An apologie of the povver and prouidence of God in the gouernment of the world. Or An examination and censure of the common errour touching natures perpetuall and vniuersall decay diuided into foure bookes: whereof the first treates of this pretended decay in generall, together with some preparatiues thereunto. The second of the pretended decay of the heauens and elements, together with that of the elementary bodies, man only excepted. The third of the pretended decay of mankinde in regard of age and duration, of strength and stature, of arts and wits. The fourth of this pretended decay in matter of manners, together with a large proofe of the future consummation of the world from the testimony of the gentiles, and the vses which we are to draw from the consideration thereof. By G.H. D.D. Hakewill, George, 1578-1649. 1627 Approx. 1759 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 258 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A02484 STC 12611 ESTC S120599 99855794 99855794 21297 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A02484) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 21297) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1069:21) An apologie of the povver and prouidence of God in the gouernment of the world. Or An examination and censure of the common errour touching natures perpetuall and vniuersall decay diuided into foure bookes: whereof the first treates of this pretended decay in generall, together with some preparatiues thereunto. The second of the pretended decay of the heauens and elements, together with that of the elementary bodies, man only excepted. The third of the pretended decay of mankinde in regard of age and duration, of strength and stature, of arts and wits. The fourth of this pretended decay in matter of manners, together with a large proofe of the future consummation of the world from the testimony of the gentiles, and the vses which we are to draw from the consideration thereof. By G.H. D.D. Hakewill, George, 1578-1649. [36], 392, 395-473, [5] p. Printed by Iohn Lichfield and William Turner, printers to the famous Vniversity, Oxford : Anno Dom. 1627. G.H. = George Hakewill. A reply to: Goodman, Godfrey. The fall of man, or the corruption of nature, proved by the light of our naturall reason. With two final errata leaves. Reproduction of the original in the University of Michigan. Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. 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Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Goodman, Godfrey, 1583-1656. -- Fall of man, or the corruption of nature, proved by the light of our naturall reason -- Controversial literature -- Early works to 1800. Providence and government of God -- Early works to 1800. 2002-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-09 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-10 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2002-10 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-12 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion AN APOLOGIE OF THE POWER AND PROVIDENCE OF GOD IN THE GOVERNMENT OF THE WORLD . OR AN EXAMINATION AND CENSVRE OF THE COMMON ERROVR TOVCHING NATVRES PERPETVALL AND VNIVERSALL DECAY , DIVIDED INTO FOVRE BOOKES : WHEREOF The first treates of this pretended decay in generall , together with some preparatiues thereunto . The second of the pretended decay of the Heauens and Elements , together with that of the Elementary bodies , man only excepted . The third of the pretended decay of mankinde in regard of age and duration , of strength and stature , of arts and wits . The fourth of this pretended decay in matter of manners , together with a large proofe of the future consummation of the World from the testimony of the Gentiles , and the vses which we are to draw from the consideration thereof . By G. H. D. D. ECCLESTASTES 7. 10. Say not thou , what is the cause that the former dayes were better then these , for thou dost not enquire wisely concerning this . OXFORD , Printed by IOHN LICHFIELD and WILLIAM TVRNER , Printers to the famous Vniversity . Anno Dom. 1627. TO MY VENERABLE MOTHER THE FAMOVS AND FLOVRISHING VNIVERSITIE OF OXFORD . WERE I destitute of all other arguments to demonstrate the providence of God in the preservation of the World , and to proue that it doth not vniversally and perpetually decline , this one mightfully suffice for all , that thou , my Venerable Mother , though thou waxe old in regard of yeares , yet in this latter age in regard of strength and beauty , waxest young againe . Within the compasse of this last Centenarie and lesse , thou hast brought forth such a number of worthie Sonnes for piety , for learning , for wisdome ; and for buildings hast bin so inlarged and inriched , that he who shall compare thee with thy selfe , will easily finde , that though thou be truly accounted one of the most auncient Vniversities in the World yet so farre art thou from withering and wrinkles , that thou art rather become fairer and fresher , and in thine issue no lesse happy then heretofore . The three last Cardinals that this Nation had were thine , if that can adde any thing to thine honour . Those thine vnnaturall Sonnes , who of late dayes forsooke thee , & fledde to thine Enemies campe , Harding , Stapleton , Saunders , Raynolds , Martyn , Bristow , Campian , Parsons , euen in their fighting against thee , shewed the fruitfulnes of thy wombe , and the efficacie of that milke which they drew from thy breasts . What one Colledge euer yeelded at one time and from one Countrey three such Divines as Iewell , Raynolds , and Hooker , or two such great wits & Heroicall spirits as Sir Thomas Bodley , and Sir Henry Sauill . How renowned in forraine parts are thy Moore , thy Sidney , thy Cambden ? what rare Lights in the Church were Humfreyes , Foxe , Bilson , Field , Abbot ? What pillars those fiue sonnes of thine who at one time lately possessed the fiue principall Sees in the Kingdome ? So as if I should in this point , touching the Worlds pretended decay be cast by the votes of others , yet my hope is that by reflecting vpon thy selfe , I shall be cleared and acquitted by thine . And in confidence heereof I haue to thy censu●… submitted this ensuing Apologie , which perchaunce to the Vulgar may seeme somewhat strange , because their eares haue bin so long inured vnto , and consequently their fancies fore-stalled with the contrary opinion . But to thee I trust , who judgest not vpon report , but vpon tryall , neither art swayed by number and lowdnes of voyces , but by weight of argument , it will appeare not onely just and reasonable in that it vindicates the glory of the Creator , and a trueth as large and wide as the world it selfe , but profitable and vsefull for the raising vp of mens mindes to an endeavour of equalling , yea and surpassing their noble and worthy Predecessours in knowledge and vertue ; it being certaine that the best Patternes which wee haue in them both , either extant at this present , or recorded in monuments of auncienter times , had neuer beene , had they conceiued that there was alwayes an inevitable declination as well in the Arts as matter of Manners , and that it was impossible to surmount those that went before them . I doe not beleeue that all Regions of the World , or all ages in the same Region afford wits alwayes alike : but this I think , neither is it my opinion alone , but of Scaliger , Vives , Budaeus , Bodine , and other great Clearkes , that the witts of these latter ages being manured by industry , directed by precepts , regulated by methode , tempered by dyet , refreshed by exercise , and incouraged by rewardes , may bee as capable of deepe speculations , and produce as masculine and lasting birthes , as any of the ancienter times haue done . But if we conceiue thē to be Gyants , & our selues Dwarfes , if we imagine all Sciences already to haue receiued their vtmost perfection , so as wee need not but translate and comment vpon that which they haue done , if we so admire and dote vpon Antiquitie as wee emulate and envy , nay scorne and trample vnder foot whatsoeuer the present age affords , if wee spend our best time and thoughts in clyming to honour , in gathering of riches , in following our pleasures , and in turning the edge of our wits one against another , surely there is little hope that wee shall euer come neare them , much lesse match them . The first step to inable a man to the atchieuing of great designes is to be perswaded that by endeavour he is able to atchieue it , the next not to bee perswaded that whatsoeuer hath not yet beene done , cannot therefore be done . Not any one man , or nation , or age , but rather mankinde is it which in latitude of capacity answeres to the vniversality of things to be knowne . And truely had our Fathers thought so reverently of their predecessours , and withall of themselues so basely , that neither any thing of moment was left for them to be done , nor in case there had beene , were they qualified for the doing thereof ; wee had wanted many helpes in learning , which by their travell wee now injoy . By meanes whereof I see not but wee might also advaunce , improue and inlarge our patrimony , as they left it inlarged to vs : And thereunto the Arts of Printing and Navigation , the frequency of goodly Libraries , and liberality of Benefactours , are such inducements & furtherances , that if wee excell not all ages that haue gone before vs , it is only because we are wanting to our selues . And as our helpes are more & greater for knowledge & learning , so likewise for goodnes & vertue , I meane , since the beames of Christian Religion displayed themselues to the World , which for the rooting out of vice & planting of vertue no Christian , I hope , will deny to be incomparably more effectuall then any other Religion that euer yet was heard of in the World : Or if others should chance to make a doubt of the certainty of this truth , yet cannot you who preach it , & publish it to others . Doubtlesse being rightly applyed without apish superstition on the one side , or peevish singularity on the other , it workes vpon the Conscience more forceably , & consequently hath a greater power of making men not outwardly & formally , but really & inwardly vertuous . And if we should look back into Histories , & compare time with time , we shall easily finde that where this Profession spred it selfe , men haue generally beene more accomplished in all kind of morall & civill vertues then before it took place . It is true indeed that in processe of time , thorow the ambition , covetousnes , luxury , idlenesse , & ignorance of them who should haue bin lights in the Church , it too much degenerated from its Originall purity , & therevpon manners ( being formed by it ) were generally tainted , this corruption like a leprosie diffusing it selfe from the head into all the body : But together with the reviving of the Arts & Languages , which for sundry ages lay buried in barbarisme , the rust of superstition was likewise in many places scowred off from Religion , which by degrees had crept vpon it , & fretted deepe into the face of it , and the Arts being thus refined , & Religion restored to its primitiue brightnes , manners were likewise reformed euen among them , at least in part & in shew , who as yet admit not a full reformation in matter of Religion . A foule shame then it were for vs who professe a thorow reformation in matter of doctrine , to be thought to grow worse in matter of manners , GOD forbid it should be so , I hope it is not so , I am sure it should not be so : That grace of God which hath appeared more clearely to vs then to our fore-fathers , teaching vs to adorne our profession with a gracious and vertuous conversation , to deny vngodlinesse and worldly lusts , and to liue soberly , and righteously , and godly in this present world : soberly in regard of our selues , righteously in regard of others , and godly in regard of religious exercises . If then we come short of our Auncestors in knowledge , let vs not cast it vpon the deficiencie of our wits in regard of the Worlds decay , but vpon our own sloth ; if we come short of them in vertue , let vs not impute it to the declination of the World , but to the malice and faintnesse of our owne wills ; if we feele the scourges of God vpon our Land by mortality , famine , vnseasonable weather , or the like , let vs not teach the people that they are occasioned by the Worlds old age , and thereby call into question the prouidence , or power , or wisedome , or iustice , or goodnes of the Maker thereof ; but by their and our sins , which is doubtles both the truer & more profitable doctrine , & withall more consonant to the Sermons of Christ & his Apostles , & the Prophets of God in like cases . And withall let vs freely acknowledge that Almighty God hath bestowed many blessings vpon these latter ages , which to the former he denyed , as in sending vs vertuous and gracious Princes , and by them the maintenance of piety , & peace , & plenty , & the like . Lest thorow our ingratitude he vvithdraw them from vs , and make vs know their worth by wanting them , which by injoying them wee vnderstood not . But I will not presume to advise where I should learne , only I will vnfainedly wish and heartily pray , that at leastwise your practise may still make good mine opinion , maintained in this Booke , & refute the contrary & common errour opposed therein , that you may still grow in knowledge and grace , and that your vertues may alwaies rise & increase together with your buildings . These latter without the former , being but as a body without a soule . Yours to doe you service to the vtmost of his poore abilitie G. H. THE PREFACE . TRuth it is , that this ensuing Treatise was long since in my younger yeares begunne by me for mine owne private exercise and satisfaction , but afterward considering not onely the rarity of the subject , and variety of the matter , but withall that it made for the redeeming of a captivated truth , the vindicating of Gods glory , the advancement of learning , & the honour of the Christian & reformed Religion , by the advise and with the approbation and incouragement of such speciall friends , whose piety , learning , and wisedome I well know , and much reverence , I resolved ( permissu superiorum and none otherwise ) to make it publique for the publique good , and the encountring of a publique errour , which may in some sort be equalled , if not preferred before the quelling of some great monster . Neither doe I take it to lye out of my profession , the principall marke which I ayme at throughout the whole body of the Discourse , being an Apologeticall defence of the power & providence of God , his wisedome , his truth , his justice , his goodnes & mercy , and besides , a great part of the booke it selfe is spent in pressing Theologicall reasons , in clearing doubts arising from thence , in producing frequent testimonies from Scriptures , Fathers , Schoolemen , and moderne Divines , in proving that Antichrist is already come from the writings of the Romanists themselues , in confirming the article of our faith touching the Worlds future and totall consummation by fire , and a day of finall judgement from discourse of reason and the writings of the Gentiles , and lastly by concluding the whole worke with a pious meditation touching the vses which we may and should make of the consideration thereof , seruing for a terrour to some , for comfort to others , for admonition to all And how other men may stand affected in reading , I know not , sure I am that in writing , it often lifted vp my soule in admiring and praysing the infinite wisedome and bounty of the Crator in maintaining and managing his owne worke , in the gouernment and preservation of the Vniverse , which in truth is nothing else but ( as the Schooles speake ) continuata productio , a continuated production : & often did it call to my mind those holy raptures of the Psalmist ; O Lord our governour , how excellent is thy Name in all the world ? Thou Lord hast made me glad through thy workes , & I will reioyce in giuing praise for the operations of thy hands , O Lord , how glorious are thy workes , & thy thoughts are very deepe . An vnwise man doth not well consider this , & a foole doth not well vnderstand it . And againe , The workes of the Lord are great , sought out of all them that haue pleasure therein , His worke is worthy to be praised & had in honour , & his righteousnes endureth for euer . And though whiles I haue laboured to free the world from old age , I feele it creeping vpon my selfe , yet if it shall so please the same great and gratious Lord , I intend by his assistance spating mee life & health hereafter to write Another Apologie of his power & providence in the government of his Church , which perchaunce by some may be thought both more proper for mee , and for these times more necessary , though he that shall narrowly obserue the prints of the Almighties footsteppes , traced throughout this ensuing discourse , may not vnjustly from thence collect , both comfort and assurance , that as the Heauens remaine vnchangeable , so doth the Church triumphant in Heauen , & as all things vnder the cope of heauen vary and change , so doth the militant heere on earth ; it hath its times and turnes , sometimes flowing and againe ebbing with the sea , sometimes waxing , and againe waning with the Moone , which great light , it seemes , the Almighty therefore set the lowest in the heavens , and nearest the Earth , that it might dayly put vs in minde of the constancy of the one , and inconstancy of the other , her selfe in some sort partaking of both , though in a different manner ; of the one in her substance , of the other in her visage . And if the Moone thus change , and all things vnder the Moone , why should we wonder at the chaunge of Monarchies and Kingdomes ? much lesse petty states and private families : they rise , and fall , and rise again , and fall againe , that no man might either too confidently presume , because they are subject to continuall alteration , or cast away all hope , and fall to despaire , because they haue their seasons and appointed times of returning againe . Nemo confidat nimium secundis , Nemo desperet meliora , lapsus : Miscet haec illis , prohibetque Clotho Stare fortunam . Let him that stands take heed lest that he fall , Let him that 's falne hope he may rise againe ; The providence divine that mixeth all , Chaines joy to griefe by turnes , & losse to gaine . I must confesse that sometimes looking stedfastly vpon the present face of things both at home and abroad , I haue beene often put to a stand , and staggered in mine opinion , whither I were in the right or no ; and perchaunce the state of my body , and present condition , in regard of those faire hopes I sometimes had , served as false perspectiue glasses to looke through , but when againe I abstracted and raised my thoughts to an higher pitch , and as from a vantage ground tooke a larger view , comparing time with time , and thing with thing , and place with place , and considered my selfe as a member of the Vniverse , and a Citizen of the World , I found that what was lost to one part , was gained to another ; and what was lost in one time , was to the same part recouered in another ; and so the ballance by the divine providence over-ruling all , kept vpright . But comonly it fares with men in this case , as with one who lookes onely vpon some libbet , or end of a peece of Arras , he happily conceiues an hand or head which he sees , to be very vnartificially made ; but vnfolding the whole , soone findes that it carries a due and just proportion to the body ; so , qui de pauca resp●…cit , de facili pronuntiat ( saith Aristotle ) he that is so narrow eyed as he lockes onely to his owne person or family to his owne corporation or nation , or the age wherein himselfe liues , will peradventure quickly conceiue , and as some pronounce , that all things decay and goe backward , which makes men murmure and repine against Ged , vnder the names of Fortune and Destinie , whereas he that as a part of mankinde in generall , takes a view of the vniversall , compares person with person , family with family , corporation with corporation , nation with nation , age with age ; suspends his judgement , and vpon examination clearely findes , that all things worke together for the best to them that loue God : and that though some members suffer , yet the whole is no way thereby indammaged at any time ; and at other times those same members are againe relieued , as the Sunne when it sets to vs , it rises to our Antipodes , and when it remooues from the Northerne parts of the world , it cherishes the Southerne , yet stayes not there , but returnes againe with his comfortable beames to those very parts which for a time it seemed to haue forsaken : O that men would therefore praise the Lord for his goodnesse , and declare the wonders that he hath done for the children of men ! or at leastwise cry out in admiration with the Apostle , O the depth of the riches both of the wisdome and knowledge of our God , how vnsearchable are his pathes , and his wayes past finding out ! Yet the next way , in some measure to finde them out , ( so farre as is possible for vs poore wormes heere crawling in a mist vpon the face of the Earth ) is , next the sacred Oracles of supernatutall and revealed Truth ; to study the great Volume of the Creature , and the Histories not onely of our owne , but of forraigne Countreyes , and those not onely of the present , but more auncient times . Enquire I pray thee of the former age , and prepare thy selfe to the search of their Fathers , for wee are but of yesterday , and know nothing , because our dayes vpon earth are but a shadow . If then to make my party good , and to waite vpon Divinity , I haue called in subsidiary aydes , from Philosophers , Historiographers , Mathematitians , Grammarians , Logicians , Poets , Oratours , Souldiers , Travellers , Lawyers , Physitians , and if I haue in imitation of Tertullian , Cyprian , Eusebius , Augustine , Lactantius , Arnobius , Minutius , endeavoured to cut the throates of the Paynims with their owne swords , and pierced them with their owne quills , I hope no learned man , or louer of Learning will censure me for this . Philosophie and the Arts I must account a part of mine owne profession ; and for Physicke and the Lawes , I haue therein consulted the chiefe , as well in this Vniversity , as out of it , of mine owne acquaintance ; nay in History , the Mathematiques and Divinity it selfe , I haue not onely had the approbation of the publique professours therein ; for the maine points in my booke , which concerne their severall professions , but some peeces I must acknowledge as receiued from them , which I haue made bold to insert into the body of my discourse ; let no man think then that I maintaine a paradoxe for ostentation of wit , or haue written out of spleene , to gall any man in particular , nor yet to humour the present times ; the times themselues , mine indisposition that way , and resolution to sit downe content with my present fortunes ; if they serue not to giue others satisfaction therein , yet doe they fully to cleare mee to my selfe , from any such aspersion : yet thus much , I hope , I safely may say without suspition of flattery , that by the goodnesse of GOD , and our gratious Soveraigne vnder GOD , wee yet enjoy many great blessings which former ages did not , and were wee thankfull for these as we ought , and truely penitent for our excesse in all kinde of monstrous sinnes ( which aboue all , threatens our ruine ) I nothing doubt but vpon our returne to our God by humiliation and newnesse of life , he would soone dissolue the cloud which hangs ouer vs , and returne vnto vs with the comfortable beames of his favour , and make vs to returne each to other with mutuall imbracements of affection and duety , and our Armies and Fleetes to returne with spoyle and victory , and reduce againe as golden and happy times , as euer wee or our fore-fathers saw : but if we still goe on with an high hand , and a stiffe necke in our prophanesse , our pride , our luxury , our vncharitablenesse , our vnnaturall divisions in Church and Common-wealth , there needes no propheticall spirit to divine what will shortly become of vs ; Turne vs ; O turne vs againe O Lord God of hostes , shew the light of thy Countenance and wee shall bee whole ; shew the light of thy Countenance and wee shall be provident in counsell , successefull in warre , sober in peace , a terrour to our enemies , and a comfort to our allies and confederates . Turne thee againe thou God of hostes , looke downe from heaven , behold & visite this vine and the place of the vineyard that thy right hand hath planted : and the branch that thon madest so strong for thy selfe . We need goe no farther then the nation of the Iewes for a notable instance in this kinde ; who at times more zealous then they in the worship of God & the exercises of Religion ? and who againe at other times more rebellious ? It is said of them in the Psalme , then beleeued they his words ; but presently it followes in the very next verse , they soone forgot his works : & according to their obedience or rebelliō , so were they either prosperous or vnfortunate in the course of their affaires ; during their faith & fidelity towards God , every man of them was in warre as a thousand strong , & as much as a great Senate for counsel in peaceable deliberations ; contrarywise , if they swerued ( as often they did ) their wonted courage and magnanimity forsooke them vtterly ; their souldiers and military men trembled at the sight of the naked sword ; when they entred into mutuall conference , and sate in counsell for their owne good ; that which children might haue seene , their gravest Senatou●…s could not discerne , their Prophets saw darkenesse in steed of visions , and the wise and prudent were as men bewitcht . If then wee come short of that courage and valour , which made our Auncestours so renowned by sea and land , not onely in France , and Spaine , and the Netherlands , but in Palaestina it selfe ; sure it is not , because the World declines , but because our luxury increases , the most evident symptome of a declining state ; for as all Empires haue risen to their greatnesse by vertue , and specially by sobrietie and frugalitie ; so is it cleare that by vice , and specially by luxury , which of necessity drawes on softnes and cowardise ) they haue all againe declined and come to nothing ; and out of their ashes haue others sprung vp , which likewise within a while ( such a circulation there is in all things ) haue bin turned into ashes againe . As when the winde the angry Ocean moves , Waue hunteth waue , and billow billow shoves : So doe all Nations justle each the other , And so one people doth pursue another , And scarse a second hath the first vnhoused , Before a third him thence againe hath rowsed . — Sic Medus ademit Assyrio , Medoque tulit moderamina Perses , Subjecit Persen Macedo , cessurus & ipse Romanis . Thus did the Medes root out th' Assyrian race , The Persian quickly foyl'd the Medes , in place Of him subdu'd , vp starts the Macedo , Who eftsoones yeeldes vnto the Romane foe . And lastly the Romanes themselues as by vertue and piety , in their superstitious way they wanne , and mightily inlarged their Empire , so being come to the top , they lost it againe by vice and irreligion : so true is that of the Comicall Poet. Haec nisi vrbe aberunt , centuplex Murus rebus servandis parum est . Vnlesse these vices banisht bee , What euer forts you haue , An hundred walls together put , Will not haue power to saue . With whom accords the Tragicall — Vbi non est pudor , Nec cura juris , sanctitas , pietas , fides , Instabile regnum est . Where is no modestie , nor equitie , Nor sanctitie , nor pietie , No nor fidelitie , In such a Kingdome certainlie There can be no stability . Who so is wise then will ponder these things , and they shall vnderstand the loving kindnesse of the Lord. Againe , for matter of learning and knowledge if we come short of the Ancients ; we need not impute it to natures decay ; our owne riot , our idlenesse and negligence in regard of them , will sufficiently discharge nature , and justly cast backe the blame vpon our selues . Falsa est enim atque inepta illa quorundam similitudo , quam multi tanquam acutissimam atque appositissimam excipiunt , nos ad priores collatos , esse vt nanos in humeris gigantum : non est ita , nec nos sumus nani , nec illi homines gigantes , sed omnes ejusdem staturae , & quidem nos altius evecti eorum beneficio : maeneat modo in nobis , quod in illis , studium , attentio animi , vigilantia , & amor veri : quae si absint , jam non nani sumus , nec in gigantum humeris sedemus , sed homines iustae magnitudinis humi prostrati . For a false and fond similitude it is of some , which they take vp as a most witty and proper one , that wee being compared to the Ancients , are as Dwarfes vpon the shoulders of Giants : it is not so , neither are we Dwarfes , nor they Giants , but wee are all of one stature , saue that wee are lifted vp somewhat higher by their meanes , conditionally there be found in vs the same studiousnesse , watchfulnesse and loue of trueth , as was in thē : which if they be wanting , then are we not dwarfs , nor set on the shoulders of giants , but men of a cōpetent stature groueling on the earth . We wonder ( as well wee may ) at Aristotles wit expressed in his voluminous workes , but his indefatigable paines in study , we consider not , holding in his hand when he layde him downe to rest , a ball of brasse , which as soone as sleepe overtooke him , fell into a basin of brasse , purposely set vnder , that so being awakened with the noyse thereof , he might againe returne to his booke ▪ and though he were , as witnesseth Censorinus , of so crasie a body , ( that it is more strange hee should liue to his Climactericall yeare , then that he then died ) yet by the invincible strength of his minde , did he wade through a world of difficulties , and hath thereby left such fruites thereof to the world , as hath deservedly wonne him immortall honour . Seneca a man of an admirable vivacity of spirit , writes of himselfe , that one day he heard Attalus the Philosopher in his publique Lectures , commend a bedde which yeelded not to the body , and therevpon addes , tali vtor etiam senex , in qua vestigium apparere non possit ; such a one doe I now vse , though well stricken in yeares , in which my body leaues no print behinde it : hee likewise by the perswasion of the same Attalus abstained from Oisters , from wine , from bathings , he fed sometimes vpon a crust of drye bread , sometimes vpon wilde fruit , taken from the hedge , and quenched his thirst with faire running water , and this hee did for loue of knowledge , in a most luxurious age , liuing in the court it selfe , abounding in riches and honour , and hauing all kindes of pleasures at commaund . The like doth Plinius Caec●…us in his Epistle to Marcus , write of his vncle Tutour to the Emperour Vespasian , as was Seneca to Nero : to his rare naturall endowments , hee added incessant watchfulnesse , and labour in reading and writing , his diet was sparing and thinne , his sleepe short and little , in so much that his Nephew Caecilius freely confesseth of himselfe : soleo ridere cum me quidam studiosum vocant , qui , si comparer illi , sum desidiosissimus : I am wont to smile when they tearme me a hard student who being compared with him , am in truth a very truant . But to come neerer home , King Alfred thought to be founder or restorer of the Vniversity of Oxford is reported to haue cast the naturall day , consisting of 24 houres , into three parts ; whereof the one he spent in affaires of state , a second in the service of his body , and the residue in prayer , study , and writing , which spaces of time , hauing then none other engine for that purpose , he measured by a great waxe light divided into so many parts , receiving notice by the keeper thereof , as the seuerall houres passed in burning . Such examples as these of the Auncients wee admire , wee commend , wee willingly reade and recite , but follow the fashion of our owne times . Laudamus veteres sed nostris vtimur annis . The common complaint is , that we want time , but the trueth is , Non parum habemus temporis , sed multum perdimus , we doe not so much want as waste it , either malè agendo , or nihil agendo , or aliud agendo , either in doing naughtines , or nothing , or impertinencies ; we doe bonas horas malè collocare , trifle out our pretious houres in eating & drinking , & sleeping , and sporting , and gaming , and dressing our bodies , and then giue out & perswade our selues , that Nature forsooth is decayed , that our bodies cannot endure that study which our Predecessours did : and truely I thinke many justly complaine of weake and crasie bodies , but withall that more haue made them so , by intemperance then study , or found them so by nature ; let vs then lay the fault where it is , and accuse our selues , not Nature , or rather God vnder that name . And yet what the bodies of men euen in these latter ages being throughly put to it , are able to endure , the extant workes of Tostatus , Erasmus , Gesner , Calvin , Luther , Baronius , Bellarmine , and others sufficiently testifie ; it is to this effect a true speech of Arnoldus Clapmarus in his nobile triennium , incredibile est quantum brevissimo tempore humana possit assequi industria , it is incredible what the industry of man in a very short time may attaine vnto . Master Foxe in his Latine Epistle to the Reader , prefixed before his Acts and Monuments , reports of himself , that having but a sickly body , in lesse then eighteene moneths space he read authours , conferred copies , searched records , gathered matters , digested it into order , revised it , &c. for that great worke , and this to bee true , saith he , noverunt ij qui testes adfuerunt & temporis conscij , & laboris socij , they know full well who were present as witnesses , being both privie to my time , and companions of my labo●… ▪ And Ioseph Scaliger in the life of his father Iulius tels vs likewise of himselfe , that when he began first with the Greeke tongue in one & twenty dayes he learned over all Homer with the comment , and within foure moneths ( to vse his owne words ) he devoured all the rest of the Greeke Poets They were doubtlesse great matters , which Peter Ramus went through in a short time , as appeares in his life ; yet not so much by the quickenesse and strength of wit ( though therein he excelled ) as by his assiduity and temperance , which was such that he would drinke no wine , till by his Physitians he was injoyned so to doe ; and from his youth to his dying day never vsed by his good will any other bedding then straw , and in his studies so watchfull hee was , that if he heard in the morning the smiths or carpenters , or other artisans at worke before he were stirring , hee would blame himselfe of negligence and sloathfulnes , that they should prevent him , and be more diligent in their mechanicall trades , then he in the studie of the liberall sciences : And ( to adde one more ) of our rare Iewell , Doctour Humphreyes testifies , that he was , & studiosorum calcar , et studiorum norma , et indefessae diligentiae singulare specimen , a spur to students , a rule of studies , and a singular president of vnwearied studiousnesse ; and againe , victus nimis scholasticus et simplex fuit , corpus macilentum et perimbecillum , vt mireris tot laboribus exhauriendis potuisse sufficere : his diet was very sparing , and somewhat too scholer-like , his bodie thinne and very weake , so as a man might justly wonder , how it could indure and bring about such and so many labours . And certaine it is ( what ever our wits pretend to the contrarie ) that never any became excellent in any profession , or was famous for any notable worke , who was not abstemious or industrious . Multa tulit fecitque puer , sudavit et alsit . Hee did both doe and suffer many things . Both heate and cold : &c. And I verily thinke did the students in our Vniversities , carefully and constantly obserue those houres for prayer ( especially in the morning ) which our wise and godly founders by their locall statutes require in our severall Colledges , we should soone by Gods blessing find a change both in manners and learning ; and thereby stop the mouthes of such both at home and abroad , as cry out that wee haue lost our ancient reputation , and that the Iesuites by the strictnes of their discipline haue gotten the start of vs , and wonne the spurres from vs. Antiquitùs strictissime fuit observatum vt exceptis graduatis , nemo animi , vel etiam negotij cujusquam sui causa è Collegio suo sine superioris perita et obtenta licentia , ( socio etiam assignato ) egredi posset ; ingredi civium domos , prandium aut coenam apud eos sumere , non nisi maxima vrgente causa , & quasi ex speciali indulto , cuiquam licuit : popinas autem intrare , & in hospitijs publicis convivari , vel in aedibus alicujus civis pernoctare piaculum erat , nam in his si quis deliquisset , ex Academia nisi magna aliqua ratio subfuisset cum dedecore eijciebatur . I neede not English it , but wish it practised . And conclude this point with that of Quintilian , which cannot too often bee remembred ; Non enim nos tarditatis natura damnavit , sed vltra nobis quod oportebat indulsimus , ita non tam ingenio nos illi superarunt , quam proposito . Nature hath not made vs more vncapable then our Auncestours , but we haue beene too indulgent to our selues , by which meanes it comes to passe that they surmount vs not so much by the goodnes of wits , as studiousnesse and endeavour . Now for the worke it selfe I am well assured ( as all other Bookes and actions ) it will be diversly censu●…d as men stand diversly affected : if but three guests meet at a feast , they will hardly accord in one dish ; & truely I thinke that as mens fancies ( could they be seene ) would bee found to differ more then their faces ; so are their judgments more different then their tastes : but this common courtesie ( due by the Lawes of civility and humanity ) I shall craue ( which I hope no ingenuous mind will deny mee ) that I bee not condemned before I bee vnderstood . Ne mea dona tibi studio disposta fideli , Intellecta prius quam sint , contemptarelinquas . Doe not cast off with surly scorne What heere I offer thee , Before thou vnderstand aright What heere is said by me . Legant & postea despiciant , ne videantur non ex judicio , sed ex odij praesumptione ignorata damnare : first read , and then despise lest thou seeme to condemne that which thou knowest not , rather out of malitious prejudice , then advised judgment , and if vpon a serious perusall and ballancing of mine arguments any shall yet vary from mee , I quarrell him not , but hope wee may both injoy our opinions without any breach of faith or charity ; onely I say that the question is surely noble , and worthy to be discussed by a more learned penne , as being a disquisition touching the shippe wherein wee all sayle whether it bee staunch or no , and heerein will be the tryall , Opinionum commenta dies delet , naturae iudicia confirmat ; time weares out dreames of fancy , but strengthens the dictates of Nature and Trueth ; as the Sunne beames being imp●…isoned , as it were , for a time , worke thorough a thicke mist , though with some difficulty , but being once broken through , and the mist dispelled , they shine out and continue cleare . I haue walked ( I confesse ) in an vntroden path , neither can I trace the prints of any footsteppes that haue gone before mee , but onely as it led them to some other way , thwarting , and vpon the by , not directly : some parts belonging to this discourse , some haue slightly handled , none throughly considered of the whole : which I speake not to derogate from their worth ( it being puerilis jactantiae accusando illustres viros suo nomini famam quaerere ; a childish kinde of bragging to hunt after applause by contradicting famous men ) but onely to shew that whiles they intended another thing , they might happily in this bee carried away with the common streame : for surely such a sweete harmony there is betweene all the members of this body , such a cohaerence and mutuall dependance betwixt all the linkes of this chaine , that hee who takes a view of the whole , will easily graunt that hee might bee deceiued by looking vpon some parts thereof . Yet some perchaunce will conceiue , I might haue delivered my minde with lesse expence of w●…des and time , and truely I must acknowledge that in multiloquio non deerit peccatum ; it cannot bee but in speaking so much , somewhat should bee spoken amisse . Yet withall it must bee remembred , that being to grapple with such a Giantlike monster , I could not thinke him dead till I had his head off : and that which to some may seeme superfluous or impertinent , will happ●…ly by others bee thought not vnprofitable or vnpleasant , the paines is mine , and if it bee over-done , done I am sure it is ; if I haue sayde more then enough , enough is said to serue the turne . And if any shall haue a minde to publish any thing against that I haue written , I shall desire it may bee done fairely , not by sucking of the soares , and flying over the sound parts , nor by nibbling vpon the twigges , and vtmost braunches , but by striking at the roote or body of the tree , or at leastwise some of the principall limbes thereof ; and in the meane season , I say with Saint Augustine , Quisquis haec legit vbi pariter certus est , pergat mecum ; vbi pariter haesitat quaerat mecum ; vbi errorem suum cognoscit , redeat ad me ; vbi meum , revocet me : whosoeuer thou art that reads this discourse , where thou art assured go on with me , where thou art in doubt , search with me ; where thou dost acknowledge thine errour , returne to me ; where thou findest mine , recall me ; and conclude with Lactantius : Etiamsi nulli alij , nobis certè proderit , delectabit ) se conscientia , gaudebitque mens in veritatis se luce versàri , quod est animae pabulum incredibili quâdam jucunditate perfusum : if this Treatise profite none else , yet shall it mee , my conscience shall comfort it selfe , and my minde bee refreshed in the light of Trueth , which is the foode of the soule , mixed with delight incredible . Rode caper vites , tamen hic , cum stabis ad aras , Jn tua quod fundi cornua possit , erit . ERRATA . Pag. 5. lin . 13. read Psammeticus , p. 18. l. 16. r. thought . p. 26. l. 27. r. miror . p. 27. l. 3. r. words . p 31. l. 5. r. in antiquitie . p. 45. l. 13. r. almost halfe a pound . p. 62. l 40. r. are . p. 73. l. 17. r. commenteth . p. 80. l. 42. r. mentitus . p. 81. l. 17. r. be diminished . p. 84. l. 15. r aestate p. 90. l. 41. r. speakes p. 95. l. 2. r. about . p. 100. l. 34. r. religion . p. 101. l. 31. r. incommoda . p. 104. l. 5. r. Ex. ibid. l. 12. r. milke . p. 112. l. 10. r. drought . p. 118. l. 40. r. better . p. 124. l. 7. r. naturalis . p. 129. l. 27. r. Blancanus . p. 133. l. 37. r. Sylvine . p. 136. l. 19. r. better cheape . with . ibid. l. vlt. r. his . p. 144. l. 26. r. touching . p. 145 l. 4. r. reason . ibid. l. 26. r. mortall , that if hee sinned not , hee could not . p. 153. l. 4. r. Archepius . p , 163. l. vlt. r. nineteene . p. 1. 7. l. 42. r. namely . p. 176. l. . 10. r. the. ibid. l. 11. r , that . p. 191. l. 21. r. regum . p. 210. l. 12. r. Yolland . p. 234. l. 41. r. Fuchsius . p. 241. l. 44. r. Polyaenus . p. 269. l. 24. r. innumerabiles . p. 277. l. 37. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 285. l. 8. r. lawmaker . p. 338. l. 10. in marg . r. c. 22. p. 385. l. 19. r. immundis . p. 403. l. 47. r. daughter . p. 413. l. 4. r. plenius . p. 415. l. 16. r. venturous . p. 418. l , penult . r. by the Romans . p. 419. l. 21 : r : except : p : 443 : l : 31 : r : terras : ibid l : 39 : r : nought : p : 448 : l : 35 : r : infinitely in their : p : 401 : l : 29 : r : of . These are the greatest I haue met with , not doubting but some of consequence haue escaped me , and for those of lesser note I haue passed them ouer , desiring the reader if he will not take the paines to amend al , yet he would be pleased to set these foure or fiue right : p : 45 : lin : 13 : p : 104 : l : 12 : p : 136 : l : 19 : p : 145 : l : 26 : p : 163 : l : vlt : THE CONTENTS OF THE SEVERALL BOOKES , CHAPTERS , AND SECTIONS . LIB . 1. Of this pretended decay in generall , together with some preparatiues herevnto . CAP. 1. Of diverse other opinions , justly suspected , if not rejected , though commonly received . Sect. 1 In Divinitie . pag. 1. Sect 2 In Philosophie . p. 4. Sect. 3 In Historie Ecclesiasticall . p. 5. Sect. 4 In Historie Civill or Nationall . p. 7. Sect. 5 In Naturall Historie . p. 8. Sect. 6 With an application thereof to the present purpose . p. 11. CAP. 2. Of the Reasons inducing the Authour to the writing and publishing of this discourse . Sect. 1 Whereof the first is the redeeming of a captivated truth . pag. 12. Sect. 2 The second is the vindicating of the Creators honour . p. 14. Sect. 3 The third is , for that the contrary opinion quailes the hopes and blunts the edge of vertuous endeavours . p. 15. Sect. 4 The fourth is , for that it makes men more carelesse , both in regard of their present fortunes , and in providing for posterity . p. 19. Sect. 5 The fifth and last , is the weake grounds which the contrary opinion is founded vpon , as the fictions of Poets , the morosity of old men , the over-valuing of Antiquity , and disesteeming of the present times . p. 22. CAP. 3. The Controversie touching the worlds decay stated , and the Methode held thorow this ensuing treatise proposed . Sect. 1 Touching the pretended decay of the mixt bodies . pag. 27. Sect. 2 Of the Elements in regard of their quantity and dimensions . p. 28. Sect. 3 In regard of their qualities . p. 31. Sect. 4 Of mankind in regard of Manners and the Arts. p. 32. Sect. 5 In regard of the duration of their liues , their strength , and stature . p. 35. Sect. 6. The precedents of the Chapter summarily recollected , and the Methode observed in the ensuing Treatise proposed . p. 37. CAP. 4. Touching the worlds decay in generall . Sect. 1 The first generall Reason that it decayes not , is drawne from the power of that Spirit that quickens and supports it ; the second and third , from the consideration of the severall parts whereof it consists . pag. 38. Sect. 2 The fourth , for that such a decay as is suppposed , would in time point out the very date of the worlds expiration , and consequently of the second comming of Christ. p. 42. Sect. 3 The fifth , for that vpon the supposition of such a decay as is pretended , the vigor and strength of the parts thereof must of necessity long since haue bin vtterly exhausted and worne out . p. 44. Sect. 4 The sixth argument is drawne from the Authority of Salomon , and his reason taken from the Circulation and running about of all things as it were in a ring . p. 45. CAP. 5. Generall arguments made for the worlds decay , refuted . Sect. 1 The first generall objection drawne from reason , answered , which is , that the Creature the neerer it approaches to the first mould , the more perfect it is , and according to the degrees of its remoueall and distance from thence , it incurres the more imperfection and weakenesse p. 47. Sect. 2 The second answered , which is , that the severall parts of the world decay , which should argue a lingering consumption in the whole . p. 50 Sect. 3 The third answered , which is taken from the authority of Saint Cyprian . p. 50. Sec. 4 The same authority of Saint Cyprian farther answered , by opposing against it the authority of Arnobius , supported with ponderous & pressing reasons . p. 55. Sec. 5. The fourth answered , which is borrowed from the authority of Esdras . p. 60. Sec. 6 The rest answered , pretended to be taken frō authority of holy Scriptures . p. 62. LIB . 