as, , . -- witches as, . caturix, the gaulish god, . catuvellauni, the, in england, . cauldron. see _pot_. cauldron, the celtic, , . -- -- welsh goddess of, . -- of dagda, . -- holy grail and, . -- myth of, . celts, achæans and, . -- as carriers of la tène culture, . -- confederacies formed by, . -- as conquerors of earlier settlers in britain and ireland, . -- as military aristocrats in britain, . -- conquests of, . -- etruscans overcome by, . -- sack of rome, . -- danube valley and rhone valley trade routes controlled by, . -- as pig rearers and pork curers, , . -- destiny of soul, . see _soul_. -- displacement theory regarding, . -- earlier fair folks in britain, . -- ethnics of, . -- the fair in britain and ireland, . -- fair queens of, . -- gold and silver offered to deities by, . celts, maglemosians and, . -- origin of, obscure, . -- as fair northerners, . -- pictish problem, . see _picts_. -- as pirates, . -- references to clothing of, . -- british breeches, . -- settlement of, in asia minor, . -- tacitus on the caledonians, &c., . -- teutons and, . -- iberians and, . -- teutons did not exterminate, in england, . -- early christian influence of, . -- theory of extermination of, in britain, . -- as traders in britain, . -- and transmigration of souls, . -- tribes of, in ancient britain, . -- tribal rivalries of, in britain, . -- westward movement of, . celtic art, Ægean affinities, , . -- cauldron, , . -- gods, connection of, with metals, . cenn cruach, irish god, , . cereals, . cerones, creones, the, . chancelade man, . chariots, in pre-roman britain, . charms, hand-prints, horse-shoes, and berries as, . -- herbs and berries as, . -- lore of, _et seq._ see _shells_, _necklaces_, _pearls_. -- otter skin charm, . chellean culture, . -- -- artifacts of, , . -- _coup de poing_ , (_ill._). children sacrificed, . china, butterfly soul of, . chinese dragon, scottish bride serpent and, , . churchyards, pagan survivals, . cocidius, a gaulish mars, . cockle-shell elixir, in japan and scotland, , . -- -- in crete, . coinage, ancient british, . colour symbolism, black and white goddesses, . -- -- blue artificial shells, . -- -- blue shields of brigantes, . -- -- blue as female colour, . -- -- blue as fishermen's mourning colour, . -- -- blue stone raises wind, . -- -- body paint used by neolithic industry peoples, . -- -- celtic root _glas_ as colour term, and in amber, &c., , . -- -- coloured pearls favoured, . -- -- coloured races and coloured ages, , . -- -- coloured stones as amulets, . -- -- dragon's eggs, . -- -- enamel colours, . -- -- four colours of aurignacian hand impressions in caves, . -- -- gaelic colours of seasons, . -- -- gaelic colours of winds and of cardinal points, . -- -- green stones used by crô-magnon, ancient egyptian, and pre-columbian american peoples, , . -- -- how prospectors located metals by rock colours, . -- -- irish rank colours, , and also note . -- -- jade tongue amulets in china, . -- -- luck objects, . -- -- lucky and unlucky colours, . -- -- painted vases in neolithic spain, . -- -- painting of god, . -- -- red berries as "fire berries", . -- -- red berries, . -- -- greek gods painted red, . -- -- indian megaliths painted, . -- -- chinese evidence, . -- -- red earth devoured, . -- -- _ruadh_ (red) means "strong" in gaelic, . colour symbolism, red and blue supernaturals in wales, . -- -- red body paint in welsh aurignacian cave burial, . -- -- red earth and blood, . -- -- herbs and berries, . -- -- red jasper as blood of goddess, . -- -- red stone in aurignacian cave tomb, . -- -- shells coloured, in mentone cave, . -- -- red symbolism, . -- -- red blood and red fire, , . -- -- blood as food of the dead, . -- -- red souls in "red land", . -- -- red woman as goddess, . -- -- scarlet-yielding insect, . -- -- sex colours, . -- -- significance of wind colours, . -- -- solutrean flint-offerings coloured red, . -- -- white serpent, . -- -- why crô-magnon bodies were smeared with red earth, . -- -- woad dye, . columba, saint, christ as his druid, . "combe-capelle" man, , , . -- -- shells worn by, . con-chobar, dog god and, . copper, axe of, in scotland, . -- in britain, . -- difficult to find and work in britain, . -- easterners worked, in spain, , . -- as variety of gold, . -- offered to water deity, . coral, enamel and, . -- as "life-giver" (_margan_), . -- as "life substance", . -- megalithic people searched for, . -- symbolism of, . -- use of, in britain, , . -- enamel as substitute for, . cormorants, celtic deities as, . cornavii, the, in england and scotland, . cornwall, damnonians in, . cow, the sacred, in britain and ireland, , , , . -- connected with river boyne, . -- dam[)o]na, celtic goddess of cattle, . -- indian, and milk-yielding trees, . -- morrigan as, . -- the primeval, in egypt, . -- white, sacred in ireland, . cranes, celtic deities as, . cremation, in britain, . -- significance of, . cresswell caves, magdalenian art in, . cromarty, night-shining gem of, . crom cruach, irish god, ; children sacrificed to, . -- -- as maggot god, . crô-magnon, animism, . crô-magnon grotto, discovery of, . -- -- skeletons in, . crô-magnon races, advent of, in europe, . -- -- ancestors of "modern man", , . -- -- archæological horizon of, . -- -- aurignacian culture of the, . -- -- brüx and brünn types different from, . -- -- burial customs of, . -- -- cultural influence of, on neanderthals, . -- -- discovery of crô-magnon grotto skeletons, . -- -- first discovery of traces of, in france, . -- -- history of modern man begins with, . -- -- as immigrants from africa, . -- -- indian ocean shell at mentone, , . -- -- inventive and inquiring minds of, . -- -- magdalenian culture stage of, . -- -- domestication of horse, . -- -- modern representatives of, . crô-magnon races, mother-goddess of, . -- -- "tama" belief, . -- -- not in hungary, . -- -- "red man" of wales, . -- -- red sea shells imported by, . -- -- history of, . -- -- relations of, with neanderthal man, . -- -- in wales, . -- -- sea-shell necklace , (_ill._). -- -- trade of, in shells, . -- -- tall types, . -- -- high cheek-bones of, . -- -- tallest types in riviera, , . crô-magnon skulls , (_ill._). crô-magnons, azilian intruders and, . -- heart as seat of life, among, . -- in britain, , , . -- english channel land-bridge crossed by, . -- hand-prints and mutilation of fingers, . -- modern scots and, . -- selgovæ and, . crow, and goddess of grove and sky, . crows, celtic deities as, . cruithne, in ireland, . -- the irish, not picts, . -- the q-celtic name of britons, . cuchullin, and scotland, . -- dog god and, . -- goddess morrigan and, . -- his knowledge of astronomy, , and also note . -- pearls in hair of, . dagda, the god, . -- connection with oak and fire, . -- cauldron of, . -- thor and, . -- a giant-slayer, . damnonians. see _dumnonii_. -- an early celtic "wave", . -- fomorians as gods of, . -- settlements of, in metal-yielding areas, . damona, celtic goddess of cattle, . danann deities, . -- -- not in scotland, . -- -- talismans of, . -- -- japanese talismans, . -- -- war against fomorians, . -- -- welsh "children of don" and, . dandelion, as milk-yielding plant of goddess bride, . danes, in britain, . dante, moon called "eternal pearl" by, . danu, the goddess, . danube valley trade route, . danubian culture in central europe, . -- -- celts as carriers of, , . decantæ, the, . deer, as goddess, . demetæ, the, in wales, . demeter, the black, . demons, dogs as enemies of, . derbyshire, magdalenian art in, . deva, devona, dee, rivers, . devil as "big black pig" in scotland, . -- as black sow in wales, . -- as pig, goat, and horse, . devon, damnonians in, . -- magdalenian art in, . diamond, the night-shining, . diana of the ephesians, fig tree and, . diancecht, irish god of healing, . diarmid, gaelic adonis, . diodorus siculus, on gold mining, . -- -- reference to british temple to apollo, . disease, deity who sends also withdraws, . -- ancient man suffered from, . -- "yellow plague", . dog, the big, god indra as, . -- the sacred, , (_ill._). -- taboo to cuchullin, , and also note . see _dogs_. dogger bank, ancient plateau, . -- -- animal bones, &c., from, , . -- -- island, . dog gods, . dogs, children transformed into, . -- domesticated by maglemosians, , . -- religious beliefs regarding, . -- early man's dependence on, . -- in ancient britain and ireland, . -- in warfare, . -- exported from britain in first century a.d., . dog star, the, . dolmen, the. see _megalithic monuments_. domnu, tribal goddess of damnonians, . don, the children of, . doves, celtic deities as, . dragon, bride's scottish serpent charm and chinese charm, . -- hebridean, . -- irish, and the salmon, . -- otter and, . -- on sculptured stone, (_ill._). -- luck pearls of, . -- stones as eggs of, . dragon-mouth lake, the irish, . dragon slayers, the, druids and, . druid circle, the inverness, . druidism, . -- belief in british origin of, . -- doctrines absorbed by, . -- eastern origin of, . -- in ancient spain, . -- pliny on persian religion and, , and also note . -- oak cult, . -- tree cults and, . druids, in anglesea, . -- human sacrifices of, . -- "christ is my druid", . -- the collar of truth, . -- connection of, with megalithic monuments, , . -- and oak, . -- classical references to, . -- "druid's gem", . -- evidence of, regarding races in gaul, . -- tacitus on anglesea druids, . -- temples of, . -- "true thomas" (the rhymer) as "druid thomas", . -- sacred salmon and, . druids, salmon and dragon myth, . -- star lore of, . -- kentigern of glasgow as christian druid, . -- wren connection, . -- soothsayers, , . dug-out canoes, origin of, . see _boats_. dumnogeni, the, in yarrow inscription, . dumnonii, . see _damnonians_. -- fomorians as gods of, . -- silures and, . dunatis, gaulish mars, . durotriges, in britain and ireland, . dwyn, st., formerly a goddess, . dwynwen, british venus, . eagle, the sacred, (_ill._). -- wren and, in myth, . ear-rings, as solar symbols, . east, the, "evil never came from", . see _cardinal points_. easterners, colonies of, in spain and portugal, , , , , . -- descendants of, in britain, . -- displacement of, in spain, , . -- druidism introduced into europe by, . -- as exploiters of western europe, . -- settlements of, in france and etruria, . -- in hebrides, . -- influence of, in britain and ireland, . -- iron industry and, . -- not all of one race, . -- neolithic industry of, . -- in touch with britain at b.c., . -- in western europe, , . eel, morrigan as, . eels, as "devil fish" in scotland, . -- tabooed in scotland, . eggs, dragons', stones as, . egypt, alabaster flasks, &c., from, in neolithic spain, . -- artificial shells in, , . -- barley of, carried to europe, . -- black and white goddesses of, . -- blue beads from, in england, , (_ill._), , . -- cat goddess of, . -- culture of, transferred with barley seeds, . -- "deathless snake" of, and scottish serpent, . -- dog-headed god of, . -- earliest sailing ship in, . -- earliest use of gold in, . -- malachite charms in, . -- flint sickles of, . -- furnaces and crucibles of, in western europe, . -- hathor and aphrodite, . -- shell amulets in early graves in, . -- isis as "old wife", , and also note . -- gods in weapons, . -- gold in, , . -- gold diadem from, in spanish neolithic tomb, . -- gold models of shells in, . -- green stone symbolism, . -- hathor as milk goddess, . -- history of agriculture in, . -- ideas regarding soul in, . -- influence of, in asia minor and europe, . -- influence of, in britain, . -- invention of boats in, . -- ivory from, found in spain, · -- ka and serpent, . -- milk elixir in pyramid texts, . -- milk goddess of, in scotland, . -- mother pot of, and celtic cauldron, . -- osirian underworld paradise, . -- pork taboo in, . -- annual sacrifice of pigs in scotland and, . -- post-glacial forests of, . -- pre-dynastic burial customs, . -- sex colours in, . egypt, proto-egyptians and british iberians, . -- red jasper as "blood of isis", . -- "red souls" in "red land", . -- why gods of, were painted, . -- religious ideas of, in britain, , , , , . -- stones, pearls, metals, &c., and deities of, . -- symbols of, in celtic art, . -- transmigration of souls, . elk, on dogger bank, , . elm, . enamel, . -- british, the finest, . -- coral and, . -- as substitute for coral, . -- turquoise, lapis lazuli, white amber and, . enamels, colours of the british, . eoliths, , . epidii, the, . ep[)o]na, celtic goddess of horses, . eskimo, the chancelade skull, . -- magdalenian art of, . etruscans, . -- celts as conquerors of, . -- civilization of, origin of, . european metal-yielding areas, . evil eye, the, shells as protection against, . fairies, associated with the west, . -- dogs as enemies of, . -- on eddies of western wind, . -- greek nereids and, . -- fomorians (giants) at war with, . -- goddess as "fairy woman", . -- shell boat of, . -- irish "queens" of, . -- as milkers of deer, . -- as "the mothers" in wales, . -- picts and, , and also note . -- scottish "nimble men" and "blue men", . fairies, as supernatural beings, , and also note . fairy dogs, . fairyland, as paradise, . -- thomas the rhymer in paradise of, . fata morgana, . fauna, post-glacial, in southern and western europe, . festus avienus, . figs, hazel-nuts and, . fig milk, . -- trees, bees and wasps fertilize, . -- tree, diana of the ephesians and, . finger charms, . finger-mutilation, aurignacian custom, . -- australian, red indian, and scottish customs, . fir, the sacred, . fir-bolgs, the, . -- as miners, , and also note . -- as slaves, . -- celts as subduers of, . -- subject peoples called, . fir-domnan, , and also note . fir-domnann, . -- fomorians as gods of, . see _damnonians_ and _dumnonii_. fire, beltain need fires, . -- brigit and, . -- butterfly as god of, in gaelic, . -- god dagda and, . -- goddess and, . -- mexican god of, as butterfly, . -- pool fish and, . -- salmon and, . -- scottish goddess of, . -- in red berries, . -- in st. mungo myth, . -- from trees, . -- lightning and, . -- worshipped in ancient britain, . fire-sticks, the, . "fire water" as "water of life", . fish taboo, . flax, stone age people cultivated, . flint, as god, . flints, in aurignacian cave-tomb, . -- as offerings to deity, . flint deposits, english, . -- -- early peoples settled beside, . -- -- river-drift man in england near, . flint industry, tardenoisian microliths used by maglemosians, . -- working, ancient english flint factories, . -- -- aurignacian, , . see _palæolithic_. -- -- aurignacian, solutrean, and magdalenian implements , (_ill._). -- -- chellean _coup de poing_ , (_ill._). -- -- "combe-capelle" man's, . -- -- early english trade in worked flints, . -- -- eastern influence in neolithic industry, . -- -- egyptian origin of spanish neolithic industry, . -- -- the evolution theory, . -- -- hugh miller's and andrew lang's theories regarding, . -- -- neanderthal and pre-neanderthal, . -- -- neolithic saws or sickles, . -- -- palæolithic and neolithic, . -- -- tardenoisian microliths or "pygmy flints", , (_ill._). -- -- proto-solutrean and "true" solutrean, . flint-god, the solutrean, . -- zeus and thor as, . foam, as milk, . fomorians, duels of, in scotland, . -- as gods of dumnonii, . -- neit as war god, . -- nemon as goddess of, . -- war of, with fairies, , . fowl taboo in ancient britain, . freyja, scandinavian venus, . -- pearls, amber, &c., as tears of, . furfooz man, . gaelic calendar, . galatia, celts in, . galley hill man, . gaul, celts of, in roman army, . -- early inhabitants of, . -- refugees from sea-invaded areas in, . gaulish gods, . gems, "druid's gem", . -- night-shining, . -- as soul-bodies, . geological ages, breaking of north sea and english channel land-bridges, . -- -- confusion regarding, in modern art, . -- -- date of last land movement, . -- -- megalithic monuments submerged, . -- -- early boats and, . -- -- england in magdalenian times, . -- -- sixth glaciation and race movements, . -- -- england sinking when scotland was rising, . -- -- last land movement, , . -- -- horizon of crô-magnon races, . -- -- pleistocene fauna in europe, . -- -- archæological ages and, . -- -- post-glacial and the early archæological, , , . -- -- theories of durations of, , , . giants, associated with the north, . -- (fomorians) as gods, . -- war of, with fairies, . -- scottish, named after heroes, , and also note . _glas_, as "water", "amber", &c., , . glasgow, seal of city of, . glass, connection of, with goddess, . -- imported into britain in first century a.d., . goat, devil as, . god, in stone, . god-cult, solutreans and, . god-cult, stone as god, , . goddess, anu (danu), , . -- -- as "fairy queen" in ireland, , . -- bird forms of, . -- black annis, . -- black aphrodite, . -- black goddess of scotland, . -- the blue, . -- bride (brigit) and her serpent, . -- brigit as goddess of healing, smith-work, and poetry, . -- cat forms of, . -- connection of, with amber and swine deities, . -- connection of, with glass, . -- connection of, with grove, sky, pearl, &c., in celtic religion, - , , , . -- animals and plants of, . -- cult animals of, , , , , , . -- eel and, . -- eel, wolf, &c., forms of, . -- egyptian milk goddess, . -- indian milk goddess, . -- gaulish goddess ro-smerta, . -- influences of, . -- groups of "mothers", . -- hebridean "maiden queen", . -- honeysuckle as milk-yielding plant, . -- bee and, . -- luck and, . -- morrigan comes from north-west, . -- wind goddess from south-west, . -- scottish artemis, , . -- the mother, aurignacians favoured, . -- -- connection of, with law and trade, . -- -- crô-magnon form of, , . -- -- jasper as blood of, . -- -- her life-giving shells, . -- -- shell-milk highland myth, . -- the mother-pot, . -- rivers and, . -- oriental, in spain, . goddess, pearl, &c., offerings to, . -- precious stones of, . -- scottish hag goddess, , . -- indian kali, . -- shell and milk hebridean goddess, . gods, animal forms of, . -- danann deities, . -- deity who sends diseases withdraws them, . -- influences of, . -- gaelic references to, , . -- hazel god, , . -- gaelic fire god, . -- "king of the elements", . -- romano-gaulish, . goibniu, irish god and the welsh govannan, . gold, amber and, . -- coins of, in pre-roman britain, . -- deposits of, in britain and ireland, , , , , , , , . -- mixed with silver in sutherland, . -- earliest use of, in egypt, . -- copper used like, . -- egyptian diadem of, found in neolithic spain, . -- in england (map), . -- exported from britain in first century a.d., . -- finds of, in scotland, . -- first metal worked, . -- as a "form of the gods", . -- as "fire, light, and immortality", . -- as "life giver", . -- gaelic god and, . -- gauls offered, to water deity, · -- how miners worked, . -- "world mill" myth, . -- ingot of, from salmon, . -- luck of, . -- no trace of where worked out, . -- not valued by hunting peoples in europe, . -- offered to deities by celts, . -- psychological motive for searches for, . gold, knowledge and skill of searchers for, in britain, . -- ring in st. mungo legend, . -- rod of, at inverness stone circle, . -- in salmon myths, . -- scottish deposits of, . -- search for, in britain, , . -- shells