2. Of the pretended decay in the Heavens and Elements , together with that of the Elementary bodies , man only excepted . CAP. 1. Touching the pretended decay of the heavenly bodies in regard of their substance . Sect. 1 Of their working vpon this inferiour world , and the dependance of it vpon them . pag. 64. Sec. 2 Their pretended decay in their substance refuted by reason . p. 67. Sec. 3 An objection drawne from Iob , answered . p. 69. Sec. 4 Another taken from Psal. 102. answered . p. 71. Sec. 5 A third taken from the apparition of New starres , answered . p. 74. Sec. 6 The last drawen from the Eclypses of the Sunne and Moone , answered . p. 75. CAP. 2 Touching the pretended decay of the heavenly bodies in regard of their motions . Sec. 1 The first reason drawne from the causes of that Motion . p. 78. Sec. 2 The second , from the certainety of demonstrations vpon the Celestiall Globe : The third , from a particular view of the proper motions of the Planets , which are observed to be the same at this day as in former ages , without any variation : The fourth , from the infallible and exact prediction of their Oppositions , Conjunctions , and Eclypses for many ages to come : The fifth from the testimony of sundry graue Authors , averring the perpetuall constancy & immutability of their motions . p. 80. Sec. 3 The same truth farther proved from the testimony of Lactantius & Plutarch . p. 84. Sec. 4 An objection of du Moulins , touching the motion of the polar star , answered . p. 85. CAP. 3. Touching the pretended decay in the light of the heavenly bodies . Sect. 1 The first reason taken from the nature of the heavenly light , & those things wherevnto it is resembled , p. 86. Sec. 2 The second , for that it ha●…h nothing contrary vnto it , and heere Pareus and Mollerus are censured for holding that the light of heaven 〈◊〉 impaired . p. 87. Sec. 3 Herevnto other Reasons are added , and the testimony of Eugubinus vouched . p. 88. CAP. 4. Touching the pretended decay in the warmth of the heavenlie bodies . Sect. 1 That the starres are not of a fierie nature or hot in themselues . p. 90. Sec. 2 That the heate they breed springs from their light , and consequently their light being not decayed , neither is the warmth arising therefrō , p. 91. Sec. 3 Two objections answered , the one drawne from the present habitablenes of the torride Zone , the other from a supposed approach of the Sun neerer the earth ●…hen in former ages . p. 93. Sec. 4 A third objection answered , taken from a supposed remoueall of the Sunne more Southerly from vs then in former ages . p. 94. CAP. 5. Touching the pretended decay of the heavenly bodies in regard of their influences . Sect. 1. Of the first kind of influence from the highest immoueable heaven , called by Divines , Coelum Empyreum . p. 97. Sec. 2 Of th' second kind , derived from the Planets and fixed starres . p. 98. Sec. 3 That the efficacy of these influences cannot be fully comprehended by vs. p. 99. Sec. 4 That neither of them is decayed in their benigne and favourable effects , but that curious inquisition into them is to be forborne . p. 100. CAP. 6. Touching the pretended decay of the Elements in generall . Sect. 1 That the Elements are still in number foure . p. 102. Sec. 2 That the Elements still retaine the same properties that anciently they did , and by mutuall interchange and compensation the same bounds & dimentions . p. 106. Sec. 3 An objection drawne from the continuall mixture of the Elements each with other , answered . p. 109. CAP. 7. Touching the pretended decay of t●… Aire in regard of the temper thereof . Sect. 1 Of excessiue drouth and cold in former ages , and that in forraine Countryes . pag. 110. Sect. 2 Of excessiue cold & raine in former ages heere a●…tome , and of the common complaint of vnseasonable weather in all ages , together with the reason thereof . p. 112. Sect. 3 Of contagious diseases , and specially the plague , both here at home 〈◊〉 abroad , in former ages . p. 113. Sect. 4 Of Earth-quakes in former ages , and their terrible effects , elegantly described by Seneca . p. 116. Sect. 5 Of dreadfull burnings in the bowels of Aetna & Vesuvius , and the rising of a new Iland out of the Sea with hideous roring neere Putzol in Italy . p. 117. Sect. 6. Of the nature of Comets and the vncertainety of predictions from them , as also that the number of those which haue appeared of late yeares is lesse then hath vsually beene observed in former ages , and of other fiery and watery meteors . p. 119. Sect. 7 Of strange and impetuous windes and lightnings in former ages aboue those of the present . p. 121. CAP. 8. Touching the pretended decay of the waters & the fish the inhabiters thereof . Sect. 1 That the Sea , & Rivers , and Bathes are the same at this present as they were for many ages past , or what they lose in one place and time , they recover in another , by the testimony of Strabo , Ovid , and Pontanus . p. 123. Sect. 2 That fishes are not decayed in regard of their store , dimensions , or duration . p. 125. CAP. 9. Touching the pretended decay of the earth , together with the plants , & beasts , & minerals . Sect. 1 The divine meditation of Seneca and Pliny vpon the globe of the earth . An objection out of Aelian touching the decrease of mountaines , answered . That all ●…hings which spring from the earth returne thither againe , and consequently it cannot decay in regard of the fruitfulnes in the whole : Other objections of lesse consequence , answered . p. 128. Sect. 2 Another obiection touching the decay of the fruitfulnes of the holy Land , fully answered . p. 131 , Sect 3 The testimonies of Columella & Pliny produced that the earth in it selfe is as fruitfull as in former ages , if it be well made and manured : together with the reason why so good and so great store of wine , is not now made in this kingdome as formerly hath bin . p. 133. Sect. 4 An argument drawne from the present state of husband-men , and another from the many and miserable dearths in former ages , together with an objection taken from the inhauncing of the prizes of victuals in latter times , answered . p. 136. Sect. 5 That there is no decrease in the fruitfulnesse , the quantities , or vertues of plants and simp●… ▪ nor in the store and goodnesse of mettals & mineralls , as neither in the bignesse or life of beasts , together with an objection touching the Elephant mentioned in the first of Macchabes , answered . p. 139. Sect. 6 A●…ection taken from the Eclypses of the planets answered . p. 142. LIB 3. Of the pretended decay of mankind in regard of age & duration , of strength and stature , of arts and wits . CAP. 1. Touching the pretended decay of Men in regard of their age , and first by way of comparison betweene the ages of the Ancients , and those of latter times . Sect. 1 Of the short life of man in regard of the duration of many other Creatures , and that he was created mortall , but had he not fallen , should haue beene preserved to immortalitie . pag. 144. Sect. 2 Of the long liues of the Patriarches , and of the manner of computing their yeares , and that Almighty God drew out the lines of their liues to that length for reasons proper to those first times . p. 145. Sect. 3 That since Moses his time , the length of mans age is nothing abated , as appeares by the testimony of Moses himselfe , and other graue Authours , compared with the experience of these times . p. 147. Sect. 4 The same confirmed by the testimony of other ancient and learned writers . p. 149. Sect. 5 That in all times and nations some haue beene found , who haue exceeded that number of yeares which the wisest of the ancients accounted the vtmost period of mans life , and that often those of latter ages haue exceeded the former in number of yeares , as is made to appeare aswell from sacred as prophane story . p. 150. Sect. 6 The same assertion farther proved & inlarged by many instances both at home & abroad , specially in the Indyes . p. 153. Sect. 7 That if our liues be shortned in regard of our Ancestours , we should rather lay the burden of the fault vpon our selues & our owne intemperance , then vpon a decay in nature . p. 156. CAP. 2. Farther Reasons alleadged , that the age of man for these last thousand or two thousand of yeares , is little or nothing abated . Sect. 1 The first reason taken from the severall stops & pawses of nature in the course of mans life , as the time of birth after our conception , our infancie , childhood , youth , mans estate , & old age , being assigned to the same compasse of yeares as they were by the Ancients ; which could not possiblely be , were there an vniversall decay in mankinde in regard of age ; and the like reason there is in making the same Clymactericall yeares , & the same danger in them . p. 159. Sect. 2 The second is drawne from the age of Matrim ony and generation , which among the Ancients was as forward as ours now is , if not more timely . p. 163. Sect. 3 The third is borrowed from the age which the Ancients assigned for charge and imployment in publique affaires , Ecclesiasticall , Civill , & Militarie , they were therevnto both sooner admitted , & therefrom sooner discharged , then men now a dayes vsually are : which should in reason argue , that they likewise vsually finished the course of their life sooner . p. 167. CAP. 3. Contayning a comparison betwixt the Gyants mentioned in Scripture , both among themselues and with those of latter ages . Sect. 1 Of the admirable composition of mans bodie , & that it cannot bee sufficiently proved that Adam as he was the first , so he was likewise the tallest of men , which in reason should be , were there in truth any such perpetuall decrease in mans stature as is pretended . p. 171. Sect. 2 What those Gyants were which are mentioned in the sixth of Genesis , and that succeeding ages vntill Davids time afforded the like . p. 173. Sect. 3 That latter times haue also afforded the like , both at home & abroad , specially in the Indies where they liue more according to nature . p. 175. CAP. 4. More pressing Reasons to proue , that for these last two or three thousand yeares , the stature of the Anciēts was little or nothing different from that of the present times . Sect. 1 The first reason taken from the measures of the Ancients , which were proportioned to the parts of mans body , & in the view of them wee are first to know that they were standards , that is , for publique contracts certaine & constant , & consequently , if the graines of our barley corne , the first principle of measure , be the same with theirs , as hath already bin proued , it cannot be but our ordinary measures should be the same with theirs , & so likewise our statures . p. 177. Sect. 2 That in particular the ordinary Hebrew , Grecian , & Roman measures were the same with ours or very little different . p. 179. Sect. 3 The second reason taken from the ordinary allowance of dyet to souldiers & servants , which appeares to be of like quantity with vs , as was that among the ancient Grecians & Romās , together with a doubt touching Gods allowance to the Israelites , answered . p , 184. Sect 4 Diverse other Reasons drawne from experience added , as from the bedsteeds , the seates , the doores , the pulpits , the altars of the ancients , and other doubtes cleared . p. 186. Sect. 5 The same farther proved , first for that the son often proues taller then the father . Secondly , for that age and stature holding for the most part correspondence , it being already proved that the age of mankind is not decreased , from thence it followes , that neither is their stature . Thirdly , for that if mankind decreased in stature by the course of nature , so must of necessity all other Creatures , they being all alike subiect to the same law of nature . Fourthly , for that if men had still declined since the Creation , by this time they could haue beene no bigger then rats or mice , if they had at all bin . p. 188. CAP. 5. Wherein the principall objections , drawne aswell from Reason as from authority and experience , are fully answered . Sect. 1 Of sundry fabulous narrations of the bones of Gyant-like bodies , digged vp , or found in Caues . p. 190. Sect. 2 Diverse reasons alleadged , why such bones might be found in former ages , and not now , and yet the ordinary stature of mankind remaine the same . p. 193. Sect. 3 An answere to the argument , drawne from the testimonies commonly produced on behalfe of the adverse opinion . p 196. Sect. 4 Of the wonderfull strength of diverse in latter ages , not inferiour to those of former times . p. 201. Sect. 5 Two doubtes cleered ; the first touching the strong physicke which the Ancients vsed ; the second touching the great quantity of blood which they are sayd vsually to haue drawne at the opening of a vaine . p. 203. Sect. 6 The third doubt cleered , touching the length of the duodenum , or first gut ; as also of the severall opinions of Iacobus Capellus and Iohānes Temporarius touching the decrease of humane strength and stature . p. 206. Sect. 7 Another rubbe removed , taken from the impuritie of the seed contracted by the succession of propagation , as also touching some late memorable examples of Parents , famously fertile in the linnage issuing from their bodies , beyond any examples in that kinde of former ages . p. 209. CAP. 6. Contayning a discourse in generall , that there is no such Vniversall and perpetuall decay in the powers of the minde , or in the Arts and Sciences as is pretended . Sect. 1 The excellency of the Ancients in the powers of the minde , compared with those of the present ; as also their helpes and hinderances in matter of learning , ballanced . p. 211. Sect. 2 That there is both in Wits & Arts , as in all things besides a kind of circular progresse , aswell in regard of places as times . p. 216. CAP. 7. Touching the three principall professions , Divinity , Law , and Physicke . Sect. 1 The strange ignorance of the Ancients in many things in matters of divinity . p. 218. Sect. 2 Of the palpable darkenes of some ages before this last , and specially of the ninth Centurie , as also Gods speciall blessing vpon these latter ages in reviving the Arts & languages . p. 224. Sect. 3 The Lawyers of this last age preferred before those of former times . p. 226. Sect. 4 Ancient and moderne Physitians compared , specially in the knowledge of Anatomie and Herbarie , the two legs of that science . p. 230. Sect. 5 Of the profitable vse of extractions , and the Paracelsian Physicke , either wholely vnknowne to the Ancients , or little practised by thē . p. 230. CAP. 8. Touching Historie Poetry , and the Art Militarie . Sect. 1 That the Moderns haue far exceeded the Ancients in Chronology and Cosmography , the two eyes of Historie . p. 232. Sect. 2 The defect of the Ancients in naturall and Ecclesiasticall historie justly corrected by the Modernes ; and in civill History : the moderns are matched with the ancients : And of the knowledge of weights , and measures , andthe true valuation of coynes recovered and restored by latter writers , which thorow the neglect of former ages had well nigh perished . p. 234. Sect. 3 A comparison betweene the Greeke & Latine , as also between the Ancienter and latter Latine Poets , and that Poetry , as other Arts hath fallen and risen againe in this latter age . p. 236. Sect. 4 In Military matters the Romans excelled the Grecians , and haue themselues bin matched , if not surpassed in latter ages , in weapons , in fortifications , in stratagems , but specially in sea-fights . p. 240. CAP. 9. Touching Grammar , Rhetorique , Logicke , the Mathematiques , Philosophy , Architecture , the Arts of painting and Navigation . Sect. 1 Touching Grammar , Rhetorique , & Logicke . p. 243. Sect. 2 Touching Astronomy and Geometry , as also the Physicks and Metaphysicks . pag. 244. Sect. 3 Of the Arts of painting and Architecture revived in this latter age . p. 247. Sect. 4 Of the Art of Navigation brought to perfection in this latter age . p. 250. CAP. 10. Touching diverse Artificiall workes and vsefull inventions , at leastwise matchable with those of the Ancients , namely and chiefely , the invention of Printing , Gunnes , and the Sea-card or Marriners Compasse . Sect. 1 Of some rare inventions & artificiall workes of this latter age , comparable both for vse and skill to the best of the Ancients . p. 254. Sect. 2 Of the benefits and the Inventor of the most vsefull art of Printing . p. 256. Sect. 3 Of the vse and invention of Gunnes . p. 260. Sect. 4 Of the vse and invention of the Marriners compasse or Sea-card , as also of another excellent invention sayd to bee lately sound out vpon the Load-stone , together with a conclusion of this comparison touching Arts and wits , with a saying of Bodins , and another very notable one of Lactantius . p. 363. LIB 4. Of this pretended decay in matter of manners , together with a large proofe of the future consummation of the world , from the testimonies of the Gentiles , and the vses which wee are to draw from the consideration thereof . CAP. 1. That there is no such vniversall and perpetuall decay in the manners of men as is pretended , which is first proved in generall , and then from Religion the ground of manners . Sect. 1 That there is a vicissitude and revolution in vertues and in vices , as there is in Arts and Sciences . p. 270. Sect. 2 The extreame folly of the Ancients in adoring and invocating images . p. 273. Sect. 3 Their grosse and ridiculous blockishnesse in the infinite multitude of their Gods. p. 276. Sect. 4 The most shamefull & base condition of their Gods. p. 277. Sect. 5 Their barbarous and most vnnaturall cruelty in sacrificing their children to their Gods. p. 279. Sect. 6 Their monstrous beastlinesse in the worship of Priapus and Berecynthia , as also of their doting folly in their divinations ; together with a touch vpon the childish fables of the Iewish Rabbins , the absurd opinions and horrible practices of ancient Heretiques in the primitiue Christian Church , and the incredible ignorance & superstition of the Romish . p. 282. CAP. 2. Touching the Lawes of the ancient Graecians and Saxons , whereof some were wicked and impious others most absurd and ridiculous . Sect. 1 The vnjust and absurd Lawes of Solon the Athenian Lawgiver . p. 285. Sect. 2 The vnreasonable and irreligious Lawes of Lycurgus the Lacedaemonian Law-giver . p. 286. Sect. 3 The impious and dishonest Lawes of Plato . p 288. Sect. 4 The Vnnaturall and vnchast Lawes of Aristotle . p. 290. Sect. 5 The barbarous and vncivill lawes of the Gaules and the Saxons our Predecessours . p. 292. CAP. 3. Touching the insufficiencie of the precepts of the ancient Philosophers for the planting of vertue , or the rooting out of vice ; as also of the common errour touching the golden age . Sect. 1 Touching the insufficiency of the precepts of the ancient Philosophers , for the planting of vertue , and the rooting out of vice ; as also of the manners of the Ancients observed by Caelius Secundus Curio out of Iuvenall and Tacitus . p. 294. Sect. 2 Touching that idle tale of the golden age forged by the Poets , and taken vp by some Historians . p. 297. CAP. 4. Of the excessiue cruelty of the Romans toward the Iewes , the Christians , other Nations , one another , and vpon themselues . Sect. 1 Of the Roman cruelty toward the Iewes . p. 301. Sect. 2 Their cruelty toward the Christians , first in regard of the vnsatiable malice of their Persecutors . p. 302. Sect. 3 Secondly , in regard of the incredible number of those that suffered . p. 304. Sect. 4 Thirdly , in regard of the various and divelish meanes and instruments which they devised and practised for the execution or torture of the poore Christians . p. 305 Sect. 5 Of their extreame cruelty towards others , their very religion leading them therevnto , as witnesseth Lactantius . p. 306. Sect. 6 Of their cruelty one towards another by the testimony of Tacitus and Seneca , and first in their civillwarres . p. 309. Sect. 7 Secōdly , of the cruelty of their Emperours towards their subjects , their Captaines towards their souldiers , their Masters towards their slaues , and generally of their whole Nation . p. 313. Sect. 8 Thirdly , of their cruelty one towards another in their sword fights : In which first is considered the originall and increase of those games , aswell in regard of their frequencie , as both the number and quality of the Fighters . p. 316. Sect. 9 Secondly , of the fervent and eager affection of the people to these games , as also that they were in vse in the Provinces , and namely among the Iewes , but refused by the Graecians , and why ? p. 318. Sect. 10 Thirdly , these bloody spectacles were cryed out against by the tongues and pens of Christians Divines , and then cryed downe by the lawes and power of Christian Emperours . p. 321. Sect. 11 The Romans being thus cruell towards others , likewise turned the edge of their cruelty vpon themselues , partly by a voluntary exposing thēselues to present death in those publique shewes , either for money or vpon a bravery , or by laying violent hands vpon themselues , which by their gravest writers was held not only lawfull and commendable , but in some cases honourable . p. 322. CAP. 5. Of the excessiue covetousnesse of the Romans , and their vnsatiable thirst of having more , though by most vnjust and indirect meanes . Sect. 1 Of the excessiue covetousnes of the Romans in generall by the testimonies of Petronius Arbiter , Iuvenal , Galgacus , & Hannibal , and in particular Caecilius Claudius , Marcus Crassus , & specially Seneca the Philosopher are taxed for this vice . p. 325. Sect. 2 Of their wonderfull greedinesse of gold , manifested by their great toyle and danger in working their mines , fully and liuely described by Pliny . p. 327. Sect. 3 Their vnmercifull pilling and poling , robbing and spoyling the Provinces , not sparing the very temples and things sacred . p. 328. Sect. 4 Of the base and most vnconscionable practises of Tiberius and Caligula , nay even of Vespasian himselfe for the heaping vp of treasure . p. 330. Sect. 5 That the whole nation was deeply infected with the same vice . p. 33●… CAP. 6. Of the Roman luxurie in matter of incontinencie and drunkennes . Sect. 1 A touch vpon the Roman luxury in the sins of the flesh . p. 334. Sect. 2 Of their excesse in drinking p. 336. Sect. 3 The same amply confirmed by the testimony of Pliny . p. 338. Sect. 4 In particular , this excesse of the Romans in drinking is confirmed by the practise of Anthony , specially at his being with Cleopatra , as also by the practise of Clodius sonne to Esope the Tragaedian in drinking of dissolved pearle . p. 341. Sec. 5 Of excessiue drinkers among the Romans in regard of the quantity of the liquor , and how both their Princes and people were all generally tainted with this vice . p 344. Sect. 6 Of the costlinesse and curious workemanshippe of the vessells out of which they dranke , which was likewise a meanes to drawe them on to excessiue drinking . p. 345. CAP. 7 Of the excessiue gluttony of the Romanes . Sect. 1 Of their costly tables , their huge platters , the quality , order , & number of their waiters , as also of their art & schooles of Carving p. 347. Sect. 2 That after ages sometimes reformed the abuse of former times : Of the great number and chargeable hire of their Cookes : Of Apicius his wastfulnesse in belli-cheere , that such wastfulnes was common among them . p. 350. Sect. 3 Of their long and often sitting and vsuall practise of vomiting euen among their women , as also of the number of their courses at a sitting , together with the rarity and costlinesse of their severall services . p. 352. Sec. 4 Of the sumptuous provision of two platters furnished out , the one by Vitellius , the other by Esope the Tragaedian , as also of the horrible excesse of Caligula and Heliogabalus . p. 354. Sec. 5 Of the excessiue luxury of more ancient times . p. 355. Sec. 6 Of their wonderfull nicenes in the strangenesse , weight , and newnes of their fish●…s , as also of diverse other their strange curiosities about them , and of the vastnes of their fish-ponds , & great store of fishes in thē . 358. Sec. 7 Of their excessiue gluttoni●… in fowle as well as in fish , together with their luxurious appurtenances to their solemne feasts , as also that their gluttony rose with their Empire , and againe fell with it . p. 361. Sec. 8 That their riot did not onely shew it selfe in the delicious choyce of their fare , but in their voracitie & gurmandizing in regard of the quantity some of them devoured at a meale . p. 364. CAP. 8 Of the Romans excessiue luxurie in building . Sec. 1 Of their excesse in the great variety of their farre fetcht and deere bought marble . p. 365. Sec. 2 Of their excessiue sumptuousnes in their temporary or trāseunt buildings , made only for pastime to last but for a short time . p. 366. Sect. 3 Of their infinite expence in their permanent Amphitheaters , and the appurtenances belonging therevnto , namely their Courtaines & Arena . p. 368. Sect. 4 Of their incredible expence in the hiring , and arming , & dieting of their sword-players , in the hunting , bringing home , feeding & keeping of their wilde beasts in other admirable shewes to the astonishment of the beholders ; in refreshing the Spectatours with pretious & pleasant perfumes and the like ; and lastly , in casting their largesse among the people ; neitheir was this the practise of the Emperours onely , but of private men . p. 370. Sect. 5 Of their superfluous expence as in the number & largenesse , so likewise in the beauty and ornament of Bathes , which were likewise of little other vse then for pleasure . p. 372. Sect. 6 Of the endlesse masses of treasure which they powred out in the erecting and adorning of temples for the worship of those Idolls which they forged to themselues , or at leastwise knew well enough were no gods . p. 373 Sect. 7 Of their wonderfull vanitie in erecting infinite numbers of statues , and those very chargeable and that to themselues . p. 376. Sec. 8 Their prodigall sumptuousnes in their private buildings in regard of the largenesse & height of their houses , as also in regard of their marble pillars , walls , roofes , beames , and pauement full , of art and cost . p. 377. Sect. 9 The profuse expences of Domitian and Nero in their buildings , as also of Caligula in his madde workes . p. 381. Sec. 10 That the Romans luxurious excesse in their houshold-stuffe and the ornamēts of their houses was sutable to that of their buildings p. 382 CAP. 9. Of the Romans excessiue luxurie in their dressing and apparell . Sec. 1 How effeminate they were in regard of their bodies , specially about their haire . p. 385. Sec. 2 Of the pressing , plaiting , store , die , and prize of their garments , as also of their rings and jewells of inestimable value . p. 386. Sect. 3 The great excesse and immodesty of their women in the same kinde . p. 389. Sec. 4 More of the excessiue nicenesse of their women , as also of Caligula his monstrous phantasticalnesse in his apparell , together with their extreame vanity in the multitude of their servants and slaues wayting on them . p. 391. Sec. 5 Of their prodigall , or rather prodigious guifts of their Emperours , & the extreame vnthriftinesse of private men . p. 395. CAP. 10. Of the Romanes extreame arrogancie and confidence in admiring and commending themselues , together with their grosse and base flattery specially to their Emperours ; and lastly , their impudent , nay impious vaine-glory and boasting of their Nation and Cittie . Sect. 1 Of their extreame arrogance in admiring and commending , and ●…ven deifying themselues . pag. 398 Sect. 2 Of their grosse and base flattery , specially toward their Emperours both living and dead . pag. 400. Sect. 3 Of their impudent , nay impious vaine-glory and boasting of their owne Nation and Citty . p. 404. CAP. 11. Wherein the objections brought in behalfe of the Romans touching their pretended justice , prudence , and fortitude are examined and fully answered . Sect 1 The first objection touching the pretended justice of the Romans , answered out of Lactantius . p. 406. Sec. 2 The same answere farther confirmed by the testimony of Saint Augustine . p. 410. Sect. 3 Another answere , that none can bee truly just which are not truly religious , nor any truly religious which professe not the Christian Religion . p. 412. Sect. 4 The second objection touching the pretended wisedome of the Romans , answered , by taking a briefe view of their courses , but specially by the testimony of Pliny . p. 413. Sec. 5 The third objection touching the pretended fortitude of the Romans answered , in as much as their Empire is by their owne writers in great part ascribed to Fortune , and by Christians may be referred to Gods speciall providence for the effecting of his owne purposes rather then to any extraordinary worth in them . p. 416. Sec. 6 Secondly , the Romans having no right or little just to the Nations they subdued , we cannot rightly tearme their strength in conquering them fortditue . 418. Sec. 7 Thirdly , that the Christians in suffering for Religion surpassed the Roman fortitude , and equalled it in suffering for their countrey . p. 420. Sec. 8 That as the Christians haue surpassed the Romans in the passiue part of fortitude , so haue they matched them in the actiue ; and that the partiall overvaluing of the Roman manhood by their owne Historians , is it chiefely which hath made the world to thinke it vnmatchable . p. 423. Sect. 9 The English not inferiour to the Roman in valour and magnanimitie by the judgement of Sir Walter Rawleigh . p 426. CAP. 12. Wherein the generall objections touching the worlds decay in matter of Manners , are answered at large . Sect. 1 Two objections drawne from reason , and both answered : The one , that since the first plantation of Christian Religion , men haue from time to time degenerated : The other , that the multitude of Lawes , & Lawyers , & Law-suites , and the multiplicity of words in writings and convaiances , argue the great sickenesse and malice of the present times in regard of the former . p. 431. Sect. 2 Another objection answered , taken from the Scriptures , which in diverse places seem to say , that the last times shall be the worst . p. 433. Sect. 3 The passages of Scripture alleadged to that purpose , particularly and distinctly answered . p. 436. Sec. 4 The last doubt touching the cōming of Antichrist , answered . p 437 Sec. 5 The argument of greatest weight to proue that Antichrist is already come . p. 438. CAP. 13. That the world shall haue an end by Fire , and by it bee intirely consumed . Sec. 1 That the world shall haue an end , is a point so cleere in Christian religion , that it needeth not to be proved frō the principles thereof , neither is he worthy the name of a Christian who makes any doubt of it . p. 441. Sect. 2 That the world shall haue an end by the testimony of the Gentiles . p. 442. Sect. 3 That the world shall haue an end by fire , proved likewise by the testimonie of the Gentiles . p. 444. Sect. 4 That the world shall be by fire totally and finally dissolved and annihilated , proved by Scripture . p. 446. Sect. 5 The same farther proved by reason . p. 447. Sect. 6 The arguments commonly alleadged from the Scripture for the Renovation of the world , answered . p. 450. CAP. 14. Of the vses we are to make of the consummation of the world , & of the day of judgement . Sec. 1 That the day of the worlds end shall likewise be the day of the generall judgement thereof , and that then there shall bee such a judgement is proved aswell by reason as the testimony of the Gentiles . p. 454. Sect. 2 The consideration of this day may first serue for terrour to the wicked , whether they regard the dreadfulnes of the day it selfe , or the quality of the Iudge , by whom they are to be tryed . p. 456. Sect. 3 Or the nature and number of their accusers . p. 459. Sect. 4 Or lastly , the dreadfulnes of the sentence which shall then be pronounced vpon them . p. 461. Sect. 5 Secondly , the consideration of this day may serue for a speciall comfort to the godly , whether they meditate vpon the name and nature of t'c day it selfe in regard of them , or the assurance of Gods loue and favour towards them , and the gracious promises made vnto them . p. 464. Sect. 6 Or the quality & condition of the Iudge in respect of them by whom they are to be tryed , or lastly the sweetnes of the sentence which shall then be pronounced on their behalfe . p. 467. Sect. 7 Thirdly , the consideration of this day may serue for admonition to all . p. 470. Sect. 8 As likewise for instruction . p. 471 OF THE VALVE OF THE ROMAN SESTERCE , Compared with our English coyne now in vse . BEcause in the fourth and last booke of this ensuing treatise in discovering of the Romane luxu●…ie , frequent mention is made of their excessiue expences , and the ordinary computation of their Authors , whose testimonies I vse , is by Sesterces . I held it requisite for the better vnderstanding of those summes by such who are not acquainted with the Romane coynes , in this table to expresse the value of the Sesterce , and withall to reduce some of their most noted summes to our sterling that so the Reader desirous to know any particular summe , may either finde it expressed in this Table , or easily find it out by proportioning the summe he desires to know with the neerest vnto it either aboue or vnder . The Sestertius was among the Romans a coyne so common , that nummus and Sestertius came at length to be vsed promiscuously the one for the other ; so called it was quasi Semistertius , because of three asses it wanted halfe a one , and is thus commonly expressed ●…S , or thus HS , by which is vnderstood two asses and an halfe . For the value os it , ten asses make a denarius or Roman pennie , so tearmed because it contained denaaera , which were the same with their asses ; so as the Sesterce containing two asses and an halfe , must o●… necessity be foun●… in the denarius foure times ; now the denarius being the eigh●… part of an ounce , and an ounce of silver being now with vs valued at fiue shillings ; it followes from thence that the value of the denarius is seaven pence halfepenny ; & consequently of the Sesterce being the fourth part thereof , pennie halfe pennie farthing halfe farthing . Touching their manner of counting by Sesterces , a controversie there is betwixt Budaeus and Agricola , whether Sestertius in the masculine and Sestertium in the neuter be to bee valued alike , which Agricola affirmes , Budaeus , vpon better reason in my iudgement , denies , and to him I incline , holding with him that Sestertium in the neuter containes a thousand Sestertios : But heere two things are specially to be noted ; first , that if the numerall , or word that denoteth the number being an adictin●… and of a different ca●…e , be joyned with Sestertiûm ( by an abbreviatiō put for Sestertiorum ) in the genitiue case plurall , then doth it note so many thousand Sesterty ; for example , decem Sestertiûm signifieth decem millia tenne thousand Sesterces : Secondly , if the numerall joyned with Sestertiûm be an adverb , then it designeth so many hundred thousand , ex : gr●… : decies Sestertiûm signifies decies contena millia , ten hundred thousand or a million of Sesterces ; and sometimes the substantiue Sestertiûm is omitted but necessarily vnderstood ; the adjectiue then or adverbe set alone being of the same value as if the substantiue were expressed , as thu●… , decem standing by it selfe is fully as much as decem Sestertium , & decies in like case , as if it were decies Sestertiûm , which I haue premised that the reason of my rendring the Latin summes might the better be conceived , now to the table . Sesterces Are worth In English monies . Twenty 0l-3 -3s-1 -1d-0b A hundred 0-15-7-0b . Fiue hundred , 3-18-1-0b . A thousand , 7-16-3-0 . Fiue thousand , 39-1-3-0 . Ten thousand , 78 2 6-0 . Twenty thousand , 156-5-0-0 Fiftie thousand , 390-12-6-0 . A hundred thousand , 781-5-0-0 . Fiue hundred thousand , 3906-5-0-0 . A Million , 7812-10 . 0-0 Fiue Millions , 39062-10-0-0 . Ten Millions . 78125-0-0-0 . Twenty Millions , 156250-0-0-0 . Fiftie Millions , 390625-0-0-0 . A hundred Millions , 781250-0-0-0 . Two hundred Millions 1562500-0-0-0 . Fiue hundred Millions , 3906250-0-0-0 . A thousand Millions , 7812500-0-0-0 . A Talent is 750 ounces of silver , which after fiue shillings the ounce , is 187 pounds . Boethius Lib. 3. Metro . 9. O Qui perpetua mund●…m ratione gubernas , Terrarum Coelique Sator qui tempus ab aevo Ire jubes : stabilisque manens das cuncta moveri ; Da Pater augustam menti conscendere sedem , Da fontem lustrare boni , da luce reperta In te conspicuos animae defigere visus . Disijce terrenae nebulas & pondera molis , Atque tuo splendore mica . Ta namque serenum , Tu requies tranquilla pijs , Te cernere , finis , Principium , vector , dux , semita , terminus , idem . THou that madest heaven & earth , whose wisedome still doth guide The world , by whose commaund time euermore doth slide : Thou that vnmov'd thy selfe , causest all things to moue : Graunt , Father , I may climbe these sacred seates aboue , Graunt , I of good may view the spring , that finding light , My minde perpetually on thee may fixe her sight . Dispell these cloudes , discharge this loade of lumpish clay , And spread thy beames : for thou to Saints the clearest day , The calmest quiet art , and thee to comtemplate Port , passage , leader , way , beginning is and date . AN APOLOGIE OF THE POWER AND PROVIDENCE OF GOD IN THE GOVERNMENT OF THE WORLD : OR , An Examination and Censure of the common errour touching Natures perpetuall and vniversall decay . LIB . I. Which treates of this pretended decay in generall , together with some preparatiues thereunto . CAP. I. Of diuerse other opinions justly suspected , if not rejected , though commonly receiued . SECT . I. In Divinitie . THE opinion of the Worlds decay is so generally receiued , not onely among the Vulgar , but of the Learned both Diuines and others , that the very commonnes of it , makes it currant with many , without any further examination : That which is held , not onely by the multitude , but by the Learned , passing smoothly for the most part without any checke or controle . Nec alius pronior fidei lapsus , quàm ubi rei falsae gravis author extitit , saith Pliny , Men doe not any-where more easily erre , then where they follow a guide , whom they presume they may safely trust : They cannot quickly be perswaded , that he who is in reputation for knowledge and wisdome , and whose doctrine is admired in weighty matters , should mistake in points of laesser consequence ; and the greatest part of the World , is rather led with the names of their Masters , and with the reverend respect they beare their persons or memories , then with the soundnesse and truth of the things they teach . Wherein that of Vadianus in his Epistle of Paradice , is , and euer will be verified . Magnos errores magnorum virorum authoritate persuasi transmittimus : We deliuer ouer as it were by tradition from hand to hand , great errours being thereunto induced by the authority of great men . Whiles we are young , our judgment is raw and greene , and when we are old , it is forestalled , by which meanes it comes often to passe that inter iuvenile iudicium & senile preiudicium veritas corrumpitur ; betweene the precipitancie & rashnes of youth to take whatsoeuer is offered , and the obstinate stiffenes of age in refusing what it hath not formerly beene acquainted with , truth is lost . The evidencing of which assertion , is the proper subject of this Chapter , wherein I hope I shall make it appeare that many opinions are commonly receiued , both in ordinary speech , & in the writings of learned men , which notwithstanding are by others either manifestly convinced , or at leastwise justly suspected of falshood and errour , and this aswell in Divinity as in Philosophy and History . First then in Divinity ( not to meddle with doctrinall points in controversie at this day ) it is commonly receiued and beleeued , that Iu●…as among the other Apostles receiued the blessed Sacrament at our Lords hands , of which notwithstanding , saith the learned Zanchius , Etsi multi magni viri hoc docuerint & scripserint , ego tamen nullo modo concedo , aut concedere possum , quia apertè pugnat cum historia Iohannis Evangelistae : Though many great Clarks haue taught and written it , yet my selfe neither doe nor can by any meanes grant it , in asmuch as it plainely contradicts the History of Iohn the Evangelist . That Melchizedek spoken of in the Epistle to the Hebrewes , was Sem the sonne of Noah : Yet Pererius in his Commentarie on the 14 of Genesis , endeauours to ouerthrow it by many weighty reasons drawne from the Text. That our first Parents stood but one day in Paradice , of which opinion the same Author affirmes , Pervulgata est , eademque ut m●…ltorum sic imprimis nobilium & illustrium Authorum firmata consensu ; it is commonly receiued and strengthned by the consent of many worthy and famous Authors : yet labours he to disproue it , in as much as so many , and so different acts are by Moses recorded to haue passed betweene their Creation and Ejection , as could not well be dispatched within the compasse of one day . And Tostatus , though he were first of the common opinion , yet afterward vpon better advice he changed it . That the Prophecie of old Iacob , The Scepter shall not depart from Iudah vntill Shiloh come . , was fulfilled in Herods raigne at the birth of CHRIST by the continuance of the gouernment in the Tribe of Iudah till the raigne of Herod , reputed the first stranger that tooke vpon him the Kingly office among the Iewes : but Causabon in his Exercitations prooues that neither the kingly government was continued in that Tribe , in as much as it was often interrupted , and at length ended in Zedechiah , nor that Herod was a stranger , in as much as himselfe , his father and his Grandfather were all circumcised , and yet he confesses of the cōmō opinion , haec sententia ab insignibus pietate & doctrina viris profecta , vbi semel est admissa sine vlla controversia aut examine apud omnium aetatum eruditos praeter admodum paucos semper deinceps obtinuit ; this opinion first set on foot by men of singular pietie and learning , and being once generally embraced without any question or examination of it , afterward prevailed with the learned of all ages , some few onely excepted . That Iephtah flew his daughter , and sacrificed her to the Lord , but Iunius in his annotations on that place thinkes he only consecrated her by vowing her virginity , which may well stand with the nature of the originall word , and the contrarie cannot well stand either with Iephtahs faith or Gods acceptance . That the Ark rested vpon the hils of Armenia ; wheras Sir Walter Rawleigh is cōfidēt that therin most writers were vtterly mistaken . Neither was he led so to thinke ( as he professeth ) out of humour or singularitie , but therein groundeth himselfe vpon the originall , and first truth , which is the word of God , and after vpon reason and the most probable circūstances thervpon depending . And in truth , he that shall consider that the sonnes of Noah cōming out of the Arke , trauelled from the East into the land of Shinar ( where they built the tower of Babell , ) and that Armenia lies to the Northwest of that plaine , will easily conceiue that it could not well bee , that the Arke should rest vpon those hils ; but the chiefe occasion of the mistake seemes to be in the vulgar translation , which hath rendred Armenia instead of Ararat . That of the three sonnes of Noah , Sem , Cham and Iaphet , Sem was the eldest , C ham the second , and Iaphet the yongest , whereas Iunius is of opinion that Iaphet was the eldest , grounding himselfe vpon the text , Genesis 10. 21. C ham the youngest , which he proues from Genesis 9. 24. and that Iaphet was the eldest is not his opinion alone , but of Lyranus , Tostatus , Genebrard and the Hebrew doctors . That the fruit of the tree of knowledg of good and evill , was an apple : wheras the text specifies no such matter ; and it should seeme by the circumstances thereof , that it was rather som other kind of fruit more pleasant both to the tast and sight . That the waters of the red sea were of colour red : whereas travellers into those parts by sight find the contrary : it rather borrowing that name from the red bankes and clifts about it , as both Castro and Barros are of opinion ; or from the Coasts of Idumaea by which it passeth , as Scaliger first observed and after him Fuller . To these may be added that it is commonly belieued that Moses had hornes when he came downe from the mountaine , because they read in the vulgar Latine , Ignorabat quòd cornuta esset facies sua : He knew not that his face was horned ; wheras the sense is , he knew not that his face shined , the same word in the Hebrew signifying both an horne and a shining beame That our Saviour wore his haire long , because we read he was a Nazarite ; whereas the truth is , that he was a Nazarite , or rather a Nazarene , as with Beza our last translatours read it , by education , not by profession and institution , in regard of the place in which he was nursed and conuersed , not any vow wherevnto he was bound . And lastly that Absolon was hung by the haire of the head , whereas the text sayes in plaine tearmes , his head caught hould of the oke : in like manner ( it seemes ) as Henry Grand-child to the Conquerour is sayd to haue ended his dayes in the new forrest , SECTIO 2. In Philosophy . SEcondly in Philosophy it is commonly receiued that the heart is the seate and shopp of the principall faculties of the soule : nay divine scripture applying it selfe to the ordinary opinion therein , in many places attributes wisdome and vnderstanding to the heart : whereas that noble pare of Physitians Hippocrates and Galen haue made it evident by experimentall proofes , that those divine powers of reasoning and discourse are seated in the braine , in as much as they are not hindered by the distemper of the heart , but of the braine , nor recouered being lost by medicaments applyed to the heart , but to the braine . That the three principall faculties of the soule , the vnderstanding , the imagination and memorie are distinguished by three severall Cells or Ventricles in the braine , the imaginatiō ( as is cōceiued ) being cōfined to the forepart , the memory to the hinder part , and judgment or vnderstanding to the middle part thereof ; which opinion Laurentius confutes , and Fernelius derides , makeing them all to be dispersed thorow all the receptacles of the braine , in as much as somtime when the whole braine is disaffected , the operation but of one of those faculties is hurt ; and sometimes againe when but one ventricle is hurt , the operation of all the three faculties are hindred . Neither ought it to seeme more strange that the same ventricle in the braine should be capable of all these three functions , then that the same bone or sinew and every part and particle thereof should haue in it ( in regard of the nourishment it receiues , and the excrement it driues forth , ) an attractiue , a retentiue , an assimulatiue and an expulsiue vertue . That one hād by nature is more vsefull and more properly made for action then the other : whereas we find no such difference betwixt the two eyes , the two eares , the two nostrills ; and if men were left to themselues , as many I think if not more , would vse the left hand , as now by education and custome do the right : And in truth I am of opinion that God and nature haue giuen vs two hands , that we should vse both indifferently , that if neede required , the one might supply the losse or defect of the other . Such would Plato haue the Cittizens of his common-wealth to be , and such do I take those seaven hundred Beniamites to haue beene mētioned in the 20th of Iudges & if either hād should in nature be preferred before other , mee thinkes in reason it should be that which is nearest the heart the fountaine of life and activitie . That in nature there is an East and a West , which as to mee it seemes cannot be , since that which to vs is East , is West to our Antipodes , and that which is East to them , is West to vs. That the radicall moisture , and primogeniall heat naturally ingrafted in vs wastes alwayes by degrees from the time of our conception , as oyle in a lampe or wax in a taper : whereas notwithstanding till wee come to the age of consistence , , we still grow in bulke , in strength and stature : which for mine owne part I cannot conceiue how it should bee : if from our infancie our naturall heat and moysture still decreased . That a man hath a naturall speech of his owne as he is a man , ( some thinke Hebrew ) which language he would speake by nature if he were not taught some other : but this is a dreame , and hath beene twise confuted by a double experiment . The first was by Psamm●…ticus a king of Aegypt , who desireing to vnderstād which was mans most ancient and naturall language , caused two children to be sequestred frō all societie of men , and to be nourished by two she goates , forbidding all speech vnto them : which children continuing for a long time dumb , at last vttered Bec Bec : the King being informed that in the Phrygian language Bec signified Bread , imagined that the children called then for bread , and from thence collected that because they spake that language which no man had taught them , therefore the Phrigian language was the naturall speech of man. A weake proofe & seely conceit . For the childrēs Bec ( as is probablely collected ) was onely that lāguage which they learned of their Goate-Nurces when they came to suck their tetts , who receiueing from them some ease by their sucking , saluted them with Bec , the best language they had , from whome the children learned it , and so much as they heard , so much just they vttered , and no more : and if they had not heard it , they could never haue pronounced it , as we may evidently see in men that are borne deafe ; and by another experiment tryed vpon other infants , ( which is our second instance ) by Melabdim E●…hebar , whom they call the Greate Magore or Mogul . He likewise vpon the forenamed errour , that man hath a certaine proper language by nature , caused thirtie children to be brought vp in dumbe silence , to finde out the experience , whether all of them would speake one and the same language , hauing inwardly a purpose to frame his religion conformable to that nation whose language should be spoken , as being that religion which is purely naturall vnto man. But the children proued all dumbe , though they were so many of them , and therefore they could not speake , because they were not taught : whereby it appeareth that the speaking of any language is not in man by nature ; The first man had it by divine Infusion , but all his posteritie onely by Imitation . SECT . 3 ia . In history Ecclesiasticall . THirdly in History , which is Ecclesiasticall , Civill or naturall . In History Ecclesiasticall it is commonly receiued that Symon Peter encountred with Symon Magus , and that the Magitian vndertaking to fly vp the ayre , the Apostle so wrought by prayer and fasting that he came tumbling downe and brake his neck : but of this story sayth St. Augustine , Est quidem & haec opinio plurimorum , quamvis eam perhibeant esse falsam plerique Romani : many are of this opinion , yet most of the Roman writers hould it but as a tale . And in another place he calls it Graecam fabulam , an invention of the Graecians who were so fruitful in these kind of fables , that Pliny himselfe could say of them , mirum est quo procedat Graeca credulitas , nullum tam impudens mendacium est vt teste careat ; it is a wonder to see whither the credulity of the Greekes carry them , there being no lye so shamefull , but it findes a patron among them : Nay , the very Latin Poet tooke notice of their immoderate libertie this way . — Et quicquid Graecia mendax Audet in historia . What dares not lying Greece Insert in histories . That the Sybils clearely foretold many things touching the name , the forerunner , the birth and death of Christ , the comming of Antichrist , the overthrow of Rome , & the cōsūmatiō of the world , which notwithstanding , ( as Causabon hath learnedly obserued ) seemes to be contrary to the word of God , that so profound mysteries should be revealed to the Gentiles , so long before the incarnation of Christ ; specially since they write more plainely and particularly of those matters , then the Prophets of God themselues among the Iewes ; and the greatest Clarkes among the Gentiles Plato , Aristotle , Theophrastus , and others , curious searchers into all kinds of learning , never so much as once mention either their names or their writings , nor any of these mysteries . While the Church of Christ was yet in her infancie many such kind of bookes were forged therby to make the doctrine of the Gospell more passible among the Gentiles ; and no marvell then that these of the Sybils passed for current among the rest . That Saint George was a holy Martyr , and that he conquered the dragon ; whereas Dr. Reynolds proues him to haue beene both a wicked man and an Arrian by the testimonie of Epiphanius , Athanasius and Gregory Nazianzen . And Baronius himselfe in plaine tearmes affirmes , apparet totam illam de actis Georgij fabulam fuisse commentum Arrianorum , It appeares that the whole story of George is nothing else but a forgery of the Arrians ; yet was he receiued ( as we know ) as a Canonized Saint through Christendome , & to be the Patron both of our nation and of the most honorable order of Knighthood in the world . That the wise men which came out of the East to worship our Saviour , were Kings and from hence ( their bodies being translated to Cullen , ) they are at this day commonly called the three Kings of Cullen , and the day consecrated to their memory is by the French tearmed Le jour de trois Rois , the day of the three Kings . yet Mantuan a Munke feares not to declare his opinion to the contrary , and giues his reason for it . Nec reges vt opinor erant , neque enim tacuissent Historiae sacrae Authores Genus illud honoris , Inter mortales quo non sublimius ullum , Adde quod Herodes ut magnificentia Regum Postulat , hospitibus tantis regale dedisset Hospitium , secumque lares duxisset in amplos . Had they beene Kings nor holy History , Would haue conceal'd their so great Majesty , Higher then which on Earth none can be named ; Herods magnificence would eke haue framed Some entertainment fitting their estates , And harbour'd them within his Royall gates . SECT . 4. In History Ciuill . IN History Ciuill or Nationall , it is commonly receiued , that there were foure , and but foure Monarchies succeeding one the other ; the Assyrian , the Persian , the Grecian , and the Roman ; Yet Iohn Bodin a man of singular learning , specially in matter of History , dares thus to begin the seuenth Chapter of his Method . Inveteratus error de quatuor Imperijs , ac magnorum Virorum opinione pervulgatus tam altè radices egit , ut vix evelli posse videatur ; that inveterate errour of foure Empires made famous thorow the opinion of great men , hath now taken such deepe roots , as it seemes it can hardly be pluckt vp ; & thorow a great part of that Chapter labours he the Confutation of those who maintaine that opinion . That the Saxons called the Remainder of the Brittaines , Welch , as being strangers vnto them : whereas that word signifies not a strangers either in the high or low Dutch , as Verstigan a man skilfull in those Languages hath obserued ; & that the Saxons gaue them the name of Welch , after themselues came into Brittaine , is altogether vnlikely . For that inhabiting so neere them as they did , to wit , but ouer against them on the other side of the Sea , they could not want a more particular and proper name for them , then to call them strangers . It seemes then more likely that the Brittaines being originally descended from the Gaules , the Saxons according to their manner of speech , by turning the G into W , insteed of Gallish termed them Wallish , and by abbreviation Walch or Welch , as the French at this day call the Prince of Wales , Prince de Galles . That Brute a Troian by Nation , and great grand-childe to Aeneas , arriued in this Iland , gaue it the name of Brittaine from himselfe , here raigned , and left the gouernment thereof diuided among his three sonnes , England to Loegrius , Scotland to Albanak , and Wales to Camber : Yet our great Antiquary beating ( as he professeth ) his braines and bending the force of his wits to maintaine that opinion , hee found no warrantable ground for it . Nay by forcible arguments ( produced as in the person of others disputing against himselfe ) he strongly proues it ( in my judgment ) altogether vnsound and vnwarrantable , Boccace , Vives , Adryanus Iunius , Polydorus , Buchanan , Vignier , Genebrard , Molinaeus , Bodine , and other . Writers of great account , are all of opinion , there was no such man as this supposed Brute : And among our owne ancient Chronicles , Iohn of Wethamsted , Abbot of S. Albon holdeth the whole narration of Brute to haue beene rather Poëticall , then Historicall , which me thinkes is agreable to reason , since Caesar , Tacitus , Gildas , Ninius , Bede , William of Malmesbery ; and as many others as haue written any thing touching our Countrey before the yeare 1160 , make no mention at all of him , nor seeme euer so much as to haue heard of him . The first that euer broached it was Geffry of Monmoth about foure hundred yeares agoe , during the raigne of Henry the second , who publishing the Brittish story in Latine , pretended to haue taken it out of ancient monuments written in the Brittish tongue : but this Booke assoone as it peeped forth into the light , was sharply censured both by Giraldus Cambrensis , and William of Newberry who liued at the same time ; the former tearming it no better then Fabulosam historiam , a fabulous history , and the latter , ridicula figmenta , ridiculous fictions , and it now stands branded with a blacke cole among the bookes prohibited by the Church of Rome . That the Pigmies are a Nation of people not aboue two or three foot high , and that they solemnely set themselues in battle array to fight against the Cranes their greatest enemies : of these notwithstanding witnesseth Cassanion , Fabulosa illa omnia sunt quae de illis vel Poetae , vel alij Scriptores tradiderunt : all those things are fabulous , which touching them either the Poëts or other writers haue deliuered . And with him fully accordeth Cardan in his eight Booke De rerum varietate : Apparet ergò Pigmeiorum historiam esse fabulosam , quod & Strabo sentit , & nostra aetas , cùm omnia nunc firmè orbis mirabilia innotuerint , declarat . It appeares then that the Historie of the Pigmies is but a fiction , as both Strabo thought , and our age , which hath now discouered all the wonders of the world , fully declares . Gellius also , & Rhodogin referre these Pigmies ( if any such there be ) to a kinde of Apes . SECT . 5. In History Naturall . IN Naturall History , it is commonly receiued , that the Phaenix liues fiue hundred or six hundred yeares , that there is of that kinde but one at a time in the World , that being to die , he makes his nest of sweet spices , and by the clapping of his wings sets it on fire , and so burnes himselfe : and lastly , that out of the ashes arises a worme , and from that worme another new Phaenix : Neither am I ignorant that sundry of the Fathers haue brought this narration to confirme the doctrine of the Resurrection : but rather as I beleeue , to fight against the Gentiles with their owne weapons , and to pierce them with their owne quils , or from thence to borrow an illustration , then as giuing credit to the truth of the story , which was originally coyned in Egppt as fruitfull in fables , as Africa in monsters , and from thence deriued to the Grecians and Romans ; one of them is said to haue beene brought to Rome by the commaund of Claudius Caesar , and exposed to publique view , as appeareth vpon record , Sed quem falsum esse nemo dubitaret , saith Pliny , no man need make any doubt of it but that he was counterfeit , and in the same Chapter , haud scio an fabulose unum in toto orbe nec visum magnoperè , I doubt it is but a fiction , that there is but one of the kinde , in the whole World , and that so seldome seene . With whom accord Tacitus , & Cardan , & Scaliger , and reason it selfe drawne both from Divinity and Philosophy , from Divinity , in as much as two at least of euery kinde came into the Arke , male and female , as they at first were created : from Philosophy : in as much as without more individuals then one the whole kind by a thousand casualties must needes be in daunger of vtter extinguishment , and therefore where we finde but one of a kinde , as the Sunne and the Moone , God and Nature haue set them out of gunshot , farre enough from any reach of malice or feare of danger . That the whelpes of Beares are at first littering without all forme or fashion , and nothing but a little congealed blood , or lumpe of flesh , which afterward the dame shapeth by licking , yet is the truth most evidently otherwise , as by the eye-witnesse of Ioachimus Rheticus , and others , it hath beene proued . And heerein as in many other fabulous narrations of this nature , ( in which experience checkes report ) may wee justly take vp that of Lucretius , — Quid nobis certius ipsis Sensibus esse potest , quo vera & falsa notemus . What can more certaine be then sence , Discerning truth from false pretence . That the Bever being hunted and in danger to be taken , biteth off his stones , knowing that for them onely his life is sought , and so often escapeth ; hence some haue deriued his name , Castor à castrando seipsum , from gelding himselfe , and vpon this supposition , the Egyptians in their Hi●…rogliphicks , when they will signifie a man that hurteth himselfe , they picture a Bever biting off his owne stones , though Alciat in his Emblemes turne it to a contrary purpose , teaching vs by that example to giue away our purse to theeues rather then our liues , & by our wealth to redeeme our danger : but this relation touching the Bever is vndoubtedly false , as both by sense and experience , and the testimony of Dioscorides it is manifested . First , because their stones are very small , and so placed in their body as are a Bores , and therefore impossible for the Beuer himselfe , to touch or come by them , and secondly , they cleaue so fast vnto their backe , that they cannot be taken away , but the beast must of necessity loose his life ; and consequently most ridiculous is their narration , who likewise affirme , that when he is hunted , hauing formerly bitten off his stones , he standeth vpright , and sheweth the hunters that hee hath none for them , and therefore his death cannot profit them , by meanes whereof they are averted and seeke for another . That Swans a little before their death sing most sweetly , of which notwithstanding Pliny thus speakes , Olorum morte narratur flebilis cantus , falsò ut arbitror aliquot experimentis . Swans are said to sing sweetly before their death , but falsely , as I take it , being led so to thinke by some experiments . And Scaliger to like purpose , de signi verò cantu suavissimo quem cum mendaciorum parente Graecia iactare ausus es ad Luciani tribunal apud quem aliquid novi dicas 〈◊〉 . Touching the sweete singing of the Swan , which with Greece the mother of lies you dare to publish , I cite you to Lucians tribunal , there to set abroach some new stuffe . And Aelian cantandi studiosos esse iam communi sermone pervulgatum est : ego verò cignum nunquan audivi canere fortasse neque alius , that Swans are skilfull in singing is now rife in every mans mouth , but for myselfe I never heard them sing , and perchance no man else . That the Salamander liues in the fire , yet both Galen and Dioscorides refute this opinion . And Mathiolus in his commentaries vpon Dioscorides affirmes that by casting many Salamanders into the fire for tryall , hee found it false . The same experiment is likewise avouched by Ioubertus . That the Mandrakes represent the shape and partes of a man , yet the same Mathiolus , a very famous Physitian affirmes of them , Radi●…es porrò Mandragorae humanam effigiem representare vt vulgò creditur fabulosum est , that the rootes of the Mandrake represent the shape of a man as it is commonly beleeued is fabulous , calling them cheating knaues and quacksalvers that carry them about to be sold , therewith to deceiue barren weeman . That Vipers in their birth kill their mother of whome they are bred ; Scaliger out of his owne experience assures vs the contrary , Viperas saith hee , ab impatientibus morae foetibus numerosissimis , atque id●…irco erumpentibus rumpi atque interire falsum esse scimus , qui in Vincentij Camerini ligneatheca vidimus enatas Viperillas parente salva , that Uipers are rent and slaine by the number of their yong ones impatient of delay and striuing to get forth , we know to be false , who in a woodden boxe belonging to Vincentius Camerinus haue seene the yong newly brought forth , together with the ould one , safe and sound . True indeed it is that the Viper bringing somtime twentie or more , and being delivered but of one a day the hindermost impatient of so long delay somtimes gnaw●…s thorow the tunicle or shell of the egg in which they are inclosed , and so come forth with part of it vpon them ; which Aristotle truly affirming therevpon it seemes hath growne the mistake that they gnaw thorow the belly of the damme which is vndoutedly false . The derivaton then of the word Vipera quasi vi pariens , is but a trick of wit , grounded vpon an erroneous supposition ; it being rather ( as I conceiue ) from vi●…um pariens , there being no other kind of serpēt which brings forth her yong hatched out of the egg , but only the Viper . That the Hare is one yeare a male and another a female : wheras Rondeletius affirmes that they are not stones which are commonly taken to bee so in the female , but certaine little bladders filled with matter , such as are vpon the belly of a Bever , wherin also the vulgar is deceiued , taking those bunches for stones , as they do these bladders . Now the vse of these parts both in Bevers and Hares is this , that against raine both the one and the other sexe suck there out a certaine humour and annoint their bodies all over therewith , which serues them for a defence against raine . That a Woolfe if he see a man first suddenly strikes him dumb , whence came the proverbe Lupus est in fabula : and that of the Poet , Lupi Moerim videre priores , The Wolues saw Moeris first . Yet Phillip Camerarius professes , fabulosum esse quod vulgo creditur , hominem à lupo praeuisum subitò consternari & vocem amittere , That it is fabulous which is commonly beleeued that a man being first seene by the Woolfe is therevpon astonished and looseth his voyce ; And that himselfe hath found it by experience to be a vaine opinion . which Scaliger likewise affirmes vpon the same ground . Vtinam tot ferulis castigarentur mendaciorum assertores isti quot à Lupis visi sumus sine jactura vocis . I wish those Patrons of lies were chastised with so many blowes as at sundry times I haue beene seene of woolues without any losse of my voyce . That men are somtimes transformed into Woolues , and againe from Wolues into men : touching the falshood wherof Pliny himselfe is thus confident , homines in Lupos verti rursumque restitui sibi , falsum esse confidenter existimare debemus , aut credere omnia quae fabulosa tot saeculis comperimus : that men are changed into Wolues and againe restored to themselues , that is to the shape of men , wee ought assuredly beleeue to be false , or to giue credit to whatsoever wee haue found fabulous in the course of so many ages . Now that which hath given occasion to this opinion might be as I suppose either an illusion of Sathan in regard of the beholders , or a strong melancholy imagination in the patients , or the education of men among Wolues from their very infancie . For that the Devil can at his pleasure transubstantiate or transforme one substance into another I hould it no sound divinitie . That the Pellican turneth her beake against her brest therewith pierceth it till the blood gush out wherewith shee nourisheth her young : wheras the Pellican hath a beake broade and flat , much like the slice of Apothecaries and Surgions with which they spread their plaisters , no way fit to pierce , as Laurentius Ioubertus Counsellour and Phisition to Henry the fourth of France in his booke of Popular errours hath obserued . Lastly that the Mole hath no eyes , nor the Elephant knees ; both which notwithstanding by dayly and manifest experience are found vntrue . SECTIO 6. An Application of what hath beene sayd to the present purpose . MAny more instances might bee giuen both in Divinitie , Philosophy and History , to shew that t' is a thing neither new nor vnjustifiable by the practise of wise men to examine and impugne receiued opinions , if they be found erroneous , such as I take this to be of Natures vniversall decay . So that I hope it shall neither seeme vnpleasing nor vnprofitable nor yet impertinent that I haue dwelt so long vpon this point . I know that of Chrysostome to be most true : The hardest lesson is to vnlearne , and therefore haue I harped so long vpon this string to make it cleare that men may erre , specially where that falls out which Iustin in his dialogue with Tryphon hath obserued , that posteriores sequntur priores securi examinis , that the latter follow the former without examination , Custome with most men preuailes more then Truth : though Christ hath said , as Tertullian rightly noteth , I am Truth and not Custome : yea such is the force thereof , that according to the inbred notions and praeconceptions , which it hath formed and imprinted in our mindes for the most part we shape the discourse of Reason it selfe . Thus Pythagoras by bringing vp his Schollers in the speculatiue knowledge of numbers , made their conceipts so strong , that when they came to the contemplation of things naturall , they imagined that in euery particular thing they euen beheld as it were with their eyes how the element of number gaue essence and being to the workes of Nature . A thing in reason impossible , which notwithstanding thorow their misfashioned praeconceite , appeared vnto them no lesse certaine then if Nature had written it in the very foreheads of all the Creatures of God. Divine is that speech of Aristotle in his Metaphysicks ; Quantam autem vim habeat consuetudo leges declarant , in quibus fabulosae & pueriles narrationes plus valent cognitione vera earum rerum propter consuetudinem . What is the strange force of Custome , the Lawes themselues declare ; in which childish and fabulous narrations are preferred before the true knowledge of the same things , and that onely through custome . From whence ( to draw neerer to our present purpose ) the great Lawyer Panormitan wishes that the seuerity of the ancient Canons bee not too far pressed vpon delinquents , because men of latter ages ( saith he ) are no w●…y matchable with the Ancients , as not in strength nor stature , so neither in wit nor manners . But I much maruell that so great a Clearke should be so easily carried away with so vaine a shew , and by making men beleeue that they were not able to obserue the Canons , make them vnable indeed : which together with the greedy desire of gaine , hath beene no doubt the ground , or at least the pretence of such a multiplicity of dispensations in latter ages ; men choosing rather to stretch their purse-strings , and to buy out a dispensation for their money then to improue their endeavours for the doing of that which the Canon requires . And hence the Lenten fast duly kept with much ease by our Predecessors , is with most men now adayes made so impossible , notwithstanding the observation thereof conduce so much to the publique good . CAP. 2. Of the Reasons inducing the Author to the writing and publishing of this Discourse . SECT . 1. Whereof the first is the redeeming of a captivated trueth . SVch is the admirable beauty and soueraignty of Truth in it selfe , and such infinite content doth it yeeld the Soule being found and embraced , that had I proposed no other End to my selfe in this ensuing Treatise then the discouery and vnfolding thereof , I should hold it alone a very ample recompence , and sufficient reward of my labour . The Greekes call it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which by an easie and vnstrained derivation implies the breath of God : so that as Minerva , by which is meant the Arts , is fained to haue sprung from the head of Iupiter : so Truth vndoubtedly flowes from the mouth of the Creator , not onely that supernaturall and revealed Truth , which concernes our spirituall & supernaturall good , but that likewise which concernes our good either morall or naturall . For as euery good thing , so far as it is good , is from God , the Author and originall cause of all goodnes : so euery Truth is from the same God , the Fountaine of all Truth : Howbeit hee impart the diverse kinds thereof after a different manner ; the Truth of Experience by sense , of Reason by discourse of the intellectuall power , of Religion by faith . These are as seuerall lines drawne from the same Center , or seuerall beames from the same Sunne : All which notwithstanding in their seuerall rankes and degrees carry in them , or rather haue stamped and printed vpon them some character or resemblance of the Diuine Excellencie . And as Truth is the breath of God , so is the Soule of man too , which may well be thought to be in part the cause that the Soule is so wonderfully taken and affected with the loue and liking of it . All the Kingdomes in the World , and the glittering pomp of them cannot so much refresh and delight a studious minde , as this one inestimable Iewell of Truth , which Lucretius hath liuely described : Suave mari magno turbantibus aequora ventis , &c. It is a view of delight , saith he , to stand or walke vpon the shore side , & to see a ship tossed with tempests vpon the Sea ; or to be in a fortified towre , and to see two Armies joyne battle vpon a plaine : but it is a pleasure incomparable for the minde of man to be setled , landed , and fortified in the certainty of Truth , and from thence to descry and behold the errours , perturbations , labours and wandrings vp and downe of other men . We see in all other pleasures there is satiety , and after they be vsed their verdure departeth , which sheweth well they be but deceits of pleasure , and not pleasures , and that it was the novelty that pleased , and not the quality . But of the Contemplation of Truth there is no satiety , but satisfaction and appetite are perpetually interchangeable ; and certainely the more contentment and comfort doe we reape therein , For that the apprehension of Truth helpes to repaire that Image of God which by the fall of man was in that very part sorely batter'd and bruis'd , I meane in regard of the knowledge of naturall Truths , but in regard of supernaturall vtterly defaced . Now such being the condition of Truth , both in regard of God , it selfe , and vs , we may not part with it vpon any tearmes , nor can we purchase it at too deare a rate ; Buy the truth , but sell it not . Some perchance in this very point may suppose , that the opinion maintaining Natures decay argues in the maintainers more modesty and humility , and is apter to breed in men a religious feare and devotion , being perswaded as well by sense and reason , as by Scripture and faith , that the World must haue an end , and that in appearance the end thereof cannot be far off . Which though it were so , yet may it not be vpheld with an vntruth , Rectè placet laudem humilitatis in parte non ponere falsitatis , ne humilitas conconstituta in parte falsitatis perdat praemium veritatis , saith S. Augustine . Wee desire not to settle the praise of humility vpon false grounds , lest being built vpon falshood , it loose the reward of Truth . If euill be in no case to be done that good may come thereof , no , not the least euill for the greatest good , if a lye may not be made for the winning of a mans Soule , no , nor for the gaining of a world of Infidels to the faith , as Diuines truly teach , then may not the defence of any vntruth bee vndertaken , what faire pretence soeuer of piety , or charity , or humility it may put on . For as we are to speake veritatem in charitate , the truth in loue , so are we to follow charitatem in veritate , loue grounded vpon truth . It being one of the properties of true charity to reioyce in truth . Truth then and true piety , Truth and true charity , Truth and true humility , being inseparable companions , let none presume to put them asunder , whom God hath thus linked and ioyned together . Will yee talke deceitfully for Gods cause , saith Iob , will ye make a lye for him ? if we may not vtter an vntruth for Gods cause and the advancement of his glory , much lesse for the best good of man , the glory of God being as much and more to bee preferred before the best spirituall good of man , as mans spirituall good before his temporall . Absit à me vt veritatem per mendacium v●…lim iri confirmatam , saith Chrysostome , farre bee it from mee to attempt the strengthning of truth by falshood . The reason hereof is well yeelded by S. Augustine , fracta velleviter imminuta authoritate veritatis omnia dubia remanebunt , the credite and soueraignty of Truth being neuer so little crackt , or the practise of lying neuer so little countenanced , a man can build vpon nothing , but all things will be full of doubt and distrust . And againe , nunquam errari tutius existimo , quam cùm in amore nimio veritatis , & reiectione nimia falsitatis erratur , a man cannot lightly erre more safely then in too much loue of Truth and hatred of lies , whe ther they arise from errour and mistake , or malice and forgerie , whether they consist in the disagreement and disconformitie betwixt the speech and the conceptions of the minde , or the conceptions of the minde and the things themselues , or the speech and the things . SECT . 2. The second is the vindicating of the Creators honour . AS my first Reason for the writing and publishing this Discourse was for the redeeming of a captivated truth : so my second is for the vindicating of the Creators honor , the reputation of his wisedome , his iustice , his goodnes , and his power ; being all of them in my judgment by the opinion of Natures decay not a little impeached and blemished . His wisedome , for that intending ( as by the sacred Oracles of his word hee hath in sundry passages cleerely manifested it ) to put an end to the World by fire , it cannot , I thinke be well conceiued why hee should ordaine or admit such a daylie vniversall and irrecouerable consumption in all the parts of Nature which without fire , or any other outward meanes would vndoubtedly bring it to that finall period . His iustice , for that withdrawing from latter ages that strength and ability of performing religious duties , and practising morall vertues , which to the former he granted , yet to demaund and expect no lesse from the latter then he did from the former , what is it but to reape where he sowed not , to require as much of him that had but fiue talents , as of him that had tenne , or to deale as Pharaoh did with the Israelites , still to exact the same taske of bricke , and yet to withhold the wonted allowance of straw . Neither can we with that confidence reprehend the raigning vices of the times if we cast the reason thereof not so much vpon the voluntary malice and depravation of mens wils , as vpon the necessitie of the times praeordained by God , which vpon the matter , what is it but to lay the burden vpon God , and to accuse him , that so we may free and excuse our selues ? His Bounty and Goodnesse , as if out of a niggardly and sparing disposition he envied the succeeding generations of the World that happines which vpon the preceding he freely and richly conferred ; whereas I am rather of opinion , that as in holy Scripture , for the most part , he accepted and preferred the younger brother before the elder , and as Christ our Sauiour turned the water into wine toward the end of the feast , which farre excelled that in the beginning : so the gifts and graces of God , haue beene more plentifully powred out vpon mankinde in this latter age of the World , then euer since the first Creation thereof . As was foretold by the Prophet in the old Testament , and remembred by the Apostle in the New ; And it shall come to passe in the last dayes ( saith God ) I will powre out of my Spirit vpon all flesh . Lastly , the reputation of his Power , is thereby most of all stained and wounded , as if his treasurie could at any time be emptied and drawne dry , as if he had but one blessing in store , or were forced to say with old Isaak when he had blessed Iacob with corne and wine haue I blessed him , & what shall I doe now to thee my son ? No no , his arme is not shortned neither is his mighty power any way abated ; yet they who thus complaine of natures decay , what doe they else but implicitly impeach and accuse his Power , which in truth is nothing else but Natura Naturans ( as the Schooles phrase it ) Actiue Nature , and the creature the workmanship therof , Natura Naturata , Nature Passiue ; That which the Samaritans ignorantly and blasphemously spake of Symon Magus , may properly and truly bee spoken of Nature , that it is the Great power of God , or the power of the Great God , as is divinely observed by the witty Scaliger against Cardan in that exercitation which in its front beares this inscription , opposed to Cardanes assertion : Non ex fatigatione mundum solutum iri , that the world shall not desolue by being tired , quasi natura ( saith hee ) sit asinus ad molas , non autem Dei Opt. Max. potestas , quae eodem nutu gubernat infinito quo creavit , we may not conceiue that Nature , is as an ass wasted and wearied out , at the mill ; but the power of the Mighty God which governes all things with the same infinite cōmand , wherewith they were created . And with him accords Valesius discoursing of the Worlds end towards the end of his booke de Sacra Philosophia , Quae à Deo ipso per se ac sine causa secunda compacta sunt , non possunt ab alia causa solui , sed solum ab eo ipso à quo sunt coagmentata : Those things which are made of God himselfe immediately by himselfe without the concurrence of secōd causes , cannot be vnmade by any inferiour cause , but by him alone by whome they were first made . And againe , Certe ita est , virtutem divinam apponi necesse est , vt deleatur quod Deus ipse fecit ; there needes no lesse then a divine power for the abolishing of that which the Diety it selfe hath wrought , which he seemes to haue borrowed from Plato in Timoeo where he thus speakes of the world Ita apte cohaeret vt dissolvi nullo modo queat , nisi ab eodem à quo est colligatus , so proportionably doth each part answer other , that it is indissoluble , but onely from his hand who first framed it . As then Allmighty God created all things of nothing by the power of his word . So doth he still vphold them and will till the dissolution of all things in their essenses , faculties , and operations by the Word of his Power , reaching from one end to the other mightily , and disposing all things sweetely . Indeed with the workes of man it is not so , when he hath imployed about them all the cunning , and cost , and care that may be , he can neither preserue them nor himselfe , both they and he moulder away and returne to their dust , but I know saith the Preacher that whatsoever God doth , it shall be for ever , nothing can be put to it , nor any thing taken from it . Add the sonne of Sirach . Hee garnished his works for ever and in his hand are the cheife of them vnto all generations , they neither labour nor are weary , nor cease from their workes , none of them hindreth another , and they shall never disobey his word . SECTIO 3. The third is for that the contrary opinion , quailes the hopes , and blunts the edge of vertuous endeavours . MY third reason for the penning and publishing of this discourse is that the contrary opinion therevnto seemes not a little to rebate and blunt the edge of mens vertuous endeavours . For being once throughly perswaded in themselves , that by a fatall kind of necessity and course of times , they are cast into those straites , that notwithstanding all their striuing and industry , it is impossible they should rise to the pitch of their noble and renowned predecessours , they begin to yeeld to the times and to necessity , being re solued that their endeavours are all in vaine , and that they striue against the streame ; nay the Master himselfe of Morallitie , the great Patriarch of Philosophers , hath told vs , that circa impossibilia non est deliberandum , it is no point of wisdome for a man to beat his braines , and spend his spirits about things meerely impossible to be atchiued , and which are altogether out of our reach . The way then to excite men to the imitation of the vertue , and the exploits of their famous Ancestours is not ( as I conceiue ) to beate downe their hopes of parallelling them , and so to clip the wings of their aspiring desires : but rather to teach them that there wants nothing thervnto but their owne endeavour , and that if they fall short , the fault is not in the age , but in themselues . The spies that were sent by Moses to discover the land of Canaan , at their returne told the people , that the inhabitants the of were much stronger then themselues , that they were Gyants the sonn●…s of Anak , and themselues but as Grashoppers in comparison of them , by meanes of which report , the harts of the people melted within them , and they were vtterly discouraged from marching forward , though the discouerers reported withall , that the land from whence they came flowed with milke and honey , and the pomegrannats , the figgs , the wonderfull clusters of grapes brought from thence , for a tast and evidence of the goodnesse of the soyle pleased them exceeding well . Thus when our Ancestors are painted forth as Gyants , not onely in stature and strength , but in wit and vertue , though the acts wee find recorded of them , please vs marveilous well , yet wee durst not venture , or so much as once thinke vpon the matching of them , because we are taught and made to beleeue , that wee forsooth are but as pigmies , and dwarfes in regard of them ; and that it were as possible to fit a childs shooe to Hercules foote , as for vs any way to come neere them , or to trace their stepps , Possunt , quia posse videntur . They can because they seeme they can . Certainely the force of imaginatiō is wōderfull , either to beget in vs an abilitie for the doing of that which we apprehēd we cā do , or a disability for the not doing of that which we cōceiue we cānot do : which was the reasō that the Wisards and Oracles of the Gentiles being cōsulted , they ever returned either an hopefull answer , or an ambiguous , such as by a favourable cōstructiō , might either include or at leastwise not vtterly exclude hope . Agesilaus ( as I remēber ) clapping his hāds vpon the Al , tar , & taking it off againe , by a cūning divice shewed to his souldiers , victory , stāped vpon it , whereby they were so encouraged , and grew so cōfident , that beyong all expectation , they indeed effected that wherof by this sleight , they were formerly assured . Prognostications and Prophesies often helpe to further that which they foretell , and to make men such as they beare thē in hand they shall be ; nay by an vnavoydable destinie must bee . Francis Marquesse of Saluzze yeeldes vs a memorable example in this kind , who being Lieuetenant Generall to Francis the first King of France over all his forces which hee then had beyond the mountaines in Italy , a man highly favoured in all the Court , and infinitly obliged to the King for his Marquesite which his brother had forfeited , suffered himselfe to be so farr afrighted and deluded , as it hath since been manifestly proued , by Prognostications , ( which then throughout all Europe were giuen out to the advantage of the Emperour Charles the fifth and to the prejudice of the French , ) that hauing no occasiō offered , yea his owne affections contradicting the same , hee first began in secret to complaine to his private friends of the inevitable miseries which he foresaw prepared by the Fates against the Crowne of France . And within a while after ( this impression still working into him ) he most vnkindly revolted from his Master , and became a turne-coate to the Emperours side , to the astonishment of all men , his owne greate disgrace , ond the no lesse disadvātage to the French enterprize on the other side I doubt not but that the prophesies of Sauanarola , as much assisted Charles the eight to the conquest of Naples , which he performed so speedily and happily , as he seemed rather with chalke to marke out his lodgings , then with his sword to winne them . To like purpose was that Custome among the Heathen of deriving the pedegree of valiant men from the Gods , as Varro the most learned of the Romanes hath well observed . Ego huiusmodi à Dis repetitas origines vtiles esse lubens agnosco , vt viri fortes etiamsi falsum sit , se ex Dis genitos credant , vt eo modo animus humanus veluti diuinae stirpis fiduciam gerens , res magnas aggrediendas presumat audaciùs , agat vehementiù : , & ob haec impleat ipsa securitate foeliciùs . I for my part ( sayth he ) judge those pedegrees drawne from the Gods not to be vnprofitable , that valiant men ( though in truth it be not so ) beleeving themselues to be extracted from divine races , might vpon the confidence thereof vndertake high attemps the more boldly , intend them the more earnestly and accomplish them the more securely and successiuely . And of the Druides Caesar hath noted , that among other doctrines they taught the soules immortality by propagation , because they taught , hoc maximè ad virtutem excitari homines metu mortis neglecto , that by meanes of this apprehension men were notablely spurred forward and whetted on to the adventuring and enterprising of commendable actions , through the contempt of death : Which same thing Lucan hath likewise remarked . — Vobis authoribus vmbrae Non tacitas Erebi sedes , ditisque profundi Pallida regna petunt ; regit idem spiritus artus Orbe alio : longae , ( conitis si cognita ) vitae Mors media est ; certè populi , quos despicit Arctos , foelices errore suo , quos ille timorum Maximus , haud vrget Lethi metus ; inde ruendi In ferrum mens prona viris , animaeque capaces Mortis , et ignavum est rediturae parcere vitae . — Your doctrine is Our ghost's goe not to those pale realmes of Stygian Dis , And silent Erebus : the selfe same soules doth sway Bodyes else-where , and death ( if certaine trueth you say ) Is but the mid'st of life . Thrice happy in your error Yee Northerne wights whom Death the greatest Prince of terror Nothing affrights . Hence are your Martiall hearts inclind To rush on point of sword , hence that vndanted mind So capable of Death , hence seemes it base and vaine To spare that life which will eft soones returne againe . By all which wee see the admirable efficacy of the imagination , either for the elevating or depressing of the mind , for the making of it more abject and base , or more actiue and generous , and from thence infer that the doctrine of Natures necessary decay rather tends to make men worse then better , rather cowardly then couragious , rather to draw them downe to that they must be , then to lift them vp to that they should and may bee , rather to breed sloath then to quicken industry . I will giue one instance for all , and that home-bredde , the reason why we haue at this day , no Vineyards planted , nor wine growne in England as heretofore , is commonly ascribed to the decay of Nature , either in regard of the heavens or Earth or both , and men possessed with this opinion sit downe and try not what may be done ; whereas our great Antiquary imputes it to the Lazines of the Inhabitants rather then to any defect or distemper in the Climat , and withall professes that he is no way of the mind of those grudging sloathfull husbandmen , ( whom Columella censures ) who thinke that the earth is growne weary and barren with the excessiue plenty of former ages . I haue somewhere read of a people so brutish and barbarous that they must first be taught and perswaded that they were not beasts but men , and capable of reason before any serviceable or profitable vse could be made of them . And surely there is no hope , that ever wee shall attaine the heigth of the worthy acts and exploits of our Predecessours , except first we be resolved that Gods Grace and our own endeavours concurring there is a possibility wee should rise to the same degree of worth . Si hanc cogitationem homines habuissent vt nemo se meliorem fore eo qui optimus fuisset arbitraretur , ij ipsi qui sunt optimi non fuissent , if men had alwayes thus conceaved with themselues that no man could be better then he that then was best , those that now are esteemed best , had not so beene . They be the words of Quintilian , and therevpon hee inferres , as doth the Apostle 1. Corinth . 12. at the last verse , Nitamur semper ad optima , quod facientes , aut evademus in summum , aut certe multos infra nos videbimus , Let vs covet earnestly the best gifts , and propose to our selues the matching at least , if not the passing of the most excellent patterns , by which meanes we shall either gaine the toppe , or see many beneath vs. Non enim nos tarditatis natura damnavit , sed vltra nobis quam oportebat indulsimus , ita non tam ingenio illi nos superarunt quàm proposito , saith thē same Author in another place . Nature hath not made vs more vncapable the our Ancestours , but wee haue beene too indulgent to our selues , by which meanes it comes to passe that they surmount vs not so much in wit as in endeavour . SECT . 