imitated in, , . -- trade in, . -- as tree, . goodwin sands, . goose, taboo in ancient britain, . govannan. see _goibniu_. grail, the holy, . grannos, gaulish apollo, . gregory the great, letter from, to mellitus, . grimaldi, indian ocean shell in aurignacian cave at, . grove, the sacred, celtic names of, · -- -- latin "nemus", . gwydion, the god, odin and, . hades, dog and, . hallowe'en, pig associated with, . hallstatt culture, celts influenced by, . hand-prints, in aurignacian caves, · -- four colours used, . -- dwellings protected by, in india and spain, . -- arabian, turkish, &c., customs, · hare, taboo in ancient britain, harpoon, . -- victoria cave, late magdalenian or proto-azilian, . -- finds of, in england and scotland, . -- azilians imitated magdalenian reindeer horn in red deer horn, . -- magdalenians introduced, . hazel, nut of, as fruit of longevity, . -- as god, , . -- in early christian legends, . -- as milk-yielding tree, . hazel, as sacred tree, . -- nuts of, as food, . -- palm tree and, . -- the sacred, , . -- connection of, with sky, wells, &c., . -- snakes and, . -- in st. mungo (st. kentigern) myth, . -- sacred fire from, . -- groves, sacred, "caltons" were, . heart, as seat of life, . -- as seat of life to crô-magnons and ancient egyptians, . heaven as south, . hebrides, dark folks in, . -- descendants of easterners in, . -- "maiden queen" of, . -- reroofing custom in, . -- sea god of, . -- traces of metals in, . -- as the oestrymnides, . heifer, milk of, in honeysuckle, . hell, as north. see _cardinal points_. herbs, ceremonial gathering of, . -- life substance in, . -- lore of, . -- from tears of sun god, , and also note . -- silvanus, god of, . hills, gildas on worship of, , . himilco, voyage of, . homer, reference of, to cremation, . honey, in baptisms, . -- as life-substance, . -- nut milk and, , and also note . -- in "soma" and "mead", . honeysuckle, butterfly and, . -- honey and milk of, . horn implements, . -- -- magdalenians favoured, . horse, demeter and, . -- domesticated by azilians, . -- domesticated by crô-magnons, . -- eaten in scotland, . -- ep[)o]na, celtic horse goddess, . horse, the sacred, (_ill._). -- god, , and also note . horse-shoe charms, . hound's pool, . houses, neolithic, . human sacrifices, children as, . iberians, armenoids and, . -- as carriers of neolithic culture, . -- celts and, . -- silurians as, . ice, connection of, with amber, &c., . ice age. see _geological ages_. iceni, the, of essex, . -- boar god of, . idols, in ancient britain, , . -- pope gregory's reference to ancient english, . indo-european theory, . indo-germanic theory, . indra, dog and, . ireland, as a british island, . iron, exported from britain in first century, a.d., . iron age, celts in, . iron industry, easterners and, in western europe, . island of women, . isles of the blest, gaelic, . ivory, associated with bronze, jet, and egyptian beads in england, . -- in crô-magnon grotto, . -- egyptian, in neolithic spain, . -- imported into britain in first century a.d., . -- in welsh cave-tomb, . jade, butterfly soul in, . japan, the _shintai_ (god body) and gaelic "soul case", . -- talismans of, and the irish, . jasper, symbolism of, . jet, amber and, . -- british and roman beliefs regarding, . -- as article of trade at b.c., . -- associated in stonehenge area with egyptian blue beads, , (_ill._), . jet, early trade in, . -- early working of, . -- megalithic people searched for, · -- pearls and amber and, . jupiter, the gaulish, . -- lapis, . jutes, . -- celts and, . kali, the black, . kentigern, st., as druid, . -- -- in salmon and ring legend, . kent's cavern, magdalenian art in, · kerridiwen, the goddess, cauldron of, . knife of deity, . knitting, stone age people and, . -- relation to basket-making and pottery, . lake, the sacred, goddess and, . lanarkshire, damnonians in, . land-bridges, breaking of north sea and english channel bridges, . -- dogger bank, , , , . -- english channel, , . -- italian, , . land movement, the last, . language and race, , , . language of birds. see _birds_. la tène culture, celts as carriers of, to britain, . leicestershire, black annis, a hag deity of, . lewis, callernish stone circle, . lightning, butterfly form of god of, . -- as heavenly fire, . -- and trees, . lir, sea god, . see _llyr_. -- sea god, "shony" and, . liver as seat of life in gaelic, , . -- cure from mouse's, . lizard as soul-form, . lleu, the god, . llyr, sea god, . see _lir_. -- the sea god, "shony" and, . london, god's name in, . love-enticing plants, . luck, belief in, . -- berries and, . -- fire as bringer of, . -- lucky and unlucky days, . -- pearls and, , . lud, god of london, . -- form of, . lugh, celtic god, associated with north-east, . -- gaelic apollo, . lugi, the, . mæatæ, the, picts and caledonians and, . magdalenian culture, . -- -- azilian and, . -- -- eskimo art and, . -- -- in britain, . -- -- origin of, . -- -- new implements, . -- -- traces of influence of, in scotland, . -- -- victoria cave reindeer harpoon, . -- cave art revival and progress, . -- implements, (_ill._). -- pre-agricultural, . maggot god, early christian myth of, . -- -- bees and, . -- -- gaelic, . magic wands, , . -- -- etruscan, french, and scottish, . maglemosian culture, , . -- -- art and, . -- -- magdalenian influence on, . -- -- siberian origin of, . -- -- artifacts and, . -- -- in britain, . -- -- northerners as carriers of, . -- -- pre-agricultural, . maglemosians, boats of, . -- animals hunted, . -- land-bridges crossed by, . -- in france and britain, . -- in britain, . -- celts and, . -- dogger bank land-bridge crossed by, , . -- dogs domesticated by, . -- tardenoisian microliths used by, . malachite charms, . mammoth, bones of, from dogger bank, . -- evidence that heart was regarded as seat of life, , (_ill._). -- in western europe, . see _fauna_. man, the red, of wales, ornaments of, . mars, the gaulish, . -- greek and gaulish boar forms of, . marsh plants, goddess and, . mead, milk and honey in, . meave, queen, , , . mediterranean race in north africa and britain, . -- sea, divided by italian land-bridge, . megalithic culture, egyptian influence in britain, &c., . -- monuments, burial customs and, . -- -- connection of, with ancient mine workings, &c., , . -- -- connection of, with metal deposits, . -- -- connection of, with sacred groves, . -- -- cult animals on scottish, (_ill._). -- -- "cup-marked" stones, . -- -- knocking stones, . -- -- gruagach stone, . -- -- "cradle stone", . -- -- child-getting stones, . -- -- distributed along vast seaboard. . -- -- searchers for metals, gems, &c., erected, . -- -- distribution of, , (_ill._). -- -- distribution of scottish, . -- -- druids and, , . -- -- easterners and followers of, as builders of, , . -- -- egyptian empire beads and stonehenge circle, , (_ill._), . -- -- gaelic gods and, . -- -- gaelic metal symbolism and, . -- -- gaelic name of sacred shrine, . -- -- phoenicians and, . megalithic monuments, their relation to exhausted deposits of metals, . -- -- problem of lewis and orkney circles, . -- -- standing stones as maidens . -- -- tacitus on anglesea altars and druids, . -- -- stonehenge as temple, . -- -- heathen temples and, . -- -- stone circle as sun symbol, . -- -- stones submerged in brittany, . -- -- tree cult and, . -- -- worship of stones, , . -- -- connection of, with trees and wells, . mentone, aurignacian mother-goddess, . -- indian ocean shell in aurignacian cave at, . mersey, the, goddess of, . mesopotamia, influence of, in western europe, . -- knowledge of european metal fields in, . metals, eastern colonists worked, in spain, . -- egyptian furnaces and crucibles in britain, . -- megalithic monuments and deposits of, . -- searchers for, in britain, . -- searchers for; how prospectors located deposits of gold, &c., . -- traces of, in scotland, . metal symbolism, gaelic gods and metals, . see _gold_, _silver_, _copper_, and _bronze_. metal working, after introduction of bronze working, . mictis, tin from, . milk, baptisms of, . -- in the blood covenant, . -- children sacrificed for corn and milk, . -- cult animals of milk goddess, . -- dandelion as milk-yielding plant of goddess bride, . -- in elixirs, . milk, "soma" and "mead" and, . -- elm as milk tree, . -- foam as milk, . -- goddess-cow gives healing milk, . -- hebridean milk goddess, , . -- honeysuckle as milk-yielding plant, . -- indian evidence regarding "river milk" and milk-yielding trees, . -- irish milk lake, . -- healing baths of, . -- marsh mallows and, , and also note . -- mistletoe berries as milk berries, . -- oblations of, in ross-shire, . -- offerings of, to dead, . -- elixir, highland shell-goddess myth, . -- -- egyptian evidence regarding, . -- -- prepared from shells in japan and scotland, . -- goddess, hathor as, . milky way, the, , . -- -- in ancient religion, . -- -- in welsh and gaelic, . mind, heart as, . mining, egyptian methods in western europe, . mistletoe, as "all heal", , . -- milk berries, . -- trees on which it grows in britain, , and also note . modern man, . see _crô-magnon races_. mogounus, a gaulish apollo, . moon, aphrodite as goddess of, . -- dante refers to, as pearl, . -- gaels swore by, . -- as "pearl of heaven", . -- worship of, in ancient britain, . morgan le fay, arthur's pursuit of, . -- -- goddess anu and, . -- -- as "life giver", . morrigan, the (irish goddess), anu and, . morrigan, associated with north-west, . -- as the "life giver", . -- forms of, . mother goddess. see _goddess_. moths as soul forms, . mouse, buried under apple tree, . -- hunting of, in scotland, . -- mouse cures, . -- scottish supernatural, . -- apollo and, . -- -- mouse feasts, . -- cures, boers have, , and also note . -- feasts in scotland and the troad, . mousterian age, . -- -- artifacts of, . -- -- neanderthal races of, . mungo, st., as druid, , . -- -- salmon legend of, . navigation. see _boats_. neanderthal man, crô-magnon influence on, . -- -- disappearance of, , , . -- -- european climates experienced by, . -- -- relations of, with crô-magnon races, . -- -- first discovery of bones of, , . -- -- skeleton of, found, . -- -- australian natives and, . -- -- description of, , . -- -- flint working of, . -- -- mousterian artifacts of, . -- -- piltdown man and, . necklaces in crô-magnon grotto, . -- crô-magnon sea shells, (_ill._). -- egyptian blue beads in british "bronze age" necklace, , (_ill._), . -- as gods, . -- in graves, . -- shell, in welsh aurignacian cave-tomb, . -- why worn, . need fires, . -- -- butterfly and, . neit, god of battle, . _nem_, the root in _neamh_ (heaven), _neamhnuid_ (pearl), _nemeton_ (shrine in a grove), _nemed_ (chapel), _neimhidh_ (church-land), _nemus_ (a grove), _nemon_ (goddess), and _n[)e]m[)e]t[)o]na_ (goddess), , . n[)e]m[)e]t[)o]na, british goddess, . nemon, the goddess, a fomorian, . -- irish goddess, and pearl, heaven, &c., . neolithic, chronological problem, . -- egyptian diadem of gold found in spanish neolithic tomb, . -- egyptian origin of spanish neolithic industry, , . -- metal workers as flint users, . -- scottish copper axe problem, . -- why ornaments were worn, , . -- age, transition period longer than, . -- culture, iberians as carriers of, . -- industry, carriers of, attracted to britain, . -- -- distribution of population and, - . -- -- "edge" theory, . -- -- campigny find, . -- -- in ireland, . -- -- in scotland, . -- -- scottish pitch-stone artifacts, . -- -- carriers of, not wanderers, . -- -- a lost art, . nereids, the, fairies and, . ness, the river, . night-shining gems, . norsemen, . -- modern scots and, . northern fair race, . northerners, armenoids and, . novantæ, the, . nudd, the god, . nut, as "soul case", . nut-milk, . -- -- honey and, as elixir, , and also note . nuts, life substance in, . -- of longevity, . oak, . -- acorn as fruit of longevity, . -- druids and, , . -- black annis and, . -- galatian oak grove and shrine, . -- on glasgow seal, . -- god of, and seafarers, . -- god dagda and, . -- the sacred, . -- use of acorns, . -- in tanning, . -- spirits, . oaths, sacred, gaels swore by sun, moon, &c., . oban, macarthur cave, , . obsidian artifacts, . odin, the dog and, . -- pork feasts of, . -- welsh gwydion and, . oestrymnides, the, himilco's tin islands, , . onyx, same name as pearl in gaelic, . oracles, druids and, . orc (young boar), salmon as, . orcs, the picts as, . orkney, boar name of, . -- megalithic remains in, . -- "sow day" in, . ornaments, "adder stones", "druid gems", &c., . -- jet charms, . -- in crô-magnon grotto, . -- as gods or god-cases, . -- in grotto at aurignac, . -- in mentone cave-tombs, . -- religious value of, , . -- in welsh aurignacian cave-tomb, . -- why worn by early peoples, , . ostrich eggs, found in spain, . otter, skin charm of, . -- as god, . -- as soul-form, . -- the king, . -- jewel of, . palæolithic, chronological problem, . -- implements of upper palæolithic, (_ill._). palæolithic age, why ornaments were worn, , . -- -- break in culture of, . -- -- origin of term, . -- -- races of, . -- -- sub-divisions of, , . see, _chellean_, _acheulian_, _mousterian_, _aurignacian_, _solutrean_, and _magdalenian_. palm tree, british substitutes for, . -- -- cult of, in ancient spain, . paradise, as "apple land" (avalon) . -- celtic ideas regarding, . -- fairyland as, . -- pork feasts in, . -- welsh ideas regarding, . -- in border ballads, . parisii, the, in britain, . patrick, st., pagan myth attached to, . paviland cave, crô-magnon burial in welsh, . pearl, aphrodite (venus) as pearl, . -- as life substance, , . -- moon as "eternal pearl" in dante's _inferno_, . -- gaelic name of, . -- nocturnal luminosity of, . pearls, british, attracted romans, · -- and sacred grove, &c., . -- cæsar's pearl offering to venus, . -- in cuchullin's hair, . -- on roman emperor's horse, . -- dragons possess, . -- in england (map), , . -- fabulous origin of, . -- irish standard of value a _set_ (pearl), . -- luck of, . -- jet and amber and, . -- as "life substance", , . -- as _margan_ (life-giver), . -- as medicine in india, . -- searched for by megalithic people, . -- soul in, . -- as _tama_ in japan, . -- as "tears" of goddess freyja, . pearls, why offered to goddess, . -- ythan river, aberdeenshire, yields, . pear tree, cat and, . peat, from dogger bank, , . penny wells, . phoenicians, the cassiterides monopoly of, . -- eastern colonists in spain and, . -- methods of, as exploiters, . -- in iron age, . -- megalithic monuments and, . -- in modern cornwall, . pictones, the, as allies of romans, . -- scottish picts and, . picts, the, agriculturists and seafarers, . -- caledonians and, . -- allies of the scots, . -- cruithne were britons, . -- fairy theory, , and also note . -- as pechts and pecti, . -- gildas, bede, and nennius on, . -- irish myth regarding, . -- irish cruithne not picts, . -- saxon allies of, . -- roman, scottish, and welsh names of, . -- as branch of the pictones, . -- tattooing habit of, . -- vessels of, . -- tribes of, . -- as pirates, . pig, demeter and, . -- devil as, , . -- in roman religious ceremony, . -- scottish and irish treatment of, . -- taboo in scotland, . -- the sow goddess, . pigs, achæans and celts as rearers of, , . -- adonis and diarmid and, . -- celts rearers of, . -- and amber, . -- as food of the dead, . -- "lucky pigs", . -- orkney a boar name, . pigs, salmon as, . see _pork taboo_. piltdown man, . pin wells, . pirates, ancient, picts as, . -- -- gaelic reference to, . pliocene mammals, . poetry, goddess of, . polycrates of samos, luck of, in seal, . pope gregory the great, letter on pagans in england, . pork. see _pigs_ and _swine_. -- taboo in arcadia, . -- -- why cretans detested, , and also note . -- -- scottish, _et seq._, . -- -- celts ate pork, . porpoise as sea-boar, . portugal, colonists from, in britain, . -- early eastern influence in, . -- settlements of easterners in, . -- settlers from, in britain, . pot, the, shell as, . -- as symbol of mother-goddess, . -- the mother, celtic cauldron as, . "pot of plenty", celtic cauldron as, . potter's wheel, . pottery, neolithic, . -- relation to basket-making and knitting, , . priestesses, ancient british, tacitus refers to, . -- witches and, , and also note . ptolemy, evidence of, regarding british tribes, . purple-yielding shells, in crô-magnon grotto, . -- -- searched for by megalithic people, . pytheas, . -- exploration of britain by, . -- the mictis problem, . -- voyage of, . races, alien elements may vanish, . -- "caucasian man", . -- aryan theory, . races, animal names of scoto-celtic tribes, . -- azilian and tardenoisian, . -- maglemosian, . -- britain in roman period, . -- britain mainly "long-headed", . -- ptolemy's evidence regarding british tribes, . -- british extermination theory, . -- british iberians and proto-egyptians, . -- armenoid intrusions, , , . -- spanish settlers in britain, . -- bronze carriers displace eastern metal searchers in western europe, . -- bronze users as earliest settlers in aberdeenshire, . -- brünn and brüx, . -- celts and armenoids, . -- celts and northerners, , . -- celts as conquerors of early settlers in britain, . -- colours of the mythical, , · -- extermination theory, . -- celts as fair northerners, . -- "broad heads" in britain, , , , . -- celts and teutons, . -- chancelade skull and eskimos, . -- crô-magnons in wales, . -- first discovery of crô-magnons in france, . -- cuchullin and scotland, . -- britons in ireland, . -- damnonians as metal workers, . -- damnonians in england, scotland, and ireland, , . -- dark and fair peoples in england, . -- descendants of easterners in britain, . -- drifts of, into britain, . -- early settlers in britain, , . -- eastern colonists in spain, . -- easterners reached ancient britain from spain, . -- fair and dark among earliest settlers in post-glacial britain, . races, fair celts and teutons, . -- fir-bolgs in ireland, . -- furfooz type, . -- broad-headed fair types, . -- gaelic fir-domnann and firbolg, , and also note . -- gibraltar man, . -- cannstadt man, . -- neanderthal man, . see _neanderthal man_. -- great migrations by sea, . -- high and heavy scots, . -- intrusion of "round barrow", broad-headed people, , . -- "long heads" use bronze in ireland, . -- megalithic intruders, . -- mixed peoples among easterners in western europe, . -- modern crô-magnons in africa, british isles, and france, . -- "combe-capelle" man, . -- brüx and brünn skulls, . -- "galley hill" man, , . -- modern man, . -- crô-magnon, , . see _crô-magnon races_. -- piltdown man, , . -- heidelberg man, . -- phoenician type in cornwall, . -- physical characters of, . -- "pockets" in british isles, . -- post-glacial movements of, . -- pre-celtic extermination theory, . -- few intrusions in ancient britain, . -- settlements of traders and workers, . -- "short barrow" intruders, . -- cremating intruders, . -- solutrean intrusion, . -- tacitus's references to british races, . -- transition period and neolithic, . rainbow as god's rod-sling, . raven and goddess of grove and sky, . ravens, celtic deities as, . red deer on dogger bank, . "red man", the welsh, , . regni, the, sussex tribe, . reindeer on dogger bank, . -- french and german, in early, aurignacian times, . see _fauna_. -- in scotland till twelfth century, . -- in germany in roman times, . -- age, the, . rhodesia, mouse cure in, , and also note . rhone valley trade route, . rivers, goddesses and, . river-worship, , , . robin, apple cult and, . robin red-breast, on glasgow seal, . -- -- in st. mungo legend, . romans, how britain was conquered by, , . -- celtic boats superior to boats of, . -- as exploiters of conquered countries, . -- how loan-rate of interest was reduced, . -- goddess, groups of, . -- gauls in army of, . -- mean and tragical conquest of britain by, , . -- myths of, regarding savages in ancient britain, . -- references of, to picts and caledonians, . -- religious beliefs of, no higher than those of gaels, . -- tacitus on rewards of, in britain, . -- wars for trade, . rome, connection of, with milk goddess cult, , . -- sacked by celts, . ro-smerta, the gaulish goddess, . rowan, . -- berry of, as fruit of longevity, . -- the sacred, , . see _tree cults_. rye, cultivation of, . sacred stones and sacred trees, . see _megalithic monuments_ and _tree cults_. sacrifices, annual pig sacrifices, . -- oxen sacrificed to demons in england, . -- at "wassailing", , . sahara, . -- grass-lands of the, . st. swithin's day, . salmon on city of glasgow seal, . -- as form of dragon, . -- fire and, . -- gaelic names of, . -- irish saint finds gold in stomach of, . -- in st. mungo legend, . -- the ring myth, . -- the sacred "salmon of wisdom", . sargon of akkad, his knowledge of western european metal-yielding areas, _et seq._, . saxons, . -- celts and, . -- the, picts as allies of, . scape-dog, the, . scots, the, crô-magnons and, . -- picts and, . -- first settlement of, in scotland, . scott, michael, in serpent myth, . seafaring. see _boats_. sea god, the hebridean _seonaidh_ (shony), . seasons, gaelic colours of, . selgovæ, the, . -- in galloway, . serpent, bride's serpent and dragon, . -- as "daughter of ivor", the "damsel", &c., . -- dragon as, . -- goddess bride and, . -- jet drives away, . -- sacred white, . -- on sculptured stones, (_ill._). -- "snake of hazel grove", . -- sea-serpent, . -- as soul, . -- the white, in michael scott legend, . setantii, the, in england and ireland, . -- cuchullin and, . severus, disastrous invasion of scotland by, , . sheep, goddess as, . -- in scoto-celtic tribal names, . shells, as amulets, , . -- aphrodite as pearl in, . -- in british graves, . -- finds of, in ireland and scotland, . -- coloured, in aurignacian cave-tomb, . -- wearing of, not a juvenile custom, . -- combe-capelle man wore, . -- in crô-magnon grotto, . -- crô-magnon trade in, . -- japanese and scottish "shell-milk" elixirs, , . -- "cup of mary" highland myth, . -- limpet lore, , and also note . -- egyptian artificial, . -- egyptian gold models of, . -- stone, ivory, and metal models of, . -- as "life-givers", . -- "evil eye" charms, . -- crô-magnon necklace, (_ill._). -- as food for dead, . -- cretan artificial, . -- fairy woman's coracle a shell, . -- in grotto at aurignac, . -- ground shells as elixir, . -- as "houses" of gods, . -- love girdle of, . -- hebridean tree goddess and, . -- indian ocean shell in aurignacian cave, . -- as "life substance", , , . -- mantle of, in aurignacian cave-tomb, . -- milk from, , . -- "personal ornaments" theory, . -- red sea shell in hampshire, , and also note . -- red sea shell in neolithic spain, . shells, red sea shell at mentone, . -- searched for by megalithic people, _et seq._ -- in welsh cave-tomb, . ships. see _boats_. silures, the, hebrideans and, . -- tacitus on, . -- in wales and scilly islands, . silurians, as miners, . silvanus, british deity, . silver, amber and, . -- in britain, . -- difficult to find and work in britain, . -- exported from britain in first century a.d., . -- easterners worked, in spain, . -- gaelic god connected with, . -- offered to water deity by gauls, . -- offered to deities by celts, . -- lead, as ballast for boats of easterners, . sin (pronounced _sheen_), the druid's judgment collar, . skins, exported from britain in first century, a.d., . sky, connection of sacred trees and wells with, . slaves, exported from britain in first century a.d., . see _fir-bolgs_. sleepers myth, in highland story, . -- the seven, antiquity of myth of, . smertæ, the, . smertullis, the god, ro-smerta and, . smintheus apollo. see _mouse apollo_. solutrean age, . -- pre-agricultural, . -- proto-solutrean influence, . -- culture, cave art declines, . -- -- characteristic artifacts, . -- -- climate, . -- -- open-air camps, . -- -- bone needles numerous, . -- -- decline of, in europe, . -- -- earliest influence of, in europe, . solutrean culture, "true" wave of, . -- -- carriers of, . -- implements, (_ill._). soul, animal shapes of, , , . -- bee and butterfly forms of, . -- bee forms of, in folk tales, . -- beliefs regarding, sleepers myth, . -- soul-case in scotland and japan, . -- butterfly as, in greece, italy, serbia, burmah, mexico, china, scotland, ireland, &c., , . -- the "change" in gaelic, . -- nourishment of, . -- cremation customs and destiny of, . -- dead go west, . -- dog form of, . -- druids and transmigration, . -- heart and liver as seats of life, . -- maggot as, . -- egyptian bata myth, . -- moth form of, . -- serpent form of, . -- lizard and other forms of, . -- star as, . -- in stone or husk, . -- in trees, . -- in egg, fish, swans, &c., . -- in weapons, . -- welsh ideas regarding destiny of, . sow-day in orkney, . sow goddess, the, . see _pigs_. spain, british trade with, , . -- colonists from, in britain, . -- displacement of easterners in, . -- druidism in, . -- early trade of, with britain, . -- easterners in, , , , . -- easterners kept natives of, ignorant of uses of metals, . -- egyptian gold diadem in neolithic tomb, . -- egyptian origin of neolithic industry in, . -- expulsion of easterners from, . -- in pre-agricultural age, . -- settlers from, in britain, . spear of god lugh, . spinning, . spirit worship. see _animism_. standing stones. see _megalithic monuments_. star, st. ciaran's stellar origin, . -- the dog, . stars, druid lore of, . -- gaels measured time by, , and also note . -- sir[)o]na, star goddess, . -- milky way and milk goddess cult, . -- welsh and gaelic names of, . stennis, standing stones of, . stone of danann deities, . -- as god, . stonehenge, doctrine of cardinal points and, . -- and egyptian empire beads, , (_ill._), . -- temple theory, . stones, in graves, , . -- wind raised by, in hebrides, . -- as "god body", . -- as dragon's eggs, . sumeria. see _babylonia_. sun, ancient british solar symbol, . -- circulating chapels, &c., . -- ear-rings and, . -- fire and, . -- rays of, as tears, , and also note . -- gaelic worship of, . -- gaels swore by, . -- goddess and, . -- modern and ancient sunwise customs, . sun-worship in britain, king canute and, . surgery, ancient man's skill in, . -- folk-lore evidence regarding, , . surrogate of life blood, . sussex dug-out, , . swallows, celtic deities as, . swans, as souls, . -- as oracles, . -- celtic deities as, . swine. see _pork taboo_. -- celts rearers of, . -- devil and, . swine, maglemosian hunters of, . -- orkney a boar name, . -- in roman religious ceremony, . -- scottish taboo of, . sword of god lugh, . symbols, swashtika, &c., , . see _colour symbolism_. tæxali, the, . talismans, irish and japanese, . taran[)u]cus (thunderer), gaulish god, . tardenoisian, , . -- artifacts, . -- iberian carriers of, . -- pre-agricultural, . -- pygmy flints, , (_ill._). tardenoisians, the, in britain, . -- english channel land-bridge crossed by, . -- industry, traces of, in africa, asia, and europe, . -- maglemosians and, . temples, pagan, used as christian churches, . -- the gaulish, . -- apollo's temple in england, . -- stonehenge, . -- pytheas refers to, . -- reroofing custom, . ten tribes, the lost, . teutons, british celts' relations with, . -- celts and, . thomas the rhymer, "true thomas" as "druid thomas", . thor, dagda and, . tilbury man, , . tin, . -- beginning of mining in cornwall, . -- scottish and irish, , . -- in britain and ireland, . -- surface tin collected in britain, . -- english mines of, opened after surface tin was exhausted, . -- the mictis problem, . -- descendants of ancient miners in britain, . -- exported from cornwall in first century a.d., . tin, phoenicians and the cassiterides, . -- search for, in britain, . -- traces of, in scotland, . -- trade in, . -- voyage of pytheas, . -- cornish mines opened, . see _cassiterides_ and _oetrymnides_. tin land, sargon of akkad's knowledge of the western european, , . tin-stone as ballast for boats of easterners, . toad, the, jewel of, . tom-tit, apple cult of, . toothache, ancient man suffered from, . torquay, magdalenian art near, . trade, early british exports, . -- red sea shell in hampshire, , and also note . -- routes, british and irish, . -- -- british trade with spain and carthage, . -- -- danube valley and rhone valley, . -- -- early trade between spain and britain, . -- -- exports from britain in first century a.d., . -- -- when overland routes were opened, . -- -- celts and, , . -- -- phoenicians kept sea-routes secret, . -- -- voyage of pytheas, . transition period. see _azilian_, _tardenoisian_, and _maglemosian_. -- -- longer than neolithic age, . -- -- race movements in, . -- in scotland, . transmigration, druidism and, , . traprain, silver as substitute for white enamel at, . tree cults, apple of knowledge eaten by thomas the rhymer, . -- -- apple tree as "tree of life", . -- -- birds and apple trees, . -- -- artemis and the fig, . tree cults, bee and maggot soul forms in trees, . -- -- and standing stones, , . -- -- coral as sea tree, . -- -- grown gold, . -- -- and standing stones and wells, . -- -- trees and wells and heavenly bodies, . -- -- druidism and, . -- -- fig as milk-yielding tree, . -- -- gaelic and latin names of sacred groves, . -- -- galatian sacred oak, . -- -- gaulish, . -- -- elm as milk tree, . -- -- plane as milk tree, . -- -- grove goddess as raven or crow, . -- -- the hazel god, , . -- -- apple of longevity, . -- -- hebridean shell and milk goddess and, . -- -- indian milk-yielding trees, . -- -- mouse and apple tree, . -- -- mistletoe and druidism, . -- -- megalithic monuments and, . -- -- and pearls, &c., . -- -- palm tree cult in spain, . -- -- oak on glasgow seal, . -- -- sacred groves and stone shrines, . -- -- sacred rowan, . -- -- silvanus, british tree god, . -- -- souls in trees, . -- -- st. mungo takes fire from the hazel, . -- -- stone circles and, . -- -- trees of longevity and knowledge, . -- -- woodbine as "king of the woods" in gaelic, . -- -- fire-producing trees, . trepanning in ancient times, . trinovantes, the, in england, . turquoise, symbolism of, . twelfth night, . underworld, gaelic ideas regarding, . underworld, egyptian paradise of, . -- fairyland as paradise, . -- welsh ideas of, . -- "well of healing" in, . urns, burial, food and drink in, . uxellimus, gaulish god, . vacomagi, the, . veneti, the, pictones assist romans against, . -- picts and, . venus. see _aphrodite_. -- the british, . -- cæsar offered british pearls to, . -- origin of, . -- the scandinavian, . vernicones, the, in scotland, . viking ship, origin of, . votadini, in scotland, . vulcan, the celtic, , . warfare, neolithic weapons rare, . water, fire in, . -- as source of all life, . -- spirits, . "water of life", "fire water" as, , . weapons, celts swore by, . -- demons in, . -- as sacred symbols in ireland and japan, . well, "beast" (dragon) in, . wells, bride (brigit) and, . -- connection of, with trees, stones, and sky, . -- goddess and, . -- "well of healing" in underworld, . well-worship and sacred grove, heaven, &c., . well-worship, dingwall presbytery deals with, . -- gildas refers to, . -- well as a god, - . -- trees, standing stones, and, . -- winds and, . -- offerings of gold, &c., . welsh gods, . were-animals, scottish, . -- witches and, . wheat, cultivation of, . whistle, the, antiquity of, . widow-burning, . wind, fairies come on eddies of, . wind and water beliefs, . wind goddess, scottish, associated with south-west, . winds, colours of, _et seq._ -- gaelic names of, in spring, . -- hebridean wind-stone, . witches, cat forms of, . -- priestesses and, . -- were-animals and, . withershins, . woad, celtic connection of, with water, amber, &c., . wolf, goddess as, . -- goddess morrigan as, . woodbine as "king of the woods", . "world mill", the, metal workers and, . wren, apple cult of, . -- druids and, . -- hunting of, . -- the sacred, . -- as king of birds, . yellow muilearteach, the, scottish deity, , . zuyder zee, formerly a plain, . -- -- disasters of, , . printed and bound in great britain _by blackie & son, limited, glasgow_ * * * * * * transcriber's note: minor spelling inconsistencies, mainly hyphenated words, have been made consistent. obvious typographical errors have been corrected. a "list of illustrations" has been added to the text for the convenience of the reader. it includes illustrations that were not included in the "list of plates." in the index the phrase (_ill._) has occasionally been moved so as consistently to come after the page to which it refers. longhead: _the story of the first fire_ l. c. page & company beacon street, boston, mass. [illustration: "they caught sight of the light made by the fire." (_see page ._)] longhead: the story of the first fire by c. h. robinson author of "hawk: the young osage," etc. illustrated by charles livingston bull boston l. c. page & company mdccccxiii _copyright, _, by l. c. page & company (incorporated) _all rights reserved_ first impression, july, the colonial press c. h. simonds & co., boston, u. s. a. contents chapter page i. introduction of fire ii. weapons--cooked food--companionship iii. germs of social organization iv. co-operation v. dawn of invention, art, marriage, religion and government list of illustrations page "they caught sight of the light made by the fire" (_see page _) _frontispiece_ "a huge tiger which was slowly creeping up behind him" "after some vigorous blowing, produced flame" "soon they had a tolerably firm path from the solid ground to a place near the great beast" longhead: the story of the first fire chapter i introduction of fire "a fire-mist and a planet, a crystal and a cell, a jelly-fish and a saurian, and a cave where the cave-men dwell; then a sense of law and beauty and a face turned from the clod,-- some call it evolution, and others call it god." a strange-looking animal was running across the open glade toward the forest. it looked something like a human being, but was entirely naked. its body, except on the palms of the hands and soles of the feet, was covered with reddish-brown hair, but on the head it was nearly black and long and matted; while on the rest of the body it was short and curled--nearly fur, in fact. its arms were long, reaching below the knees, and the great toes, as it ran, stood nearly at right angles to the others. the animal carried no weapon of any kind, if we except a club or staff broken from a dry branch, which it seemed to use in maintaining an upright position as it hurried toward a large tree with pendent branches which stood at the edge of the forest. just as the creature reached the outer branches, which extended nearly to the ground, a storm, which had been rapidly approaching, burst with great violence. there was a loud clap of thunder, a bolt of lightning tore the tree to splinters, and the animal fell to the ground, stunned by the shock. it lay unconscious for some time, and the thunder shower had passed, leaving the sun shining brightly, when it raised its head and sat up. at first it slowly rubbed its body and head, and then, reaching full consciousness, its attention was attracted by a roaring and crackling sound a short distance away. the lightning had prostrated the tree and had set fire to a mass of brush and logs lying at its roots. the beast sprang to its feet in astonishment and alarm. the animal was one of our primitive ancestors, and he now saw fire for the first time. as his body, chilled by the recent rain, began to feel the warmth, he first drew near, but as the heat increased, he was compelled to withdraw to a greater distance. he gazed as if fascinated, however, at the curious sight for a long time. when it began to grow dark, he was surprised to see that the forest for some distance around, remained nearly as light as day. [illustration: "a huge tiger which was slowly creeping up behind him."] his feeble intellect, however, soon wearied of the new sensation, and he withdrew to an overhanging rock near-by. he knew of a small cave at its base with a narrow entrance, and of this he at once took possession, rolling against the opening some masses of stone lying near and piling in others after he had entered, until he had secured the opening against any dangerous animal. he gave little further thought to the phenomena of the fire, for man had not yet reached a development in intellect which permitted a consecutive train of thought for any considerable length of time. he slept soundly, but when he crawled from his refuge in the morning, the smoke still rising from the pile of logs and brush attracted his attention and recalled to his mind what had occurred the evening before. he approached the fire, which had nearly consumed its supply of fuel, but was smouldering still in a large decayed log and the ends of several poles which lay partly in a bed of glowing coals. so much was the man now interested in this new phenomenon that he forgot for a moment his usual caution when in the forest, and failed to observe a huge tiger which was slowly creeping up behind him, and, but for the sharp sound of a dry stick breaking under the animal's weight, this story would have ended then and there. the man had just drawn from the fire a burning pole and was examining with much curiosity its glowing end, when the sound caused him to turn, only to meet the tiger, which had made its leap. the man bounded to one side, and at the same time, more by accident than design, he thrust the burning stick against the animal's breast. the fierce beast came against it with such impact that it penetrated through the skin and into the flesh. with a scream of terror and pain and many snarls and spits, the tiger began biting the injured spot and then turned and fled into the forest. our man, who had given himself up for lost, stared in bewilderment at the retreating animal and then at the pole which had saved his life. he thought longer and more deeply than he had ever done before, as he stood beside the smouldering embers. without any particular reason for his action, he gathered up some of the unconsumed ends of the branches, cast them into the coals, and was much amused to see them ignited and the flame renewed. it was a new plaything, and for a long time he continued to pile sticks upon the coals and to delight in the bright flame, the ascending smoke and the crackling sparks; but that he could make any practical use of his new discovery had not yet been suggested