4. The fourth is that it makes men more carelesse as in matter of repentance , so likewise both in regard of their present fortunes , and in providing for posterity . AS the opinion of the worlds vniversall decay quailes the hopes and blunts the edge of mens endevours , so doth it likewise of our exhortations and threatnings , when men are perswaded that famines and pestilences , and vnseasonable weather , and the like , are not the scourges of God for sinne , but rather the diseases of wasted & decrepit Nature , not procured so much by the vices and wickednesse of men , as by the old age and weakenesse of the world . And this opinion being once throughly rooted and setled in them , they neither care much for repentance , nor call vpon God for grace , thereby either to prevent these heavy judgements , hanging over their heads , or to remoue them having seised vpon them , but the Prophets of God ( I am sure ) tooke another course , they told not the people ▪ that these plagues were the symptomes and characters of the worlds declining and decreasing , but the markes and rods of Gods vengeance for their transgressions and rebellions , and that the onely way both to prevent and remoue them , was to remoue their haynous and grievous sinnes out of Gods sight , the onely meanes to turne them from themselues , was for themselues to returne and be reconciled to their God. besides the same opinion serues to make men more carelesse both in regard of their present fortunes , and in providing for posterity . For when they consider how many thousand yeares nature hath now beene as it were in a fever Hectique , daily consuming and wasting away by degrees ; they inferre that in reason shee cannot hold out long , and therefore it were to as little purpose to plant trees , or to erect lasting buildings , either for Civill , Charitable , or Pious vses , as to provide new apparell for a sicke man , that lies at deaths dore , and hath already one foote in the graue : I beseech you brethren saith the Apostle by the comming of the Lord Iesus , and by our gathering together vnto him , that yee be not soone shaken in mind or be troubled , neither by spirit nor by word nor by letters as from vs , as though the day of Christ were at hand . Let no man deceiue you by any meanes . What a solemne preface doth he make vnto it ? and with how serious a conclusion doth he seale it vp ? Now among other reasons yeelded by Divines for this his earnestnes heerein , one speciall one is , that men might not lavish out , and scatter their estates , vpon a vaine supposition of the approach of that day . As Phillip Camerarius a learned man , & counsellour to the state of Norinberg , reports vpon his owne knowledge , that a Parish Priest in those parts skilfull in Arithmetique presumed so farre vpon his Calculations and the numerall letters of that prediction in the Gospell , Videbunt in quem pupugerunt , they shall looke vpon him whom they pierced , that hee confidently assured his parishoners , not onely of the yeare , but the very day and houre of the worlds end , and our Saviours comming to judgement . Wherevpon such as gaue credit to him carelessely wasted their meanes , perswading themselues that they should now haue no further vse of them . At the day & houre prefixed they all met in a Chappell to heare their Prophet preaching and praying , during which time there arose a great tempest with fearefull thunder and lightning , in so much as all present looked out euery minute , for the fulfilling of the prophecie : but a while after the storme cleering vp , and the day appearing faire , the silly people finding themselues to be thus abused , for very indignation they rush vpon their false prophet , and would haue slaine him or vsed him shamefully as he deserved , had he not slipped out of their fingers , and the fury of the inraged multitude beene appeased by some of the wiser sort . The like is reported by Espencaeus out of Bullinger of the Hutites a branch of the sect of Anabaptists , in his Commentaries on the third chapter of the second epistle to Timothie : so daungerous a thing it is to predetermine the last day , or to set a period to the course of nature . It is most certaine that wee are by many hundreths of yeares neerer the worlds end , then was the Apostle when he wrote that exhortation to the Thessal : and yet when that end shall bee , is still as vncertaine to vs , as it was to them . Vpon which point St. Augustine I remember hath an excellent meditation , comparing the severall ages of the world to the ages of man ; not so much as I conceiue in regard of growth or declination , as in regard of progression , making the infancie thereof from Adam to Noah , the Childhood from Noah to Abraham , the Youth from Abraham to Dauid , the mans estate from Dauid to Christ , the old age from Christ to the end of it . And as the duration in all the other ages of man is certaine , but the lasting of old age vncertaine : so is it in the World. And as Chrysostome well noteth , we call not the end of the yeare the last houre , or day or weeke thereof , but the last moneth or quarter : so we call this last age of the World the End thereof . But how long this age shall last , it is still doubtfull , it being one of those secrets which the Almighty hath lockt vp in the cabinet of his owne counsell , a secret which is neither possible neither profitable for vs to know , as being not by God revealed vnto vs in his Word , much lesse then in the booke of Nature . It is agreed vpon on all sides by Diuines that at least two signes fore-running the Worlds end , remaine vnaccomplisht ; the Subversion of Rome , and the Conversion of the Iewes . And when they shall be accomplisht God onely knowes , as yet in mans judgment there being little appearance of the one or the other . It is not for vt to know the times and seasons which the Father hath put in his owne power : In his owne power they are , they depend not vpon the law of Nature , or chaine of second Causes , but vpon his will and pleasure , who as he made the World by his word , so by his beck can and will vnmake it againe . Sola religione mihi persuadetur mundum caepisse , atque finem incendio habiturum , saith Scaliger : it is only faith and religion that assures man that as the World had a beginning , so it shall haue an end ; And Divine Bartas , L'immuable decret de la bouche diuine , Qui Causera sa fin , Causa son origine . Th'immutable diuine decree , which shall Cause the Worlds end , caus'd his originall . Let not then the vaine shadowes of the Worlds fatall decay keepe vse ither from looking backward to the imitation of our noble Predecessors , or forward inproviding for posterity , but as our predecessors worthily prouided for vs , so let our posterity blesse vs in providing for them , it being still as vncertaine to vs what generations are yet to ensue , as it was to our predecessors in their ages . I will shut vp this reason with a witty Epigram made vpon one who in his writings vndertooke to foretell the very yeare of the Worlds consummation . Nonaginta duos durabit mundus in annos , Mundus ad arbitrium sistat obitque tuum . Cur mundi sinem propiorem non facis , vt ne Ante obitum mendax arguerere ? sapis . Ninety two yeares the World as yet shall stand , If it doe stand or fall at your command . But say , why plac'd you not the Worlds end nigher ? Lest ere you died you might be prou'd a lyer . SECT . 5. The fifth and last reason is the weake grounds which the contrary opinion is founded vpon . THE fifth and last reason which moued me to the vndertaking of this Treatise was the weake grounds which the contrary opinion of the Worlds decay is founded vpon . I am perswaded that the fictions of Poets was it which first gaue life vnto it . Homer hath touched vpon this string , with whom Virgill accords , and they are both seconded by Iuvenal and Horace : But aboue all , that pretty invention of the foure Ages of the World , compared to foure mettals , Gold , Siluer , Brasse , and Iron , hath wrought such an impression in mens mindes , that it can hardly bee rooted out . For ancient Philosophers and Divines , I finde not any , that are so much as alleadged in defence of it , but Pliny and Cyprian , to whom some haue added Gellius and Augustine : but how truly it shall appeare Godwilling when we come to speake of their testimonies in their proper places . And for Scripture proofe , it is both very sparing and wrested . That which aboue all ( as I conceaue ) hath made way for this opinion is the morosity and crooked disposition of old men , alwayes complaining of the hardnesse of the present times , together with an excessiue admiration of Antiquity , which is in a manner naturall and inbred in vs , vetera extollimus , recentium incuriosi , The ancient we extoll beingcarelesse of our owne times . For the former of these , old men for the most part being much changed from that they were in their youth in complexion and temperature , they are fill'd with sad melancholy thoughts , which makes them thinke the World is changed , whereas in truth the change is in themselues . It fares with them in this case as with those whose taste is distempered , or are troubled with the Iaundise , or whose eyes are bloodshot , the one imagining all things bitter or sowre which they taste , and the other red or yellow which they see . — Terraeque Vrbesque recedunt . Themselues being launched out into the deepe , the trees and houses seeme to goe backward ; whereas in truth the motion is in themselues , the houses and trees still standing where they were . Seneca tels vs a pleasant tale of Harpaste his wiues foole , who being become suddenly blind , shee deemed the roome in which she was to be darke ; but could by no meanes be perswaded of her owne blindnesse . Such for the most part is the case of old men , themselues being altered both in disposition of body , and condition of minde , they make wonderfull narrations of the change of times since they remember : which because they cannot bee controlled , passe for currant . The other pioner , as I may so call it , which by secret vndermining makes way for this opinion of the Worlds decay , is an excessiue admiration of Antiquity , together with a base and envious conceit of whatsoeuer the present age affords , or possibly can afford in comparison thereof . Vetulam praeferunt immortalitati , they preferre the wrinkles of Antiquity before the rarest beauty of the present times , the common voice euery where is , and euer hath beene , and will be to the Worlds end Faelix nimium prior aetas Contenta fidelibus arvis — - Vtinam quoque nostra redirent In mores tempora priscos . Thrice , happy former ages and blessed With faithfull fields content and pleased . — Would our times also had the grace Againe old manners to embrace . yet if we will speake properly and punctually , Antiquity rather consists in the old age , then infancie , or youth of the World. But take it as commonly vnderstood , I thinke it will not be denied by any that vnderstand the course of times , but that in latter ages many abuses haue beene reformed , many Arts perfected , many profitable Inventions discouered , many noble and notable acts atchieued , Multa dies variusque labor mutabilis aevi Rettulit in melius . Time and much toile of this vnsteddie World Hath bettered many things . As truly Virgil , and elegantly Claudian , — Rerumque remotas Ingeniosa vias paulatim explorat egestas . Wittie necessity by degrees traceth out Of things the prints and windings most remote . But let vs heare what the wisest man that euer liued of a meere man hath determined in this point . Say not thou what is the cause that the former dayes were better then these : for thou dost not enquire wisely concerning this . Vpon which words saith Isidorus Clarius , Quia manifestum est habuisse priora tempora , sicut & haec nostra habent incommoda sua , because it is evident that former times had their mischiefes and miseries waiting vpon them as well as ours . Yet because for the most part , the best of former times is recorded , and the worst concealed from vs , as the Sieue le ts goe the finest flower , but retaines the bran ; or because wee are generally more sensible of the crosses , then the blessings of our owne times ; or lastly because the sight and presence of things diminisheth that reputation which we conceiued of them . Such is the disease and malignity of our nature , Vitium malignitatis humanae , as Tacitus cals it , vt vetera semper in laude , praesentia sint in fastidio . — Et nisi quae terris semota suisque Temporibus defuncta videt , fastidit & odit . Sed redit ad fastos & virtutem imputat annis , Miraturque nihil nisi quod Libitina sacravit . Saue what remoued is by place , nor lacks Antiquity to warrant it , he lothes and hates : Vertue he counts by yeares and Almanacks , Wonders at nought but what death consecrates . But as the same Poet wittily speakes comparing the Graecians with the Romans , the same may wee demaund comparing our selues and ●…atter ages generally with the ancients . Quod si tam antiquis novitas invisa fuisset Quam nobis , quid nunc esset vetus , aut quid haberet Quod legeret tereretque viritim publicus vsus ? If ancients had envied as much as wee Things that are new , what now would anciēt be , Or could be read and vsed publicklie ? It was the cunning of Michael Montaigne as himselfe witnesseth to vse a similitude of Plutarches or a sentence of Senecaes as his owne that so it might appeare how men censured that in him , which in those ancient Authours they highly applauded : but very witty was the deuice of Michael Angelo a most famous moderne painter , who drawing a table after the Antique manner hid it in a corner of a friends house where he thought it would soone be discovered , and withall set his owne name in a corner of it , but in letters scarce discernable . The table being found he was quickely sent for , shewed him it was by the master of the house and commended for an exquisite peece farre beyond any of the present age ; but when the Authour of it chalenged it to be his owne , and for proofe thereof shewed him his name in it , hee craued pardon of him and acknowledged his errour . Such is the advantage which antiquity hath against the present times , that if wee meete with any thing which excells , wee thinke it must bee ancient , or if with any thing that is ancient , it cannot but excell : Nay therefore we thinke it excells because wee thinke it ancient though it be not so . Vt quidam artifices nostro faciunt saeculo , Qui pretium operibus maius inveniunt , novo Si marmori adscripserunt Praxitelen , suo Detrito , Myronem argento . As some artificers in these our dayes Who sell their workes at a farre dearer rate , If on new marble they Praxiteles , Or Myron write , vpon their battered plate . I haue seene , sayth Ludouicus Viues , the verses of a man then living , which because they were found in a very ancient Librarie , covered with dust and eaten with mothes , he that tooke them vp , in a manner adored them bare-headed , as being Virgills , or some one of that age , And another with disdaine cast away an epistle of Tullies , before which there was of purpose prefixed a french name : Addito etiam convitio barbariei Transalpinae : adding this scoffe withall that it savoured of transalpine barbarisme . Which perverse and partiall judgement I conceiue not to spring so much from a due respect to the ancient Authors , as an envious disesteeming of the present To the best and wisest while they liue , the world is continually a froward opposite , a curious observer of their defects , and imperfections , their vertues it afterward as much admireth . Virtutem incolumem odimus , Sublatam ex oculis quaerimus invidi . Vertue growing in our sight w'envy Remov'd from hence wee straight wayes deifie When Hercules had vanquished so many fierce monsters Comperit invidiam supremo fine domandam . He grapled last with envy as the worst . Esse quid hoc dicam viuis quod fama negatur Et sua quod rarus tempor a lector amat . Hi sunt invidi●… nimirum ( Regule ) mores Praeferat antiquos semper vt illa novis . Whence is 't that Poets liuing are misprized , And few doe like the workes of their owne times ? Through Envie ( Regulus ) are they despised , Which still to new preferres the elder rimes . Men read the Authors of their owne times either as inferiours o●… punies to themselues with a kind of scorne to learne of them . — Quia turpe putant parere minoribus , & quae Imberbes didicêre , senes perdenda fateri . To younger then themselues to yeeld great shame they hold , And what they learn'd in youth t'vnlearne when they are old . Or as their Equalls , in whose persons or manners because happily they espy some imperfections , they judge accordingly of their workes . For as dead flies cause the oyntment of the Apothecary to send forth a stin●…king savour : so doth a little folly him that is in reputation for wisedome . Which was in a manner the Apostles case , his letters ( say they ) are weighty and powerfull : but his bodily presence is weake , and his speech contemptible . And no doubt but to those who thus conceived of him , his very letters were not so powerfull and weighty , as otherwise they would haue beene ; And as now they are to vs , who know not what his person or speech was . Or if no exception bee to be taken to them , yet we hold it a kind of disreputation or disparagement vnto vs , by yeelding them their due ( though worthily and justly merited , ) to praeferre them before ourselues , which is the onely reason , that the same men , being while they ●…iue mightily maligned and impugned , they are after their death , and that many times by the same corrivals , as highly honoured and commended . Vrit enim fulgore suo , qui praegravat artes Infra se positas , extinctus amabitur idem . Who others doth in acts and skill surmount , With brighter beames inferiour spirits doth vex , But being dead is held of great account . Which Martial verifies in the practice of Vacerra . Miraris veteres Vacerra solos , Nec laudas nisi mortuos Poetas , Ignoscas petimus Vacerra , tanti Non est vt placeam Tibi perire , Old Poets only thou doest praise , And none but dead ones magnifie : Pardon Vacerra , thee to please I am not yet in mind to die . Hee is a happy man saith the great Scaliger , ( and that not so much out of his reading as his owne sence and feeling , ) who while hee liues is made partaker of those deserved prayses . Quas vita non dat , funus ac cinis dabunt . What life graunts not , death and the graue will giue . Even Tully himselfe , the patterne of eloquence to all succeeding ages , and one of the most absolute , and eminent in his profession , that ever the world yeelded , was notwithstanding sharpely censured , and taunted at , by his coevalls , vt tumidiorem et Asianum et redundantem , et in repetitionibus nimium , et in salibus aliquando frigidum , et in compositione fractum , exultantem ac pene quod procul absit , viro molliorem : as swelling after the Asiatique manner , too redundant and frequent in repetitions , in jests somtime too cold , and in the composure of his matter broken and effeminate . And to like purpose Velleius Paterculus speaking of a notable exploit of Sextius Saturninus , obserues the same humorous disposition in those of his time , Quod ego factum , saith hee , cuilibet veterum Consulum gloriae comparandum reor , nisi quod naturaliter audita visis laudamus libentius , & presentia invidiâ , preterita veneratione persequimur , et his nos obrui , illis instrui credimus , which noble exploit of his I could justly compare with the most famous and glorious acts of the ancient Consulls ; but that out of a naturall inclination wee more willingly commend things wee receiue by heare-say then by sight , prosecuting things present with envie , but being past with veneration ; as being perswaded that wee are affronted by the one , but instructed by the other . For my selfe I professe with Pliny the younger , Sum ex ijs qui minor antiquos , non tamen vt quidam , temporum nostrorum ingenia despicio , neque enim quasi lassa aut effaeta natura , vt nihil jam laudabile pariat : I am one of the number of those who admire the ancients , yet not as some , doe I despise the wits of our times , as if Nature were tired and barren and brought forth nothing now that were praise-worthy . To which passage of Pliny Viues seemes to allude , male de natura censet quicunque vno illam aut altero partu effaetam arbitratur , hee that so thinkes or sayes , is doubtles injurious and ingratefull both to God and nature , And qui non est gratus datis , non est dignus dandis , hee that doth not acknowledge the peculiar and singular blessings of God bestowed vpon this present age in some things beyond the former , is so farre from meriting the increase of more , as hee deserues not to enjoy these . And commonly it falls out that there the course and descent of the graces of God ceases , and the spring is dried vp , where there is not a corespondent recourse and tide of our thankfullnes . Let then men suspend their rash judgoments . nec perseverent suspicere preteritos , despicere presentes , onely to admire the ancients and despise those of the present times . Let them rather imitate Lampridius the Oratour , of whom witnesseth the same Sydonius that he read good Authours of all kindes , cum reverentia antiquos , sine invidia recentes , the old with reverence , the new without envy . I will conclude this point and this chapter with that of Solomon , Hee hath made every thing beautifull in his time : answereable wherevnto is that of the sonne of Syrach ( which may well serue as a Commentary vpon those workes of Solomon ) All the workes of the Lord are good , and hee will giue every needfull thing in due season : so that a man cannot say , this is worse then that , therefore prayse ye●… the Lord with the whole heart and mouth , and blesse the name of the Lord. CAP. 3. The Controversy touching the worlds decay stated , and the methode held thorow this ensuing Treatise proposed . SECT . 1. Touching the pretended decay of the mixt bodies . LEast I should seeme on the one side , to sight with shaddowes , and men of straw made by my selfe , or on the other to maintaine paradoxes , which daily experience refutes , it shall not bee amisse in this Chapter , to vnbowell the state of the question , touching the Worlds decay , and therewithall to vnfold and lay open the severall knots , and joynts thereof , that so it may appeare wherein the adverse party agrees , and wherein the poynt controverted consists , where they joyne issue , and where the difference rests . It is then agreed on all hands , that all subcoelestiall bodies , indiuidualls , I meane , vnder the circle of the moone , are subiect not onely to alteration , but to diminution and decay , some I confesse last long , as the Eagle and Rauen among birds , the Elephant and Stagge among beasts , the Oake among Vegetables , stones and mettalls among those treasures which Nature hath laid vp in the bosome of the earth : yet they all haue a time of groweth and increase , of ripenesse and perfection , and then of declination and decrease , which brings them at last to a finall and totall dissolution . Beasts are subject to diseases , or at least to the spending of those naturall spirits wherewith their life and being as the Lampe with oile is mainetai ned . Vegetables to rottennesse , stones to mouldering , and mettalls to rust and canker , though I doubt not but some haue layen in the bowells of the earth vntainted since the worlds Creation , and may continue in the same case till the Consummation thereof : Which neede not seeme strange , since some of the Aegyptian Pyramides ( stones drawne from their naturall beds and fortresses and exposed to the invasion of the aire and violence of the weather ) haue stood already well nigh three thousand yeares , and might for ought wee know stand yet as long againe And I make no question but glasse and gold and christall and pearle and pretious stones might so be vsed that they should last many thousand yeares if the world should last so long . For that which Poets faine of time that it eates out and devoures all things , is in truth but a poeticall fiction , since time is a branch of Quantity , it being the measure of motion , and Quantity in it selfe isno way actiue , but meerely passiue , as being an accident flowing from the matter . It is then either some inward conflict , or outward assault which is wrought in time that eates them out . Time it selfe without these is toothlesse , and can neuer doe it . Nay euen among Vegetables it is reported by M. Camden that whole trees lying vnder the Earth haue beene and daylie are digged vp in Cheshire , Lancheshire , & Cumberland , which are thought to haue layen there since Noahs floud , And Verstigan reports the like of finre trees digged vp in the Netherlands , which are not knowne to grow any where in that Countrey , neither is the soyle apt by nature to produce them , they growing in cold hillie places , or vpon high mountaines , so that it is most likely , they might from those places during the deluge by the rage of the waters be driuen thither . Yet all these consisting of the Elements , as they doe , I make no doubt , but without any outward violence in the course of nature by the very inward conflict of their principles whereof they are bred , would by degrees , though perchance for a long time insensibly , yet at last feele corruption . For a Body so equally tempered , or euenly ballanced by the Elements , that there should be no praedominancie , no struggling or wrastling in it , may be imagined , but surely I thinke was neuer really subsisting in Nature , nor well can be . SECT . 2. Touching the pretended decay of the Elements in regard of their quantity and dimensions . I Come then in the next place from the mixt Bodies to the Elements themselues wbereof they are mixed . Of these it is certaine that they decay in their parts , but so as by a reciprocall compensation they both loose and gaine , sometime loosing what they had gotten , and then again getting what they had formerly lost , Egregia quaedam est in elementis quaternarum virium compensatio , aequalibus iustisque regulis ac terminis vices suas dispensantium , saith Philo in his book de Mundi incorruptibilitate , there is in the Elements a singular retribution of that foure-fold force that is in them ; dispensing it selfe by euen bounds and just rules . The Element of the fire , I make no doubt , but by condensation it sometimes looses to the aire , & the aire againe by rarefaction to it . Again the aire by condensation looses to the water , & the water by rarefaction to it . The earth by secret conveyances sucks in & steales away the waters of the Sea , but returns them againe with full mouth . And these two incroach likewise & make inrodes interchangeably each vpō other . The ordinary depth of the sea is cōmonly answerable to the ordinary hight of the main land aboue the water : and the whirlepooles & extraordinary depths answerable to the hight of mountaines aboue the ordinary hight of the Earth . The Promontories and necklands which butt into the Sea , what are they but solide creekes , and the creekes which thrust forth their armes into the Land , but fleeting promontories . The Ilands what are they but solide lakes , and the lakes againe but fleeting Ilands . Nay , Ilands sometimes are swallowed vp by the Sea , sometimes new rise out of the Sea. Sometimes parts of the Continent are recouered out of the Sea , as was a place in Egypt called Delta , Ammania regio , and others , nay the greatest part of the Netherlands was so recouered , as appeares by their finding innumerable shels of sea-fish almost in euery place where they dig , and other parts againe irrecoverably lost by the inundation thereof as it fell out in the same Countreyes about foure hundred yeares since in the raigne of our King Henry the first , the steeples and towres which yet appeare aboue the water shewing to Passengers the revenge of that vnmercifull Element vpon a part for the losse of the whole land . Helice likewise and Bura citties of Greece were drowned ( as it seemes ) in Ogyges sloud , of which the Poet Siquaeras Helicen & Buram Achaidos Vrbes Invenies sub aquis . Bura and Helice on Achayan ground , Are sought in vaine , but vnder water found . And Seneca in the sixth boo●…e of his Naturall questions thus speakes of these two Citties , Helicen , Burimque totas mare accepit , supra oppida duo navigatur , duo autem quae novimus , quae in nostram no●…iam memoria literis servata perduxit , quam multa alia alys locis mersa sunt ? Helice and Buris the Sea hath wholly swallowed vp , so that now wee saile ouer two Townes , two I say which are come to our knowledge by the memory of ancient records , but how many other trow wee may bee swallowed vp in diuers other places , which we neuer heard of ? Inter insulas nulla iam Delos , saith Tertullian in his booke de Pallio , among the Ilands there is now no such thing to be found as Delos : and againe Acon in Atlantico Lybiam aut Asiam adequans quaeritur nun●… . Acon in the Atlanticke Sea equalling Africke or Asia is now found wanting . The story of K. Arthur , and the Knights of the round table is but an idle Booke , yet it was not ( it seemes ) without cause that he calls the Cornish Tristram , Sir Tristram de Lionesse , inasmuch as Master Carew of Antony in his Survay of Cornewall witnesseth , that the Sea hath ravened from that shire that whole Country of Lionesse , and that such a Countrey of Lionesse there was , he very sufficiently proueth by many strong reasons . Sometimes dry Townes become Hauens , and sometimes againe Hauen-townes haue become dry , as Hubert Thomas a man of very good parts , chiefe Secretary to Frederi●…k the third Count Palatine of Rhene , and Prince Elector , in his description of the Country of Liege affirmeth that the Sea hath in time come vp to the wals of Tongres now well nigh an hundreth English miles from the Sea ; which among other reasons he proues by the great iron rings there yet to be seene , vnto which the ships that there sometimes arriued were fastned . Also Forum Iulium , a Towne seated in littore Narbonènsi , the present estate whereof is described very well ( as all other things ) by that excellent Chancellour of France , Michael Hospitalis . Apparet moles antiqui diruta portus , Atque vbi portus erat siccum nunc littus & horti The ruines of an ancient hauen appeares to be , But where the haven was , now gardens may you see . In like manner the river Arno now falleth into the sea sixe miles from Pisa , whereby it appeareth that the Land hath there gotten much vpon the Sea in this coast , for that Strabo in his time reporteth it was but 20 furlongs ( which is two miles and an halfe ) distant from the Sea. Lastly , sometimes Ilands haue beene annexed to the Continent , as Samos which ( as witnesseth Tertullian ) is become sand , and Pharos which in Homers time was an Iland , but in Plinyes annexed to the Continent by the slime of Nilus , and sometimes againe peeces haue beene cut off from the Continent , and made Ilands , as Sicily which was separated from the maine of Italy . Haec loca vi quondam & vasta comvulsa ruina , ( Tantum aevi longinqua valet mutare vetust as ) Dissiluisse ferunt , cùm protinùs utraque tellus Vna foret , venit medio vi pontus & vndis Hesperium Si●…ulo latus abs●…idit , arvaque & urbes Littore diductas , angusto interluit aestu . These places by huge force with ruine violent , ( So great a change in things long tract of time can make ) Sundred they say , which erst were both one Continent Till in betweene the Sea with force impetuous brake , And with his mighty waues th' Hesperian did divide From the Sicilian shore , and now twixt townes and fields Thus rent asunder ebbes and flowes a narrow tide . Sic & Hispanias à contextu Africae mare eripuit , saith Seneca . Thus did the Sea snatch away Spaine from the Continent of Africa . And this 〈◊〉 ▪ as many imagine , was likewise broken off from the Continent of 〈◊〉 ▪ grounding themselues partly vpon their priuate reasons , and par●… 〈◊〉 pon the authorities of Antonius Volscus , Dominicus Marius Niger , 〈◊〉 Servius Honoratus , who seekes to proue it from that of Virgil Et penitùs toto divisos orbe Britannos . And Britaines wholly from the World divided . And of Claudian in imitation of Virgil , — Nostro diducta Britannia mundo . Britaine from our World seuer'd . Of both these as well Ilands annexed to the Continent , as peeces of the Continent broken off from it by force of the Sea and made Ilands , Pliny hath written at large in the second Booke of his Naturall History , cap. 85. 86. 87. And Ovid in the 15 of Met. toucheth them both . Fluctibus ambitae fuerant Antissa , Pharosque , Et Phaenissa Tyros , quarum nunc Insula nulla est . Antissa , Pharos and Phaenissian Tyre , Now are not , but with Seas surrounded were . And on the other side , Leucada continuam veteres habuere coloni Nunc freta circumeunt , Zancle quoque iuncta fuisse Dicitur Italiae : donec confinia pontus Abstulit , & media tellurem repulit unda Th' old inhabitants of Leucadian Iles Conjoyned to the Continent them found . And Zancle joyned was to Italy , Which now cut off by Sea the waues surround . By reason of which mutuall traffique and interchange , the Elements may truly be said to remaine alwayes the same in regard of their intire bodies , as Theseus his ship so renowned antiquity was held by the schollers of Athens to be the same , though it were renewed in euery part thereof , and not a planke or pin remained of the first building . Or as a riuer may properly be said to be the same , though it vary from it selfe by the accesse of fresh supplies euery moment . Rusticus expectat dum defluat amnis , at iste Labitur & labetur in omne volubilis aevum . The Clowne waites till the foord be slidden all away , But still it slides , and will for euer and a day . SECT . 3. Touching the pretended decay of the Elements in regard of their qualities . THere is no feare then of the naturall decay of the Elements in regard of their quantity and dimensions ; all the controversie is in regard of their quality , whether the aire and water be so pure and wholsome , and the earth so fertile and fruitfull as it was some hundreths or thousands of yeares since . Touching the former , I thinke I shall make it appeare that the World in former ages hath beene plagued with more droughts , excessiue raines , windes , frosts , snowes , hailes , famines , earthquakes , pestilences , and other contagious diseases , then in latter times : all which should argue a greater distemper in the Elements ; and for the fruitfulnesse of the earth I will not compare the present with that before the fall or before the floud : I know and beleeue that the one drew on a curse vpon it , ( though some great Divines hold that curse was rather in regard of mans ensuing labour in dressing it , then of the Earths ensuing barrennesse ) and the other by washing away the surface and fatnesse thereof , and by incorporating the salt waters into it , much abated the natiue and originall fertility thereof , and consequently the vigour and vertue of plants as well in regard of nourishment as medicine . Upon which occasion it seemes after the Floud man had leaue giuen him to feede vpon the flesh of beasts and fowles and fishes , which before the floud was not lawfull . Neither can it be denied that Gods extraordinary fauour or curse vpon a land ( beside the course of Nature ) makes it either fruitfull or barren , A fruitfull land maketh hee barren , saith the Psalmist , for the wickednesse of them that dwell therein ; And on the other side , he turneth the wildernes into a standing water , and dry ground into water springs . And for grounds which are continually rent & wounded with the plowshare , worne and wasted with tillage , it is not to be wondered if they answere not the fertility of former ages : But for such as haue time and rest giuen to recouer their strength , and renew their decayed forces , or such as yet retaine their virginity without any force offered vnto them , I doubt not but experience and tryall will make it good that they haue lost nothing of their primitiue goodnesse , at leastwise since the floud , and consequently , that there is in the earth it selfe by long-lasting no such perpetuall and vniversall decay in regard of the fruitfullnesse thereof , as is commonly imagined . And if not in the earth it selfe , then surely not in the trees and hearbs , and plants and flowers which suck their nourishment from thence as so many infants from their mothers breast : Let any one kind of them that ever was in any part of the world since the Creation be named that is vtterly lost ; no , God and Nature haue so well provided against this that one seede sometimes multiplies in one yeare many thousands of the same kind . Let it be proued by comparing their present qualities with those which are recorded in ancient writers , that in the revolution of so many ages , they haue lost any thing of their wonted colour , their smell , their tast , their vertue , their proportion , their duration . And if there be no such decay as is supposed to be found in the severall kindes of vegetables , what reason haue wee to beleeue it in beasts , specially those that make vegetables their food . If Aristotle were now aliue , should he need to compose some new treatise De historia Animalium ? in those things where he wrote vpon certaine groundes and experimentall observations ? haue the beasts of which he wrote any thing altered their dispositions ? Are the wild become tame , or the strong feeble ? no certainely . It was true in all ages both before and since which the Poet hath Fortes creantur fortibus , & bonis , Est in juvencis , est in equis patrum Virtus , nec imbellem feroces Progenerant aquilae Columbam . From nobles noble spirits proceed , Steeres , Horses like their Sires do proue , The Eagle feirce doth never breed A timerous and fearefull Doue . Hath the Lyon forgotten his Majestie , or the Elephant his sagacity , or the Tyger his fiercenesse , or the Stagge his swiftnesse , or the Dogge his fidelitie , or the Foxe his wilinesse ? were the Oxen then of the same Countrey stronger for labour , the horses better featured or more serviceable then now ? doubtlesse these lessons as their Mistresse cannot but teach them , so these schollers cannot but learne them , neither is it in their power to forget them . SECT . 4. Touching the pretended decay of mankind , in regard of manners and the arts . WIth man it is otherwise : for he hauing a free will , ( at leastwise in morall and naturall actions ) by reason of that liberty varieth both from his kind and from himselfe , more then any other creature besides : And hence is it ( other circumstances concurring ) that in the same countrey men are sometimes generally addicted to vertue , sometimes to vice , sometimes to one vice , sometimes to another , sometimes to civillity , sometimes to barbarisme , sometimes to studiousnesse & learning , sometimes to ease and ignorance , sometimes they are taller of stature , sometimes lower , & lastly , sometimes longer , sometimes shorter liued , ct this I say ariseth partly from the Libertie of mans will , & partly from Gods providence ouerruling & disposing all things according to the secret counsell of his owne vnsearchable wisdome . Signat tempora proprijs Aptans officijs Deus , Nec quas ipse coercuit Misceri patitur vices . To proper offices God hath each season bounded ▪ And will not that the courses He sets them be confounded . Haec omnia mutantur saith S. Augustine , nec mutatur divinae providentiae ratio , qua fit Vt ista mutentur . All these things are changed , and yet the reason of the Divine Providence , by which they are changed , changeth not . To affirme then that humane affaires remaine allwaies in the same estate , continually drawne out as by an even thread , without variation , is vntrue : and on the other side to say that they allwayes degenerate and grow worse and worse , is as vnsound . For surely had it beene so , since the Creation or the fall of man , civill society , nay the world itself could not haue subsisted , but would long since haue beene brought to vtter ruine and desolation . Omne in praecipiti vitium stetit , vice was at highest , and neere its downefall stood . And as Bodin hath both rightly observed and learnedly expressed . Quod si res humanae in deterius prolaberentur , jampridem in extremo vitiorum ac improbitatis gradu constitissemus , quo quidem antea peruentum esse opinor . Sed cum flagitiosi homines nec vlterius progredi nec eodem loco stare diutius possent , sensim regredi necesse habuerunt , vel cogente pudore qui hominibus inest ànatura , vel necessitate , qd in tantis sceleribus societas nullo modo coli poter at , vel etiam qd verius est , impellente Dei bonitate . If men should allwaies grow worse & worse , we had long since arriued to the vtmost point and highest pitch of villany , to which it may be men haue already attained , but when they could neither make a farther progresse , nor longer abode in the same state they must needs by degrees returne againe , either very shame cōstraining thē , which is implāted in man by nature , or meere necessitie in as much as humane societie could not stand with such an higth of wickednesse , or else which I rather beleeue , the Grace and Goodnesse of God moving and leading them therevnto . Vice sometimes aboundes in one nation , and sometimes in another , and in the same nation the same vice doth not allwaies equally abound : but it either riseth or falls , raignes or vanisheth according to the disposition of Rulers and execution of lawes : As is well and wisely noted by a late Historiographer of our owne in the the very entrance of his History of England , wee shall find ( saith he ) the same correspondencies to hold in the actions of men , vertues and vices the same , though rising and falling according to the worth or weakenesse of Governours ; the causes of the ruines and mutations of states to be alike , and the traine of affaires carried by president in a course of succession vnder the like colours ; and that which he observes in the history of this nation is no doubt true in all . Wee neede go no farther then that of the Iewes for a notable instance in this kind : who at times , more zealous then they in the worship of God , and the exercises of religion ? and who againe , at other times more rebellious ? It is said of them in the psalme , Then beleeued they his wordes , but presently it followes in the very next verse , They soone forgot his workes : and according to their obedience or rebellion so were they either prosperous or vnfortunate in the course of their affaires : during their faith & fidelity towards God , every man of thē was in warre as a thousand strong , and as much as a greate Senate for counsell in peacable deliberations : contrariwise if they swerved , ( as they often did ) their wonted courage and magnanimity forsooke them vtterly , their souldiers and military men trēbled at the sight of the naked sword , when they entred into mutuall cōference & sate in councell for their owne good , that which children might haue seene , their gravest Senatours could not discerne , their Prophets saw darkenesse in steed of Visions , and the wise and prudent were asmen bewitcht . Now that which is spoken touching the revolutions and returnes of vertues and vices , is likewise true in Artes and sciences . Hinc factum est , ( saith Contarenus , ) vt quibusdam aetatibus acerrima hominum ingenia vigere , alijs tanquā flaccesscere videantur . Hence it is that in some ages the wits of men seeme wonderfull sharpe , and againe in others flat and blunt . And it is a true observation which Ramus to this purpose hath , commigrationes gentium variae cemmemorantur , commigrationes literarum & disciplinarúm commemorari possent , non minores . wee read of diverse commigrations or remoualls of Nations , and surely no lesse of Arts and Sciences might be observed . Whervpon Aristotle who held the Arts Eternall , as hee did the world , yet tells vs there was allwayes a rising and a falling of them as of the starres : so as sometimes they flourished in one place and age , and sometimes in another : as the starres sometime shine in our Hemisphere , sometimes in the other . Where was there ever more learning and sciencè then in Greece , and where is there now in the world more barbarisine ? what most exellently learned men , pillers and lightes of the Church of Christ hath Africa brought forth as Tertullian , Minutius , Optatus , Lactantius , Arnobius , his Master Fulgentius , St. Cyprian , and St. Augustine ? and with what learned men is Africa in our time acquainted ? Contrariwise in the flourishing daies of the Romans how vtterly without all knowledg of letters were the Germans and Netherlanders , & how do they now a daies flourish in all kind of learning & cunning ? While the Arts through the Christian world lay in a manner buried in negligence and obscuritie , then did their lustre shine forth most clearly in Ireland , thither did our English Saxons repaire as to a Faire or Market of good letters : Whence of the holy men of those times wee often read in our Ancient writers . Amandatus est ad disciplinam in Hiberniam . He was sent into Ireland to study there . And in the life of Sulgen , who liued about six hundred yeare agoe . Exemplo Patrum commotus amore legend●… Iuit ad Hybernos sophia mirabile claros : And for to skill and learning he aspired Treading the steps of Ancestours he sayled To Ireland , then for wisedome much admired . And it may seeme that the English Saxons borrowed from them the manner of forming their letters , since they vsed the same character which the Irish vse at this day , yet now when learning is as it were revived againe from the graue , thorow all Christendome , onely this part of it ( which was then as another Goshen in Aegypt ) remaines for the most part vnlightned , in the darkenes of ignorance , incivility , and superstition . Thus Almighty God in sundry ages and in severall places casts abroad the seedes of learning and knowledge , which in their due time grow vp and spread abroad to the glory of his owne name and the behoofe of mankind . Neither can I heere let passe the words of Bodin to like effect touching the Arts and inventions of wit as were those before alleadged touching vertue and vice ; Haec illa est , ( saith hee ) rerum omnium tam certa conversio vt dubitare nemo debeat quin idem in hominum ingenijs , quod in agris eueniat qui maiori vbertate gratiam quietis referre solent . This is that certaine wheeling about of all things , so that no man neede doubt but the same befalls mens wits that doth their groundes which are wont to recompence the favour of their rest with the more plenteous croppe . SECT 5. Touching this pretended decay in regard of the duration of mens liues their strength and stature . THe same vicissitude and revolution as is in Arts and wits is likewise to be found in the ages of men , and the duration of their liues ; as my Lord of S. Alban hath truely noted , decursus saeculorum & successio propaginis nihil videntur omnino demere de diuturnitate vit●… . The course of times and succession of progenies seeme to abate nothing from the lasting of mens liues . Certaine times there are in all Regions in which the thread of mens liues is either drawne out longer or contracted to a shorter scantling : For the most part they liue longer when the times are more barbarous , their diet more simple , and the exercise of mens bodies more in vse : but shorter when the times are more Civill and men more given to luxury and ease , which passe and returne by turnes , Succession it selfe effects nothing therein , alone . in case it did , the first man in reason should haue lived longest , and the son should still come short of his fathers age : so that whereas Moses tells vs that the dayes of mans age in his time were threescore yeares and tenne , by this reckoning they might well enough by this time be brought to tenne , or twenty , or thirty at most . It cannot be denied but that in the first ages of the world both before and after the floud men vsually lived longer then wee finde they haue done in latter ages : But that I should rather choose to ascribe to some extraordinary priviledge then to the ordinary course of nature . The world was then to be replenished with inhabitants , which could not so speedily be done but by an extraordinary multiplication of mankinde : neither could that be done , but by the long liues of men . And againe Arts and sciences were then to be planted , for the better effecting whereof , it was requisite , that the same men should haue the experience and observation of many ages . For as many Sensations breed an experiment , so doe many experiments a Science . Per varios vsus artem experimentia fecit Exemplo monstrante viam . Through much experience Arts invented were Example shewing way . Specially it was requisite men should liue long for the perfecting of Astronomy , and the finding out of the severall motions of the heavenly bodies , whereof some are so slow , that they aske a long time precisely to obserue their periods and reuolutions . It was the complaint of Hippocrates , Ars longa vita brevis . And therefore Almighty God in his wisedome then proportioned mens liues to the length of Arts ; and as God gaue them this speciall priviledge to liue long : so in likelihood hee gaue them withall a temper & constitution of body answereable therevnto . As also the foode wherewith they were nourished , specially before the floud , may well bee thought to haue beene more wholesome and nutritiue , and the plants more medicinall : And happily the influence of the heavens was at that time , in that clymate where the Patriarches liued , more favourable and gratious . Now such a revolution as there is in the manners , wits , and ages of men , the like may well bee presumed in their strength and stature . Videtur similis esse ratio in magnitudine corporum siue statura quae nec ipsa per successionem propaginis defluit . There seemeth to be the like reason in the groweth & bignesse of mens bodies , which decreaseth not by succession of ofspring ; but men are sometimes in the same nation taller , sometimes of a shorter stature , sometimes stronger , and sometimes weaker , as the times wherein they liue , are more temperate or luxurious , more given to labour or exercise , or to ease and idlenesse . And for those narrations which are made of the Gyantlike statures of men in former ages , many of them were doubtles merely poeticall and fabulous . I deny not but such men haue beene , who for their strength and stature haue beene the miracles of nature , the worlds wonders , whom God would therefore haue to bee , ( saith S. Austine ) that hee might shew , that as well the bignesse as the beautie of the body , are not to be ranged in the number of things good in themselues , as being common both to good and badde . Yet may wee justly suspect that which Suetonius hath not spared to write , that the bones of huge beasts , or sea-monsters , both haue and still doe , passe currant for the bones of Gyants . A very notable story to this purpose , haue wee recorded by Camerarius who reports that Francis the first , king of France , who reigned about an hundred yeares since , being desirous to know the truth of those things , which were commonly spread , touching the strength and stature of Rou'land , nephew to Charlelamaine , caused his sepulchre to be opened , wherein his bones and bow were found rotten , but his armour sound , though couered with rust , which the king commaunding to bee scoured off , and putting it vpon his owne body , found it so fit for him , as thereby it appeared that Rouland exceeded him little in bignesse and stature of bodie , though himselfe were not excessiue tall or bigge . SECT . 