to his feeble intellect. tiring at length of the sport, he realized that he was hungry, and, turning into the forest, he sought for food. for some hours he roamed the hills and valleys, striking down with his stick a small animal which he devoured raw; finding a few grubs under fallen logs which he turned over; and he found also a few berries, prematurely ripened, and finally satisfied his ravenous appetite by filling his stomach with buds of shrubs and some succulent roots, which experience had taught him were not injurious and were at least satisfying. by this time he had reached a part of the forest in which he had been making his home for a few weeks and, seeking out a tree, in which he had constructed a sort of nest with interlaced sticks and leaves, he lay down for a nap. he wakened late in the afternoon, climbed to the ground and started on an aimless walk through the forest, carrying his stick, but no other weapon, for other weapons than stones for throwing and sticks for striking were then unknown. most of the people in the group to which he belonged had short round heads, such as scientists call brachiocephalic, but this man was dolichocephalous, or longheaded, and this peculiarity had given him the name of longhead among this group at the few gatherings of these people, which happened occasionally, more by accident than design, for they had no social organization whatever. they had no laws; no leaders; no permanent habitations and wore no clothing. they slept in nests built in the branches of trees at night, or sought shelter in any chance caves of the region through which they roved. this had no defined boundaries and they remained in the locality only because they found food fairly plentiful. as yet, there was not even family organization, for it was many ages after this time before it dawned upon man anywhere that the male animal played any part in the propagation of species. to the ordinary and usual phenomena of nature our primitive forefathers never gave a thought or question, but accepted them without speculation as to their cause or fear as to their continuance, so long as regularity obtained. the rising and setting of the sun were to him perfectly natural events of daily occurrence from his childhood, and had so continued during the recollection of the oldest members of the group, and it was only when eclipses occurred, breaking this orderly continuity, that he felt at all alarmed. it was natural for the moon to shed her soft light when not obscured by clouds, and even its waxing and waning occasioned no alarm, for this, likewise, had continued "since the fathers fell asleep." there was nothing strange about the gentle dew descending by night or rain falling from the clouds; these he had observed from his earliest youth; but when the loud thunders reverberated through the hills, and the forked lightnings flashed athwart the sky, frequently rending the giant trees of the forest or bringing sudden death to a comrade, this mysterious and dangerous display of an unknown power, was, to him, alarming, and he early attributed these and all other infrequent or unaccountable phenomena to supernatural beings with whom his fancy peopled the hills and forests, the rivers and the sky. it was entirely natural to primitive man that in the spring the trees and plants should bud and send forth leaves and blossoms, to be followed later by fruit, "each after its kind." this, also, had always occurred from his earliest recollection and that of his elders, and it occasioned no thought upon his part. it was only when floods, drouths and other calamities interfered with this orderly sequence of events that any mystery was presented or any thought required. it is clear that among these common and natural occurrences, which were simply accepted without question because they had always happened, must be classed the bringing forth of young by all mammals. man had always observed that the females of all the animals about him brought forth young, "each after its kind." this was to be expected and gave him no surprise, nor, in the then condition of his intellect, did it give rise to a thought as to its cause. likewise, his own womankind gave birth to young, from time to time, just as did the other animals, and there was no cause for speculation or thought in regard to this; the occurrence was too common to be a mystery. there being then no knowledge of fatherhood, there were no fathers, and for many generations no relatives were known except in the female line. consequently, there was no family hearthstone; no paternal love; no marriage. the relations of the sexes was purely physical and were generally indiscriminate, as opportunity might afford; but doubtless, with some, this companionship was continued for a longer or shorter period, as circumstances or congeniality might induce. in these ages, and they were long ones among some peoples, it is obvious that there could have been no such emotion as paternal love, for no man even suspected that he was a father. no man experienced the exquisite pleasure of hearing the first cry of his first-born child; no man heard "dada," from infant lips. no man assisted in the support of his children or took part in their care, except unconsciously as he aided in the maintenance of the children of the group or tribe; no man cared more for the mother of his children than he did for any other woman who might attract his fancy or passion. above all, the men and women of that long epoch were strangers to the sacred companionship, the life-long attachment and communion of souls with mutual interests which attach to the true marriage of to-day. the children were the common care of the group or tribe; the boys that they might grow up to be hunters and warriors, and the girls that they might contribute to the sensual enjoyment of the men, or, if it pleased the spirits, or stars, or some other supernatural agency, might become mothers for the perpetuation of the tribe. in times of extreme danger, famine or privation, or when too feeble to follow the migrations of the group, the babies, especially the female ones, were ruthlessly abandoned to wild beasts or slaughtered outright. there existed, doubtless, the mother instinct which prompts females, even among the lower animals, to care for and defend their offspring, but it certainly fell far short of the mother love among civilized peoples. after wandering aimlessly a number of miles, longhead encountered a female of his own species who was not altogether unknown to him. they had met occasionally at the infrequent gatherings of the people who inhabited that part of the forest, and on one or two occasions had remained together for a few days in that anomalous companionship which took the place of marriage in those far-off days. there was no kiss, caress or other sign of affection or pleasure; the pair merely gave each other a friendly grin and grunted in a satisfactory tone. words were scarce in the vocabulary of the people of that epoch, and they communicated with each other largely by means of signs, gesticulation and pantomime. the woman could not have been called handsome, according to our ideas of beauty. she, too, was naked and hairy, but the hair on her head was longer and less matted than on that of the man, and was held back from her face by being drawn behind the ears with a strip of bark twisted about her head to keep it somewhat in that condition. her body was smaller than that of longhead; but her limbs were slender and ungainly and her stomach also protruded, in consequence of the quantities of coarse vegetable food required to sustain life. by an accident in childhood, she had lost one of her front teeth, and on this account, she was known as broken tooth. the woman soon gave longhead to understand that she was hungry. the protective, or probably, the sexual instinct, prompted him to act as a provider, and he offered to assist her in a search for food. together they roamed, finding here a few grubs and there a juicy root, and finally the man killed a small animal with his club, which they shared, longhead tearing it in pieces with his hands and teeth and throwing small pieces to broken tooth, which he admiringly watched her devour. her appetite finally satisfied, she lay back in the sunshine against the roots of a tree, closed her eyes in great contentment, and began a conversation with her companion in the few words then constituting the human vocabulary. she recalled their last meeting and asked why she had not seen him at any of the gatherings of the group since. he told her that in consequence of the jealousy of one of the giants of the group to which they both belonged, who had resented his attentions to one of the females of his harem, he had become involved in a fight with the giant in which he had been beaten nearly to death, and that, fearing to remain with his fellows, as well as on account of his serious injuries, he had retired to a distant part of the forest where he had found sufficient food and had recovered his strength. he told her that he had rather enjoyed his isolation and, had present company been with him in his forced retirement, he would have been entirely content. at this statement, the woman merely gave an incredulous sniff. the man then related numerous encounters with wild animals, in which, of course, he had come off successfully--and just here he recollected his strange experience with the fire and his encounter with the tiger. with great truthfulness, and as much detail as his vocabulary permitted, he told her what had occurred to him the evening before and that very morning. how, seeking for refuge from a storm, he had been suddenly stricken unconscious, by what means he did not know; and the strange sight he had witnessed on recovery. he told her, also, of his adventure with the tiger that morning and its discomfiture. broken tooth laughed long and loudly at this and was wholly incredulous. such a thing had never happened before, and consequently could not have happened now. she asked him what kind of a weed he had been eating, and said she was not born yesterday to believe such nonsense. this led to quite a discussion, the man insisting upon the reality of his experiences and the woman ridiculing the whole narrative as impossible. the colloquy finally ended by her asking him to conduct her to the place where he claimed such wonderful things had happened, that she might see if anything remained there to confirm his absurd story. longhead assented and, as it was not far distant, they arrived at the locality a little before dark. the fire still smouldered in the decayed log and numerous sticks still smoked at their ends. mindful of his morning's amusement, longhead gathered a number of the burning poles, placed their glowing ends together and threw on them some dry leaves and twigs. in a moment a column of smoke began to ascend, followed soon by a tongue of bright flame and many rising and glowing sparks. one of these broken tooth caught in her hand, but dropped it with an exclamation of pain. "if a small one hurts so much, i don't wonder your tiger fled when you thrust a large one against his breast," she said. long they played with the fire, throwing upon it sticks and dry branches, and the woman clapped her hands and screamed with delight at each succeeding shower of sparks. when at length night came on and the darkness made the firelight more brilliant, the man piled a large number of sticks on the fire to show how the forest was lighted up; but finally both became weary of the sport, and then he told her of the cave near-by--just large enough for two--and invited her to share it with him for the night. she consented, and as they were about to start, the man, without any thought of the effect, gathered up four or five of the sticks with live coals at the end and placed them together. these he waved in the air to amuse the woman with the flying sparks, as they passed along, she still screaming at each successive sparkle, until suddenly a bright flame shot up and, by accident, like many other valuable discoveries, a torch was invented. by its light they easily made their way to the rocky platform in front of the cave sheltered by the overhanging rock, and when longhead cast down the torch broken tooth placed the ends of the burning sticks together as she had seen him do, and again the flame shot up. the new experience was too delightful to be given up, and, at the woman's suggestion, they gathered large armfuls of dry branches and some heavy logs which lay scattered about near the platform, which they piled up and from time to time added to the fire. the night was cool, but as they sat back against the wall of rock under the sloping cliff to watch the blaze and flying sparks, a pleasant warmth, new to their experience, pervaded their bodies, and they gave themselves up to the luxury of the sensation. the fire roared and blazed merrily, broken tooth shouted in glee, and longhead began to think, in a slow ponderous way, that this new agent in his life might do much for his comfort if it could be perpetuated, but his mental power was too limited to suggest any method for this. their shouts and laughter had attracted the attention of the wild animals, and all at once broken tooth saw two glowing eyes and the crouching form of a great tiger almost at the edge of the platform. longhead caught sight of it at the same moment, and with a yell of fear each scrambled for the narrow entrance of the cave. broken tooth, lighter of form and quicker of movement, reached it a moment the soonest, but no promptings of sex, gallantry or politeness prevented longhead from throwing her roughly to one side while he attained the coveted shelter. once within, he began to fill the entrance with stones, leaving his companion to the fate which he supposed had already befallen her, when, greatly to his surprise, she tumbled in unhurt. filling the entrance so that it would not admit the body of the tiger, they peered together through the openings and saw the disappointed animal pacing back and forth just at the edge of the semi-circle of brilliant light made by the fire. long they watched the baffled beast, and at first they were unable to understand why the animal did not approach the entrance and attempt to remove the stones and secure his prey. at length broken tooth said: "i believe he is afraid of the fire." she did not, of course, use the word "fire;" she probably said "brightness," or some equivalent word, if they had one. longhead agreed that this might be the case, and together they watched the animal with great interest. finally longhead, emboldened by the tiger's hesitation, removed one of the stones, and, protruding his head, shouted in derision at his ancient enemy. the animal, whose rage or hunger made him momentarily forget his fear, made a dash toward the cave, but, when he came within the bright light and felt the heat of the fire, he retreated precipitately. longhead finally crawled outside and broken tooth soon followed him. they taunted the great cat with the vilest words they knew; threw stones at it, and simply revelled in their new sensation of safety. here was old saber-tooth, the one animal of all others whose vicinage carried terror wherever he went, at bay at last. for a while the animal would make dashes toward them, when broken tooth would tumble into the cave and longhead draw near the entrance, ready for instant retreat to safety; but each time the fear of the fire sent the tiger back beyond the charmed circle of its light, where it gave vent to its disappointment in savage growls and spittings. at length, wearied by the unprofitable labor, and awed by the strange light and heat, the beast disappeared; its snarls and growls grew fainter in the distance and ceased to be heard. saber-tooth had at last found something he feared, and man a protector. delighted with this new feeling of security from danger in the night, the man and woman sat long before the cheerful blaze and enjoyed its grateful warmth. they agreed that wild animals were afraid of this new agent, and if they could always have its protection they would have nothing to fear from them; but to their weak intellects no thought of an attempt to perpetuate the fire was suggested. when their fuel was exhausted and nothing but a bed of glowing coals remained, they retired to the cave, carefully closing the entrance against the possible return of the tiger or the attack of some other animal, for they realized that the fire, being now nearly out, they could no longer depend upon it for protection. late in the morning longhead and broken tooth emerged from the cave. the fire was out and the ashes cold. when they thought of the pleasurable warmth it had produced and the protection it had afforded they indulged in some expressions of regret that it was gone, and then thought no more about it. they soon made their way to the place of the smouldering log, but it was now nearly consumed. directly the woman noticed two or three tiny threads of smoke, and on investigation they found that some dry excrescences, which we call "punk," had fallen away from the burning log and that on one side of each was a small spark. broken tooth took up one of these and, noting the white ash so like the down on certain plants which she had often blown away in sport, she blew upon it as she held it in her hand, and was delighted to see the spark spread and glow afresh. longhead, too, picked up a piece of the lighted punk and, after blowing upon it for a few minutes, dropped it carelessly at his feet, where it fell upon some dry rotten wood and leaves. without noticing this, he watched the amusement of his companion as she made the sparks fly from the piece she held, and then, suddenly, with a yell of pain, he jumped aside and hopped about on one foot, holding the other in his hand. the rotten wood and leaves upon which he had dropped the punk had ignited and the fire had reached his foot. he now understood the defeat of the tiger the morning before, and had ocular and painful demonstration of the fact that punk will retain fire, at least for a few hours. [illustration: "after some vigorous blowing, produced flame."] longhead now seemed to wake up; at last he had an idea, and he talked it over with the woman as they slowly returned to the cave platform, each carrying a piece of the lighted punk. once there, the man sought for dry, rotten wood and small twigs, which they piled upon the punk and, after some vigorous blowing, produced flame. an idea was born; a discovery was made; the greatest in all time. broken tooth remained to maintain the fire by putting on fresh fuel, while longhead carried armfuls of sticks and logs from the forest, together with pieces of punk for future use. the punk he piled at the cave entrance to keep it dry, and man was now master of fire, the most beneficent of nature's gifts. thenceforth it only remained that a plentiful supply of dry fuel and punk should be maintained at the cave, and their comfort and safety were assured. their delight at their mutual discovery--for longhead insisted that if broken tooth had not blown upon the punk for amusement, he would not have discovered a method for the preservation of the fire--drew the two closer together as having a great secret in common. the necessity that the fire be supplied with fuel that it might be kept alive, and that fresh fire might occasionally be applied to the pieces of punk, suggested that one should remain for that purpose; and when longhead proposed that the two should remain permanently together, the woman to keep the fire alive while the man sought for food for both, broken tooth agreed at once; and thus came about the first union resembling marriage in which the man became the provider and the woman the home-keeper. chapter ii weapons--cooked food--companionship for some months the man and woman maintained their residence in the cave, uninterrupted by any visits from other human inhabitants of the forest. daily longhead went forth in search of food, which he brought to the cave and they shared it together. sometimes there was plenty, but often their meals were scanty, as the only weapons then known were stones and clubs. broken tooth aided to some extent, by searching a piece of low moist ground not far from the cave for such roots and tubers as were palatable, and altogether, they managed to sustain life as well as before their union, but the woman never ventured far from the platform for fear that by some accident their precious fire should go out. every night the fire blazed merrily upon the platform, fed with dry branches and large sticks, which it was the task of the woman to procure during the day. frequently they saw wild animals in the forest at night or heard their growls as they prowled in the surrounding thickets, but never after their experience with the tiger the first night of their fire, did one venture within the charmed circle of the light made by the flames. sometimes when it rained or the weather was cold, and sufficient food remained over from the night before, longhead lingered about the cave and platform all day, enjoying the warmth and comfort of the fire, and on these occasions the couple talked much of the benefits of their new acquisition. one day broken tooth said: "what shall we say if some of the people wander this way and find us? what shall we tell them about how we came in possession of this new comfort?" then they talked about this long and earnestly. they had no desire to benefit their fellows by sharing with them their accidental discovery, for man was yet a purely selfish animal, and there was no organized society of any kind; but they both recognized the fact that when others became acquainted with its benefits, they would soon acquire the fire, by force if necessary, and that their own lives would stand for nothing, should they resist. they felt sure that the matter could not long be concealed from other members of their group, for the first hunter who should wander to that part of the forest would smell the smoke and would investigate. it was finally concluded that, as they did not themselves know how the fire had originated in the heap of logs and brush, they would say longhead himself had produced it in a mysterious manner, which they dare not reveal for fear it might be taken from them. that they might not be observed in the mornings kindling the fire with punk and tinder, and their secret be thus exposed, it was agreed that all the punk should be kept in the cave, the fires lighted there, and only brought out on the platform after the sticks were ablaze. every night two pieces of punk were ignited and laid carefully up on a small natural projecting shelf in the cave. they used two pieces, fearing that by some accident one might become extinguished. the fact is, this very thing did happen once. the lighted punk had been laid back against the rear wall of the platform when they went to bed, but a violent storm had come on in the night and the rain had been driven in so that the punk was wet and the spark gone in the morning. their precious fire was only saved by broken tooth finding a tiny spark on the under side of a log which the water had not happened to reach. they had been greatly alarmed, and so two pieces had been thereafter lighted and both taken into the cave to avoid such another mishap. this peaceful enjoyment of their new-found happiness and companionship had continued for some months, when one evening a small animal which they were about to tear to pieces for their evening meal, fell into a large bed of burning coals on the platform. longhead was about to recover it when broken tooth, whose sense of smell may have been more acute, said: "wait a minute; what is that delicious smell?" up to this time they had still continued to eat their food raw, and there had been nothing to suggest to the mind of either that it would be better if exposed to heat. now they continued for some minutes to inhale the new and agreeable odor, but it had the effect to make longhead ravenously hungry, and he soon drew the animal from the coals with a long stick. when he began to tear it the hot carcass burned his fingers, which alarmed him at first, but the demands of his appetite must be satisfied, and, tearing it in pieces, he divided with the woman. at first they both tasted gingerly and were a little afraid of the unaccustomed heat, but before either had finished the first morsel their pleasure was evident. they devoured the whole of the animal, and declared it the finest eating they had ever experienced. two or three other small animals lay beside the fire and they decided to repeat the course. both had observed that the portions of the first animal which had been most exposed to the heat had been made tender and more appetizing, and, on the suggestion of broken tooth, a long slender stick was thrust through an animal, which was by this means held over the hottest part of the bed of coals by longhead, who turned it from time to time, that all parts might be thoroughly cooked. this was so much better than the first that their appetites returned with renewed vigor, and when the second animal had been eaten, they again repeated the courses until all the food on hand had been devoured. they both declared that roasted meat was far superior to raw, and agreed that this should be the method of preparing meat for the future. one day when broken tooth returned from the swamp with some wild carrots and other roots, she thrust one into a pile of hot ashes and burning coals, merely as an experiment. she left it there while she collected some fuel and replenished the fire, and when she drew it out and tasted it she was pleased to find that roots also were much improved by cooking. when longhead returned in the evening he was treated to a surprise--supper of two courses, broiled wood-rat and roasted carrot. everything to be used for food was thereafter submitted to the cooking test, and, whenever broiling or roasting in the ashes seemed to improve the taste of any article of food, this was adopted. longhead and broken tooth now found themselves really caring for each other and each sought to do things to please the other. as far as they were concerned, the old selfishness was now gone. their close companionship around the fire alone during the evenings; its cheerful light and gay sparkle, its warmth and comfort tended to promote conversation and they found themselves talking more than they had ever before in their lives. they even coined a few words to express their new experiences and feelings. longhead would relate in detail the hunting adventures of the day and broken tooth would recount her own experiences in search of roots and eggs. both thoroughly enjoyed their new life at the fire-cave; indeed, it seemed to them they had never really lived before. nearly every day longhead would go into the forest in search of small animals for food. in his absence broken tooth first collected sufficient fuel to keep the fire alive for another twenty-four hours, then she would visit the low ground for roots and tubers, eggs and nuts, for since they had been experimenting with roasting, they had discovered that a number of roots which had been rejected as bitter and unpalatable, when raw, were much improved by roasting, and these had been added to the bill of fare. broken tooth had found nesting places of the waterfowl which frequented the swamp. her first experiment in roasting eggs had been a partial failure. she placed a couple of eggs in the hot ashes, noticing at the time that the shell of one was cracked; soon there was an explosion and the egg with the sound shell was destroyed. thereafter she made a small hole in each for the escape of the steam and all went well. her worst trouble with eggs was the want of a receptacle for transporting them to the fire-cave, for she wore not even an apron. when evening began to draw near, broken tooth found herself looking often into the forest and wishing for longhead's return. she sometimes feared a savage beast might have killed him. this was a new feeling for her. in the former life she had never cared for any one or cared particularly to see others. one evening when the man finally appeared, she ran into the forest to meet him and put her arms around his neck. longhead looked at her in some surprise and then returned the caress, and they walked arm in arm to the platform. that evening they both talked a great deal, and finally broken tooth said: "i wonder what has come over both of us. even when together for a short time in the old days, we spoke but seldom. i wonder if it is the fire." it was indeed the fire, with its warmth and cheer, so different from the old days when each had shivered in the fork of a tree or had spent the night in a dark and noisome cavern. neither understood the nature of the change which was being wrought in them, but if it was not yet real marriage, it was at least the germ which in the long succeeding ages has developed into real marriage. one morning a cold rain was falling and longhead sat long before the blazing fire, loth to leave the comfort he found there for the chilly and dripping forest. he drew a long slender stick from the fire and began to observe its glowing end. as the ashes accumulated and hid the red coal, he blew them away. after a few minutes, the fire on the stick went out and the man, picking up a piece of stone, began idly and without purpose to scrape away the black or charred portion of the end. when he reached the unburned wood, he found it very hard and as he continued to scrape, he finally brought the stick to a very sharp point. he felt this and thought it might be very good for killing small animals, so when he finally started out for his day's search for food, he took it with him. it was fortunate he did so, for late in the afternoon as he was turning toward home, after an unsuccessful hunt, a pack of wild dogs attacked him. so close were they upon him before he was aware, that the leader sprang at him to pull him down just before he reached a tree in which he was about to take refuge. in defense, he thrust the sharpened stick at the beast with all his might. it passed clear through the body of the dog, which fell dead and was quickly devoured by its fellows, while the man scrambled to safety. when longhead climbed down, after the dogs had dispersed, he secured the sharpened stick, and it was with a new feeling of safety he moved through the forest, spear in hand; for a spear had been invented. a few days later he even ventured to attack a wild dog he found separated from the pack; a thing he never would have done when armed with only a club or stone. he killed the animal and carried it in triumph to the fire-cave, for it was the first time, to his knowledge, a man, ever, single-handed, had killed so large an animal of a ferocious kind. its roasted flesh supplied the man and woman food for several days. one day, when kindling a fire on the platform, the woman was too indolent to remove some small boulders from the spot where she desired to make the fire, so she piled the fuel over them and was surprised to find that the fire kindled more readily and burned better on account of the fuel being raised from the ground, and thereafter, three or four stones were used to support the sticks. one morning, after the fire had burned for some time and the stones were red hot, a smart shower came up. the fire was too far under the slope of the shelving rock to be directly affected, but as it continued to rain for some time, a small pool accumulated on top of the rock, which finally worked its way through the bed of leaves that had dammed its progress and, all at once, it poured over the face of the rock in a small column and fell directly upon one of the red-hot stones in the fire-place. the stone was a large nodule of flint; there was an immediate explosion, a dense cloud of steam and ashes arose, and the alarmed owners of the cave rushed for safety to its depths. when all was quiet they emerged to find that one of the stones which supported the sticks had disappeared. instead of the stone, however, there were numerous sharp flakes of flint scattered about, which longhead first discovered when he cut his foot by stepping on one. with much curiosity, the man examined the flake which had injured him, then picking up the carcass of a small animal lying near, he found that he could cut it with the flake. he now carefully gathered up all the flakes he could find and carried them into the cave. when he returned from his day's hunt in the evening, he brought with him a long, slender, dry stick which he rubbed and polished with a flake until perfectly smooth; then, with some fibrous roots, he bound the longest and sharpest of his flakes at the end of the pole, and the next day carried this with him to the forest instead of the fire-hardened wooden spear. later, he discovered that narrow strips of rawhide were better than roots for tying on a flake, and, after many years of progress, the long tendons of large animals were substituted as still better for the purpose. longhead and his new deadly weapon had numerous encounters with small animals, in each of which he found his new spear superior to anything he had yet tried, and this gave him still greater confidence in himself. he no longer sneaked through the forest half bent to the ground and fearing nearly every animal he might meet, but went with head erect and a more fearless step. a few days later, while pursuing some half-grown wild pigs, and when they were about to plunge into a den in the rocks, he threw his spear at the last one, in disappointment. to his surprise, it passed clear through the animal, killing it at once. he carried the pig to the cave and that night sat long before the fire in deep thought. finally, he selected a long and thin fragment of flint, rather broader than those he had used for the spear, wrapped some small roots about it at one end to protect his hand, and he had a knife--the first one in the world. the next morning he tied a strip of bark around his waist to support the knife, and when he returned in the evening he brought with him several dry and slender sticks shorter than his spear and proceeded to bind a sharp splinter of flint to each. thereafter, he always carried one of these short ones in addition to his long spear, and thus a javelin was invented. he practiced throwing this at every animal he saw, and, indeed, at other objects, and soon became quite expert in its use. he found, too, that it was now much easier to keep the larder well supplied. in his wanderings, longhead one day approached quite near the locality in which he had formerly resided with the group, and where he had received the terrible beating which had made him an exile. he gnashed his teeth when he thought of the man who had vented his jealous rage upon him and was wondering in his mind how he could obtain revenge. at that instant he turned around a point of rocks and found himself face to face with the giant himself. the fellow was all of a head taller and at least fifty pounds heavier than longhead; his strength was immense and his temper ferocious. by reason of his size and fierce temper, as well as the surly grunts he generally used instead of words, he was known among the people of the group as the bear. he was a veritable tyrant and most of the others were practically his slaves. when bear saw a man or woman with food he wanted, he reached for it with a roar, and it was at once given up or its owner was beaten nearly to death. he had a large number of the women so terrified that they did not dare to associate with the other men; these he kept near himself and compelled them to supply him with food. longhead had once persuaded one of these women to accompany him on a trip in search of food. they were absent several days, and on his return, bear had given him the beating. bear knew him at once, and with a howl of rage and uplifted club, rushed upon him. longhead was terribly frightened, and for a moment forgot all about his spear, but in a second he recalled the fate of the pig and other animals and, with all his strength, he threw his javelin at the hairy breast of the advancing enemy, now but a pace or two distant. it went nearly through his body and, with a yell of pain, the giant threw up his hands and fell to the ground. he tried to pull the weapon from his body, and failing in this, writhed in agony for a few moments and then lay perfectly still. he was dead, and longhead looked with wonder and awe at his victim. fighting was not uncommon among the men of that period, but being without dangerous weapons, the fights had generally resulted in one or both the combatants being more or less seriously but not dangerously injured, and this was the first time longhead had ever seen one human being killed by another. deaths he had, of course, known, but they had been from disease, accident or wild animals. he now heard some of the people approaching, and drawing his javelin from the corpse, he concealed himself near-by to observe the effect when they should discover the body. there were three of the party, and at first they thought bear asleep and shouted to arouse him, but when they discovered the blood and the hole in his breast, they perceived that he was dead. longhead in hiding heard no expressions of sorrow or regret, for, to tell the truth, bear was no favorite with the group. his immense size and irascible disposition had made him a bully, and there were few who had not been beaten by him at some time; therefore, the remarks overheard by the man in hiding were rather to the effect that the finders were well enough pleased, but they expressed great wonder at the wound and could not conceive what animal had caused it, especially as there were no marks of teeth or claws or any other wounds on the body. they picked up the corpse, however, and started with it toward the late habitation of the giant. longhead left his retreat and proceeded thoughtfully toward the fire-cave. his revenge was gratified and he felt happy on that account, but the wonderful character of his weapon was beginning to dawn upon his dull intelligence, and he no longer feared man or beast. he dimly