6. The precedents of this chapt : summarily recollected , and the methode observed in the ensuing treatise proposed NOw briefely and summarily to recollect and as it were to winde vp into one clue or bottome what hath more largely beene discoursed thorow this chapter , I hold first that the heavenly bodies are not at all , either in regard of their substance , motion , light , warmth or influence in the course of nature at all impaired , or subject to any impairing or decay : Secondly , that all individuals ( vnder the Cope of heaven ) mixed of the elements are subject to a naturall declination and dissolution : Thirdly , that the quantity of the Elements themselues is subject to impairing in regard of their parts , though not of their intire bodies : Fourthly , that the ayre and earth and water and diverse seasons diversely affected sometime for the better , sometime for the worse , and that either by some speciall favour or judgement of God , or by some cause in nature , secret or apparent : Fiftly , that the severall kindes of beasts , of plantes , of fishes , of birds , of stones , of mettalls , are as many in number , as at the Creation , & every way in Nature as vigorous , as at any time since the floud : Sixtly , and lastly that the manners , the wits , the health , the age , the strength , and stature of men daily vary , but so as by a vicissitude and reuolution they returne againe to their former points from which they declined & againe decline , and againe returne , by alternatiue and interchangeable courses , Erit hic rerum in se remeantium orbis , quamdiù erit ipse orbis , This circle and ring of things returning alwayes to their principles will neuer cease as long as the world lasts . Repetunt proprios cuncta recursus Redituque suo singula gaudent Nec manet vlli traditus ordo Nisi quod fini iunxerit ortum Stabilemque sui fecerit orbem . To their first spring all things are backeward bound And every thing in its returne delighteth Th' order once setled can in nought be found But what the end vnto the birth vniteth And of its selfe doth make a constant round . And consequently there is no such vniversall and perpetuall decay in the frame of the Creatures as is commonly imagined , and by some strongly maintained . The methode which I propose is first to treate heereof in generall that so a cleerer way , and easier passage may be opened to the particulars ; then of the Heavens as being the highest in situation , and the noblest in outward glory and duration , as also in their efficacie , and vniversality of operation , and therefore doth the Prophet rightly place them next God himselfe , in the order of Causes , it shall come to passe in that day , saith the Lord , that I will heare the heavens , and they shall heare the earth , and the earth shall heare the corne , and the wine , and the oile , and they shall heare Israell . From that we may descend to the foure Elements , which as a musicall instrument of foure strings , is both tuned and touched by the hand of heaven : And in the next place those bodies , which are mixed and tempered of these Elements , offer themselues to our consideration , whether they bee without life , as stones and mettalls , or haue the life of vegetation only , as Plants ; or both of vegetation and sense , as beasts and birds and fishes ; and in the last place , man presents himselfe vpon this Theater , as being created last , though first intended , the master of the whole family , & chiefe Commaunder in this great house , nay the master-peece , the abridgment , the mappe and modell of the Vniuerse . And in him wee will examine this pretended decay , first in regard of age and length of yeares , secondly in regard of strength and stature , thirdly in regard of wits , and Arts , and fourthly and lastly in regard of manners and conditions , to which all that is in man is or should bee finally referred , as all that is in the world is , vnder God , finally referred to man. And because it is not sufficient to possesse our owne fort , without the dismantling and demolishing of our enimies , a principall care shall bee had throughout the whole worke , to answere , if not all , at least the principall of those obiections which I haue found , to weigh most with the adverse part . And in the last place , least I should any way bee suspected to shake or vndermine the ground of our Christian religion , or to weaken the article of our beliefe touching the consummation of the world , by teaching that it decayes not , to wipe off that aspertion , I will endeavour to prooue the certainety thereof , not so much by Scripture , which no Christian can be ignorant of , as by force of Reason and the testimony of Heathen writers ; and finally I will conclude with an exhortation grounded therevpon for the stirring of men vp , to a preparation of themselues against that day , which shall not only end the world , but iudge their actions , and dispose of the everlasting estate of their persons . CAP. 4. Touching the worlds decay in generall . SECT . 1. The three first generall reasons that it decayes not . THe same Almighty hand which created the worlds massie frame and gaue it a being out of nothing , doth still support and maintaine it , in that being , which at first it gaue , and should it with draw himselfe but for a moment , the whole frame would instantly returne into that nothing , which before the Creation it was , as Gregorie hath righly observed , Deus suo presentiali esse , dat omnibus rebus esse ita quod si se rebus subtraheret , sicut de nihilo facta sunt omnia , sic in nihilum diffluerent vniversa . God by his presentiall Essence giues vnto all things an Essence , so that if hee should withdraw himselfe from them , as out of nothing they were first made , so into nothing they would be againe resolved . In the preservation then of the Creature , wee are not so much to consider the impotencie , and weakenesse thereof , as the goodnesse , wisedome , and power of the Creator , in whom , and by whom , and for whom , they liue and moue and haue their being . The spirit of the Lord filleth the world , ( saith the Authour of the wisedome of Solomon , and the secret working of the spirit , which thus pierceth through all things , hath the Poet excellently exprest , Principio caelum ac terr as camposque liquentes Lucentemque globum Lunae , Titaniaque astra Spiritus intus alit , totamque infusa per artus Mens agitat molem & magno se corpore miscet . The heauen , the earth , and all the liquide maine , The Moones bright globe , and starres Titanian A spirit within maintaines , and their whole masse , A minde which through each part infus'd doth passe , Fashions and workes and wholly doth transpierce All this great Body of the Vniverse . This Spirit the Platonists call the Soule of the World , by it , it is in some sort quickned and formaliz'd , as the body of man is by its reasonable Soule . There is no question then , but this Soule of the World , ( if wee may so speake ) being in truth none other then the immortall Spirit of the Creator , is able to make the body of the World immortall , and to preserue it from disolution , as he doth the Angels , and the spirits of men : and were it not that he had determined , to dissolue it by the same supernaturall and extraordinary power , which at first gaue it existence , I see not but by the ordinary concurrence of this spirit , it might euerlastingly endure : and that consequently ( to driue it home to our present purpose ) there is no such vniversall and perpetuall decay in the course of Nature ; as is imagined , and this I take to be the meaning of Philo , in that booke which he hath composed De Mundi incorruptibilitate , of the Worlds incorruptibility ; there being some who haue made the World eternall without any beginning or ending , as Aristotle , and the Peripateticks , others giue it a beginning , but without ending , as Plato and the Academicks , whom Philo seemes to follow ; and lastly others both beginning & ending , as Christians and other Sects of Philosophers , whom Aristotle therefore flouts at , saying that he formerly feared his house might fall downe about his eares , but that now he had a greater matter to feare , which was the dissolution of the world . But had this pretended vniversall & perpetuall decay of the World beene so apparant as some would make it , his flout had easily beene returned vpon himselfe , & his opinion by dayly & sensible experience as easily confuted , which wee may well wonder none of those Philosophers who disputed against him , ( if they acknowledged and beleeued the trueth thereof ) should any where presse in defence of their owne opinions , it being indeed the most vnanswerable and binding argument that possibly could be enforced against him , were there that evident certaintie in it as is commonly imagined , whereas he in the sharpnesse of his wit seeing the weakenesse thereof , would not so much as vouchsafe it a serious answere , but puts it off with a jeast . For mine owne part I constantly beleeue that it had a beginning , and shall haue an ending , and hold him not worthy the name of a Christian who holds not as much : yet so as I beleeue both , to bee matter of faith ; through faith we vnderstand that the Worlds were framed by the word of God ; and through the same faith we likewise vnderstand that they shall be againe vnframed by the same word . Reason may grope at this truth in the darke , howbeit it can neuer cleerely apprehend it ; but inlightned by the beame of faith . I deny not but probable , though not demonstratiue and convincing arguments , may be drawn from discourse of reason to proue either the one or the other , and among the rest that taken from the Worlds decay , to proue the finall consummation thereof , I take to be most vnsound , in as much as it beggs a principle , which is not to be graunted , and supposeth such a decay , which in my judgment to the worlds end and the day of Judgment will neuer be soundly and sufficiently proued . I remember the Philosophers propose a question , Vtrum Mundus solo generali concursu Dei perpetuo durare possit ? Whether the World by the ordinary and generall cooperation of Gods power and prouidence could still last or no ? and for the most part they conclude it affirmatiuely , euen such as professed the Christian Religion , and for proofe of their assertion they bring in effect this reason . The Heauens , say they are of a nature which is not capable in it selfe of corruption , the losse of Elements is recouered by compensation , of mixt Bodies without life by accretion , of liuing Bodies by succession , the fall of one being the rising of the other , as Rome triumphed in the ruines of Alba , and the depression of one Scale is the elevation of another , according to that of Solomon , One generation passeth away , and another generation commeth , but the earth abideth for euer . — Mutantur in aevum Singula , & incoeptum alternat natura tenorem , Quodque dies antiqua tulit , post auferet ipsa . Each thing in euery age doth vary And Nature changeth still the course she hath begun , And will eftsoones vndoe what she erewhile had done . Againe , all subcoelestiall bodies ( as is evident ) consist of matter and forme ; Now the first matter hauing nothing contrary vnto it , cannot by the force of nature be destroyed , and being created immediatly by God , it cannot be abolished by any inferiour agent . And as for the formes of natural bodies , no sooner doth any one abandon the matter it informed but another instantly steps into the place thereof , no sooner hath one acted his part & is retired , but another presently comes forth vpon the stage , though it may bee in a different shape , and to act a different part , so that no portion of the matter is , or at any time can be altogether voide & empty , but like Vertumnus or Proteus it turnes it selfe into a thousand shapes , and is alwayes supplied and furnished with one forme or other . Nec sic interimit mors res , ut materiaï Corpora consiciat , sed coetum dissipat ollis : Inde alijs aliud coniungit . & efficit , omnes Res vt convertant formas , mutentque colores Et capiant sensus , & puncto tempore reddant : Vt nos●…as referre , eadem primordia rerum . Death doth not so destroy things As it the matter to nought brings . It onely doth dissolue the frame , And so it leaues to be the same , And joyning other things it changeth Their shape , forme , colour , and so rangeth Their being at times , that you may know They all from like principles doe flow . Neither in trueth in the course of Nature can it possibly be otherwise ; since it intends not the abolition of any thing , as being a defect , and contrary to it 's owne good , but for the succession and generation of some other thing in the roome thereof . As Nature then cannot create by making something out of nothing : so neither can it annihilate by turning something into nothing . Whence it consequently followes as there is no accesse , so there is no diminution in the vniversall , no more then there is in the Alphabet by the infinite cōbination & transposition of letters , or in the waxe by the alteration of the seale stamped vpon it . If a man should take but one drop of water in the whole yeare from the Ocean , or but one sand from the sea shore , or but one grasse from the earth without any new supply , nay without a supply proportionable , that the additiō may fully countervaile & repaire the subtractiō , their store must in continuance of time of necessity bee emptied and vtterly exhausted ; and in like manner the World being finite , and there being no accesse to the whole , if there should bee any such perpetuall and vniversall decay and decrease in all the parts thereof , as is pretended , it must needes at last by degrees be annihilated and brought to nothing , which is both in reason , and by the consent of all Divines , as incommunicably the effect of a power divine and aboue nature , as is the worke of the Creation it selfe , so as whatsoeuer is taken from one , must of necessity be giuen to another . Ne res ad nihilum redigantur protinus omnes . Lest things ere long to nothing should be brought . Put the case then that some principall part of the World should still decrease , surely some others must thereupon continually increase , or there would follow some diminution , and consequently some annihilation in respect of the whole , & if vpon the continuall decrease of some , others should still increase , there would likewise thereupon follow such a disproportion , and jarring as they could neuer well accord , and in the end the whole would be turned into those which gained by the losse , and grew great by the fall of others , & consequently they would proue the ruine both of others and themselues , as the splene growing and swelling to an immoderate bignes vpon the pining of the other parts , in the end ruines both it selfe and them , as then a due proportion is held betwixt the parts as well in the naturall body of man as the body politique of the state for the vpholding of the whole , so is there likewise by the divine providence in this vast body of the World , not that any of the limbs or members thereof ( the heauens onely excepted ) remaine without their alteration or diminution , but because they mutually by tur●…es and exchanges both take one from another , and again repay one to another what they formerly tooke , by which meanes neither is any thing lost in the whole , nor any one part so either infeebled by decrease , or by increase ouer strengthned as they loose that proportion which makes the musicke of the whole , or that vse and seruice which to the whole they all stand obliged to performe , and to this purpose it is surely as a diuine oracle , for the wisdome & trueth thereof , which the Poet hath put into the mouth of Pythagoras . Nec species sua cuique manet : rerumque novatrix Ex alijs alias reparat natura figuras . Nec perit in tanto quidquam ( mihi credite ) mundo : Sed variat , faciemque novat : nascique vocatur Incipere esse aliud , quàm quod fuit ante : morique Desinere illud idem : cùm sint huc forsitan illa , Haec translata illuc , summâ tamen omnia constant . They hold not long their shapes , but soone Dame Nature . Of one shape lost brings forth another feature ; Beleeue it , in so great and huge a masse Nothing doth perish , but change and vary face ; We say a thing new borne is , when as It doth become another then it was : And so wee say , a thing doth suffer death . When it the forme forsakes , as men their breath , And though the counters be plac't lower or higher , Yet still the totall summe doth stand entire , SECT . 2. Fourth reason for that such a decay as is supposed would in time point out the very day of the worlds expiration , and consequently of the second comming of Christ. ANother speciall reason mouing me to beleeue that the Worlds supposed decay is but imaginary , is that it would in time point out the very date of its expiration , so that men should be able frō the extremity of the disorder & cōfusion ( into which it would by degrees degenerate ) by the rule of proportion , as it were by the euen decrease of sand or water in an houre-glasse prognosticate the instant beyond which it could no longer subsist ; whereas before the Vniversall Deluge which swept away euery liuing soule breathing vpon the face of the Earth , ( except Noah & his Family , and the beasts which lodged with him vnder the roofe of the same Arke ) wee reade of no such fore-running declination which was the reason that men tooke no notice of it till it over tooke them , and as it was then , so shall it be at the sudden , and vnexpected comming of the second deluge of fire . For as in the d●…es which were before the floud , they were eating and drinking , marrying and giuing in marriage vntill the day that Noah entred into the Arke , and knew not vntill the flood came and swept them all away : So shall also the comming of the sonne of man bee : it shall be like the comming of the theefe in the night , when men shall say , Peace and safety , then sudden distruction shall come vpon them . The more I wonder what should make the Authour of the Scholasticall history thus to write , Tradunt Sancti quod quadraginta annis ante judicium non videbitur arcus coelestis , id quod etiam naturaliter ostendet desiccationem aeris . Holy men affirme that forty yeares before the day of ludgment no rainebow shall appeare , which shall serue as a naturall signe of the drought in the ayre already begun . Those Holy men he names not , neither can I so much as conjecture who they should bee , since no such opinion , nor any mention thereof ( as I presume ) is to be found in the writings of any of the Ancient Fathers now extant , neither in truth is it any way grounded , either vpon Scripture or shew of reason drawne from thence . And besides it assumes that as yeelded , which is not onely vncertaine , but certainely false , that the conflagration of the world shall be wrought , or at leastwise prepared by second and naturall causes , whereas it shall doubtlesse be the supernaturall worke of Gods omnipotencie , as was likewise the drowning of it . Howbeit Henricus Mecliniensis scholer to Albertus Magnus in his Comentaries vpon the great Conjunctions of Albumazar , seemes to referre it to the watery constellations then reigning , as some others do , the future generall conbustion to the predominance of fiery constellations : whereas notwithstanding they ascribe the vniversall declination and dotage of nature to the want of that warmth which former ages enioyed : So that according to their groundes following the course of nature the world should rather haue beene burned in Noahs time , it being then in the prime and strength of naturall heate , and reserved for a floud at the last day , it being now accordig to their opinion seazed vpon , with cold and waterish humours , or at least their feined fiery constellations would better haue suted with those times , and the waterish with ours . But thus wee see how curiositie intangleth , and errour ever crosseth and contradicteth it selfe . Haec est mendaciorum natura vt cohaerere non possint ( sayth Lactantius ) Such is the property of falsehoods that they can never hang together . At nulla est discordia veris , Semper que sibi certa cohaerent . In true things discord is there none , They friendly still agree in one . SECT . 3. Fifth reason that vpon the supposition of such a decay , the vigour of the world must needs long since haue beene exhausted and worne out . A fifth reason which makes mee thinke that Nature neither hath nor doth degenerate and pine away in the severall kindes of Creatures in regard of their number , dimensions , faculties or operations , is that in the course of so many ages allready past , the vigour and strength of it must needes haue beene vtterly exausted and worne out . If in every Centenary of yeares from the Creation or since the floud some small abatement onely should haue beene made , ( which notwithstanding the Patrons of the adverse opinion hold to be greate , as will appeare when wee come to the examination of the particulers , ) and if wee should question a man of an hundred yeares of age about this point , what a wonderfull change will he tell you of , since his remembrance : so that if wee should goe backward and proportionablely allow the like change within the like compasse of yeares , since the beginning of the world , it could not possiblely subsist at this day . But put the case , as I say , that not so greate as is imagined , but some small abatement should be made for every Centenary , surely evē in that proportion nothing else could now be left vnto vs but the very refuse & bran , the drosse & dregges of nature . and as heavy things sinke in rivers , but strawes and stickes are carried downe the streame , so in this long current of time , the kernell and pith of Nature must needes haue beene spent and wasted , onely the rinde and shells should haue beene left to vs. The Heavens could not by their warmth and influence haue beene able sufficiently to cherish the earth , nor the earth to keepe the plantes from staruing at her breasts , nor the plants to nourish the beastes , nor could the beastes haue beene serviceable for the vse of man , nor man himselfe of abilitie to exercise the right of his dominion over the beastes and other Creatures . The Sunne by this time would haue beene no brighter then the Moone or Starrs , Cedars would haue beene no taller then shrubs , Horses no bigger then Doggs , Elephants then Oxen , Oxen then Sheepe , Eagles then Pigeons , Pigeons then Sparrowes , and then whole race of mankind must haue become Pigmies , and mustered themselues to encounter with Cranes . If we should allow but one inch of decrease in the growth of men for euery Centenary , ( & lesse cānot well be imagined ) there would at this present be abated allmost fiue foote in their ordinary stature , which notwithstanding was held the competent height of a man , aboue sixteene hundred yearers since , & so still continues , so that the ordinary stature of the men of the first age should by this rule haue beene about tenne foote , which exceeds that of Goliah by some inches . Sir Walter Rauleigh who in sundry places positiuely defendes natures vniversall decay , ( which I must confesse I somewhat marvell at , in a man of that peirceing wit and cleare iudgment , but that as others he tooke it vp vpon trust , without bringing it to the touchstone ) to prooue men to be but reedes now a dayes , as he termeth them , in comparison of the Cedars of former ages , giues vs an instance , drawne from the times and practise of Galen in comparison of ours , telling vs that Galen did ordinarily let bloud , six pound weight , whereas wee ( saith hee ) for the most part stop at six ounces . The truth of his allegation touching Galens practise , I shall heereafter haue ●…itter occasion to examine , in the chapter purposely dedicated to the consideration of mens decay in strength ; at this time I will only touch the matter of proportion . There is some doubt among Chronologers , of the precise time wherein Galen liued , as appeares by Gesner in his life ; but in this they all agree , that he practised at least two hu●…dred yeares since Christ , so that taking our leuell from thence , we may safely affirme that hee flourished about fourteene hundred yeares since , in the compasse of which time , men haue lost by that account about a pound of bloud for euery Centenary , which proportion of losse , if wee should obserue in the like distances of time before Galen from the Creation , it were not possible that so much as a drop of bloud should be left in any mans body at this day . From these particulars wee may guesse at the rest , as retaylers doe of the whole peece , by taking a view of the ends thereof , or as Pythagoras drew out the measure of Hercules whole body from the S●…antling of his foote . SECT . 4. Sixth argument taken from the authority of Solomon and his reason drawne from the Circulation of all things as it were in a ring . TO these reasons may be added the weighty authority of the wisest man that euer liued , of a meere man ; how often doth he beat vpon the circulation and running round of all things as it were in a ring : how earnestly and eloquently doth hee presse it , and expresse it as it were in liuely colours in that most divine booke of the Preacher . The Sunne ( saith hee ) ariseth , and the Sunne goeth downe , and hasteth to the place where he arose . Which Boetius discoursing vpon the same Theme hath elegantly set forth . Cadit Hesperias Phoebus in vndas Sed secreto tramite rursus Cursum solitos vertit ad ortus . The sunne doth set in Westerne maine , But yet returnes by secret wayes . Vnto his wonted rise againe . But the Preacher stayes not there . The winde goeth toward the South and turneth about toward the North , it whirleth about continually and returneth againe according to his circuites . All the rivers runne into the Sea , yet the sea is not full . Vnto the place from whence the rivers come , thither they returne againe . Wherevpon hee inferres , the thing that hath beene , it is that that shall bee , and that which is done , is that which shall bee done , and there is no new thing vnder the sunne . Is there any thing whereof it may bee sayd , behold this is new ? it hath beene already of old time before vs ; & againe , that which hath beene is now , and that which is to bee hath already beene , and God requireth that which is past . Now this wheeling about of all things in their seasons and courses , and their supposed perpetuall decrease , are in my vnderstanding incompatible , they cannot possiblely stand together , nor be truly affirmed of the same subject . For if they returne againe to their times and turnes , to the state from which they declined , as Boetius speakes of a bowed twigge . Validis quondam viribus acta Pronum flectit virga cacumen Hanc si curuans dextra remisit Recto spectat vertice coelum . The tender plant by force and might Constran'd its top doth downeward bend : Romoue the hand which bowed it And straight to heaven-wards will it tend . If I say they thus returne to their former condition , as hath bin more at large proved by Lodovicus Regius , a French man in a booke which hee purposely intitles , De La Vicissitude des choses , and dedicates it to Henry the third King of France , then can it not bee they should alway grow worse and worse , as on the other side if they alway degenerate and grow worse and worse , it cannot be they should haue such returnes as Solomon speakes of , wise and learned men in all ages haue observed , and experience daily confirmes . The Poets faine that Saturne was wont to devou●…e his sonnes and then to vomite them vp againe , which fiction of theirs ( saith Rodogin ) the wiser sort vnderstand to be referred to time shadowed vnder the name of Saturne , à quo vicibus cuncta gignantur & absumantur quae renascantur denuò , because as all things spring from time and by it are consumed , so in it they are renewed and restored againe . And by this meanes the world for the intire , is still preserved safe and sound . Exutae variant faciem per secula gentes , At manet incolumis mundus , suaque omnia servat Quae nec long a dies auget , minuitve senectus : Nec motus puncto currit , cursuve fatigat . Idem semper erit quoniam semper fuit idem , Non alium videre patres aliumve nepotes Aspicient . The people chang'd , at times the face doth vary , The world stands sound , and alwaies holds its owne , Nor by long daies encreas'd , nor age lesse growne , Runnes round , yet moues not , nor by running's weary , Was still the same and still the same shall bee That which our gransirs saw our sonnes shall see . CAP. 5. Generall arguments making for the worlds decay refuted . SECT . 1. The first generall objection drawne from reason answered . HOwbeit , as the great Patriarch of Philosophers hath taught vs that Verum est index sui & obliqui , Truth may serue as a square or rule both for it selfe and falshood , as a right line discovers the obliquity of a crooked , yet because Qui statuit aliquid parte inaudita altera , Aequum licet statuerit , haud aequus fuit : Who but one party heares yet doth decree , Iust is he not , though iust his sentence bee . Let vs see what the Adverse part can say for themselues . Their generall arguments then for the worlds decay are drawne , partly from reason , and partly from authority . The maine argument drawne from reason , vpon which all the rest , in a manner depend , so as I may call it , the Pole-deede of their evidence , is this , That the Creature the neerer it approaches to the first mould , the more perfect it is , and according to the degrees of its remouall and distance from thence , it incurres the more imperfection and weakenes , as streames of a fountaine the farther they runne thorow vncleane passages , the more they contract corruption . For the loosing of which knot , I shall craue pardon if I inlarge myselfe and make a full answere therevnto , considering that in the striking off , of this head , the body of the opposite reasons fall to the ground , and at the shaking of this foundation , the whole building totters . First then I will examine the truth of this proposition , whether every thing the farther it departs from its originall , the more it looses of its perfection , because vpon it the weight of the argument is grounded ; and secondly I will consider how iustly it is applied to this present purpose . For the first whether wee behold the workes of Art or Nature or Grace , wee shall finde that they all proceede by certaine steps from a more imperfect and vnpolished being to that which is more absolute and perfect . To begin with the workes of Grace : in the course of Christianity wee grow both in knowledge and vertue , in illumination & sanctification , as the blind man in the Gospell having recovered his sight , first saw men walking like trees confusedly and indistinctly , but afterwards more cleerely : in knowledge wee grow by leauing the principles of the doctrine of Christ , and going on vnto perfection , by leauing milke fitte for babes , and vsing stronger meate belonging to them that are of full age , who by reason of an habit haue their senses exercised to discerne both good and evill . In vertue wee grow , not only by adding vertue to vertue , as it were linke to linke , but by increasing in those vertues as it were by inlarging the links , that the man of God may be made perfect , thorowly furnished vnto every good worke . For the workes of Arts wee see the Limmer to begin with a rude draught , and the Painter to lay his grounds with shaddowes and darksome colours , the weauer out of a small threed , makes a rich and faire peece , and the Architect vpon rubbish laies a goodly pile of building , which at first consists of naked walles , but at last is furnished with variety of houshold stuffe , and garnished with hangings and pictures . Lastly for the workes of Nature out of what a confused Chaos was the goodly frame of this world raised ? out of what vnworthy little seedes spring the tallest trees , and most beautifull flowers , nay what a base beginning at the first Creation had and still hath man himselfe the Lord of the Creatures so as himselfe euen blushes to mention it , how impotent and vnable to helpe himselfe is he brought into the world ? how slowly doth hee come forward to the vse of his senses , his strength , his reason ? yet at length by degrees if hee liue and be of a sound constitution , hee arriues vnto it . By which it appeares that at leastwise individuals , in the severall workes both of Grace and Art and Nature , the farther they proceed from their originall , the more perfect they are , till they arriue to their state of perfection , though heerein they differ , that Art and Nature then decline , but Grace is turned into Glory . And for the species or kinds of things , which is it that specially concernes our present question , as I cannot affirme that by degrees they grow on still to greater perfection , so neither can I finde that they daily grow more imperfect . For Grace wee know , it was more abundantly powred out by the incarnation and passion of the Sonne of God in this latter age of the world , then at any time before since the first creation thereof . And of Art it is commonly thought that neere about the same time the Romane empire was at the highest and Souldiers , Poets , Oratours , Philosophers , Historians , Polititians , never more excellent , which withall should argue that Nature was at that time rather strengthned then enfeebled , in as much as both Art and Grace are built vpon Nature , I meane the naturall faculties of the soule , which commonly follow the temper of the body , & the more vigorous they are , the more happily are both Art and Grace exercised by them . Now for the application of the proposition to the present purpose touching the worlds decay , it is evident , that if it were indeed of that force as is pretended , it would therevpon follow that in the course of Nature Adam should haue beene the tallest and longest-liu'd man that euer breathed vpon the face of the earth ; whereas notwithstanding wee reade not of any Gyants till a little before the floud ; and Noah who liued after the floud saw twenty yeares more then Adam himselfe did , the latter being nine hundred and fiftie and the former but nine hundred and thirtie yeares old when he died . Nay Methusaleth the eight from Adam out stripped him by forty yeares wanting but one , and wee see by daily experience that a weake or foolish father often begets a strong and a wise sonne , and that the grandchild sometimes equalls the age of the father and grandfather both together . If a thousand candles or torches should be successiuely lighted one from another , it cannot be discerned by their dull or bright burning which was first or last lighted , nay the last sometimes yeelds a brighter light then the first , if it meete with matter accordingly prepared . The water which runnes a thousand miles thorow cleane passages , is euery whit as wholesome and sweete at its journeys end , as when it first issued from the fountaine . The seede that is cast into the earth seldome failes to bring forth as good as it selfe and sometimes better , and if at any time it proue worse , it is not because it is further distant from its originall , ( which is the very point in controversie ) but because it meetes with a worse soyle , or a worse season , and the soile and season are worse perchance then in former times , nor by reason of the revolution of so many ages since the Creation , but either by reason of Gods Curse vpon sinne , or some other accidentall cause , which being removed , they returne againe to their natiue and wonted properties . For , did they grow worse & worse only by a farther distance from their first being , then would the Creatures haue decayed in processe of time , whether man had sinned or no , and man himselfe should haue beene of lesse strength and stature and continuance , though hee had not failed in the tempera●… vse of the creature , or of any other meanes making for the preservation of his life and health , 〈◊〉 I suppose the Patrons of the adverse part , will not maintaine , o●…ce I am sure that the common te●…et of Div●…es is , that whatsoever defect or swarning is to be found , in the nature either of man himselfe , or the Creature made to serue him , ariseth from the sin of man alone , as being the only caus●… of all the jarre and disorder in the world : Now to impute it to sin and yet withall to affirme that 〈◊〉 is occasioned by ●…he ●…ll of the Creature from its 〈◊〉 ex●…ce implies in my judgment a manifest and irreconciliable contradiction . To conclude this answeare , this axio●…e , 〈◊〉 ; quo magis elongatur a suo principio , eo magis defi●…it & langu●…scit , Euery thing the farther it is remou'd from its originall , the more faint and feeble it growes , in violent motions is most true , As an arrow shot out of a bow or a dart flung vpward from the hand of a man , the higher they mount the slower they moue ; and so I conceiue it to haue beene m●…nt by Aristotle : but in naturall motions , as the moving of a stone downeward , and such is rather Natur●…s motion in the course of the world , ) the contrary is vndoubtedly tru●… , Cres●…●…undo , the farther it moues the more strength it gathers , and forti●…ies it selfe in going Besides if the strength of the hand could goe along with the dart , or if the bow with the arrow , as the hand and power of God leades and preserues Nature in her course , keeping ●…t a w●…king as the spring doth the wheels in a watch or Clocke ; th●…e is no question , but their motions would proue , as quicke and forcible in the end as at the beginning , and not cease at all before the strength of the hand or bow which carry them forward were removed from them : Finally , if this axiome were not to be limited , it should equally extend to the Angells and the soules of men , and the first matter , and the heavens as well as to the sublunary mixt bodies : but the same power which vpholds and maintaines them , in their originall state , supports likewise the whole body of this inferiour world together withall the severall spe●…ies or kindes thereof , and did it not so doe , all the absurdities already touched , as impotency in that spirit which animates the world , to support it , an●…ihilation in the course of Nature , defect and swarving in the Crea●… without the sin of man , foreknowledge of the worlds end , & the end of it long before this time , would infalliblely follow therevpon . SECT . 2. The second generall obiection answered , which is that the seuerall parts of the World decaying , it should argue a consumption in the whole . ANother argument drawne from reason , for the worlds decay , is , that all the parts of it decay , and by degrees grow to dissolution , which should likewise argue a wasting and lingring consumption in the whole , since there seemes to be the same reason of the whole which is of all the parts , where of it consists . But the answere hereunto will easily appeare out of that which hath already beene deliuered , and by taking a review of the seuerall parts of the Vniversall . First then for the heauens , vndoubtedly they feele no such decay either in substance , quantity , motion , light , warmth or influence , as I hope I shall make it manifest in the next Chapter , and for the Elements what they loose in regard of their quantity , is againe made vp by equivalence or compensation , and that in respect of their quality they decay not either by being of lesse efficacie , or more malignant dispositions , then in former ages , remaines to be shewed in their proper place ; and lastly for the bodies mixed and tempered of the Elements , though it be graunted , that all individuals or particulars in time decay or perish , yet doth it not follow , that the same condition should likewise bee annexed to the species or kinde , which is still preserued by a new supply and successiue propagation of particulars , not alwayes inferiour to their predecessours , which this argument presumes , but sometimes excelling , and commonly equalling them in goodnes , as hath alwayes beene touched in part , and shall hereafter by Gods helpe bee more fully and distinctly prooued . SECTIO 3. The third generall obiection answered , taken from the authority of S. Cyprian . THe arguments drawne from authority are either humane or divine testimonies . Among humane that of S. Cyprian is most famous , as wel in regard of his great piety and learning , as his approach to the pure and primitiue times of the Church of Christ. This holy Martyr then and venerable Bishop greeuing that the Christian Religion should be charged with these lamentable accidents wherewith the World at that time was pressed and shaken , shapes this reply to Demetrianus their accuser . Illud primo loco scire debes senuisse iam mundum ; non illis viribus stare quibus prius steterat , nec vigore & robore eo praevalere , quo antea praevalebat , hoc enim nobis tacentibus , & nulla de Scripturis sanctis praedicationibusque divinis documenta promentibus , mundus ipse iam loquitur , & occasum sui rerum labentium probatione testatur . Non hyeme nutriendis seminibus tanta imbrium copia est , non frugibus aestate torrendis solis tanta flagrantia est , nec sic verna de temperie sua laeta sata sunt , nec adeò arbores foetibus autumno foecundae sunt ; minus de effossis & fatigatis montibus eruuntur marmorum crustae , minus argenti & auri opes suggerunt , exhausta iam metalla , & pauperes venae tenuantur in dies singulos & decrescunt , deficit in agris agricola , in amicitijs concordia , in artibus peritia , in moribus disciplina . Putasne tu posse tantam substantiam rei senescentis existere , quantumprius potuit novella adhuc & vegeta iuventute pollere ? Minuatur necesse est quicquid fine iam proximo in occidua & extrema divergit ; sic sol in occasu suo radios minus claro & igneo splendore iaculatur , sic declinante iam cursu exoletis cornubus Luna tenuatur , & arbor quae fuerat ante viridis & fertilis , are scentibus ramis fit postmodum sterili senectute deformis , & fons qui exundantibus prius venis largiter profluebat , vix modico sudore distillat . Haec sententia mundo data est haec Dei lex est , ut omnia orta occidant , & aucta senescant , & infirmentur fortia , & magna minuantur , & cùm infirmata & diminuta fuerint , fi●…iantur . You ought first to haue knowne this , that the World is now waxen old , that it hath not those forces which formerly it had , neither is endued with that vigour and strength wherewith it formerly was , & thus much though we held our peace , and brought no proofe thereof from holy Scripture and divine Oracles , the World it selfe proclaimes and testifies its declination by the experience of all things declining in it . Wee haue not now so great store of showres for the nourishing of our seedes in Winter , nor in Summer so much warmth of the Sunne for the ripening of our corne . In the Spring our fields are not so fresh and pleasant , nor in Autumne our trees so loaden with fruites , lesse peeces of marble are hewed out of the exhausted and tired mountaines , and the emptied Mines yeeld lesse quantity of gold and siluer , theit veines daylie diminishing and decreasing , The husbandman is defectiue in manuring the Earth , concord failes in friendship , skill in Arts , and discipline in manners . Can you imagine that the state of a thing waxing old should be so firme & sound as when it flourished in its youth ? That must needes bee weakened which ( the finall period of it approaching ) hastens to the last end . so the Sunne when it is setting , darts not forth so fiery and cleare beames . So the Moon drawing toward the end of her race , drawes in her horns and growes lesse , and the tree which formerly was greene and fruitfull , her boughes withering becomes deformed by barren old age , and the well-spring which formerly flowed abundantly with full streames , being dryed vp through age , hardly distils a drop of moisture . This sentence is passed vpon the World , this is the Law which God hath set it , that all things that are borne , should die ; all that increase , should decrease , that strong things should be weakned , and great lessened , and being thus weakned and lessened , they should at last be vtterly dissolued . This discourse of Cyprian , and the excellent flowres of Rhetorique in it , shew him to haue beene both a sweet and powerfull Oratour , of a great wit , a flowing eloquence : but whether in this he shew himselfe so deepe a Philosopher or sound Divine , I leaue that to the Reader to judge , and referre his judgment to the future examination of the particulars : only by the way it shall not be amisse to remember , that the Christians of those times ( happily by reason aswell of the bloody persecutions which pressed them sore , as the frequent passages both in the Gospell and Epistles , which speake of the second comming of Christ , as if it had beene then hard at hand ? stood in continuall allarums and expectation of the day of Iudgment and the end of the World , as evidently appeares by the very words of Cyprian himselfe in this discourse , & their thoughts still running therevpon , all things seemed sutable thereunto , and to draw towards that end . It cannot be denied , but those times wherein Cyprian liued were indeed very bitter and miserable in regard of f●…mine , and warre , & mortality , yet about forty yeares after , it pleased Almighty God to pacifie those stormes , and dispell those cloudes by the conversion of the renowned Constantine to the Christian Religion , as it had beene by the breaking forth of the Sun beames , so as they who sowed in teares , reaped in joy , at which time had Cyprian liued , no doubt he would haue changed his note , his pen would haue as much triumphed in the tranquillity and flourishing estate of the Church vnder that noble Emperour , as it deplored the torne state of the World in the time wherein himselfe liued . The former famine , and warre , and mortality , being then by Gods gratious blessing happily turned into health , and peace , and plenty . He would then haue told you that whereas before , showres of their blood were powred out for Christs sake , now it pleased God to open the windowes of Heauen for the moistning and nourishing of their seedes , that as Christ the Sonne of Righteousnesse was acknowledged as the Saviour of the World , and the shining beames of the Gospell displayed themselues : so the Sunne in the firmament had recovered its warmth and strength for the ripening of their corne ; that as the outward face of the Church was become beautifull and glorious , so the very fieldes seemed to smile and to receiue contēt therin by their fresh and pleasant hue ; that as men brought forth the fruites of Christianity in greater abundance , so their trees were more plentifully loaden with fruites ; that as the rich mines of Gods word were farther searched into , so new veines of marble and gold and silver were discovered ; that Christian religion hauing now gotten the vpper hand , had made the Husbandman and Artificer , more carefull & industrious in their callings , had opened the Schooles for Professours , in all kind of learning , had restored wholsome discipline in manners , & faithfullnesse in friendship . Finally , he would haue told you that the world with the Eagle had now cast her worne bill and sick feathers , and vpon the entertainement of Christ , and his Gospell , was growne young againe . Which I am the rather induced to beleeue for that Cyprian himselfe in the same discourse against Demetrianus in another place referres the disasters of those times to the obstinacie of the world , in not receiuing the truth of Christianity and submitting itselfe to the yoake of Christ Iesus . A more likely and certaine cause doubtlesse then that other of the worlds imaginary old age and decay : His words are these . Indignatur ecce Dominus & irascitur , & quod ad eum non convertamini comminatur , & tu miraris et quereris in hac obstinatione , & contemptu vestro si rara desuper pluvia descendat , si terra situ pulueris Squalleat , si vix jejunas & pallidas herbas sterilis gleba producat &c. Behold the Lord is angry and threatens because you turne not vnto him , and dost thou wonder or complaine , if in this your obstinacie & contempt , the raine seldome fall the earth be deformed with dust , & the land bring forth hungry & starved grasse , if the haile falling do spill the vine , if the ouerturning whirlewind do marre the Oliue , if drought dry vp the springes , if pestilent dampes do corrupt the ayre , if diseases consume men , when all these things come by sinnes provoking , & God is the more offended since such and so great things do no good at all . And the same reason is vpon the like occasiō yeelded by Lactantius , Discite igitur si quid vobis reliquae mentis est , homines ideo malos & iniustos esse quia dij coluntur : & ideo mala omnia rebus humanis quotidie ingravescere quia Deus mundi hujus effector & gubernator der●…lictus est quia susceptae sunt contra quam fas est impiae religiones : postremo quia ne vel a pau●…is quidem coli deum sinitis . Learne thus much then ( if you haue any vnderstanding left ) that men are therefore wicked & vnjust because such Gods are worshipped , and that such mischeefes dayly befall thē , because god the Creator and Governour of the world is forsaken by them , because impious religions against all right are entertained of them , finally because you will not permit the worship of the true God so much as to a few . Heere then was the true cause of their bloudy warres that they shed the innocēt bloud of Christians & trāpled vnder foote the pretious bloud of Christ ; as their warres together with the vnkindly season were the cause of dearth and famine , and both famine and warre of pestilence and mortalitie : how frequently and fervently doth the Scripture beate vpon this cause , God every where promising to reward the obedience of his people with plenty and peace and kindly seasons , & their rebellion with scarcitie & sicknes , & the sword . But that these scourges of the world were at any time caused by or imputed to the old age or decay therof , to my remembrance we no where read . As then the referring of these plagues with Demetrianus and the Gentiles to the curse of God vpon Christian religion , was a blasphemous wrong to Gods truth : So with Cyprian to referre them to the old age and naturall decay of the world , ( be it spoken with all due reverence to so great a light in the church of God ) is in my judgment an aspersion vpon the Power and providence and justice of God. And Pammelius in his annotations to excuse Cyprian herein ( conceiuing beelike that he was not in the right ) tells vs that therin he alludes to the opinion of the ancient Philosophers & Poets : perchance thereby intending Lucretius the great admirer and sectary of Epicurus , who of all the Poets I haue met with , hath written the most fully in this argument . I am que adeo effa ta est aetas , effoetaque tellus : Vix animalia parva creat , quae cuncta creavit Soecla ; deditque ferarum ingentia corpora partu . Haud ( vt opinor ) enim mortalia soecla superne Aurea de coelo demisit funis in arva : Nec marc , nec fluctus plangentes saxa crearunt : Sed genuit tellus eadem , quae nunc alit ex se. Praeterea n●…idas fruges , vinetaque laeta Sponte suà primum mortalibus ipsa creavit : Ipsa dedit dulces foetus , & pabula laeta . Quae nunc vix nostro grandescunt aucta labore Conterimusque boves , & vires agricolarum : Conficimus ferrum vix arvis suppeditati : Vsque adeò parcunt faetus , augentque labores . Iamque caput quassans grandis suspirat arator Crebrius in cassum magnum cecidisse laborem : Et cum tempora temporibus praesentia confert Praeteritis , laudat fortunas saepe parentis : Et crepat , antiquum genus vt pietate repletum Perfacile angnstis tolerârit finibus aevum , Cum minor esset agri multo modus ante viritim : Nec tenet , omnia paulatim tabescere , & ire Adscopulum spa●…io aetatis defessa vetusto . The world with age is broke , the earth out worne , And shee of whome what ever liues was borne And once brought forth huge bodied beasts , with paine A small race now begets . No golden chaine These mortalls downe from heaven to earth did let , As I suppose : nor sea , nor waues that beat The rockes did they create , t' was earth did breed All of herselfe , which now all things doth feed . The chearefull vine shee of her owne accord , Shee corne to mortall wights did first afford : Sweete fruites beside and food did she bestow , Which now with labour great great hardly grow : The plough-swanes strength wee spend , our oxen weare , When we our feildes haue sowne no crop they beare , So wax our toyles , so waneth our reliefe , The husband shakes his head , and sighs for griefe , That all his travels frustrate are at last . And when times present he compares with past , Hee his Sires fortune raises to the skie , And much doth talke of th' ancient pietie , And how though every man lesse ground possest , Yet better liu'd with greater plentie blest . Nor markes how all things by degrees decay And tir'd with age towards the rocke make way . But herein Lucretius likewise contradicted himselfe in other places of the same booke , and had the world beene indeede so neare its last breathing as it were , and giueing vp of the Ghost , as Cyprian would make it in his time , much more as Lucretius in his : vndoubtedly it could never haue held out by the space of allmost fourteene hundred yeares since the one , & aboue sixtee ne hundred since the other , & how long it is yet to last , he only knowes , who hath put the times and seasons in his owne power . SECT . 