recognized that with such a weapon a small man was the equal of a giant. chapter iii germs of social organization after several months' residence at the fire-cave, during which none of their former neighbors had appeared in the vicinity, longhead and broken tooth were seated at their fire one evening enjoying a hearty meal of cooked flesh and roasted tubers and eggs. the man had, thanks to his javelin, brought home all the meat he could carry, the fire blazed merrily and they were enjoying themselves to the utmost when they were greeted by human voices from some trees near the cave. it appeared that a couple of their old neighbors had been hunting in that part of the forest and, night coming on, they had sought safety from dangerous animals by climbing a tree. this happened to be so near the cave that they caught sight of the light made by the fire, and the strange sight excited their curiosity. at first, they were greatly alarmed, never having seen fire before, but curiosity soon overcame fear, and, passing from tree to tree, they cautiously approached the platform. when quite near they recognized longhead and broken tooth as old acquaintances and called out to them. they were at once invited to come down, but declined at first, being afraid of the strange light, but, being assured by the man and woman that there was no danger, they soon descended, and very gingerly and with many pauses, after much encouragement, approached the platform. the genial warmth of the fire pleased them greatly and they asked longhead what it was and where it came from. he made vague and mysterious answers and gave them little satisfaction. he told them, however, that the savage animals were afraid of the light and would not come near it, relating their adventure with saber-tooth their first night at the cave, and he assured them that if the fire was kept alive by a supply of fuel, one could sleep in the open forest at night without danger, and showed them the effect of putting on fresh fuel. he invited them to remain upon the platform for the night, informing them that but one must sleep at a time, the other remaining awake to supply the fire with wood, of which he showed them the pile and instructed them to put but little on at a time, that it might not be exhausted before daylight. there was a goodly supply of meat at the cave, for the man had been successful in the day's hunt, and he and broken tooth now proceeded to cook some of it over the coals. when it was well done, they offered some to their guests. at first they were afraid of it and declined to taste until their hosts had eaten some, but, after the first taste they devoured it ravenously and expressed great surprise and satisfaction at the improvement over raw meat. at a late hour longhead and broken tooth retired to their cave, leaving their guests seated at the fire. they both remained awake all night, replenishing the fire from time to time, as they had been instructed. they thoroughly enjoyed the new sensation of light and warmth as compared with the dark and chilly refuge of a tree-top, and they talked much of this new element and its mysterious character. when longhead and broken tooth emerged from the cave in the morning, their visitors were gone, and so was the last scrap of meat, for their guests had enjoyed the unusual hospitality to the fullest extent, by spending the night in roasting and eating until gorged, and had taken their departure as soon as it was fully daylight. it chanced that they returned to their group of people on the day of a general gathering, and over and over again they told the marvels they had witnessed the night before. most of their auditors set them down as first-class liars, and not a few told them plainly what they thought of the story. on the second day, however, three of the group agreed to accompany them to the fire-man's cave and verify the matter. the five arrived near the platform about dusk, and brought with them several small animals they had killed on the way. as dark was coming on, the fire burned brightly on the rocky bench in front of the cave. the two who had been visitors before advanced boldly, but when they neared the light, the others promptly climbed trees to view the strange sight from a position of safety. they saw longhead and broken tooth seated by the fire, and, when their companions reached the platform, they saw them welcomed and seated. these called to them to come on as there was nothing to fear, and finally, they climbed down and cautiously approached. their surprise was great and their satisfaction unbounded when they felt the warmth; and now the first comers suggested a trial of the new method of preparing food. here a new surprise awaited them, for longhead and broken tooth each produced a flint knife and proceeded to cut the animals in small pieces instead of tearing them,--a proceeding which the new-comers watched with great interest, for they had never before seen a knife. longhead gave each a piece and showed how to hold it over the hottest part of the burning coals, and to turn it that all parts might be cooked and not scorched. they took the delight of children in a new game, and besides, they were hungry from their long tramp, and the feast lasted until all the meat and roasted roots had been disposed of, many questions being asked, however, during the progress of the meal about the origin of the fire. these the man and woman answered mysteriously, and finally retired to the cave, leaving their guests more mystified than ever. the visitors remained awake most of the night, one or two sleeping while the others kept the fire supplied with fuel. it happened, also, that a couple of tigers approached the light near enough to be seen by them, but sneaked off, afraid of the strange sight. this time they all remained until the man and woman arose in the morning, and then insisted that longhead should tell them where the fire came from and how they could procure it for the benefit of the group. he answered as mysteriously as before, and pointed to the sky as the place from whence it came; but he gave them to understand that he controlled the mysterious agent; that there were plenty of caves in the ravine near-by, and if the group would take these for their habitations, he would not object to supplying them with the fire; and he showed them how it might be conveyed to a considerable distance by means of torches. he was careful, however, not to say anything about its preservation by means of the punk, and he declined to give any explanation in regard to the flint knives with which the meat had been cut. since he had become acquainted with the use of fire, longhead's intellect had expanded rapidly, and he now began to have a vague idea that he could make use of these secrets to his own personal advantage. on their return to the group, the party reported that all the first two had said about the fire was true and the half had not been told. they enlarged upon the appetizing method of preparing food by roasting, and the warmth and comfort of the heat, to say nothing of the terror in which the fire was held by the ferocious animals. they told of the caves in the vicinity of the fire-man's habitation and his offer to supply them all with fire, and proposed an immigration to the locality, that all might enjoy this new agent for man's comfort. most of the group agreed to the proposition, and the next day removed with their few belongings and located themselves in the caves of the ravine; but a few conservative old fellows said they would have nothing to do with such unnatural and mysterious business; and as to roasting meat, it was surely intended that it should be eaten raw, else why were they furnished with hands to tear and teeth to chew, and besides, had not their fathers always eaten their meat raw? for their part, they would remain at the old locality and follow the old and tried methods, at least, until they should see if any harm befell the immigrants on account of the innovation. by the time the procession of emigrants had arrived at the fire-cave, longhead and broken tooth had determined upon their own course of action, and when the new-comers had selected their respective caves and came to be instructed in the use of fire, longhead told each that as this mysterious agent was his property and he alone could produce or destroy it, he would require of each that he should bring an armful of fuel or a present of food when he came for fire; and further, that if the fire on any hearth should go out, it should not be rekindled with that of a neighbor, but by a torch lighted at his own central fire; and he threatened that if these rules should be violated, he would at once extinguish all the fires and retire to a distant part of the forest, leaving them in their former condition. so beneficial did the people by this time believe the fire to be, that they all readily agreed to his terms, and scattered through the forest to secure armfuls of fuel with which to purchase the blessing, except a few who happened to have food to exchange. as each threw down his contribution he received a lighted torch and was given instruction how to kindle his fire, and, by the time it became dark, the whole ravine was brilliantly illuminated and merry with the shouts of old and young as they gathered for the first time around hearthstones and enjoyed light and heat. those who had visited the fire-cave before the immigration, proceeded at once to roast their meat and tubers, and the others imitated them, though a few concluded to eat theirs raw until they might see if the new method was injurious to those who tried it. the first touch of the hot meat with lips or fingers brought exclamations of surprise or fear from some, but, on the whole, cooking was voted a success and was thereafter universally practiced. chapter iv co-operation a few days after the arrival of the colony of settlers at the fire-cave, the conservatives of the group who had remained at the old home could no longer control their curiosity, and so, one afternoon they approached the vicinity of the new settlement, after cautiously reconnoitering from the tree-tops. when discovered, they were cordially invited to approach, for the old selfishness and exclusiveness seemed to melt away under the influence of fire and the companionship it inculcated, and they were soon enjoying for the first time roasted carrots and broiled meat. they soon lost their shyness and fear under the new conditions, and remained permanent denizens of the settlement. the men of the group soon observed the flint knives and spear-heads used by longhead; they at once appreciated their superior effectiveness as weapons, and importuned him to supply them with similar ones, or teach them how to make them for themselves. he was now too shrewd, however, to risk the loss of any of his prestige by revealing the secret of their manufacture, but agreed to make them similar weapons for a consideration, payment of which should be made in the shape of food and fuel, the only commodities at that time of any value. each man now brought him suitable sticks for javelins and spears, and for each he made a long spear, two javelins and a knife. when the first supply of flakes was exhausted, longhead heated another nodule of flint and poured water on it from a piece of bark, but he was careful to do this when none of the others were about; and thus maintained both secrecy and a supply of materials. the control of fire and the manufacture of these valuable and mysterious weapons, gave longhead a standing in the group which none had ever before attained. human society had not yet been organized in any form; there were no laws, no rules and no chiefs. each did exactly as he pleased, and if there was any restraint at all upon a man's actions, it came not from a sense of justice, morals or ethics, but simply the fear of a beating by the injured party, if any of his supposed rights were infringed upon. soon, however, individuals began to consult longhead in regard to ordinary affairs. one would ask him if there would be rain during the day; another, the direction he should take for a prosperous hunt, and, as he was always careful to make replies which were somewhat vague and mysterious, except where he had certain knowledge, he soon acquired a reputation for superior wisdom. longhead, now relieved, to some extent, from the daily exertion necessary to procure food for himself and broken tooth, by the contributions of many who, through indolence or ignorance, permitted their fires to become extinguished, had much time for thought, and, as he sat making weapons, the manufacture of which brought him additional supplies, it one day occurred to him that if a number of the men armed with the new weapons could be employed at the same time against larger animals theretofore always avoided, the people might combat with them successfully and thus the food supply might be largely increased. this was the first suggestion of coöperation, and the idea but slowly took form in his mind, though it recurred to him almost daily. up to this time each man had hunted alone, and if two or more happened to be in company, it was by the merest accident; but, as longhead worked out the problem, he concluded that if a number could be directed by an intelligent leader, their efforts might be successful, and he determined to make the experiment at the earliest opportunity. about this time a hunter returned one afternoon in great excitement, and reported that a large rhinoceros had partly mired in a swamp near the settlement. he said the huge animal was able to make but little progress and might be approached quite near without grave danger. this was longhead's opportunity to try his experiment of coöperation. fortunately, there were quite a number of the men about that day, and he at once called them together, told them to bring their weapons and accompany him to the swamp. he assumed the leadership of the party, and when they approached the swamp, each was directed to gather a bundle of dry grass, reeds and brush. these he had thrown down as they progressed, to give them footing in the soft ooze, and soon they had a tolerably firm path from the solid ground to a place near the great beast. on their approach the rhinoceros made no further attempt at progress, but he turned his head with its long sharp horn toward his foes and, with loud snorts of rage, seemed to dare them to come nearer. their ancient fear of this formidable animal made the men hesitate, but under the peremptory orders of longhead, they ventured forward and threw their javelins into the body of the huge animal. it must be confessed that for some time the attack seemed only to increase his rage, he made vigorous efforts to reach his tormentors and snorted loudly. but while, for the most part, the javelins did not penetrate beyond the thick layer of fat which surrounded the animal's body, a few had reached some of the larger blood-vessels, and when these were broken off or torn out in the desperate struggles of the beast, the blood poured forth in torrents and he soon began to weaken; his snorting was no longer so loud and he would lie down occasionally as if to rest, closing his eyes and breathing loudly but with evident difficulty. during one of these resting spells, longhead came close to him and thrust his long spear with all his might into the animal's body just back of his shoulder. when it was withdrawn, the blood spouted from the wound and also from the mouth of the beast, and soon its eyes grew dim, its struggles grew less frequent and violent, and finally ceased entirely, for the great rhinoceros was dead. [illustration: "soon they had a tolerably firm path from the solid ground to a place near the great beast."] longhead now, for a while, lost control of the situation. the men went simply wild. their shouts filled the air, and to these were joined the shrill cries of the women and children who had approached the swamp and had been interested witnesses of the battle and its result. the great animal--an abundance of food for several days--was theirs. they had occasionally before this happened upon the body of one of these animals, killed in one of the fights which frequently occurred between the males of the species, but, without knives, they had been unable to tear the thick hide, and even when it had been torn by wolves or bears, the meat was so tough they were able to obtain but a few small pieces. their present hilarity might certainly be excused. soon longhead began issuing orders and enforcing them by punches with the blunt end of his spear or sound blows with the pole, and some semblance of order was obtained. by his direction, men, women and children joined in bringing more brush and grass. this was piled close to the carcass and the men with their flint knives proceeded to cut up the huge body. the women and children carried loads of meat to the settlement, and soon most of the flesh was removed. the head was dragged by the men to longhead's cave and set upon a stick on the platform as his trophy, while all stood around and roused the echoes of the ravine with their yells and acclamations,--the first time a public acknowledgement was ever given a leader. such feasting the group had never known. at each fire, large pieces of rhinoceros steak were roasted on coals or sticks, and for several days, every man, woman and child was literally too full for utterance. after this experience, longhead, as the organizer and leader of the coöperative attack on the rhinoceros and the final slayer of the animal, was, by common consent, regarded as the head of the group; his advice was sought on all occasions, and his word was law. he gradually assumed the direction of everything that was done. having demonstrated the strength of coöperative hunting, he organized easily a squad of the bravest and most active of the men as special hunters of large game. each was armed with a long spear, two javelins and a knife, and he required them to practice javelin throwing until each became expert. on a hunt these men always kept within hearing or sight of each other, and they soon originated a code of rude signals by which the whole party might be informed of the appearance of any large animal. this band of hunters, on their first expedition, led by longhead in person, encountered a drove of wild hogs. when each man had hunted alone with stones and clubs as his only weapons, these savage creatures were almost as much dreaded as the cave lion or the saber-tooth tiger, and now when they appeared, nearly every hunter, mindful of his old fear, scrambled into a tree; but at longhead's command they descended, and he organized them into a compact body, back to back. when the hogs charged in their usual manner, the slaughter wrought by the spears and javelins was so great that not an animal escaped, for, in accordance with their habit, the hogs knew nothing of retreat, and the last survivor charged as bravely as if at the head of the herd. again coöperation had triumphed, and the settlement feasted for many days. the genius for leadership shown by longhead, together with