4. The same authority of Cyprian farther answered by opposing against it the authority of Arnobius supported with ponderous and pressing reasons . NOw because this authority of Cyprian is it which prevailes so much with so many , it shall not bee amisse to oppose therevnto that of Arnobius , not naked and standing vpon bare affirmation as doth that of Cyprian , but backt with weighty & forcible arguments , a very renowned both Oratour and Philosopher , he was the master of Lactantius and diverse other very notable and famous men , and being pressed by the Gentiles of his time with the same objection against Christian religion , as was Cyprian by Demetrianus , hee shapes vnto it an answere cleane contrary by shewing that all the fundamentall and primordiall parts of the world , as the heavens & elements remained still entire since the profession of Christian religion , as before they were , & for other calamities of famine and warres and pestilence and the like , the common scourges of the world , they had beene as great or greater in former ages , and that before the name of Christianity was heard of in the world then at that time they were . His Latine , because the allegation is long and in some places it savours of the Affrican harshnes , I will spare , and onely set downe the English. And first of all in faire and familiar speech this we demaund of these men : since the name of Christian religion began to be in the world , what vncouth , what vnvsuall things , what against the Lawes instituted at the beginning hath Nature , as they terme & call her either felt or suffered ? Those first Element , whereof it is agreed that all things are compounded , are they changed into contrary qualities ? Is the frame of this engine and fabricke which covereth and incloseth vs all in any part loosed or dissolved ? Hath this wheeling about of Heaven swarving from the rule of its primitiue motion either begun to creepe more slowly , or to be carried with headlong volubilitie ? Doe the Stars begin to raise themselues vp in the West , and the Signes to in●…line towards the East 〈◊〉 The Prin●…e of Stars the Sun whose light clotheth , and heat quickneth all things , doth hee cease to be hot , is he waxen cooler , and hath he corrupted the temper of his wonted moderation into contrary Habits ? Hath the Moone left off to repaire her selfe , and by continuall restoring of new to transforme herselfe into her old shapes ? Are colds , are heats , are temperate warmths betweene them both by confusion of vnequall times gone ? Doth Winter beginne to haue long dayes , and Summer nights to call backe the slowest lights ? Haue the winds breathed forth their spirits as having spent their blasts ? Is not the aire straitned into clowds , and doth not the field being moistned with showres wax fruitfull ? Doth the Earth refuse to receiue the seeds cast into her ? Will not trees budde forth ? Haue fruites appointed for food by the burning vp of their moisture changed their tast ? Doe they presse gore bloud out of oliues ? Are lights quenched for want of supplie ? The Creatures enured to the land , and that liue in waters , doe they not gender and conceiue ? The young ones conceived in their wombs do they not after their owne manner and order conserue ? To conclude , Men themselues whom their first and beginning nativitie dispersed through the vnhabited coasts of the Earth , doe they not with solemne nuptiall rights couple themselues in wedlocke ? Doe they not beget most sweete ofsprings of children ? Doe they not manage publicke , private , and domesticall businesses ? Doe they not every one as he pleaseth by divers sorts of arts and disciplines direct their wits , and studiouslie repay the vse of their nativitie ? Doe they not reigne , do they not commaund to whom it is allotted ? Doe they not every day more increase in the like dignities and power ? Doe they not sit in iudgement to heare causes ? Do they not interpret lawes and statutes ? Doe they not publickely vse all other wayes whereby the life of man is held in and kept in compasse , all according to the orders and customes of the countrey in their severall nations ? These things therefore being so , and that no noveltie hath broken in to interrupt the perpetuall tenor of things by severing and discontinuing them : What is it that they say , Confusion is brought vpon the world since Christian religion entred into it , and discovered the misteries of hidden verity ? But the Gods , say they , exasperated with your injuries and offences bring vpon vs pestilen●…es , droughts , scarcity of corne , lo●…usts , mice , haile , and other hurtfull things assaulting the affaires of men . Were it not follie longer to insist vpon things evident and needing no defence , I would soone by vnfolding former times demonstrate that the evills yee speake of are neither vnknown nor sudden , nor that these confusions brake in , nor that mortall businesses began to be infested with such varietie of dangers , since our Societie obtained the happines of this name to be bestowed vpon them . For if we be the cause , and for our demerits these p●…gues were invented , whence knew antiquity these names of miseries , whence gaue it signification to wars ? With what knowledge could it name the Pestilence ●…nd Haile ? or assume them into the number of thosewords wherewith they vttered their speech ? For if these evills be new , and drawe their causes from late offences , how could it be that it should forme words to those things whereof it selfe neither had experience , nor had learnt that they were in any time done ? Scarcitie of corne and extreame dearth distresseth vs. What ? were the ancient and eldest ages at any time free from the like necessity ? Doe not the v●…ry names by which th●…se evills are called testifie and crie that never any mortall man was priviledged frō it ? Which were it a matter so hard to beleeue , I could produce the testimonies of Authours , what n●…tions , how great , how often haue felt horrible famine , and haue beene destroted with a great desolation . But stormes of Haile fall very often , and light on all things . And doe wee not see it registred and recorded in ancient writings that countries haue osten beene battered with showers of stones ? Want of raine kils vp the corne , and makes the earth vnfruitfull ; And was antiquitie free from these evills , especially seeing wee know that huge rivers haue beene dried vp to the very bottome ? The contagion of Pestilence vexeth Mankind ; Runne over the Annals written in severall tongues , and yee shall learne that whole countries haue oftentimes beene made desolate , and emptied of inhabitants . All kind of graines are destroied and devoured by locusts , by mice , Passe through forraine histories , & they will informe you how often former times haue bin troubled with these plagues , and brought to the miseries of povertie , Citties shaken with mighty earthquakes totter even vnto ruine . What ? Haue not former times seen Citties together with the Inhabitants swallowed vp in huge gaping clefts of the earth ? Or haue they had their e●…ate free from these casualties ? when was mankind destroyed with deluges of waters ? not before vs ? when was the world burnt & dissolued into embers & ashes ? not before vs ? whē were mightie cities overwhelmed by the seas inundation ? not before vs ? when did they make war with wild beasts , and encounter with Lyons ? not before vs ? when were people plagued with ven●…mous serpents ? not before vs ? For that yee vse to object vnto vs the causes os so often warres , the laying wast of Citties , the irruption of Germans and Scythians I will by your good leaue and patience be bold to say , that yee are so transported with desire to slander , that yee know not what it is yee say . That vpward of tenthousand yeares agoe a huge swarme of men should breake out of that Iland of Neptune , which is called Atlantick , as Plato declares , and vtterly destroy and consume innumerable nations , were we the cause ? That the Assyrians and Bactrians sometimes vnder the leading of Ninus and Zoroastres should warre one against the other , not only with sword and strength , but also by the hidden artes of Magick , and the Chaldeans , was it our envie ? That Helena by the direction and impulsion of the Gods was ravished , and became a fatall calamitie both to her owne and future times , was it attributed to the crime of our religion ? That the great and mighty Xerxes brought in the sea vpon the land , and past over the seas on foot , was it done through the injury of our name ? That a yong man , rising out of the borders of Macedon , brought the kingdome and people of the East vnder the yoke of captivity and bondage , did wee procure and cause it ? That now the Romans should like a violent streame drowne and overwhelme all nations , did wee forsooth thrust the Gods into the fury ? Now if no man dare to impute to our times the things that were done long since : how can we be the causes of the present miseries , seing there is no new thing falne out , but all are ancient , and not vnheard of in any antiquitie ? although it be not hard to proue that the warres which yee say are raised through the envie of our religion , are not only not increased since Christ was heard off in the world , but also for the greater part ( by repressing mans furiousnesse ) lessened . For seing wee so great a multitude of men haue learned by his instructions & lawes , that we are not to requite evill fo●… evill , that it is farre better to suffer then to do wrong , rather to shed a mans owne then to pollute his hands and conscience with the bloud of another : the vngratesull world hath ere while receiued this benefit from Christ , by whome the fiercenesse and wildnesse of nature is tamed , and they haue begun to refra●…ne their hostile hands from the bloud of the creature Kinne vnto thē . Certainely if all who know , that to be men stands not in the shape of bodies , but in the power of reason , would listen a while vnto his wholesome and peaceable decrees and not puffed vp with arrogance and selfeconceit , rather beleeue their owne opinions then his admonitions : the whole world long agoe ( turning the vse of iron vnto milder workes ) should haue liued in most qu●…et tranquillity , and haue met together in a firme and indissoluble league of most safe cōcord . But if , say they , through you the state of man suffereth no disadvantage , whence are t●…ese evils wherewith now a long time miserable mortality is afflicted and oppressed ? You aske my opinion in a matter not necessary to this businesse . For the present disputation now in hand was not vndertaken by mee to this end , to shew or proue vpon what causes or reasons each thing was done , but to manifest that the reproch of so great a crime as wee are charged with , is farre from vs , which if I performe , and by deeds and evident remonstrances vnfold the truth of the matter , whence these evils are , or out of what fountaines or principles they proceed , I care not . For what if the first matter , digested into the foure elements of all things , containe wrapped vp in its rotations the causes of all miseries ? what if the motions of the starres by certaine signes , parts , times , lines produce these evils , and bring vpon things subject vnto them necessities of diverse sortes ? what if inset times the vicissitude of things fall out , and as it is in the motions of the sea , sometime there is a flow of prosperity , somtime it ebbeth back againe , and evils returne in the roome thereof ? What if the dregs of this matter which wee treade vnder our feet haue this law given vnto it , to breath forth most noysome vapours , wherewith this aire being corrupted should both infect the bodies and disable the endevours of men ? what if ( which indeed is nearest vnto truth ) whatsoever seemeth crosse vnto vs , is not evill to the world it selfe : and that wee perswading ourselues that all things are done for our benefits , do by reason of our wicked opinions wrongfull accuse the event of nature ? Plato the highest top and chiefest piller of Philosophers , maintaineth in his cōmentaries , that those fearefull inundations and conflagrations of the world , are the purging of the earth : neither was that wise man affraid to call the subversion , slaughter , ruine , destruction and funerals of mankind , an innovation of things , and that thereby repareing their strength they recover accrtaine youth agane . Heaven , saith hee , raines not , and wee labour of I know not of what scarcity of corne . What ? dost thou require that the Elements serue thy necessities ? and to the end thou mayst liue more daintily and delicately , that the times obsequiously apply themselues to thy commodities ? What if he that is desireous of navigation complaine in like sort that now along time there are no windes , and that the blasts of heaven are ceased . Must wee say there fore that such tranquillitie of the world is pernicious , because it hinders the desires of Passengers ? What if any who hath beene accustomed to tosse himselfe in the sun , and to procure drynesse to his body , should in like manner complaine that the pleasure of faire and cleare weather is by very often cloudinesse taken away ? Must the cloudes therefore be sayd as enimies to hang and ouerspread the skie , because thou canst not at thy pleasure frie thy selfe in the flames and prepare occasions for drinking ? All these events which come to passe and fall out vnder the cope of Heaven are to be weighed not by our petty commodities , but by the reasons and orders of nature itselfe . Neither if any thing happen which toucheth vs and our affaires but with vnwelcome successes , is it forthwith evill , and to be accounted noxious . Whether the worldraine or not raine , it raineth or not ratneth to itselfe , and which happily thou knowest not , either it consumes away the too much moysture with the fervencie of drought , or temper thes drought of a very long time with the pouring out of raines . It sendeth pestilences , diseases , famines , & other formes of evils threatning destruction : how dost thou know whether so it take away that whichis superfluous , and by itsowne losses set a measure to the riot and excesse of things ? Darest thou say this or that is evill in the world , the originall and cause whereof thou art not able to vnfold and resolue ? and because happily it hinders thy pleasures of the deleights and lustes , wilt thou say it is pernicious & cruell ? what then ? If cold be contrary vnto thy body , & vse to congeale the heat of thy bloud , must not winter therefore be in the World ? And because thou canst not endure the fervent heat of the Sun , must the Summer be taken out of the yeare ? and nature againe be ordered by other lawes ? Hellebore is poison vnto men : ought it not for this cause to bee brought forth ? The wolfe layes wait for the flocke of sheep : is Nature in the fault which hath bred so troublesome a beast vnto those fleecie creatures ? The biting of the Serpent taket away life : shall I therefore speake evill of the first beginnings of things because they haue added so cruell monsters vnto living Creatures ? It is too arrogant a part , seeing thy selfe art not thine owne , and livest in possession of another , to presume to prescribe to those that are mightier then thy selfe ; and to require that that be done which thou desirest , not that which thou findest by ancient constitutions already settled in things . Wherefore if you men will haue your complaints to take place , it is requisite yee first teach vs whence or what yee are : whether this World be made & framed for you , or ye came as stranger●… vnto it out of other Countries ? Which seeing you are not able to tell , & you cannot resolue vs for what cause you liue vnder this hollow vault of Heaueu : leaue off to suppose that any thing belongeth vnto you , seeing the things that are done , are not alike done , but are to be reckoned & accounted in the summe intended in the whole . By reason of Christians , say they , these evils are come , & the gods send these calamities vpon corne . I demaund when ye say these things , doe ye not see how desperatly with open & manifest lies ye slander vs ? It is now three hundred yeares more or lesse , since we Christians began to be , & beare this name in the World haue there been all these yeares continuall warrs , continuall dearths ? hath there been no peace at all in the Earth , no cheapnes , no plenty of things ? For he that accuseth vs must first of all demonstrate that these calamities haue been perpetual & continuall , that mortall men haue neuer had any breathing time , & that without any holydayes , as they say , haue endured the formes of manifold dangers . But do we not see in these middle yeares & middle times , that innumerable victories haue bin obtained over conquered enemies ? that the territories of the Empire haue bin inlarged , & Nations whose names were neuer heard of , bin brought in subiection ? that oftentimes the yeares haue yeelded marveilous great increase , & such cheapnes & plenty of things , that there was no buying or selling at all , the prices of things being so much fallen ? For how could things be done , & how could mankind continue vntill this time , if fertility & plenty did not supply all whatsoeuer need required ? But sometimes heretofore haue bin in need & necessity . And theyhaue bin recompenced again with abundance . Again some wars haue bin waged against our will. And they haue afterwards bin corrected by victories & good successe . What then shall we say ? that thegods are somtime mindfull of our miseries . & somtime againe vnmindfull ? If at what time there is Famine it be said they are angry , it followeth that in time of plenty they are not aengry nor displeased : & so all is brought to this issue , that by turnes they lightly lay aside & take vp their angers , & by remembrance of offences returne afresh vnto them again . Although what that is wbieh they say seemes to be inexplicable , & cannot be knowne or vnderstood . If therefore they would haue the Almans , Persians , Scythians subdued because Christians did dwell & liue among these Nations : Why did they giue the Romans the victory seeing Christians dwelt & liued among their Nations also . If it were their pleasure that mice & locusts should therefore swarme in Asia & Syria , because in like manner Christians dwelt in those Nations : why did they not at the same time swarme in Spaine & France seeing innumerable Christians liued in these Provinces also ? If for this very cause they send drought vpon the corne , & barrennesse among the Getulians & them of Aquitaine : why did they the same yeare giue such plentifull harvests to the Moores & Numidians , the like Religion being setled in these Countries also ? If in any one Citty they haue caused through the hatred of our name very many to perish with famine : why in the same place haue they through the dearenes of all provision made not only those that are not of our body , but even true Christians also much more the richer & wealthier ? It behoued therefore that either none should haue had any thing that was comfortable ; if we be the cause of Euils , for we are in all Nations : or seeing yee see that things profitable are mingled with those that are incommodious , leaue off at length to ascribe that vnto vs which impeacheth your estates , since we be no hindrance at all to your wealth and prosperity . SECT . 5. The fourth objection answered , which is borrowed from the authority of Esdras . THat which yet farther disables the validity of this testimony of Cyprian , is that in the opinion of Sixtus Senensis , a learned Writer , he borrowed it from the Apocryphall Esdras . For Canonicall Scripture , he seemes indeed to glance at the name thereof by the way , but alleadges none ; And if Senensis had thought that any booke of the Canon had favoured this opinion of Cyprian , hee would neuer haue sent vs to Esdras , but since the appeale is made to Esdras , to Esdras let vs goe . Hee then in his fourth booke and fifth Chapter , v. 51 , 52 , 53 , 54 , and 55 , thus speakes of this matrer . He answered me , and said , aske a woman that beareth children , and she shall tell thee . say vnto her , wherefore are not they whom thou hast now brought forth like those that were before , but lesse of stature ; & she shall answer thee : They that be borne in the strength of youth , be of one fashion , and they that be borne in the time of age when the womb faileth are otherwise . Consider thou therefore also , how that ye are lesse of stature then they that were before you , and so are they that come after you lesse then ye , as the creatures which now begin to be old , and haue passed ouer the strength of youth . Now as others depend vpon the authority of Cyprian , so Cyprian himselfe depending vpon this of Esdras , it will not I hope be thought either vnseasonable or impertinent , if we a little examine the weight thereof . First then , it is certaine that this book is not to be found either in Hebrew or Greeke , neither is it by the Tridentine Counsell admitted into the Canon , & no doubt but vpon very sufficient reason is it excluded both by them and vs , in regard of the doctrines which it teacheth , manifestly repugnant to the rules of orthodoxe faith ; as in the fourth and seuenth Chapters it teacheth , that the soules of the Saints departed this life are detained as it were imprisoned in certain cels & vauts of the Earth vntill the number of the Elect be accomplished , and that then they shall receiue their Crowns of glory altogether , and not before . In the sixt Chapter he tels vs a most ridiculous vnsavory tale , of two vaste Creatures made vpon the fifth day of the Creation ; the one called Enoch , or Behemoth , and the other Leviathan . In the seventh he deriues his pedegree from Aaron , by nineteene generations , whereas the true Esdras , or Esras deriues his but by fifteene . And to bring it home somewhat neerer to our purpose . In the fourteenth chapter hee shewes himselfe manifestly a false Prophet , touching the Consummation of the world , which ( saith hee ) hath lost his youth , and the times begin to wax old : for the world is divided into twelue parts , and tenne parts of it are gone already , and halfe of a tenth part , and there remaineth that which is after the halfe of the tenth part . So that by his computation diuiding the whole time of the worlds duration into twelue equall portions , onely one and a halfe were then remaining ; which had it beene true , the world should haue ended almost fifteene hundred yeares agoe . For the time from the worlds Creation to Esdras , ( according to the Scriptures calculation ) containe about three thousand foure hundred and seventy yeares , and this summe of yeares containe ten parts and an halfe of of the twelue , alotted for the whole duration of the world , whence it consequently followes , that the residue of the time from Esdras to the worlds end , could not exceede the number of fiue hundred yeares : and yet from Esdras to this present yeare of the Lord , one thousand six hundred twenty six , wee finde there are passed almost two thousand yeares . Heerevnto may bee added the sharpe but well deserved Censure of Iunius in his preface to the Apochryphall bookes . Nihil habet Esdrae quam falfo emendicatum nomen & injuriâ maximâ . Authorem enim , quem puduit sui operis longè amplius debuerat puduisse , cum suis somnijs nomen tanti viri praefigeret , & impudenter Ecclesiam vellet fallere . Hee hath nothing in him worthy of Esdras , but only a borrowed name and that most injuriously assumed . Hee was ashamed of his owne name , but hee should rather haue shamed to prefixe the name of so worthy a man before his dreames , and thereby attempt the deceiving of the Church . And againe in his annotations on the first chapter of that booke , Quis vero huic libro tantam fidem deinceps arroget , quae in ipsa fronte naeuos tam immanes & in re tam euidenti mendacia tam puerilia , ne quid gravius dicam , animadvertit . Quisquis es qui hunc librum legis , sume authoritatem probandi atque judicandi sermones ejus , Non enim obstringit fidem tuam illius authoritas , si qua est , in tam crassis erroribus . Who will heereafter giue credit to this booke , who obserues in the very forehead of it so notorious blemishes , and in a matter so evident , ( not to say worse of it ) so childish lies . Whosoever thou art that readest this booke , take to thy selfe authoritie of trying and judging his speeches . For his authority cannot binde thy Credence , if there be any in such grosse errours . It shall not bee amisse then to follow this advise of Iunius , and to bring this counterfeite to the touch-stone , whereby wee shall easily discerne , that both the ground hee assumes is vnsound , and his illation from thence deduced inconsequent . His ground is that children borne or begotten in old age , are alwayes weaker then those in youth : Whereas Isaak borne of Sarah when shee was now so old that shee was thought both by others and her selfe to be past conceiving , and begotten of Abraham when his body was now dead , was for any thing wee finde to the contrary of as strong & healthfull a constitution as Iaacob borne in the strength of Isaack and Rebecca . And Ioseph or Benjamin as able men as Reuben , though Iaacob in his blessing call him , The beginning of his strength and the excellencie of power , as being his first begotten . Nay often wee see that the youngest borne in age not equalls onely , but excells both in wit and spirit and strength and stature the Eldest borne in youth . So vnsure and sandie is this ground ; and for his inference drawne from thence , it is no lesse vnwarrantable and insufficient . There being in the resemblance betwixt a woman and the world as large a difference , as is the dissimilitude betweene the fruite of the one and the generations of the other : The one taking her beginning by the course of nature in weakenesse & so growing to perfection and ripenesse shee quickely declines and hastens to dissolution . Shee must necessarily expect the tearme of certaine yeares before she can conceiue her fruite , and then againe at the end of certaine yeares shee leaues to conceiue . Whereas the other being created immediatly by a supernaturall power , was made in the very first moment ( that it was fully made ) in full perfection which except it bee for the sinne of man it , never lost , nor by any force of subordinate causes possiblely could or can loose . The quickening efficacy of that word , Crescite & multiplicamini , though deliuered many thousand yeares since is now as powerfull in beasts , in plants in birds in fishes in men as at first it was . And thus much this false Prophet seemes himselfe to acknowledge in the chapter following , where he thus brings in the Lord speaking vnto him ; All these things were made by me alone , and by none other : by mee also they shall be ended , and by none other . And if they shall be ended immediatly by the hand of the Almighty , as immediatly by it they were made , then doubtles there is no such naturall decay in them , which would at last without the concurrence of any such supernaturall power bring them to a naturall d●…ssolution , no more then there was any naturall forerunning preparation to their Creation . And thus wee see , how this Goliah hath his head stricken off with his owne sword , and this lying Prophet condemned out of his owne mouth . I haue dwelt the longer vpon this examination , because I finde that the testimony drawne from this Counterfeite was it that in appearance misledde Cyprian , & both their testimonies togeather , that which hath yeelded the principall both confidence and countenance to the Adverse part . SECT . 6. The last obiection answered pretended to bee taken from the authority of holy Scriptures . AS the testimony taken frō Esdras wants authority : so those which re drawn frō authority of sacred & Canonicall Scriptures want right explicatiō & applicatiō . Whereof the first that I haue met with , are those misconstrued words of the Prophet Isaiah , The world languisheth and fadeth away , or ( as some other translations reade it , ) The world is feebled & decayed . Which by Iunius & Tremelius are rendred in the future tence Languebit , Concidet orbis habitabilis , and are vndoubtedly to be referred to the destruction & desolation of those Nations against which he had in some chapters precedent , denounced the heauy judgements of God , As the Moabites , Egyptians , Tyrians , Syrians , Assyrians , Ethiopians , Babylonians , and the Isralites themselues . Iunius thus rightly summing the chapter , Propheta summam contrahit judiciorum quae supra denunciauerat , The Prophet recapitulates or drawes into one head or summe the judgements which before hee had denounced at large , and in particular ; which comming from the justice and immediate hand of God for sin vpon a part of the world , can in no sort be referred to the ordinary course of Nature in regard of the Vniversall . That which carries with it some more colour of Reason is that by St. Paul , The Crearure is said to be subiect to vanity , to the bondage of corruption , to groaning , and to travelling in paine : All which seeme to imply a decay and declination in it : But in the judgement of the soundest Interpreters , the Apostle by vanity and bondage of corruption , meanes , first , that impurity , infirmity , and deformity , which the Creature hath contracted by the fall of man ; Secondly , the daily alteration and change , nay declination and decay of the Individuals and particulars of every kind vnder heaven ; Thirdly , the designation & hasting of the kindes or species themselues to a finall & totall dissolution by fire ; And lastly , the abuse of them , tending to the dishonour of the Creator , or the hurt of his servants , or the service of his enimies : All these may not improperly be tearmed vanity and a bondage of corruption , vnder which the Creature groaneth and travelleth , wishing and waiting to be delivered from it . But that of S. Peter is it which is most of all stood vpon , where he brings in the prophane scoffers at Religion , and especially at the article of the worlds Consummation , thus questioning the matter ; where is the promise of his comming ? For since the fathers fell asleepe , all things continue as they were from the beginning of the Creation . But in truth that place , if it bee well weighed , rather makes against the worlds supposed decay then for it , in as much as if the Apostle had known or acknowledged any such decay in it , it is to be presumed , that being invited , and in a manner forced therevnto by so faire and fit an occasion , hee would haue pressed it against those scoffers , or in some sort haue expressed himselfe therein . But since hee onely vrges the Creation of the world , and the overwhelming of it with water , to proue that the same God , who wasthe Authour of both those , is as able at his pleasure to vnmake it with fire , it should seeme hee had learned no such divinity , as the worlds decay , or at least-wise had no such assurance of it , and warrant for it , as to teach it the Church ; Nay in the 7 verse of the same chapter , hee tells vs , that the heavens and earth which are now , are by the same word , by which they were Created , kept in store and reserved to fire . It was not then their auerring , that things continued as they were , that made them scoffers , but their irreligious inference from thence , that the world neither had beginning , neither should haue ending ; but all things should alwaies continue as formerly they alwayes had done . And thus much may suffice for the consideration of the worlds decay in Generall , it rests now , that wee descend to a distinct view of the particulars , amongst which the Heavens first present themselues vpon the Theatre , as being the most glorious and operatiue bodies , and seated in the most eminent roome . LIB . II. Of the pretended decay of the Heauens and Elements , and Elementary Bodies , Man onely excepted . CAP. 1. Touching the pretended decay of the Heauenly Bodies . SECT . 1. First of their working vpon this inferiour World. SUch and so great is the wisdome , the bounty , and the power which Almighty God hath expressed in the frame of the Heauens , that the Psalmist might justly say , The Heauens declare the glory of God ; the Sun , & the Moone , & the Stars serving as so many silver & golden Characters , embroidered vpon azure for the daylie preaching and publishing thereof to the World. And surely if he haue made the floore of this great House of the World so beautifull , and garnished it with such wonderfull variety of beasts , of trees , of hearbes , of flowres , we neede wonder the lesse at the magnificence of the roofe , which is the highest part of the World , and the neerest to the Mansion House of Saints and Angels . Now as the excellencie of these Bodies appeares in their situation , their matter , their magnitudes , and their Sphericall or Circular figure : so specially in their great vse and efficacy , not onely that they are for signes and seasons , and for dayes & yeares , but in that by their motion , their light , their warmth , & influence , they guide and gouerne , nay cherish and maintaine , nay breed & beget these inferiour bodies , euen of man himselfe , for whose sake the Heauens were made . It is truly said by the Prince of Philosophers , Sol & homo generant hominem , the Sunne and man beget man , man concurring in the generation of man as an immediate , and the Sunne as a remote cause . And in another place he doubts not to affirme of this inferiour World in generall , Necesse est mundum inferiorem superioribus lationibus continuari , ut omnis inde virtus derivetur : it is requisite , that these inferiour parts of the World should bee conjoyned to the motions of the higher Bodies , that so all their vertue and vigour from thence might be derived . There is no question but that the Heauens haue a marvailous great stroake vpon the aire , the water , the earth , the plants , the mettalls , the beasts , nay vpon Man himselfe , at leastwise in regard of his body and naturall faculties : so that if there can be found any decay in the Heauens , it will in the course of Nature , and discourse of reason consequently follow , that there must of necessity ensue a decay in all those which depend vpon the Heauens : as likewise on the other side , if there be found no decay in the Heauens , the presumption will be strong , that there is no such decay ( as is supposed ) in these Subcaelestiall Bodies , because of the great sympathy and correspondence which is knowne to be betweene them by many and notable experiments . For to let passe the quailing and withering of all things , by the recesse and their reviving and resurrection ( as it were ) by the reaccesse , of the Sunne ; I am of opinion , that the sap in trees so precisely followes the motion of the Sunne , that it neuer rests , but is in continuall agitation as the Sun it selfe : which no sooner arriues at the Tropick , but he instantly returnes , and euen at that very instant ( as I conceiue , and I thinke it may be demonstrated by experimentall conclusions ) the sappe which by degrees descended with the declination of the Sun , begins to remount at the approach thereof by the same steps that it descended : and as the approach of the Sunne , is scarce sensible at his first returne , but afterward the day increases more in one weeke , then before in two , in like manner also fares it with the sap in plants , which at first ascends insensibly and slowly , but within a while much more swiftly and apparantly . It is certaine , that the Tulypp , Marigold , and Sun-flowre open with the rising , and shut with the setting of the Sunne ; So that though the Sunne appeare not , a man may more infallibly know when it is high noone by their full spreading , then by the Index of a Clock or Watch. The hop in its growing winding it selfe about the pole , alwayes followes the course of the Sunne from East to West , and can by no meanes bee drawne to the contrary , choosing rather to breake then yeeld . It is obserued by those that sayle betweene the Tropicks , that there is a constant set winde , blowing from the East to the West , saylers call it the Breeze , which rises and falls with the Sunne , and is alwayes highest at noone , and is commonly so strong , partly by its owne blowing , and partly by ouer-ruling the Currant , that they who saile to Peru , cannot well returne home the same way they came forth . And generally , Marriners obserue , that caeter is paribus they sayle with more speed from the East to the West , then backe againe from the West to the East , in the same compasse of time . All which should argue a wheeling about of the aire , and waters by the diurnall motion of the Heauens , and specially by the motion of the Sunne . Whereunto may be added , that the high Seasprings of the yeare are alwayes neere about the two Aequinoctials and Solstices , and the Cock as a trusty Watchman , both at midnight and breake of day giues notice of the Sunnes approach . These be the strange and secret effects of the Sunne , vpon the inferiour Bodies , whence by the Gentiles hee was held the visible God of the World , and tearmed the Eye thereof , which alone saw all things in the World , and by which the World saw all things in it selfe . Omma qui videt , & per quem videt omnia mundus . And most notablely is he described by the Psalmist , in them hath he set a Tabernacle for the Sun , which is as a bridegroome comming out of his chamber , & rejoyceth as a strong man to run a race . His going forth is from the end of the Heauen , and his circuite vnto the ends of it , and there is nothing hid from the heat thereof . Now as the effects of the Sun , the head-spring of light and warmth , are vpon these inferiour Bodies more actiue : so those of the Moone , ( as being Vltima coelo , Citima terris , neerer the Earth , and holding a greater resemblance therewith ) are no lesse manifest . And therefore the husbandman in sowing & setting , graffing and planting , lopping of trees , & felling of timber , and the like , vpon good reason obserues the waxing & waning of the Moone . which the learned Zanchius well allows of , commending Hesiod for his rules therein . Quod Hesiodus ex Lune decrementis & incrementis totius agricolationis signa notet , quis improbet ? who can mislike it ; that Hesiod sets downe the signes , in the whole course of husbandry , from the waxing and waning of the Moone ? The tydes and ebbes of the Sea follow the course of it , so exactly , as the Sea-man will tell you the age of the Moone onely vpon the sight of the tide , as certainly , as if he saw it in the water . It is the observation of Aristotle & of Pliny out of him , that oysters , and mussels , and cockles . and lobsters , & crabbs , and generally all shell-fish grow fuller in the waxing of the Moon , but emptier in the waning thereof . Such a strong predominancie it hath euen vpon the braine of Man , that Lunatikes borrow their very name from it , as also doth the stone Selenites , whose property , as S. Augustine and Georgius Agricola record it , is to increase and decrease in light with the Moone , carrying alwayes the resemblance thereof in it selfe . Neither can it reasonably be imagined that the other Planets , and starrs , and parts of Heauen , are without their forcible operations , vpon these lower Bodies , specially considering that the very plants and hearbes of the Earth , which we tread vpon , haue their seueral vertues , as well single by themselues , as in composition with other ingredients . The Physitian in opening a veine , hath euer an eye to the signe then raigning . The Canicular star specially in those hotter Climates , was by the Ancients alwayes held a dangerous enemy to the practise of Physick , and all kind of Evacuations . Nay Galen himselfe , the Oracle of that profession , adviseth practitioners in that Art , in all their Cures to haue a speciall regard to the reigning Constellations & Coniunctions of the Planets . But the most admirable mystery of Nature , in my mind , is the turning of yron touched with the loadstone , toward the North-pole , of which I shall haue farther occasion to intreate , more largely in the Chapter touching the Comparison of the wits & inventions of these times with those of former ages . Neither were it hard to add much more , to that which hath beene said , to shew the dependance of these Elementary Bodies vpon the heauenly . Almighty God hauing ordained , that the higher should serue as intermediate Agents , or secondary Causes , betweene himselfe and the lower : And as they are linked together in a chaine of order , so are they likewise chained together in the order of Causes , but so as in the wheeles of a Clocke , though the failing in the superior , cannot but cause a failing in the inferiour , yet the failing of the inferiour , may well argue though it cannot cause a failing in the superiour . We haue great reason then , as I conceiue , to begin with the Examination of the state of Coelestiall bodies , in as much as vpon it the conditionof the subcoelestiall wholly de-pends . Wherein fiue things offer themselues to our consideration , Their substance , their motion , their light , their warmth , and their influence . SECT . 2. Touching the pretended decay in the substance of the Heavens . TO finde out whether the substance of the heavenly bodies bee decayed or no , it will not be amisse a little to inquire into the nature of the matter and forme , of which that substance consists , that so it may appeare whether or no in a naturall course they be capable of such a supposed decay . That the Heavens are endued with some kinde of matter , ( though some Philosophers in their jangling humour , haue made a doubt of it , ) yet I thinke no sober and wise Christian will deny it : But whether the matter of it , bee the same with that of these inferiour bodies , adhuc sub Iudice lis est ; it hath beene , and still is a great question among Diuines . The ancient Fathers and Doctors of the Primitiue Church , for the most part , following , Plato , hold that it agrees with the matter of the Elementary bodies , yet so as it is compounded of the finest flower , and choisest delicacy of the Elements : But the Schoolemen on the other side , following Aristotle , adhere to his Quintessence , and by no meanes , will bee beaten from it , since , say they , if the Elements and the heauens should agree in the same matter , it should consequently follow , that there should bee a mutuall traffique and commerce , a reciprocall action , and passion betweene them , which would soone draw on a change , and by degrees , a ruine vpon those glorious bodies . Now though this point will neuer ( I thinke ) bee fully and finally determined , till wee come to be Inhabitants of that place , whereof wee dispute , ( for hardly doe wee guesse aright at things that are vpon earth , and with labour doe wee find the things that are at hand , but the things which are in heaven , who hath searched out ? ) Yet for the present , I should state it thus , that they agree in the same originall mater , and surely Moses , mee thinkes , seemes to favour this opinion , making but one matter , ( as farre as I can gather from the text ) out of which all bodily substances were created . Vnus erat toto naturae vultus in orbe . So as the heavens , though they bee not compounded of the Elements , yet are they made of the same matter , that the Elements are compounded of . They are not subject to the qualities of heat , or cold , or drought , or moisture , nor yet to weight , or lightnes , which arise from those qualities , but haue a forme giuen them , which differeth from the formes of all corruptible bodies , so as it suffereth not , nor can it suffer from any of them , being so excellent and perfect in it selfe , as it wholy satiateth the appetite of the matter it informeth . The Coelestiall bodies then , meeting with so noble a forme to actuate them are not , nor cannot , in the course of nature , bee lyable , to any generation or corruption , in regard of their substance , to any augmentation or diminution in regard of their quantity , no nor to any destructiue alteration in respect of their qualities . I am not ignorant that the controversies , touching this forme what it should bee , is no lesse then that touching the matter ; Some holding it to bee a liuing and quickning spirit , nay a sensitiue and reasonable soule , which opinion is stiffely maintained by many great & learned Clarks , both Iewes , and Gentiles , & Christians , supposing it vnreasonable that the heavens which impart life to other bodies , should themselues bee destitute of life : But this errour is notablely discovered and confuted by Claudius Espencaeus , a famous Doctor of the Sorbone , in a Treatise which hee purposely composed on this point ; In as much as what is denied those bodies in life , in sense , in reason , is abundantly supplied in their constant & vnchangeable duration , arising from that inviolable knot , & indissoluble marriage , betwixt the matter & the forme , which can never suffer any divorce , but from that hand which first joyned them . And howbeit it cannot be denied , that not only the reasonable soule of man , but the sensitiue of the least gnat that flies in the aire , and the Vegetatiue of the basest plant that springs out of the earth , are ( in that they are indued with life ) more divine and neerer approaching to the fountaine of life , then the formes of the heavenly bodies ; yet as the Apostle speaking of Faith , Hope , and Charity , concludes Charity to bee the greatest ; ( though by faith wee apprehend and apply the merits of Christ ) because it is more vniversall in operation , and lasting in duration ; so though the formes of the Creatures endued with life doe in that regard , come a step neerer to the Deity , then the formes of the heavenly bodies , which are without life , yet if wee regard their purity , their beauty , their efficacy , their indeficiencie in moving , their Vniversallity and independencie in working , there is no question , but the heavens may in that respect bee preferred , euen before man himselfe , for whose sake they were made ; Man being indeed immortall in regard of his soule , but the heavens in regard of their bodies , as being made of an incorruptible stuffe . Which cannot well stand with their opinion , who held them to bee composed of fire , or that the waters which in the first of Genesis , are said to bee aboue the firmament , and in the hundred fortie eight Psalme , aboue the heavens , are aboue the heavens wee now treate of , for the tempering and qualifying of their heat , as did S. Ambrose , and S. Augustine , and many others , venerable for their antiquity , learning , and piety . Touching the former of which opinions , wee shall haue fitter oportunity to discusse it at large , when we come to treate of the warmth caused by the heavens . But touching the second , it seemes to haue beene grounded vpon a mistake of the word Firmament , which by the Ancients , was commonly appropriated to the eight sphere , in which are seated the fixed starres , whereas the originall Hebrew ( which properly signifies Extention , or Expansion ) is in the first of Genesis , not onely applied to the spheres in which the Sunne and Moone are planted , but to the lowest region of the aire , in which the birds flie , and so doe I with Pareus & Pererius take it to bee vnderstood in this controversie . This region of the aire being , as S. Augustine somewhere speakes , Terminus intransgressibilis , a firme and immoveable wall of separation betwixt the waters that are bred in the bowels of the earth , and those of the Cloudes : and for the word heaven , which is vsed in the hundred forty and eight Psalme , it is likewise applyed to the middle region of the aire by the Prophet Ieremy , which may serue for a Glosse vpon that text , alleaged out of the Psalme . When hee vttereth his voice , there is a noise of waters in the heavens , and hee causeth the vapours to ascend from the ends of the earth . Now the Schoolemen finding that the placing of waters aboue the starry heavens , was both vnnaturall and vnvsefull , and yet being not well acquainted with the propriety of the Hebrew word , to salue the matter , tell vs of a Christalline or glassie heaven , aboue the eight sphere , which , say they , is vndoubtedly the waters aboue the firmament mentioned by Moses ; which exposition of theirs , though it doe not inferre a decay in the heavenly bodies , yet doth it crosse the course of Moses his historicall narration , his purpose being , as it seemes , only to write the history of things which were visible and sensible , as appeares in part by his omitting the Creation of Angells , whereas the Christalline heaven they speake of , is not only invisible and insensible , but was not at all discouered to be , till the dayes of Hipparchus or Ptolomy . Since then the heavens in regard of their substance , are altogether free ( for any thing yet appeares , ) from any mixture or tincture of the Elements , being made of an incorruptible and inalterable quintessence , which neither hath any conflict in it selfe , nor with any other thing without it , from thence may wee safely collect that it neither is , nor can be subiect to any such decay as is imagined . SECT . 3. An objection drawne from Iob , answered . HOwbeit the deserved curse of God , deprived the earth of her fertility , in bringing forth without the sweat of Adam , and his ofspring , yet I finde not that it stretched to the Starres , or that any thing aboue the Moone was altered or changed , in respect of Adams fault , from their first perfection . True indeed it is which Eliphaz teacheth , that the heavens , & Bildad , that the starres are not cleane in Gods sight : it may bee , because of the fall of Angels , the inhabitants of heaven , whom therefore he charged with folly : Which exposition , Iunius so farre favours , as insteed of Coelum , hee puts Coelites , into the very body of the text : But in my judgement it would better haue sorted with the Margin , in as much as by Coelites , wee may vnderstand either Saints or Angells , both Citizens of heaven , either in actuall possession , or in certaine hope and expectation ; in possession , as Angels and Saints departed , in expectation , as the Saints heere in warfaire on the earth : And of these doth Gregory in his Moralls on Iob , expound the place , hoc coelorum nomine repetijt quod Sanctorum prius appellatione signavit , saith hee : Iob repeates that by the name of heaven , which before hee expressed vnder the name of Saints . And thus both hee and S. Augustine expound that of the nineteene Psalme , The heavens declare the glory of God. And with them most of the Ancients , that petition of the Lords Prayer , Thy will bee done on earth as it is in heaven . But what neede wee flie to allegories , & figuratiue senses , when the letter of the text will well enough stand with the analogie of faith , the texts of other Scriptures , and the rule of sound reason . The very materiall heavens then , may not vntruly or vnproperly bee said , to bee vncleane in Gods sight . First , Quia habent aliquid potentialitatis admixtum , as Lyra speakes , they haue some kinde of potentiality , ( I know not how otherwise to render his word ) mixed with them , hee meanes in regard of their motion , and the illumination of the moone and starres from the Sunne . But chiefely , as I take it , they are said to be vncleane , not considered in themselues , but in comparison of the Creator , who is Actus purissimus & simplicissimus ; all Act , and that most pure , not only from staine and pollution , but all kinde of impotency , imperfection , or Composition whatsoever , And in this sense the very blessed & glorious Angels themselues , which are of a substance farre purer then the Sunne it selfe , may bee said to be vncleane in his sight , in which regard the very Seraphins are said , to couer their faces and feete with their winges . But to grant that the heavens are become vncleane , either by the fall of man or Angells , yet doth it not follow ( as I conceiue ) that this vncleannes doth daily increase vpon them , or which is in trueth the point in controversie , that they feele any impairing by reason of this vncleannes , it being rather imputatiue , as I may earne it , then reall and inherent . Nonne vides coelum hoc , saith Chrysostome , vt pulchrum , vt ingens , vt astrorum choreis varium , quantum temporis viguit , quinque aut plus annorum millia processerunt , & haec annorum multitudo ei non adduxit senium ; Sed vt corpus novum ac vegetum floridae virentisque juventae viget aetate : Sic coelum , quam habuit à principio pulchrit●…dinem semper eadem permansit , nec quicquam tempus eam debilitavit . Dost not thou see the heavens , how faire , how spacious they are , how bee-spangled with diverse constellations ? how long now haue they lasted ? fiue thousand yeares or more are past , and yet this long duration of time hath brought no old age vpon them ; But as a body new and fresh , flourisheth in youth : So the heavens still retaine their beauty , which at first they had , neither hath time any thing abated it . Some errour or mistake doubtlesse there is in Chrisostomes computation in as much as he lived aboue 1200 yeares since , & yet tels vs that the world had then lasted aboue 5000 yeares , but for the trueth of the matter he is therein seconded by all the schoole divines , and among those of the reformed churches none hath written in this point more clearely and fully then Alstedius in his preface to his naturall divinity . Tanta est hujus palatij diuturnitas atque firmitas vt ad hodiernum vsque diem supra annos quinquies mille & sexcentos ita perstet vt in eo nihil immutatum dimin●…tum aut vetustate & diuturnitate temporis vitiatum conspiciamus . Such , saith hee , and so lasting is the duration and immoveable stability of this palace , that being created aboue 5600 yeares agoe , yet it so continues to this day , that wee can espie nothing in it changed , or wasted , or disordered by age , and tract of time . SECT . 4. Another obiection taken from Psalme the 102 answered . ANother text is commmonly and hotly vrged by the Adverse part , to like purpose as the former , and is in truth the onely argument of weight , drawne from Scripture in this present question , touching the heavens decay in regard of their Substance . In which consideration wee shall bee inforced to examine it somewhat the more fully . Taken it is from the hundred and second Psalme , and the wordes of the Prophet are these . Of old thou hast laid the foundation of the earth , & the heavens are the worke of thine handes . They shall perish , but thou shalt endure : yea all of them shall waxe old as doth a garment , as a vesture shalt thou change them , and they shall be changed : But thou art the same , and thy yeares shall haue no end . To which very place vndoubtedly , the Apostle alludes in the first to the Hebrewes , where he thus renders it , Thou Lord in the beginning hast laid the foundation of the earth , and the heavens are the workes of thine hands : They shall perish , but thou remainest , and they shall wax old as doth a garment , and as a vesture shalt thou fold them vp , and they shall be changed : But thou art the same , and thy yeares shall not faile . In which passages the words which are most stood vpon and pressed , are those of the growing old of the heavens like a garment , which by degrees growes bare till it bee torne in peeces and brought to ragges . S. Augustine in his Enarration vpon this Psame according to his wont , betakes him to an Allegoricall Exposition , interpreting the heavens to bee the Saints , and their bodies to bee their garments wherewith the soule is cloathed . And these garments of theirs , saith hee , waxe old and perish , but shall be changed in the resurrection , and made comformable to the glorious body of Iesus Christ. Which exposition of his , is pious I confesse , but surely not proper , since the Prophet speakes of the heavens , which had their beginning together with the earth , and were both principall peeces in the great worke of the Creation . Neither can the regions of the aire , be here well vnderstood , ( though in some other places they bee stiled by the name of the heavens ) since they are subiect to continuall variation and change , and our Prophets meaning was , as it should seeme , to compare the Almighties vnchangeable eternity , with that which of all the visible Creatures was most stable and stedfast . And besides , though the aire bee indeed the worke of Gods hands , as are all the other Creatures , yet that phrase is in a speciall manner applied to the starry heavens , as being indeed the most exquisite and excellent peece of workemanship that ever his hands fram'd . It remaines then , that by heavens heere , wee vnderstand the lights of heaven , thought by Philosophers to bee the thicker parts of the spheres , together with the spheres themselues , in which those lights are fixed and wheeled about . For that such spheres and orbes there are I take it as granted , neither will I dispute it , though I am not ignorant , that some latter writers thinke otherwise , and those , neither few in number , nor for their knowledge vnlearned . But for the true sense of the place alleadged , wee are to know that the word there vsed to wax old , both in Hebrew , Greeke & Latin doth not necessarily imply a decay or impairing in the subject so waxing old , but somtimes doth only signifie a farther step & accesse to a finall period in regard of duration . Wee haue read of some who being well striken in yeares haue renewed their teeth and changed the white colour of their haire , and so growne yong againe . Of such it might truly be sayd that they grew elder in regard of their neerer approch to the determinate end of their race , though they were yonger in regard of their constitution and state of their bodies . And thus do I take the Apostle to be vnderstood , that which decayeth and waxeth old is ready to vanish away ; where hee speakes of the Ceremoniall law , which did not grow old by degrees , at least before the incarnation of Christ , but stood in its full force and vigour vntill it was by him abrogated and disanulled . To which purpose Aquinas hath not vnfitly observed vpon the place , Quod dicitur vetus significat quod sit prope cessationem , the tearming of a thing old , implies that it hastens to an end . This then as I take it may truly be affirmed of the signification of the word in generall and at large , and may justly seeme to haue been the Prophets meaning in as much as he addeth But thou art the same and thine yeares shall haue no end . From whence may be collected , that as God cannot grow old because his yeares shall haue no end : so the heavens because they shall haue an end may be therefore sayd to grow old . But whereas it is added , not only by the Psalmist but by the Apostle in precise tearmes , They shall wax old as doth a garment , and againe as a Vesture shalt thou change them , the doubt still remaines whether by that addition , the sense of the word bee not restrained to a graduall and sensible decay . I know it may be sayd , that a garment waxing old , not only looses his freshnesse , but part of his quantitie and weight , it is not only soyled ; but wasted either in lying or wearing , & so in continuance of time becomes vtterly vnserviceable , which no man I think will ascribe to the heavens , I meane that their quantity is any way diminished . All agree then that the Similitude may be strained too farre , as the wringing of the nose bringeth forth bloud and the wresting of a string too high marres the musick : but yet the question still remaines , how it is to be vnderstood and how farre we me may safely extend it . For to say that waxing old in that passage is only to be vnderstood of a nearer approch to an alteration , or an abolishment , seemes to be too cold an interpretation , in as much as then needed not the Prophet to haue added for a clearer explication of his mind , in the manner of their waxing old , as doth a garment : it rests then to be shewed as I conceiue wherein the similitude stands , which the interpreters I haue met with do not sufficiently vnfold , and those that vndertake the vnfolding of it , runne vpon the rocks by publishing harsh and vnwarrantable positions ; Mee thinkes the Psalmist himselfe giues some light vnto it , Thou coverest thy selfe , sayth hee , with light as with a garment , and stretchest out the heauens like a Curtaine : his meaning then in my judgment may be this , that the Heavens which for their expansion may well be campared to a Curtaine or garment shall wax old , the comparison standing betweene the heavens and a garment , not in regard of their deficiencie , but their spreading , the heavens covèring this inferiour world , as a garment doth the bodie it is spread over . Or if the comparison stand in their deficiencie , which seemes , I confesse , the more kindly exposition , to my seemeing , Aquinas in few wordes looseth the knot , sicut uestimentum sayth hee , quod sumitur ad vsum , & cessante vsu deponitur . The heavens then shall wax old as doth a garment in that their vse shall cease together with man , as doth the vse of a garment with him that vseth it . Which exposition hee seemes to haue borrowed from Dydimus blind in his bodily eyes , but in his mind sharpe sighted , quod canit Psaltes , veterescent & mutabuntur , designat eorum vsum abijsse & defecisse , Vt enim indumentum vbi officio functum fuerit obvoluitur : sic coelum ac terrae functae munerihus suis abibunt . In that the Psalmist professeth , They shall waxe old and be changed , his meaning is when there shall be no further vse of them . For as a garment hauing performed that vse to which it was ordained , is folded vp and layd aside : so the heaven and the earth having finished those services , for which they were created , shall vanish and passe away . And vpon this Comment of Dydimus , Eugubinus thus commeth . Hoc autem summus docet Theologus primum mundum antiquandum , vetustate & senio interiutrum , sed non'eo senio quo res mortales corrumpuntur atque abolentur , in coelo tale senium nullum est , sed alium quoddam cujus similitudo ex vestibus ostenditur , cum deponimus eas vbi nobis esse vsui desijssent , tanquam invtiles eas exuimus atque obuoluimus , sic mundus , id est coelum , non eo delebitur quod eadem vetustate atque omnia animalia & arbores , aliquando sit defecturus , sed quia cessabit vsus ejus quo rerum tantos ordines peragebat . The purpose of this greate Divine was to teach , that the heavens should wax old and consume with age , but not with such an old age , as that by which things mortall suffer corruption and dissolusion . In heaven there is no such waxing old to be found , but another kind there is , the resemblance whereof is taken from garments , when we put them off , as hauing no further vse of them , laying them aside and folding them vp : in like manner the heaven shall not therefore be disolued , because it shall at any time suffer defect thorow that old age , which beastes and plantes feele , but because the vse of it shall cease , by which it kept these inferiour bodies in due order . And perchance the Apostle himselfe , rendring the words of the Psalmist , intends as much , As a vesture shalt thou fold them vp : as the curtaines and carpets and hangings are folded vp , and layd aside when the family remoues . Which seemes likewise , to haue been foretold by the Prophet Isayah , the heavens shall be rouled together as a scrole , and they shall passe away with with a noyce sayth S. Peter , like the hissing of parchment , riueled vp with heat , for so signifies the originall word in that place . Howsoever , they shall not wax old by the course of nature , but by the mightie power of the God of Nature , he that created them shall dissolue them , and nothing else ; which the Prophet seemes to point at in this very passage , Tu mutabis & mutabuntur , thou shalt change them , not Nature , but thou shalt change and they shall be changed . And as for that fresh lustre and brightnesse wherwith ( as is commonly thought ) the heauens shall be renewed at the last day , as a garment by turning is changed , and by changing refreshed , it may well be by making them more resplendent then now they are , or euer at any time were since their first creation , Not by scowring off of contracted rust , but adding a new glosse and augmentation of glory . And whereas some Divines haue not doubted to make the spots and shadowes appearing in the face of the Moone to be vndoubted arguments of that contracted rust , if those spots had not beene originall and natiue of equall date with the Moone her selfe , but had beene contracted by age and continuance of time , as wrinkles are in the most beautifull faces , they had said somewhat , but that there they were aboue fifteene hundred yeares agone , appeares by Plutarchs discourse De maculis in facie Lunae , & that they haue since any whit increased , it cannot be sufficiently prooued . Perchance by the helpe of the new devised perspectiue glasses , they haue beene of late more cleerely & distinctly discerned thē in former ages , but that prooues no more that they were not there before , then that the Sydera Medcaea lately discouered by vertue of the same instruments , were not before in being , which the Discoverers themselues knew well enough , they could not with any colour of reason affirme . SECT . 5. A third objection taken from the apparition of new starres answered . HOwbeit it cannot be denied but that new starres haue at times appeared in the firmament , as some thinke , that was at our Saviours birth , yet in as much at it pointed out the very House in which he was borne by standing ouer it , and was not ( for ought we finde ) obserued by the Mathematicians of those times , I should rather thinke it to haue beene a blazing light created in the Region of the Aire , carrying the resemblance of a starre , then a new and true created starre , seated in the firmament . As for that which appeared in Cassiopaea in the yeare one thousand fiue hundred seventy two , ( the very yeare of the great Massacre in France ) I thinke it cannot well be gainsaid , to have beene a true starre , it being obserued by the most skilfull and famous Astronomers of that time to hold the same aspect in all places of Christendome , to runne the same course , to keepe the same proportion , distance and situation , euery-where , & in euery point , with the fixed starres by the space of two whole yeares : but this I take to haue beene not the effect of Nature , but the supernaturall & miraculous worke of Almighty God , the first Author and free disposer of Nature ; and the like may be said of all such Comets which haue at any time evidently appeared , ( if any such evidence may be giuen ) to be aboue the Globe of the Moone , from whence it can no more be inferred that the heauens are composed of a matter corruptible , naturally subject to impairing and fading , then that their motion is irregular , or that it is in the power of mortall man to dispose of the course of those immortall Creatures , because by a speciall priviledge at the prayer of Iosuah , both the Sun and Moone were stayed in their wonted courses , and the shadow went backe ten degrees in the Dyall of Ahaz , for the assurance of the truth of the Prophet Isaiahs message sent to King Hezekiah . The same answere may not be vnfitly shaped , to that wonder which S. Augustine reports out of Varroes booke , intituled de Gente Populi Romani , and he out of Castor touching the Planet Venus , which to adde the greater weight and credit to the relation , being somewhat strange and rare , I will set it downe in the very words of Varro , as I finde them quoted by S. Augustine . In coelo mirabile extitit portentum , nam in stella Vener is nobilissima , quam Plautus Vesperruginem , Homerus Hesperon appellat , pulcherrimam dicens , Castor scribit tantum portentum extitisse , ut mutaret colorem , magnitudinem , figuram , cursum , quod factum ita neque antea , neque postea sit , hoc factum Ogyge Rege dicebant Adrastus , Cyzicenus , & Dyon Neapolites Mathematici nobiles . In Heauen , saith he , appeared a maruailous great wonder , the most noted starre called Venus , which Plautus tearmes Vesperrugo , and Homer Hesperus the faire , as Castor hath left it vpon record , changed both colour , and bignes , and figure , and motion , which accident was neuer seene before , nor since that time , the renowned Mathematicians Adrastus and Dyon averring , that this fell out during the raigne of King Ogyges . Which wonder neither Varro nor Augustine ascribe to the changeable matter of the Heauens , but to the vnchangeable will of the Creator . And therefore the one cals it as we see Mirabile portentum , and the other makes this Comment vpon it , that it hapned , quia ille voluit qui summo regit imperio ac potestate quod condidit , because he would haue it so , who gouernes all things that he hath made with a Soueraigne and independing power . So that two speciall reasons may be yeelded for these extraordinary vnvsuall apparitions in heauen , the one that they may declare to the world that they haue a Creator & Commander , who can alter or destroy their natures , restraine or suspend their operations at his pleasure , which should keepe men from worshipping them as Gods , since they cannot keepe themselues from alteration . The other to portend and foreshew his Iudgements , as did that new starre in Cassiopoea , a most vnnaturall inundation of blood in France ; and this change in Venus , such a deluge in Achaia , as it ouerflowed and so wasted the whole Countrey , that for the space of two hundred yeares following it was not inhabited . SECT . 6. The last obiection drawne from the Eclipses of the Sunne and Moone answered . THe last doubt touching the passibility of the matter of the Heauens , is drawne from the Eclipses of the Sun and Moone , in which they are commonly thought to suffer , and to bee as it were in travell during that time . Which if it were so , it must of necessity by degrees consume the vigour and beauty of those glorious bodies , and finally the bodies themselues . To this purpose is alleadged that of the Poet , where he cals these Eclypses , Defectus Solis varios Lunaeque labores . Defects and trauels of the Sunne and Moone . As also the manner of the ancient Romans while such Eclypses lasted , to lift vp many burning torches toward Heauen , and withall to beate pans of brasse and basons , as we doe in following a swarme of bees . Commovet Gentes publicus error , Lassantque crebris pulsibus aera . A common errour through the World doth passe , And many a stroake they lay on pans of brasse Saith Boetius and Manilius , speaking of the appearance of the Moones Eclipse by degrees in diverse parts of the Earth . Seraque in extremis quatiuntur gentibus aera , Th' vtmost coasts doe beat their brasse pans last . And the Satyrist wittily describing a tatling Gossip , Vna laboranti poterit succurrere Lunae . Shee onely were enough to helpe The labours of the Moone . They thought thereby they did the Moone great ease , and helped her in her labour , as Plutarch in the life of Aemilius obserueth . Nay Aemilius himselfe a wise man , as the same Author there witnesseth , congratulated the Moones deliuery from an Eclipse , with a solemne sacrifice , assoone as shee shone out bright againe , which action of his that prudent Philosopher and sage Historian not relateth only , but approoueth & commendeth as a signe of godlinesse and devotion , yea this Heathenish and sottish custome of releeuing the Moone in this case by noise & outcries , the Christians it seemes borrowed from the Gentiles , as appeares by S. Ambrose in his eighty and third Sermon , where he most sharply checks his Auditors for their rude and vncivill , nay prophane and irreligious carriage in this very point : And because his discourse there is not only smart and piercing , but marvailous punctuall and pertinent in regard of the question in hand , I hope it will not be thought time or paper mis-spent , if I set it downe as there I find it . Who would not grieue at it that you should so far forget your soules health , as you should not blush to call Heauen as a witnesse to your sinne . For when I lately preached vnto you touching your covetousnesse , euen the same day at Evening there was so great a shouting of the people , that your prophanenesse pierced the Heauens . I inquired what the meaning of that noise might bee : it was told me that with your out-cryes you relieued the Moone , being then in travell , and succoured her faintings with your shouting : which when I heard , in truth I could not choose but laugh and wonder at your vanity , that like devoute Christians you thought to bring aide to God , for it seemes you cryed , least by meanes of your silence hee might perchance loose one of his noblest Creatures ; or as if being weake and impotent he could not maintaine those lights himselfe had created , but by the assistance of your voyces . And surely ye doe very well in that you succour the Deity , that by your helpe he may gouerne heauen . But would ye doe it to purpose indeed , then must ye watch euery night & all night . For how often trow ye is the moon eclypsed while you sleep , & yet she falls not from heaven : Or is shee alwayes eclypsed in the night , & not likewise in the day time ? But then only it seemes is the moone eclypsed with you , when your bellies are well stuffed with a full supper , & your braines steeled with full pots ; then only the Moone labours in heaven , when the wine labours in your heads ; then is her circle troubled with charmes , when your sight is dazled with over much qua●…ing . How canst thou then discerne what befals the Moone in heaven , when thou canst not discerne what is done neere thee on earth , heerein is that plainely verified which holy Solomon foretold , a foole cha●…geth as the Moone : Thou changest like the Moone , when beeing ignorant of the motion thereof , thou who werst a Christian before , now beginnest to be sacrilegious ; for sacrilege thou committest against thy Creator , when thou imputest such impotency to the Creature : Thou then changest like the moone , when thou who before shinedst in the devotion of faith , now fallest away thorow the weakenes of vnbeleefe : thou changest like the moone , when thy braine is as voide of wit , as the moone is of light , and I could wish thou diddest indeed change as the moone for shee quickely returnes againe to her fulnes , but thou by leasure to the vse of thy wits ; shee soone recovers her light , but thou slowly the faith which thou hast denyed . Thy change then is worse then that of the moone ; shee suffers an Eclipse of her light , but thou of thy soules health . But willsome man say , is not the moone in labour then ? yes indeed shee labours , it cannot bee denyed : but shee labours with the other creaturess , as the Apostle speakes , wee know that the whole Creature groaneth and travelleth in paine vntill now ; and againe , the Creature it selfe shall also bee deliuered from the bondage of Corruption . It shall bee freed from bondage . You see then that the moone doth not labour with charmes , but with dutifull observances , not with dangers , but with vsefull offices , not to perish , but to serue . For the Creature is made subiect to vanity not willingly , but by reason of him who hath subiected the same , So that the Moone is not willingly changed from her condition , but thou wittingly and willingly robbest thy selfe of thine owne reason . Shee by the condition of her nature suffers an Eclipse , thou by consent of thine owne will , art drawne into mischiefe . Bee not then as the moone when shee is eclypsed , but as when shee fils her circle with light . For of the righteous man it is written , Hee shall bee established for ever as the moone , & as the faithfull witnesse in heaven . By which witty discourse of S. Ambrose , it plainely appeares that in his judgement , the moone suffered nothing by her Eclypse , which opinion of his is confirmed not only by the testimony of Aristotle , in the eight of the Metaphysickes , but by the evidence of reason , it being caused by the shadow of the earth , interposed betweene the Sunne and the Moone , as in exchange or revenge thereof , ( as Pliny speaketh , ) the Eclypse of the Sun is caused by the interposition of the moone , betwixt the earth and it . The moone so depriuing the earth , and againe the earth the moone of the beames of the Sunne : Which is the true cause that in the course of nature , the Moone is never eclypsed but when shee is full , the Sunne and shee being then in opposition ; nor the Sunne , but when it is new-moone ; those two Planets being then in conjunction : I say , in the course of Nature , for the Eclypse at our Sauiours passion , was vndoubtedly supernaturall : Quam Solis obscurationem non ex canonico Syderum cursu accidisse satis ostenditur quod tunc erat Pascha Iudaeorum . Nam plena Luna solenniter agitur , saith S. Augustine . It is evident that that Eclipse of the Sunne happened not by the ordinary & orderly course of the stars , it being then the Passover of the Iewes , which was solemnized at the full moone ; And this was it , that gaue occasion , as is commonly belecued , to that memorable exclamation of Dennys the Areopagite , being then in Egypt : Aut Deus Naturae patitur , aut machina mundi dissolvetur , either the God of Nature suffers , or the frame of Nature will bee dissolved . And heerevpon too , as it is thought by some , was erected that Altar at Athens , Ignoto Deo , To the vnknowne God : Though others thinke that Eclypse was confined within the borders of Iudea ; howsoever it cannot be denyed , but that it was certainely beside and aboue the course of Nature . Neither ought it seeme strange , that the Sunne in the firmament of heaven , should appeare to suffer , when the Sunne of Righteousnes indeed suffered vpon earth . But for other Eclypses , though their Causes bee now commonly knowne , yet the ignorance of them was it , which caused so much superstition in former ages , and left that impression in mens mindes , as euen at this day wise men can hardly bee perswaded , but that those Planets suffer in their Eclypses , which in the Sunne is most childish and ridiculous to imagine , since in it selfe , it is not so much as depriued of any light , nor in trueth can bee : it being the fountaine of light , from which all the other starres borrow their light , but pay nothing backe againe to it , by way of retribution . Which was well expressed by Pericles , as Plutarch in his life reports it , For there happening an Eclypse of the Sun , at the very instant , when his Navy was now ready to lanch forth , & himselfe was imbarked , his followers began to bee much apald at it , but specially the Master of his owne gally , which Pericles perceiuing , takes his cloake & with it hoodwinkes the Masters eyes , & then demaunds of him what danger was in that , hee answering none , neither saith Pericles is there in this Eclypse , there being no difference betwixt my cloake and that Vaile , with which the Sun is covered , but only in bignes . And the truth is that the Sun then suffered no more by the intervening of the Moone , then from Pericles his cloake , or daily doth from the cloudes in the aire which hinder the sight of it , or by the interposition of the Planet Mercury , which hath sometimes appeared as a spot in it ; But whether these Eclypses either cause or presage any change in these inferiour bodies , I shall haue fitter occasion to examine heareafter , and so passe from the consideration of the substance , to the motion of the heavenly bodies . CAP. 2. Touching the pretended decay of the heavenly bodies in regard of their motions . SECT . 1. The first reason , that there is no decay in the motions of the heavenly bodies , drawne from the causes thereof MOtion is so vniversall and innate a property , and so proper an affection to all naturall bodies , that the Great Philosopher knew not better how to define Nature , then by making her the Enginer and Principle of Motion : And therefore as other obiects , are onely discernable by one sense , as colours by seeing , and sounds by hearing , motion is discernable by both , nay and by feeling too , which is a third sense really distinguished from them both . That there is in the heavenly bodies no motion of Generation or Corruption , of augmentation , or diminution , or of alteration , I haue already shewed . There are also who by reason of the incredible swiftnes of the first Mouer , and some other such reasons , dare deny that there is in them any Lation or Locall motion , heerein flatly opposing in my judgement both Scripture and Reason , & Sense ; But to take it as graunted , without any dispute , that a Locall motion there is , which is the measure of time , as time againe is the measure of motion , the line of motion and the threed of time , beeing both spun out together : Some doubt there is touching the moouer of these heavenly bodies , what or who it should bee , some ascribing it to their matter , some to their forme , some to their figure , and many to the Angells , or Intelligences , as they call them , which they suppose to bee set over them . For mine owne part , I should thinke that all these and euery of them might not vnjustly challenge a part in that motion : The matter as beeing neither light nor heavy , the forme aswell agreeing with such a matter , the figure as being Sphericall or Circular , the Intelligence as an assistant : In the matter is a disposition ; For whereas light bodies naturally moue vpward , and heavy downeward , that which is neither light nor heavy is rather disposed to a Circular motion , which is neither vpward nor downeward . In the figure is an inclination to that motion , as in a wheele to bee carried round , from the forme an inchoation or onsett , and lastly from the Intelligence a continuance or perpetuation thereof , as a great Divine of our owne both age and Nation hath well expressed it , Gods owne aeternity , ) saith hee ) is the hand which leadeth Angells in the course of their perpetuity , their perpetuity the hand that draweth out Celestiall motion , that as the Elementary substances are governed by the heavenly : so might the heauenly by the Angellicall . As the corruptible by the incorruptible , so the materiall by the immateriall , and all finits by one infinite . It is the joynt consent of the Platoniks , Peripatetiks , and Stoikes , and of all the noted sects of Philosophers ; who acknowledged the Divine Providence , with whom agree the greatest part of our most learned & Christian Doctors , that the Heavens are moued by Angells , neither is there in truth any sufficient meanes beside it to discover the beeing of such Creatures by discourse of Reason . Which to mee is a strong argument , that the Heauens can by no meanes erre , or faile in their motions , beeing managed by the subordinate ministery of such indefatigable and vnerring guides , whose power is euery way proportionable to their knowledge , and their constancy to both . SECT . 2. The Second reason taken from the Certainty of demonstrations vpon the Coelestiall globe : The Third , from a particular view of the proper motions of the Planets , which are observed to bee the same at this day , as in former ages without any variation : The Fourth , from the infallible and exact praediction of their Oppositions , Conjunctions , and Eclypses for many ages to come : The Fifth , from the testimony of sundry graue Authours , auerring perpetuall Constancy and immutability of their motions . THe most signall motions of the heavens ( beside their retrogradations , trepidations , librations , and I know not what , which Astronomers haue devised to reconcile the diversitie of their observations ) are the diurnall motion of all the fixed starres and Planets , and all the Coelestiall spheres from East to West in the compasse of every foure and twenty houres , and the proper motion of them all from the West to the East againe . These motions whether they performe , by themselues , without the helpe of orbes , as fishes in the water , or birds in the aire ; or fastned to their spheres , as a gemme in a ring , or a nayle or knot in a Cart-wheele , I cannot easily determine : howbeit I confesse wee cannot well imagine how one and the same body should bee carried with opposite motions , but by the helpe of somewhat in which it is carried , As the Marriner may be carried by the motion of his shippe from the East to the West , and yet himselfe may walke from the West to the East in the same ship : Or a flie may be carried from the North to the South vpon a Cart-wheele , and yet may goe from the South to the North vpon the same wheele : But howsoever it bee , it is evident that their motions are most even and regular , without the least jarre or discord , variation or vncertainety , languishing or defect , that may bee . Which were it not so , there could bee no certaine demonstrations made vpon the Globe or materiall Sphere : Which notwithstanding by the testimony of Claudian are most infallible , as appeares by those his elegant verses vpon Archymedes admirable invention thereof . Iuppiter in parvo cum cerneret aether a vitro , Risit , & ad superos , talia dicta dedit : Huccine mortalis progressa potentia curae ? Iam meus infragili luditur orbe labor Iura poli , rerumque fidem legesque Deorum Ecce Syracusius transtulit arte senex . Inclusus varijs famulatur Spiritus astris Et vivum certis motibus vrget opus Percurrit proprium mentirus signifer annum Et simulata nouo Cynthia mense redit . Iamque suum volvens audax industria Mundum Gaudet & humana sydera mense regit . When Ioue within a little glasse survaid The Heavens , hee smil'd , and to the Gods thus sayd : Can strength of Mortall wit proceed thus farre ? Loe in a fraile orbe my workes mated are . Hither the Syracusians art translates Heavens forme , the course of things , and humane fates . Th' included spirit serving the star-deck signes , The liuing worke in constant motions windes Th' adulterate Zodiaque runnes a naturall yeare , And Cynthiaes forg'd hornes monthly new light beare , Viewing her owne world , now bold industry Triumphes and rules with humane power the skye . The Gentiles sayth Iulian , ( as S. Cyrill in his third booke against him , reports it ) videntes nihil eorū quae circa Coelū minui vel augeri neque vlla sustinere deordinatam affectionē , sed congruam illius motionem ac bene op●…atū ordinem , definitas quoque leges Lunae , definitos ortus & occasus Solis , statutis semper temporibus , merito Deum & Dei solium suspicabantur : seeing no part of heaven to deminished or decreased , to suffer no irregular affection , but the motion thereof to be as duly and orderly performed as could be desired , the waxing and waning of the moone , the rising and setting of thee sunne to bee setled and constant at fixed and certaine times , they deseruedly admired it as God , or as the throne of God. The order and regularitie of which motions wee shall easily perceiue by taking a particular view of them . I will touch only those of the Plannets . The proper motion of Saturne was by the Ancients obserued , and is now likewise found , by our moderne Astronomers , to be accomplished within the space of thirtie yeares , that of Iupiter in twelue , that of Mars in two , that of the Sunne in three hundred sixty fiue dayes and allmost six howers , that of Venus and Mercury in very neere the same space of time , that of the Moone in twentie seven dayes and all most eight howres : Neither do we find that they haue either quickned or any way slackned these their courses , but that in the same space of time they allwayes run the same races which being ended , they begin them againe as freshly as the first instant they set forth ; Cum per certa annorum spacia orbes suos explicuerint iterum ibunt per quae venerant , sayth Seneca : when in certaine tearmes of years they shall haue accomplished their courses , they shall againe runne the same races they haue passed . These then be the boundes and limits , to which these glorious bodies are perpetually tyed , in regard of their motion , these be the vnchangeable lawes like those of the Medes and Persians whereof the Psalmist speakes , Hee hath giuen them a law which shall not be broken : which Seneca in his booke of the Diuine Providence , well expresses in other wordes , Aeternae legis imperio procedunt , they mooue by the appointment of an eternall law , that is , a law both invariable & inviolable . That which Tully hath delivered of one of them is vndoubtedly true of all : Saturni stella in suo cursu multa mirabiliter efficiens , tum ante●…edendo , tum retardando , tum vespertinis temporibus delitescendo , tum matutinis rursum se aperiendo , nihil tamen immutat sempeternis soeculorum aetatibus , quin eadem ijsdem temporibus efficiat : The plannet Saturne doth make many strange and wonderfull passages in his motion , sometimes going before , and sometimes comming after , sometimes withdrawing himselfe in the evening , and sometimes againe shewing himselfe in the morning , and yet changeth nothing in the continuall duration of all ages , but still at the same season worketh the same effects . And in truth , were it not so , both in that Plannet and in all the other starres , it is altogether impossible they should supply that vse which Almighty God in their Creation ordained them vnto , that is , to serue for signes and seasons , for dayes and for yeares , to the worlds end . And much more impossible it were that the yeare , the moneth , the day , the hower , the minute of the Oppositions , Conjuctions and Eclypses of the Plannets , should be as exactly calculated and foretold one hundreth yeares before they fall out , as at what howre the Snnne will rise to morrow morning . Which perpetuall aequability & cōstant vniformity in the Celestiall motions , is both truly observed & eloquētly descibedby Boetius . Si vis celsi jura Tonantis Pura solers cernere mente , Aspice summi culmina Coeli ; Illic justo foedere rerum Veterem servant syder a pacem . Non sol rutilo concitus igne Gelidum Phebes impedit axem . Nec quae summo vertice mundi Flectit rapidos vrsa meatus Vnquam occiduo lota profundo Caetera cernens syder a mergi Cupit Oceano tingere flammas . Semper vicibus temporis aequis Vesper ser as nunciat vmbras Revehitque diem Lucifer almum . Sic alternos reficit cursus Alternus amor , sic astrigeris Bellum discors exulat or is . If thou with pure and prudent minde The lawes of God wouldst see Looke vp to heaven and thou shalt finde How all things there agree . In peace the starres their courses runne Nor is the Moones cold sphere Impeached by the scorching Sunne , Nor doth the Northerne beare Which swift about the Pole doth moue Though other starres he see Drencht in the Westerne Ocean , loue His flames there quenched bee . Nights late approch by courses due The evening starre doth show And morning starre with motion true Before the day doth goe : Thus still their turnes renewed are By enterchanging loue : And warre and discord banisht farre From starry skies aboue , And no lesse wittily by Manilius , Nec quicquam in tanta magis est mirabile mole Quam ratio ; & certis quod legibus omnia parent , Nusquam turba nocet , nihil vllis partibus errat . There is not ought that 's to be seene in such a wondrous masse , More wonderful and strange then this that Reason brings to passe : That all obey their certaine lawes which they doe still preferre , No tumult hurteth them , nor ought in any parr doth erre . Wherewith the Divine Plato accords , Nec errant , nec praeter antiquum ordinem revolvuntur , neither doe they runne randome , nor are they rolled beside their ancient order . And Aristotle breaketh out into this passionate admiration thereof , Quid unquam poterit aequari coelesti ordini , & volubilitati , cùm syder a convertantur exactissima norma de alio in aliud seculum : What can ever be compared to the order of the Heauens , and to the motion of the Starres in their seuerall revolutions , which moue most exactly as it were by a rule and square , by line and leuell from one generation to another . There were among the Ancients not a few , nor they vnlearned , who by a strong fancie conceiued to themselues an excellent melody made vp by the motion of the Coelestiall Spheares . It was broached by a Pythagoras , entertained by b Plato , stiffely maintained by c Macrobius and some Christians , as d Beda , e Boetius , and f Anselmus Archbishop of Canterbury : but Aristotle puts it off with a jest , as being Lepidè & musicè dictum , factu autem impossibile , a pleasant and musicall conceit , but in effect impossible , inasmuch as those Bodies in their motions make no kinde of noise at all . Howsoeuer it may well bee that this conceit of theirs was grounded vpon a certaine truth , which is the Harmonicall and proportionable motion of those Bodies in their just order , and set courses , as if they were euer dauncing the rounds or the measures . In which regard the Psalmist tels vs that the Sun knoweth his going downe , he appointed the Moone for seasons , and the Sunne knoweth his going downe . Which wordes of his may not be taken in a proper , but in a figuratiue sense ; The Prophet thereby implying , that the Sunne obserueth his prescribed motion so precisely to a point , that in the least jot he neuer erreth from it : And therefore is he said to doe the same vpon knowledge and vnderstanding , Non quòd animatus sit aut ratione vtatur , saith Basill vpon the place , sed quòd juxta terminum divinitùs praescriptum ingrediens , semper eundem cursum servat , ac mensur as suas custodit : Not that the Sun hath any soule , or vse of vnderstanding , but because it keepeth his courses and measures exactly according to Gods prescription . SECT . 