the superiority of the weapons he had invented, and, above all, his mysterious control of the fire, had now firmly established him as leader or chief, and none thought of questioning his authority in anything. there had been no election to the office, nor, indeed, any consultation on the subject; he simply assumed the leadership and the group acquiesced by compliance with his commands. this first social organization for coöperation in hunting--the germ from which all governments and laws have grown--was not the only one resulting from the use of fire. the manifest blessings or comforts due to its use, and the mysterious manner of its production in the fire-cave hidden from the sight of all, began to give rise to the idea that longhead and broken tooth must be in communication with some superior being. it cannot be said that man at that time had any religion, any conception of a god, or indeed, any definite idea of supernatural beings, but there were many mysteries of nature which he could in no wise comprehend. incapable of speculative thought, or, indeed, of much continuous thought of any kind, he was unable to distinguish clearly between the animate and inanimate; he attributed active life to all surrounding objects and believed even the trees and plants to put on foliage, blossom and produce fruit because they desired to do so. when a rock, loosened by the action of frost and storm, became detached from a cliff and rolled into the valley below, it did so of its own accord and was regarded with fear. a man would make a wide circuit to avoid it in passing and none would voluntarily approach it. they lived in a region of cliffs and mountains and when one gave a shout, under proper conditions, his words were repeated, sometimes more than once; and none could find the mysterious beings who did the mocking; indeed, after vain searches, they became convinced that the tantalizing mockings came from beings invisible to man, consequently his superiors and, therefore, dangerous. they began to avoid the glens and valleys wherein echoes abounded, or, if compelled to pass through them, did so in silence that their dangerous neighbors might not be provoked to do them an injury. the curling mist rolling silently down the mountain side, was to them another mysterious being of whom they stood in awe, and thunder, lightning and storm each became to them personified and living supernatural beings who terrified them. they had yet no belief that man had a soul or spirit which existed after his death. this thought was to come ages thereafter. it was not long until it was suggested that longhead must have subjected to his control one or more powerful but invisible beings whom he kept shut up in his cave under the guardianship of the woman, and who, at his command, produced the fire and wonderful weapons. that broken tooth was the guardian of these beings, made mystery attach to her as well, and they began to look upon her with fear and reverence also. the man and woman encouraged this by becoming more mysterious than ever. when further questioned in regard to the fire, they boldly asserted that the whispered stories were true; that their control of fire and the ability on the part of the man to make superior weapons was due to supernatural beings who frequented the cave and were subject to them. they asserted that these beings were so powerful they could strike them all with instant death, and would have done so but for the intercession of the fire-man and the woman to whose control they were subject; but the people were assured that so long as longhead and broken tooth should be treated with proper respect, their wants satisfied and their commands obeyed, they would not permit these malevolent beings to molest any of the group, and the fire should not be taken away. soon the people of the group at the fire-cave were informed that the fire-spirits desired the man to remain most of the time at or near the cave that they might converse with him at all times and instruct him in additional methods for promoting the happiness and welfare of the people, and it would, therefore, be impossible for him to take part in the daily hunt for game, though he would still lead them in important expeditions. on this account he directed that each member of the group should daily bring to the fire-cave contributions of food, sufficient not only for the wants of the man, but of the woman and spirits also. the people readily believed this, for they were incapable of conceiving that such beings as spirits had not need of material food, and, consequently, each brought his or her offering daily, either of food or fuel. if by reason of failure in the chase, an unfortunate hunter had no offering to bring, he was required to come to the cave and, through the medium of longhead, ask pardon of the spirits, and bring a double portion the next time. to all this the people of the group readily submitted; longhead and broken tooth lived in comfort, if not in luxury, without any effort upon their part; the people were educated to ask the forgiveness of superior and supernatural beings whose existence was shrouded in mystery, through the medium of a priest whose natural wants they were required to supply; and thus a religious worship with a dedicated and supported priesthood, if not a religion itself, was established among men. chapter v dawn of invention, art, marriage, religion and government affairs at the settlement near the fire-cave now moved along smoothly. their new weapons enabled the hunters to secure abundance of food in a country teeming with animal life, now that they dared attack the larger animals. cooking made both the flesh and vegetables more nourishing as well as more appetizing, and soon the enormous stomachs, no longer continually distended with raw and indigestible food, became reduced in size and their bodies less unwieldy. made confident by the use of fire and superior weapons, the men now walked fully erect and wandered through the forest with little fear. as their supply of nourishing food increased, more children were born than before, and the mortality among infants was greatly reduced. all this tended toward a rapid increase of population in the settlement. this increase in the population necessitated more habitations, and this, at the time meant more caves, for this was the epoch of cave-men. after all the available caves in the ravine and vicinity had been appropriated, an enterprising young man of the group who, by reason of mutual attachment and because of the example, perhaps, of longhead and broken tooth, had induced a young woman to establish similar relations with him, being unable to find an unoccupied cave, concluded to establish housekeeping upon a horizontal ledge overhung by a projecting rocky cliff. this location, protected only in the rear, soon proved to be too exposed for comfort, and the couple concluded to improve it. they took several good sized sticks of different lengths which had been burned off by the fires and after leaning them up against the sloping rock, piled on brush and grass. this was much better than the open front, but a coal from their fire having blown into the grass after it had dried, caused a conflagration which reduced them to their former condition. the man proved to be quite intelligent, and he began to select logs of the same length, burning them off at the proper place when necessary; and these they sloped up side by side at the front as before, but, mindful of the fire, they filled the interstices with sticks, stones and moss, finally plastering the whole front, except for a small opening for entrance, with mud. this was a great improvement over all former conditions; the rain and wind were excluded, to a considerable extent; indeed, it was preferable to a cave. it was lighter and better ventilated, and, when they had learned to construct movable frames which could be securely fastened in the doorways, to prevent incursions by wild animals, these lean-tos or rock-shelters, the remains of which have been found in many parts of europe, became the favorite habitations of the people of the group. the inhabitants of the caves and rock-shelters did not clean house every spring and fall, or, indeed, at any other time; the refuse and debris of the household were allowed to accumulate upon the floors of the caves and rock-shelters, and to this we owe nearly all the knowledge possessed by civilized man of the domestic arts, weapons, food, etc., and the general conditions under which the cave-men lived, as well as of the animals which were their contemporaries. the floors of these ancient dwellings, when excavated by scientists, show several feet of debris or accumulations, which are called "brecchia," being a conglomeration of dirt, bones of animals, bones of human beings, weapons, implements and other artifacts, which are frequently cemented with limestone formations caused by the drippings of the rocks and caves, in the nature of stalactites and stalagmites. not only have we learned from this "brecchia" what progress the cave-men had made in domestic art, but our knowledge of the animals which lived in the locality and were their contemporaries is almost wholly derived from rude pictures made by these cave people, who seem to have suddenly developed an artistic sense and made such pictures by etching or scratching them with sharp flints upon pieces of bone, ivory and slate. these drawings are by no means so crude and wanting in artistic skill as we would be inclined to expect. the animals depicted are readily recognizable; such drawings show groups of reindeer, now found only in the arctic regions; the wild horse; the single horned rhinoceros; the giant elk; and on a smooth piece of his own tusk, we see the curved-tusked, hairy elephant of gigantic size--the mammoth, or _elephas primigenius_, whose bones have been found in many parts of europe and asia, and of which at least one specimen was found whole with the flesh intact, in the frozen tundra of siberia. but for these drawings--the natural history of his time--left by cave-men, we would not know that immense animals, now long extinct in europe, had contested with men of the cave period, the ownership of the forests, swamps, plains and mountains. in the "brecchia" of these caves, are often found long bones of animals which have been split longitudinally to obtain the marrow, which was regarded as a great delicacy by primitive man; and as some long bones of the human body have been found split in the same manner, some scientists have concluded that cave men were cannibals, or at least occasionally made a feast upon the bodies of prisoners captured in war, or upon such sacrifices when offered to the gods. at the time when rock-shelters became favorite habitations of the people at the fire-cave, marriage relations were still loose, and any idea of male parentage was yet to come, but in a few generations, instead of accepting the birth of children without thought, it was generally believed that the supernatural beings with whom their imaginations peopled the hills, valleys, groves and ravines, were responsible for their advent. however, the more frequent and intimate association of the sexes around the fires and in preparing food by roasting, had a great effect, and it was noticeable that men and women began to pair off in the caves and rock-shelters; that such cohabitation continued for longer periods of time, and there were a number who appeared to have formed permanent unions. there was something about the fire--the social hearthstone--which tended to prolong such associations. the cheerful light of the fires; the measure of comfort they furnished, and the talkativeness promoted by companionship as the hunters related around the evening fires the adventures and experiences of that and former days, all combined to make man more of a social being, and the same influences promoted more permanency of union between couples who found themselves at all congenial. perhaps the example of longhead and broken tooth, who had remained true to each other, had something to do with this gradual change in the relations of the sexes, but it was not until many generations after when the fact of male parentage became known to mankind, that anything at all like marriage was known or any man regarded any child or children as his own. there being no settled custom in this matter, many couples continued to unite and separate as they might feel inclined. the most that can be said is, that the use of fire in some manner appeared to promote a longer union than was common before its discovery, and that, in the progress of ages, fire seems to have been one of the agencies which greatly assisted in bringing about the present sacredness of home and marriage. the hunters of the group still continued their coöperative search for food, and the fact that it was often impossible to determine who had killed a particular animal, while it was frequently certain that the weapons and efforts of several had a part in it, brought about a system for making an equitable distribution of all the animals taken in each expedition. first the share required by longhead and broken tooth would be set apart, then the remainder was apportioned to each member of the group or to each habitation in proportion to the number of persons to be supported. the women, too, whose task it was to find the roots and vegetables, eggs, berries and nuts which entered into their diet, began to imitate the actions of the men in this respect. they soon arranged to leave the older and more feeble women at the settlement to maintain the fires and look after the younger children, and to these was allotted a share of the food secured by the others. these customs were established gradually and without definite enactments, or even agreements, but by common consent; they were, however, greatly promoted by longhead, who seemed to make coöperation a sort of a hobby. they seemed to have just happened, but they were, in fact, the natural outgrowth of fire and the changed conditions due to its influence. in the course of years these customs crystallized into a communal organization in which all things, except perhaps, the weapons of a hunter and a very few personal belongings upon which the owner had expended thought and labor, were regarded as the property of the group or tribe. this communal organization of society continued for thousands of years and its vestiges still exist amid the highest enlightenment, as the foundation for business corporations, partnerships, and, indeed, all commercial and other coöperation,--communism--the greatest good to the greatest number, being the basis of all civilized laws. while the hunters of the settlement at the fire-cave scoured the forest for animal food, and the women sought vegetables, nuts, berries and eggs, longhead was by no means idle. true, he was, by the contributions exacted from the group, relieved from the necessity of daily effort to secure sustenance for himself, broken tooth and a bright-eyed little cave-boy who had been sent to the woman by the spirits, and he seldom joined in a hunting excursion; but, weapons were often broken or lost, and, as he still retained the secret of their manufacture, he was kept tolerably busy in replacing them. continual experience in this work gave him greater skill and a truer eye for symmetry of form coupled with effectiveness for use, and he also learned to distinguish the best materials of the vicinage. he invented no new weapons, for the bow and arrow and even the stone axe, were to be the products of a much later epoch; but he discovered that a javelin could be thrown with much greater accuracy if the two sides of the flint point were exactly alike and evenly balanced. experience had also demonstrated to him that the weapon had greater penetrative force if the flake for the flint head was thin and the edges and point very sharp. he became more careful, therefore, in the selection of his flakes, and when he found one suitable for his use, except one side was larger than the other or the edges too thick, he found that he could batter off small pieces with light blows of a pebble, or flake them by pressure with a bone, and thus bring it into shape. he discovered also that when the base of a flake had some notches near it, the fastenings remained more firm and the point was less likely to become detached from the shaft. he therefore began, by pecking and flaking, to form such notches where he did not find them to suit him, and soon his spear and javelin heads assumed a conventional form. there was a slow but continuous improvement in the weapons of the period, but eventually these spear and knive heads became much like those still found upon the village sites of primitive man all over the world. the worst trouble longhead had to overcome in the manufacture of weapons was the method of fastening the points to the shafts or handles. the small fibrous roots he used at first would fray and break when they became dry, and the points would be lost or fail the hunter at a critical moment. the stringy bark he cut from trees with his knife was little better, but, one day when cutting up a large animal for cooking, he found its hide so tough he could hardly penetrate it with the knife, an idea occurred to him, and he cut off a long narrow strip of the skin for an experiment. this he hung up until he should have time to make the test he had in mind, and when he came to try it he found that he could not break it even by exerting all his strength. from the skin of the next animal that came into his larder, he secured a number of long strips, and, having dried these, he wet them to make them more pliable, and used some of them in lashing a point to a javelin. this weapon he tested by frequent use, and was pleased to note that the new lashing did not fray or break when it became dry, nor did it loosen, but, on the contrary, the strings of rawhide shrank when drying and held the point the tighter. thereafter the tough hides were removed, dried and prepared for strings for this and other purposes, and it was not long until he accidentally discovered that wet wood ashes placed on a skin for a few hours would loosen the hair and permit its removal, leaving the skin improved for making strings. about this time broken tooth made a discovery and, like the others, it was also accidental. in her cooking operations, pieces of food were continually falling upon the ground or being laid upon it in course of preparation, and they became more or less covered with sand or fine particles of grit, which did not taste good, and, besides, they hurt her teeth. she had no idea of their uncleanliness; it was simply a matter of discomfort. one day she observed a long strip of bark hanging to a tree which had recently blown over, and the idea occurred to her that if she had some pieces of this bright, clean bark on which to place the food, the disagreeable sand might be avoided. she tried to break the bark, but it was too tough and stringy, so she went to the cave and returned with a flake of flint. it happened to have a sharp but very ragged edge, and she found that by drawing the edge back and forth across the grain of the bark and at the same time putting on some pressure, she could cut it rapidly. that evening she surprised longhead by presenting his supper on a set of clean bark dishes. the man examined them curiously and asked how she had cut them. she produced the flint and demonstrated on one of the plates how it would cut. she had invented, or at least, she had made the first application of the saw. the man examined the flake thoughtfully, and, picking up a piece of stick, tried it on that. he soon sawed it off, and was greatly pleased. to get the staves of his spears and handles of javelins the right length, he had been burning them off in the fire, but now he would use a saw. he soon found that the more numerous and regular the notches the faster the implement would cut, and, as few, if any, of the flakes came off the nodules in this condition, he applied pecking and pressure, and soon had a saw with small and regular serrations or teeth, and found it very useful. up to this time, all his knives had been made of long flakes with a wrapping of roots at one end to protect the hand, but he had found it difficult to secure many flakes long enough for both blade and handle. one day he had the misfortune to break the shaft of his favorite spear. it had a thin blade which was very long and sharp, and the rawhide strings held it firmly. he attempted to untie the lashings, that he might use the blade for another shaft, but they had become so hard and dry that he could not succeed in untying them. he picked up his saw to cut them, but first began idly to draw it across the shaft. at once he noticed that if cut off at the point where he was sawing, the spear would become a knife with a wooden handle. the operation was quickly completed, and he found the new style of knife much superior to the old. flakes of this size were much more frequently produced in breaking a nodule with fire and water, and all his knives were thereafter furnished with wooden handles. the saw thus became one of the most useful of his few tools. thus the flint saw, discovered by accident by a primitive woman, was the germ from which has been elaborated, with little change except for material, one of the most useful tools known to civilized man. when the little cave-boy of their family was something over a year old, a small girl was brought by the spirits, and as the children grew and thrived, broken tooth began to suggest that their present home was becoming crowded. the cave was indeed a small one for two, three made it uncomfortable, and now four was certainly a crowd. longhead first proposed searching for a cave of larger proportions, but to this broken tooth raised several objections. all the larger caves in the vicinity were already occupied, and, while they might no doubt use the authority of the spirits to compel the present occupants to vacate a cave for their use, this course was sure to create ill feeling which, sooner or later, might work to their disadvantage; and, besides, where could they find one with so large a platform in front and so well protected by overhanging rock. could not some plan be devised to enlarge this one? and she called longhead's attention to the fact that the rock inside was soft and friable, and that small pieces were continually falling down, which she carried out and threw over the edges of the platform. the man undertook to make the cavity larger by pulling down and removing all the loose pieces, but, when this was done, little increase in the size of their home was apparent. on one side the man noticed that the rock was full of small cracks and seams, but these were so tightly fitted and irregular that he could remove but few of the stones with his hands. one piece that was quite loose he tried for a long time to pull out, but it pinched too tightly at one corner. in a rage, he picked up a large, sharp cornered piece of flint with both hands and struck it with all his might into the crack which held the tightest. the piece that bound it was broken and the stone fell out, followed by a number of others. another discovery of the value of flint pieces had been made--a pick had been found, and daily both longhead and broken tooth spent some hours digging at the loosened rocks until, in the course of time, they had a cave sufficiently large for their needs, and in succeeding years this was extended, as the growth of the family and their ideas of comfort demanded. by the same means longhead removed the irregularities of the floor and side walls, and finally he somewhat enlarged the doorway, gave it a more regular shape, and substituted strong wooden bars, held in place by notches cut in the stone, for the large stones they had formerly rolled into the opening at night to prevent the entrance of dangerous animals. the curious inhabitants of the settlement watched these operations, and it was not long until many other caves were thus enlarged and more comfort secured. during the remainder of longhead's life, little further progress was made in the manufacture of weapons and implements, other domestic arts or the conditions of the group; but the flint saw became a common implement and was applied to various uses; many of the families used bark dishes, and a sort of rude basket had been evolved from naturally curled cylinders of bark into which a bottom of bark or interlacing of rawhide strings had been inserted. these were used to transport nuts, berries, wild fruit, eggs, etc., to the caves and as receptacles in which to retain the same afterwards. no basketry or other weaving process had been thought of, nor had there been any attempt made to manufacture or use any kind of clothing, the skins of animals being used only for strings, or occasionally to carry food products. social conditions also remained practically the same, but food was more easily procured in consequence of slowly extending coöperation, and the method of its preparation by cooking made it more nourishing, consequently more of the children grew to manhood and womanhood, and the average of life was longer. the possession of effective weapons continued to render men less fearful, they became more and more erect and grew to a taller stature. the inventions and improvement in conditions already described were the necessary and almost immediate results of the control and use of fire, and when this point was reached, further progress for many generations can scarcely have been considerable. primitive man was not fertile in original ideas, nor inventive, except from accident aided by necessity, and the use of the bow and arrow, stone axe, baskets, weaving and pottery were to come many generations after the death of longhead, broken tooth and their fellows of the fire-cave settlement. a method for producing fire by friction of wood upon wood, after the method of the fire-drill, which has been common to nearly all primitive peoples who have come under the observation of civilized men, probably came with the other later discoveries, but it was doubtless still longer before any clothing was used, and then, at first, it was most likely more for ornament than for comfort or any feeling of modesty. however, the succeeding generations of the group described never lost the inventions of longhead, and in after ages, when the idea of a supreme being or beings had been elaborated as a religion, he was deified and worshipped as a god and the founder of the tribe or people. the descendants of broken tooth--for descent for many ages was still reckoned only in the female line--continued to be the weapon-makers and rulers of the tribe, and from them were the fire-priests always selected, when the worship of fire, with a consecrated priesthood and a more or less elaborate ritual, had been developed. many ages were to pass with a slow but continued upward progress before this group of fire-people entered even the lowest stages of barbarism, but certainly the discovery of the use and control of fire had much to do with the early progress of the rude people described, and whose individuals, we have assumed for the purposes of the story, were our own far away ancestors. the end works of c. h. robinson longhead: the story of the first fire net $ . hawk: the young osage $ . pollyanna _by eleanor h. porter_ author of "miss billy," "miss billy's decision," etc. _ mo, cloth decorative, illustrated, net $ . ; postpaid $ . _ "enter pollyanna! she is the daintiest, dearest, most irresistible maid you have met in all your journeyings through bookland. and you forget she is a story girl, for pollyanna is so real that after your first introduction you will feel the inner circle of your friends has admitted a new member. a brave, winsome, modern american girl, pollyanna walks into print to take her place in the hearts of all members of the family." _of "miss billy" the critics have written as follows_: "to say of any story that it makes the reader's heart feel warm and happy is to pay it praise of sorts, undoubtedly. well, that's the very praise one gives 'miss billy.'"--_edwin l. shuman in the chicago record-herald._ "the story is delightful and as for billy herself--she's _all right_!" --_philadelphia press._ "there is a fine humor in the book, some good revelation of character and plenty of romance of the most unusual order."--_the philadelphia inquirer._ "there is something altogether fascinating about 'miss billy,' some inexplicable feminine characteristic that seems to demand the individual attention of the reader from the moment we open the book until we reluctantly turn the last page."--_boston transcript._ "the book is a wholesome story, as fresh in tone as it is graceful in expression, and one may predict for it a wide audience."--_philadelphia public ledger._ "miss billy is so carefree, so original and charming, that she lives in the reader's memory long after the book has been laid aside."--_boston globe._ "you cannot help but love dear 'billy;' she is winsome and attractive and you will be only too glad to introduce her to your friends." --_brooklyn eagle._ the career of dr. weaver _by mrs. henry w. backus_ _ mo, cloth decorative, illustrated, net $ . ; postpaid $ . _ a big and purposeful story interwoven about the responsibilities and problems in the medical profession of the present day. dr. weaver, a noted specialist, and head of a private hospital, had allowed himself to drift away from the standards of his youth in his desire for wealth and social and scientific prestige. when an exposé of the methods employed by him in furthering his schemes for the glorifying of the name of "weaver" in the medical world is threatened, it is frustrated through the efforts of the famous doctor's younger brother, dr. jim. the story is powerful and compelling, even if it uncovers the problems and temptations of a physician's career. perhaps the most important character, not even excepting dr. weaver and dr. jim, is "the girl," who plays such an important part in the lives of both men. "the story becomes one of those absorbing tales of to-day which the reader literally devours in an evening, unwilling to leave the book until the last page is reached, and constantly alert, through the skill of the author, in following the characters through the twisted ways of their career."--_boston journal._ "the story is well-written, unique, quite out of the usual order, and is most captivating."--_christian intelligencer._ the hill of venus _by nathan gallizier_ author of "castel del monte," "the sorceress of rome," "the court of lucifer," etc. _ mo, cloth decorative, with four illustrations in color, net $ . ; postpaid $ . _ this is a vivid and powerful romance of the thirteenth century in the times of the great ghibelline wars, and deals with the fortunes of francesco villani, a monk, who has been coerced by his dying father to bind himself to the church through a mistaken sense of duty, but who loves ilaria, one of the famous beauties of the court at avellino. the excitement, splendor and stir of those days of activity in rome are told with a vividness and daring, which give a singular fascination to the story. _the press has commented as follows on the author's previous books_: "the author displays many of the talents that made scott famous."--_the index._ "the book is breathless reading, as much for the adventures, the pageants, the midnight excursions of the minor characters, as for the love story of the prince and donna lucrezia."--_boston transcript._ "mr. gallizier daringly and vividly paints in glowing word and phrases, in sparkling dialogue and colorful narrative, the splendor, glamor and stir in those days of excitement, intrigue, tragedy, suspicion and intellectual activity in rome."--_philadelphia press._ "a splendid bit of old roman mosaic, or a gorgeous piece of tapestry. otto is a striking and pathetic figure. description of the city, the gorgeous ceremonials of the court and the revels are a series of wonderful pictures."--_cincinnati enquirer._ "the martial spirit of these stirring times, weird beliefs in magic and religion are most admirably presented by the author, who knows his subject thoroughly. it belongs to the class of bulwer-lytton's romances; carefully studied, well wrought, and full of exciting incident."--_cleveland enquirer._ "romance at its best."--_boston herald._ the what-shall-i-do girl or, the career of joy kent _by isabel woodman waitt_ _ mo, cloth decorative, illustrated by jessie gillespie. net $ . ; postpaid $ . _ when joy kent finds herself alone in the world, thrown on her own resources, after the death of her father, she looks about her, as do so many young girls, fresh from the public schools, wondering how she can support herself and earn a place in the great business world about her. still wondering, she sends a letter to a number of girls she had known in school days, asking that each one tell her just how she had equipped herself for a salary-earning career, and once equipped, how she had found it possible to start on that career. in reply come letters from the milliner, the stenographer, the librarian, the salesgirl, the newspaper woman, the teacher, the nurse, and from girls who had adopted all sorts of vocations as a means of livelihood. real friendly girl letters they are, too, not of the type that preach, but of the kind which give sound and helpful advice in a bright and interesting manner. of course there is a splendid young man who also gives advice. any "what-shall-i-do" young girl can read of the careers suggested for joy kent with profit and pleasure, and, perhaps, with surprise! the harbor master _by theodore goodridge roberts_ author of "comrades of the trails," "rayton: a backwoods mystery," etc. _ mo, cloth decorative, with a frontispiece in full color by john goss. net $ . ; postpaid $ . _ the scene of the story is newfoundland. the story deals with the love of black dennis nolan, a young giant and self-appointed skipper of the little fishing hamlet of chance along, for flora lockhart, a beautiful professional singer, who is rescued by dennis from a wreck on the treacherous coast of newfoundland, when on her way from england to the united states. the story is a strong one all through, with a mystery that grips, plenty of excitement and action, and the author presents life in the open in all its strength and vigor. mr. roberts is one of the younger writers whom the critics have been watching with interest. in "the harbor master" he has surely arrived. _of mr. roberts' previous books the critics have written as follows_: "the action is always swift and romantic and the love is of the kind that thrills the reader. the characters are admirably drawn and the reader follows with deep interest the adventures of the two young people."--_baltimore sun._ "mr. roberts' pen has lost none of its cunning, while his style is easier and breezier than ever."--_buffalo express._ "it is a romance of clean, warm-hearted devotion to friends and duty. the characters are admirable each in his own or her own way, and the author has made each fit the case in excellent fashion."--_salt lake city tribune._ "in this book mr. roberts has well maintained his reputation for the vivid coloring of his descriptive pictures, which are full of stirring action, and in which love and fighting hold chief place."--_boston times._ "its ease of style, its rapidity, its interest from page to page, are admirable; and it shows that inimitable power--the story-teller's gift of verisimilitude. its sureness and clearness are excellent, and its portraiture clear and pleasing."--_the reader._ the blossom shop a story of the south _by isla may mullins_ _cloth decorative, illustrated by john goss. net $ . ; postpaid $ . _ one of those exquisitely simple and appealing stories of mother love and sacrifice for a little blind daughter, written in a delightful vein, combining humor and pathos. the reader will love little blind eugene (the child had received the name of her dead father) and will rejoice with the brave young mother, the heroine of the story, when the child's sight is restored. there is a time for rejoicing, too, when a lost will is found, bringing wealth and release from all worries, and the young mother is free to accept the love and protection that in her sorrow she denied herself. southern types are amusingly contrasted with those of the north; and the simple language and fine sentiment of the story will charm readers of all ages. john o' partletts' _by jean edgerton_ _ mo, cloth decorative, illustrated, net $ . ; postpaid, $ . _ the reading public is no longer content with the old hackneyed love story, the impossible mystery story or the superficial tale of adventure. it is necessary that a novel to be successful shall appeal to the best in us--shall grip our hearts and fill our thoughts. few first books by a new writer can supply such an exacting demand, but "john o' partletts'" is among these few. its simple, straightforward plot; its able and convincing portrayal of character--real character; the author's mastery of her art--these are the elements which make the book worthy of wide appreciation. no one character dominates the story, neither "witch" beevish, the eccentric old woman at war with the village, nor jim, the little orphan, nor henry carruthers, the minister, nor even kitty merryweather, the shrewd-tongued gossip. but if there is a hero it is john o' partletts', "witch" beevish's great dog, the friend and protector of little jim. this is a story to compare with "rab and his friends" and with "a dog of flanders"--a story that is bound to make its way. transcriber's note: italic text is denoted by _underscores_ and bold text by =equal signs=. p : "drouth" is an old variant spelling of "drought" retained non-standard hyphenation for several words, as in original text p : "cooperation" changed to "coöperation", the spelling used consistently everywhere else in the book p : "knive" spelling as in original in the ad for what-shall-i-do girl: corrrected printer error, "friendly" for "riendly" moved ad for other books by same author to end of book, prior to ads for other authors.