3. The same truth farther prooued from the testimony of Lactantius and Plutarch . LActantius from hence gathereth two notable Conclusions , the one , that the Starres are not Gods as the Gentiles commonly imagined , the other , that they are governed by God , which the Epicurians denyed : for the former of those , saith he , argumentum illud quo colligunt vniversa coelestia Deos esse in contrarium valet . Nam si Deos esse idcircò opinantur , quia certos & rationabiles cursus habent , errant : Ex hoc enim apparet Deos non esse quod exorbitare illis apraestitutis itineribus non licet ; caeterùm si Dij essent huc atque illuc passim sine vlla necessitate ferrentur , sicut animantes in terra , quorum quia liberae sunt voluntates , huc atque illuc vagantur vt libet , & quocunque mens duxerit eo feruntur . That argument from whence the Heathen doe collect that the Starres must needes be Gods , doth most plainly prooue the contrary : For if they take them to be Gods , because of the certainty of their courses , they be therein much deceiued : for this plainely prooveth , that indeed they be no Gods , because they be not able to depart from their set courses . Whereas if they were Gods , they would mooue both this way and that way in the Heauens , as freely as liuing Creatures doe vpon the earth , who because they haue the liberty and freedome of their will they wander vp and downe whither they themselues please . And for the latter , tanta rerum magnitudo , saith hee , tanta dispositio , tanta in servandis ordinibus , temporibusque constantia , non potuit aut olim sine provido Artifice oriri , aut constare tot seculis sine incola potente , aut in perpetuū gubernari sine perito & sciente rectore , quod ratio ipsa declarat . Such a greatnes in their creation , such a comelinesse in their order , such a constancie in observing both their courses and their seasons , could neuer either at first haue beene framed without a cunning hand , or so long haue beene preserued without a powerfull inhabitant , or so wisely haue beene governed without a skilfull Regent , as euen reason it selfe maketh it plaine and evident . And Plurarch affirmeth generally of all men , that the very first motiue that lead them vnto God was that orderly motion whereby the starres are carried . Homines caeperunt Deum agnoscere cùm viderent stellas tantam concinnitatem efficere , ac dies , noctesque aetate ac hyeme , suos servare statos ortus atque obitus . Men beganne first to acknowledge a God when they considered the starres to maintaine such a comelinesse , and both day and night in summer and winter to obserue their designed risings and settings . SECT . 4. An objection of Du Moulins touching the motion of the Polar Starre answered . ANd thus I hope the Heauens are sufficiently discharged from any imputation of Decay in regard of their motion , the constant regularity whereof , we finde to haue beene obserued and admired by the most learned of all ages : It remaines now that I should proceede to the examination of the other qualities thereof , which before I attempt , it shall not be amisse to remoue a rub cast in our way by Du Moulin a famous French Divine , in his Booke intituled , The accomplishment of Divine Prophesies , touching the motion of the Polar starre , his words are these , or to this purpose . Astrologie also doth lend vs some light in this matter ; For in the yeare of the World three thousand six hundred sixty fiue , Ptolomaeus Philadelphus raigning in Egypt some foure hundred sixty nine yeares after the building of Rome , there lived one Hipparchus a famous Astrologer , who reports that in his time the starre commonly called the Polar starre , which is in the taile of the lesser Beare , was 12 degrees & two fifths distant from the Pole of the Aequator . This star from age to age hath insensibly still crept neerer to the Pole , so that at this present it is not past three degrees distant from the Pole of the Aequator . When this star then shall come to touch the Pole , there being no farther space left for it to goe forward ) which may well enough come to passe within fiue or six hundredth yeares ) it is likely that then there shall be a great change of things , and that this time is the period which God hath presixed to Nature . A bold coniecture of a man so well versed in holy Scriptures and in other matters so modest ; as if God had written in the Heavens the period of times , or had so written it as any mortall eye could discerne it , his beloued Son professing , that it is not for vs to know the times and seasons , which the Father hath put in his owne power . And as the Conjecture is bold , so is it built vpon as sandy a foundation which is , that the Pole-star shall draw so neere the Pole as to touch it , or shall euer be brought to those straits , as it shall finde no passage to goe forward , whereas it is certaine , it shall euer remaine in some certaine distance from the Pole , twenty sixe or twenty seuen minutes at the least . True indeed it is , that about fiue hundred yeares hence , if the World last so long , it shall then approach the nearest , but then shall it with-draw it selfe again by degrees to as remote a distance as it euer was before ; As it heretofore hath beene the most Southerly star in that Asterisme , and is now become the most Northerly : so in processe of time it may become the most Southerly againe : But from hence to inferre that the Poles of the Aequator are moueable , is inconsequent , and incompatible with the most receiued and best approued grounds of Astronomy . Besides , other fixed stars haue their times of accesse and recesse , to and frōthe Pole , aswell as this : so that the motion of this can no more point out the period of Nature , then of those : All which Du Moulin himselfe either by his owne observation or advertisement from others well perceiuing , in a latter Edition of that booke printed at Sedane in the yeare one thousand six hundred thenty one , hath well mended the matter , by changing some words . For insteed of this in the first edition ; From hence it appeareth that the Poles of the Equatour are moueable , in the second , he hath thus changed it : It being certaine , and observed by long experience , that the fixed stars moue from the West to the East in a motion paralell to the Eclyptique . In his first edition , he sayes : When this starre shall come to touch the Pole , there beeing no further space left for it to goe forward , but in his second hee changeth it thus , when this starre shall approach the Pole as neere as it can : Againe in his first thus , which may well come to passe within these fiue or six hundred yeares , in his second thus , which may well come to passe within siue hundred yeares : Lastly in his first thus , it seemes that this time is the period which God hath prefixed to Nature , in his second thus , it seemes that some notable period shall then expire . And surely I cannot but as much commend his modesty in this second change , as I found it wanting in his first coniecture , and I am of opinion that S. Augustine never purchased more true honour by any booke that ever hee writ , then that of his Retractations , the shame is not so much to erre , as to persevere in it being discouered . Specially if it be an errour taken vp & entertained , by following those , whom for their great gifts wee highly esteeme and admire , as it seemes Du Moulin tooke his errour at leastwise touching the moueablenes of the Poles of the Equatour , from Ioseph Scaliger : But the motion of the heavens puts mee in minde of passing from it to the light thereof . CAP. 3. Touching the pretended decay in the light of the heavenly bodies . SECT . 1. The first reason that it decayes not , taken from the nature of that light , and those things wherevnto it is resembled . AS the waters were first spread over the face of the earth : so was the light dispersed thorow the firmament : and as the waters were gathered into one heape , so was the light knit vp , and vnited into one body : As the gathering of the waters was called the Sea , so , that of the light was called the Sunne . As the rivers come from the sea ▪ so is all the light of the starres derived from the Sun : And lastly , as the Sea is no whit leassened though it furnish the Earth with abundance of fresh rivers : So though the Sunne haue since the Creation , both furnished , & garnished the world with light , neither is the store of it thereby diminished , nor the beauty of it any way stayned . What the light is , whether a substance or an Accident , whether of a Corporall or incorporall nature , it is not easy to determine . Philosophers dispute it , but cannot well resolue it . Such is our ignorance , that euen that by which wee see all things , we cannot discerne what it selfe is . But whatsoeuer it bee , wee are sure that of all visible Creatures , it was the first that was made , and comes neerest the nature of a Spirit , in as much as it moues in an instant from the East to the West , and piercing thorow all transparent bodies , still remaines in it selfe , vnmixed and vndivided ; it chaseth away sadde and mellancholy thoughts , which the darkenesse both begets and mainetaines ; it lifts vp our mindes in meditation to him who is the true light , that lightneth every man that commeth into the world , himselfe dwelling in light vnaccessible , and cloathing himselfe with light as with a garment . And if wee may behold in any Creature any one sparke of that eternall fire , or any farre off dawning of Gods glorious brightnes , the same in the beauty , motion , and vertue of this light may best be discerned . Quid pulchrius luce , saith Hugo de sancto Victore , quae cum in se colorem non habeat , omnium tamen rerum colores ipsa quodammodo colorat . What is more beautifull then the light , which hauing no colour in it selfe , yet sets a luster vpon all colours . And S. Ambrose , vnde vox Dei in Scriptura debuit inch oare nisi à lumine ? Vnde mundi ornatus nisi à luce exordium sumere ! frustra enim esset si non ●…ideretur . From whence should the voice of God in holy Scripture begin , but from the light ? From whence should the ornament of the world begin , but likewise from the same light ? For in vaine it were , were it not seene . O Father of the light , of wisedome fountaine , Out of the bulke of that confused mountaine What should , what could issue before the light Without which , Beauty were no Beauty hight . SECT . 2. The second , for that it hath nothing contrary vnto it , and heere Pareus and Mollerus are censured for holding that the light of heaven is impaired . S. Augustine in diverse places of his workes is of opinion , that by the first created light were vnderstood the Angells , and heerein is hee followed by Beda , Eucherius , Rupertus & diverse others . Which opinion of his though it bee questionlesse vnsound , in as much as wee are taught that that light , sprang out of darkenesse , which of the Angells can in no sort bee verified , yet it shewes the lightsome nature of Angells , so likewise the Angelicall nature of light , still flourishing in youth , & no more subject to decay or old age , then the Angells are . Since then in the properties thereof , it comes so neere the nature of Spirits , of Angels , of God , mee thinkes they who dare accuse the heavens , as being guilty of decay and corruption in other respects , should yet haue spared the light thereof . The more I wonder that men reverenced for their learning , & reputed lights of the Church , should by their writings goe about to quench or blemish this light . Videntur haud parum elanguisse minusque nitidi esse quam fuerant initio , saith one speaking of the heavenly bodies . They seeme to hame suffered not a little defect , and to haue lost of that brightnes , in which they were at first created . And another : Non est nunc illa claritas luminis , nec sunt illae stellarum vires quae fuerunt . There is not now that brightnes of the light , nor those vertues of the starres that haue beene . Venturous assertions , and such I beleeue , as would haue pusled the Authours of them to haue made them good , specially considering that as there is nothing contrary to the Quintessentiall matter , and circular figure of the Heavens : So neither is there to the light thereof . Fire may bee quenched with water , but there is nothing able to quench the light of Heauen , saue the power of him that made it . Againe fire may bee extinguished by withdrawing or withholding the fewell vpon which it feedes : But the light of heaven hauing no matter by which it is nourished ; there is no feare of the failing thereof thorow any such defect & for the matter of the Coelestiall spheres and starres , in which it is planted , it hath already sufficiently appeared , that it neither is , nor in the course of Nature can be subject to any impairing alteration : And so much Pareus himselfe hath vpon the matter confessed in two severall places in his Commentaries vpon the first of Genesis , whereof the first is this , speakeing of the firmament and the Epithetes of iron and brasse , given it in holy Scriptures , and by prophane Authours , Haec Epitheta , saith hee , Metaphoricè notant Coeli firmitatem , quia tot millibus annorum immutabili lege circumvoluitur , nec tamen atteritur motu aut absumitur , quia à Deo sic est firmatum initio . These Epithetes metaphorically signifie the firmenes & stablenes of heaven , because by an vnchangeable law it hath now wheeled about so many thousand yeares , and yet is it not wasted or worne by the motion thereof , because it is established by God. And againe within a while after , hee vseth almost the same wordes , firmamentum non dicitur de duritie aut soliditate , impermeabili , sed de firmitate quâ perpetuo motu circumactum coelum non atteritur , nec absumitur , sed manet quale à Deo initio fuit firmatum . Nay a little before that last passage , diuiding the whole firmament or Expansum , containing all the Coelestiall Spheres and regions of the aire , into two parts ; The higher , saith hee , ( thereby intending the heavenly bodies ) is purissima , & incorruptibilis , & inalterabilis ; most pure , incorruptible , and inalterable . Now if it should bee demaunded , how the Heaveus may bee said to languish , and to haue lost of their natiue brightnes , and yet still to remaine incorruptible & inalterable , for mine owne part , I must professe , I cannot vnderstand it , nor know which way to reconcile it . A number of the like passages may bee observed in the writings of our latter Diuines : but I sparetheir names for the reverence I beare their gifts , and places , and persons , and so proceed . SECT . 3. Heerevnto some other reasons are added , and the testimonie of Eugubinus vouched . I Remember Mr. Camden reports , that at the demolition of our Monasteries , there was found in the supposed monument of Constantius Chlorus , father to the Great Constantine , a burning Lampe which was thought to haue burnt there euer since his buriall , about three hundredth yeares after Christ , and withall hee addes out of Lazius , that the ancient Romans vsed in that manner to preserue lights in their Sepulchres a long time by the oylelinesse of Gold , resolved by Art into a liquid substance . Which if it bee so , how much more easie is it for the Father of lights to preserue those naturall lights of Heaven , which himselfe hath made without any diminution . In artificiall lights wee see , that if a thousand Candles bee all lighted from one , yet the light of the first is not thereby any whit abated , and why should wee then conceiue that the Sun by imparting his light so many thousand yeares , should loose any part thereof . They who mainetaine that the soule of man is derived ex traduce , hold withall that the Father in begetting the sonnes soule looses none of his owne , it being tanquam lumen de lumine , as one light from another , nay more then so , it is the very resemblance that the Nicene Fathers thought not vnmeete to expresse the vnexpressable generation of the second person in Trinity from the first , who is therefore tearmed by the Apostle , the brighnes of his glory . As then the Father by communicating his substance to his sonne , looses none of his owne , so the Sunne by communicating his light to the world , looses no part nor degree thereof . Some things there are of that nature , as they may bee both given and kept , as knowledge , and vertue , and happinesse , and light , which in holy Scripture is figuratiuely taken for them all . whether the same individuall light bee still resident in the body of the sunne , which was planted in it at the first Creation , or whether it continually empty and spend it selfe , and so like a riuer bee continually repaired with fresh supplies ; for mine owne part I cannot certainely affirme , though I must confesse , I rather incline to the former : But this I verily beleeue , that as the body of the Sunne is no whit lessened in extention : So neither is the light thereof in intention : Men being now no more able to fixe their eyes vpon it , when it shines forth in its full strength , then they were at the first Creation thereof . I will conclude this chapter with that of Eugubinus in his tenth booke de Perenni Philosophia . Futuri interitus , ac senescentiae aliqua jam indicia praecessissent , non constaret idem Sol , non eadem fulgoris esset plenitudo , idem radiorum vigor , haec igitur Senectus nusquam est . Had there beene in the heavens any such decay or waxing old , as is supposed , wee should haue seene some fore-running tokens thereof : The Sunne would not haue beene like himselfe , hee would not haue retained the same fullnesse of brightnes , nor the same vigour in his beames : This old age then is no where to bee found . Where hee takes it as graunted , that none would bee so vnreasonable , as to affirme that the strength and cleerenes of the light of heaven is any way abated . Now what hath beene spoken of the light , may no lesse truely bee verified of the warmth and influence thereof , which spring therefrom , and now succeed in their order to bee examined . CAP. 4. Touching the pretended decay in the warmth of the heavenly bodies . SECT . 1. That the starres are not of a fiery nature , or hot in themselues . THe light of Heaven , whereof wee haue spoken , is not more comfortable & vsefull , then is the warmth therof ; with a masculine vertue it quickens all kind of seeds , it makes them vegetate , & blossome , and fructifie , and brings their fruite to perfection , for the vse of man & beast , and the perpetuating of their owne kinds , nay it wonderfully refresheth and cheares vp , the spirits of men and beasts , and birds , and creeping things , & not only impartsthe life of vegetation , but of sense & motion , to many thousand creatures , and like a tender parent forsters and cherisheth it being imparted . Some there are that liue without the light of heauen , searching into and working vpon , those bodies which the light cannot pierce , but none without the warmth , it being in a manner the vniversall instrument of Nature , which made the Psalmist say that there is nothing hid from the heate of the sunne . Few things are hid from the light , but from the heate thereof nothing . Our life withthe ligh of heaven would be tedious and vncomfortable : but without the warmth impossible . Since then such is the continuall and necessary vse of the Coelstiall warmth , aswell in regard of the generation , as the preseruation of these inferiour bodies , accomodating it selfe to their severall tempers and vses , in severall manners and degrees , it may easily be conceiued to be a matter of marveilous greate importance in deciding the maine question touching Natures decay , to inquire thorowly into the state and condition of it , ( vpon which so many and great workes of Nature wholy depend ) whether it be decayed or no , or whether it still abide in the fullnesse of that strength and activitie in which it was created . For the better cleering of which doubt , it will be very requisite first to inquire into the efficient cause thereof , which being once discovered , it will soone appeare whether in the course of nature it be capable of any such diminution or no. I am not ignorant that S. Augustine , S. Basill , S. Ambrose , and generally as many Divines , as held that there were waters , properly so tearmed , aboue the starry firmament , held with all that the Sunne and Starres caused heate as being of a fiery Nature , those waters being set there , in their opinion , for cooling of that heate : which opinion of theirs seemes to be favoured by Syracides in the forty third of Ecclesiasticus , where he thus seakes of the Sunne , At noone it parcheth the countrey , and who can abide the burning heate there of . A man blowing a furnace is in workes of heate : but the sunne burneth the mountaines three tymes more , breathing out fiery vapours . Neither were there wanting some among the ancient Philosophers who maintained the same opinion , as Plato and Plyny , and generally the whole sect of Stoicks , who held that the Sunne and Starres were fed with watery vapours , which they drew vp for their nourishment , and that when these vapours should cease and faile the whole world should be in daunger of combustion , and many things are alleaged by Balbus in Ciceroes second booke of the nature of the Gods , in favour of this opinion of the Stoicks . But that the Sunne and Starres are not in truth and in their owne nature fieric and hot , appeares by the ground already layd touching the matter of the heavens , that it is of a nature incorruptible , which cannot bee , if it were fiery , inasmuch as thereby it should become lyable to alteration and corruption by an opposite and professed enimie . Besides all fiery bodies by a naturall inclination mount vpwards , so that if the starres were the cause of heat , as being hot in themselues , it would consequently follow that their circular motion should not bee Naturall but violent . Wherevnto I may adde , that the noted starres being so many in number , namely one thousand twenty and two , besides the Planets , and in magnitude so greate that every one of those , which appeare fixed in the firmament , are sayd to bee much bigger , then the whole Globe of the water and earth , and the Sunne againe so much to exceede both that globe and the biggest of them , as it may iustly bee stiled by the sonne of Syrach , instrumentum admirabile a wonderfull instrument ; which being so , were they of fyre , they would doubtlesse long ere this haue turned the world into ashes , there being so infinite a disproportion betweene their flame and the little quantity of matter supposed to bee prepared for their Fewell . That therefore they should bee fed with vapours , Aristotle deservedly laughs at it , as a childish and ridiculous device , in as much as the vapours ascend no higher then the middle region of the ayre , and from thence distill againe vpon the water and earth from whence they were drawne vp , and those vapours being vncertaine , the flames likewise feeding vpon them must needes be vncertaine , and dayly vary from themselues both in quantity and figure according to the proportion of their fewell . SECT . 2. That the heate they breed springes from their light , and consequently their light being not decayed , neither is the warmth arising there from . THe absurdity then of this opinion beeing so foule and grosse , it remaines that the Sunne and Starres infuse a warmth into these Subcaelestiall bodies , not as being hot in themlselues , but only as beeing ordeined by God to breed heate in matter capable thereof , as they impart life to some creatures and yet themselues remaine voyd of life , like the braine which imparts Sense to every member of the body , and yet is it selfe vtterly voyd of all Sense . But here againe some there are which attribute this effect to the motion , others to the light of these glorious bodies : And true indeed it is , that motion causes heat , by the attenuation & rarefaction of the ayre : But by this reason should the Moone which is neerer the Earth , warme more then the Sunne , which is many thousand miles farther distant , & the higher Regions of the Aire should be alway hotter then the lower , which notwithstanding if wee compare the second with with the lowest is vndoubtedly false . Moreouer the motion of the coelestiall bodies being vniforme , so should the heat deriued from them in reason likewise be , & the motion ceasing , the heat should likewise cease , & yet I shall neuer beleeue , that when the Sun stood still at the prayer of Iosua , it then ceased to warme these inferiour Bodies . And we find by experience , that the Sun works more powerfully vpon a body which stands still then when it moues , & the reason seemes to be the same in the rest or motion of a body warming or warmed , that receiueth or imparteth heat . The motion being thus excluded from being the cause of this effect , the light must of necessitie step in , and challenge it to it selfe ; the light then it is , which is vndoubtedly the cause of coelestiall heate in part by a direct beame , but more vehemently by a reflexed : for which very reason it is , that the middle Region of the aire is alwaies colder then the lowest , and the lowest hotter in Summer then in Winter , and at noone then in the morning and evening , the beames being then more perpendicular , and consequently in their reflexion more narrowly vnited , by which reflexion and vnion , they grow sometimes to that fervencie of heate , that fire springs out from them as wee see in burning glasses ; and by this artificiall device it was that Archimedes , as Galen reports it , in his third booke de Temperamentis , set on fire the Enemies Gallyes , and Proclus a famous Mathematician , practised the like at Constantinople , as witnesseth Zonaras in the life of Anastasius the Emperour . And very reasonable me thinkes it is , that light the most Divine affection of the Coelelestiall Bodies , should be the cause of warmth , the most noble , actiue , and excellent quality of the Subcoelestiall . These two like Hippocrates twinnes ; simul oriuntur & moriuntur , they are borne and dye together , they increase and decrease both together , the greater the light is , the greater the heate ; and therefore the Sun as much exceedes the other starres in heate , as it doth in light . To driue the argument home then to our present purpose , since the light of the Sun is no way diminished , and the heate depends vpon the light , the consequence to me seemes marvailous faire and strong , which is , that neither the heate arising from the light , should haue suffered any decay or diminution at all . SECT . 3. Two obiections answered , the one drawne from the present habitablenes of the Torrid Zone , the other from a supposed approach of the Sun neerer the earth then in former ages . NOtwithstanding the evidence of which trueth , some haue not doubted to attribute the present habitablenesse of the Torride Zone , to the weaknesse and old age of the Heauens , in regard of former ages . But they might haue remembred that the Cold Zones should thereby haue become more inhabitable by cold , as also that holding as they doe , an vniversall decay in all the parts of Nature , & men according to their opinion , decaying in strength as well as the Heauens , they should now in reason be as ill able to indure the present heate , as the men of former ages were , to indure that of the same times wherein they liued , the proportion being alike betweene the weaknes , as between the strength of the one and the other . But this I onely touch in passing , hauing a fitter occasion to consider more fully of it hereafter , when we come to compare the wits and inventions of the Ancients with those of the present times . That which touches neerer to the quick , & strikes indeed at the very throat of the cause , is an opinion of very many , and those very learned men , that the Body of the Sunne is drawne nearer the Earth by many degrees then it was in former ages , & that it daylie makes descents , & approaches towards it , which some ascribe to a deficiencie of strength in the Earth , others in the Sun , most in both . Bodin out of Copernicus , Reinoldus & Stadius , great Mathematicians tell vs , that since Ptolomies time , who liued about an hundred & forty yeeres after Christ , the Sunne by cleare demonstrations is found to haue come neerer vs by one hundred & thirty semidiameters of the earth , which make twenty six thousand six hundred and sixty German miles , which are double to the French , as the French are to the Italian and ours . This wonderfull change Philip Melancthon , saith he , ad coelestium , terrestriumque corporum tabescentem naturam referendum putavit , thought fit to impute to the declining estate of the coelestiall & terrestriall Bodies . But if the terrestriall depend vpon the coelestiall , ( as hath already beene prooued , & is the common opinion of all , both Divines and Philosophers ) then what is wanting in the wonted vigour of the coelestiall , being supplied by the approach thereof , the terrestrial should still without any decay remaine vnimpaired in their condition . The force of which reason serues also strongly against them who maintaine an habitablenesse vnder the Torride Zone , through the weaknesse of the Sun , and yet withall hold a supply of that weakenesse by the neerer approach thereof . But consulting in this point with both the learned Professours in the Mathematickes at Oxford , they both jointly agree , that this assertion of the Sunnes continuall declination ; or neerer approach to the Earth , is rather an idle dreame , then a sound position , grounded rather vpon the difference among Astronomers , arising from the difficulty of their observations , then vpon any certaine & infallible conclusions . Ptolomy who liued about the yeare of Christ one hundred & forty , makes the distance of the Sun from the Earth to be one thousand two hundred & ten semidiameters of the Earth . Albategnius about the yeare eighr hundred & eighty makes it one thousand one hundred forty sixe . Copernicus about the yeare one thousand fiue hundred and twenty , makes it one thousand one hundred seventy nine . Tychobrahe about the yeare one thousand six hundred , makes it one thousand one hundred eighty two . Now I would demaund , whether the Sun were more remote in Ptolomies time , & neerer in the time of Albategnius , & then againe more remote in the latter ages of Copernicus & Tycho : which if it were so , then one of these two must needs follow , that either their observations were notgrounded vpon so certaine principles as they pretend , or that the declination of the Sunne is vncertaine & variable , not constant & perpetuall , as is pretended . But what would Bodin say if hee liued to heare Lansbergius , Kepler , & other famous Astronomers of the present age , teaching that the Sun is now remote aboue two thousand and eight hundred , nay three thousand semidiameters from the Earth , affirming that Copernicus and Tycho neglected to allow for refractions , which ( as the Opticks will demonstrate ) doe much alter the case . I will close vp this point with ●…he censure of Scaliger vpon the Patrons of this fancy , Quae vero nonnulli prodere ausi sunt , solis corpus longè propius nos esse , quàm quantum ab Antiquis scriptum sit , ita vt in ipsa deferentis corpulentia locum mutasse videatur , vel ipsa scripta spongijs , vel ipsi Authores scuticis sunt castigandi . In as much as some haue dared to broach , that the Body of the Sun is nearer the Earth then by the Ancients it was obserued to be , so that it might seeme to haue changed place in the very bulke of the Spheare , either the Authors themselues of this opinion deserue to be chastned with stripes , or surely their writings to be razed with sponges . SECT . 4. A third objection answered , taken from a supposed removall of the Sun more Southerly from vs then in form●…r ages . AS some haue inferred a diminution in the Heauenly warmth from a supposed neerer approach of the Sunne to the Earth , so haue others ( at leastwise in regard of the Earth ) from the removall thereof more Southerly then in former ages . But crauing in this point likewise the opinion of my worthy friend Master Doctour Bainbridge Professour in Astronomie at Oxford , hee returned mee this answere . It is the generall opinion of Moderne Astronomers , that the Sun in our time goeth not so far Southernly from vs in Winter , as it did in the time of Ptolomy and Hipparchus , neither in Summer commeth so much Northernly towards vs , as then . For Ptolemy ( aboue ann . Christ. 140 ) observed the greatest declination of the Sunne from the Aequinoctiall towards either Pole 23. 51. 20. agreeable to the observations of Hipparchus 130 yeares before Christ , and of Eratosthenes before Hipparchus . Wherevpon Ptolemy thought the Sunnes greatest declination immutable . But succeeding Ages haue observed a difference ; for about Anno Christi 830. many learned Arabians obserued the greatest declination of the Sunne to bee 23. 35. to whom agreeth Albategnius , a Syrian , about an . Christ. 880. Yet did not Albategnius from hence conclude any mutation in the greatest declination of the Sunne ; for so small a difference might well happen by errour of observations . Afterwards about ann . Christ. 1070. Arzachel a Moore of Spaine , observed the greatest declination of the Sunne , 23. 33. 30. who to salue these different observations invented a new Hypothesis , which yet was not received by Astronomers of after times , who for many ages followed the greatest declination of Arzachel without any alteration till the times of Regiomontanus and Copernicus , for Copernicus by his observations some yeares before , and after ann . Christi 1520. affirmed , the greatest declination of the Sunne , to bee no more then 23. 28. 24. agreeable to the observations of Regiomontanus , and Peurbachius some yeares before him . Copernicus collating his observations with those of former ages , renewed the Hypothesis of Arzachel ; that the Sunnes greatest declination was mutable ; yet so that it was never greater then 23. 52. nor lesse then 23. 28. The difference being only 24. And that in 1717 yeares it decreaseth from the former to the latter ; and in other 1717 yeares encreaseth from this to that againe . According to which Hypothesis of Copernicus , aboue 65 yeares before Christ , the greatest declination of the Sunne was 23. 52. From which time accounting backewards , it was lesse and lesse ; so that about 1782 yeares before Christ , the greatest declination of the Sunne , was but 23. 28. from which time accounting still backewards , it was more and more ; till about 3499 yeares before Christ , it was againe 23. 52. So after Christ , about the yeare 1652 , the greatest declination of the Sunne by this Hypothesis shall bee but 23. 28. and from thence againe encrease till it become 23. 52. about the yeare 3369 , after Christ. This opinion of Copernicus is received by most of this time , some following him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , others somewhat varying in the difference of the greatest declination , making it when it is least ( as in our time ) not lesse then 23 , 30 , and in the Periodicall restitution thereof . But to speake freely , I cannot so easily bee drawne into this opinion , but rather thinke the greatest declination of the Sunne , to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , immutable , and for ever the same ; For the little difference of a few minutes betwixt vs , and Ptolomy may very well arise ( as I formerly said ) from the errour of observations by the Ancients . The greatest declination of the Sunne from the Aequinoctiall towards either Pole , being alwaies the same ; the Sunne cannot goe more Southernely from vs , nor come more Northernly towards vs , in this , then in former ages . But supposing a mutability in the Sunnes greatest declination , according to the former Periods ; it followeth that as the Sunne about 65 yeares before the Epoche of Christ went from our verticall point more Southernly then now it doth ; So , many Ages before Christ , it went no more Southernly , then now it doth ; and that many ages after our time , it shall goe as farre Southernly , as at the Epoche of Christ. Secondly , when the greatest declination was most . As then in Winter the Sun went more Southernly from vs then now , so in Summer it came more Northernly and neerer vs , then now . Againe , when the greatest declination is least , ( as in our Age ) it goeth not so farre Southernly from vs in Winter , as formerly , neither in Summer comes so farre Northernly . From which answere it may ( as I conceiue ) bee fitly and safely inferred , first that either there is no such remoueall at all of the Sunne , ( as is supposed ) or if there bee , as wee who are situate more Northernly , feele perchance the effects of the defects of the warmth thereof , in the vnkindly ripening of our fruites and the like , so , likewise by the rule of proportion , must it needs follow , that they who lie in the same distance from the South-Pole , as wee from the North , should enjoy the benefite of the neerer approach thereof ; And they who dwell in the hottest Climates interiacent , of the abating of the immoderate fervency of their heate ; and consequently , that to the Vniversall , nothing is lost by this exchange : And as in this case it may happily fall out , so vndoubtedly doth it in many other : from whence the worlds supposed decay is concluded , Wee vnderstand not , or at least-wise wee consider not , how that which hurts vs helpes another nation , wee complaine ( as was before truely observed out of Arnobius ) as if the world were made , and the government thereof administred for vs alone ; & heereby it comes to passe , that as hee who lookes onely vpon some libbat or end of a peece of Arras , conceiues perhaps an hand or head which he sees to bee very vnartificially made , but vnfolding the whole , soone findes , that it carries a due and iust proportion to the body : So , qui ad pauca respicit de facili pronuntiat ( saith Aristotle ) hee that is so narrow eyed as hee lookes onely to his own person or family , to his owne corporation or nation , will paradventure quickely conceiue , and as soone pronounce , that all things decay and goe backewarde , whereas hee that as a Citizen of the world , and a part of mankinde in generall takes a view of the Vniversall , and compares person with person , familie with familie , nation with nation suspends his judgement , or vpon examination cleerely findes , that though some members suffer , yet the whole is thereby no way indammaged at any time , and at other times those same members are againe relieued . And from hence my second inference is , that supposing a mutability in the Sunnes greatest declination ; looke what dammage wee suffer by his farther remoueall from vs in Summer , is at least-wise in part recompensed by his neerer approach in Winter , and by his Periodicall Revolutions fully restored . And so I passe from the consideration of the warmth , to those hidden and secret qualities of the heavens , which to Astronomers , and Philosophers are knowne by the name of Influences . CAP. 5. Touching the pretended decay of the heavenly bodies , in regard of their Iufluences . SECT . 1. Of the first kinde of influence , from the highest immoueable Heaven , called by Divines Coelum Empyraeum . HOwbeit Aristotle thorow those workes of his , which are come to our hands , to my remembrance , hath not once vouchafed so much as to take notice of such qualities , which wee call Influenences , and though among the Ancients Auerroes and Auicenne , and among those of fresher date Picus Mirandula , and Georgius Agricola seeke to disproue them : Yet both Scripture , and Reason , and the weighty authority of many great schollers aswell Christians as Ethnickes , haue fully resolved mee that such there are . They are by Philosophers distinguished into two rankes , the first is that influence which is derived from the Empyreall immoueable heaven , the pallace and Mansion house of Glorified Saints and Angells , which is gathered from the diversity of Effects , aswell in regard of Plants , as beasts , and other commodities vnder the same Climate , within the same Tract and latitude , equally distant from both the Poles , which wee cannot well referre originally to the inbred nature of the soile , since the Authour of Nature , hath so ordained , that the temper of the inferiour bodies should ordinarily depēd vpon the superiour , nor yet to the Aspect of the moueable spheres and stars , since every part of the same Climate , successiuely , but equally injoyes the same aspect : It remaines then that these effects bee finally reduced to some superiour immoueable cause , which can be none other then that Empyreall heaven ; neither can it produce these effects by meanes of the light alone , which is vniformely dispersed thorow the whole , But by some secret quality , which is diversified according to the diverse parts thereof ; and without this , wee should not onely finde wanting that connexion , and vnity of order , in the parts of the world , which make it so comely , but withall , should bee forced , to make one of the worthiest peeces thereof voyde of action , the chiefe end of euery created being . Neither can this action misbeseeme the worthinesse of so glorious a peece , since both the Creator thereof , is still busied in the workes of Providence , and the Inhabitants in the workes of ministration . SECT . 2. Of the second kind , derived from the Planets and fixed starres . THe other kind is that which is derived from the starres , the aspect of severall constellations , the opposition and conjunction of the Planets , & the like . These wee haue warranted by the mouth of God himselfe , in the thirty eight of Iob , according to our last , and most exact Translation ; Canst thou binde the sweete influences of the Pleiades , or loose the bands of Orion ? Canst thou bring forth Mazzoreth in his season ? Or canst thou guide Arcturus with his sonnes ? Knowest thou the ordinances of heaven ? Canst thou set the dominion thereof in the earth ? whereby the ordinances of heaven , it may well bee thought is meant the course and order of these hidden qualities , which without divine and supernaturall revelation , can neuer perfectly bee knowne to any mortall creature . Besides , as a wise man of late memory hath well and truly observed , it cannot bee doubted , but the starres are instruments of farre greater vse , then to giue an obscure light , and for men to gaze on after sunne set , it being manifest that the diuersity of seasons , the Winters & Summers , more hot or cold , more dry or wet , are not so vncertained by the Sunne and Moone alone , who alway keepe one & the same course , but that the stars haue also their working therein , as also in producing severall kindes of mettalls , and mineralls in the bowels of the earth , where neither light nor heat can pierce . For as heat peirces where light cannot , so the influence pierces where the heat cannot . Moreouer if wee cannot deny , but that God hath given vertues to springs and fountaines , to cold earth , to plants , and stones , and mineralls , nay to the very excrementall parts of the basest liuing creatures , why should wee robbe the beautifull starres , of their working powers ? For seeing they are many in number , and of eminent beauty and magnitude , wee may not thinke that in the treasury of his wisedome , who is infinite , there can be wanting , euen for euery starre a peculiar vertue and operation : As euery hearbe , plant , fruite , and flower , adorning the face of the earth , hath the like . As then these were not created to beautifie the earth alone , or to couer and shadow her dusty face , but otherwise , for the vse of man and beast , to feede them and cure them : so were not those incomparablely glorious bodies set in the sirmament , to none other end then to adorne it , but for instruments and organs of his divine prouidence so farre as it hath pleased his just will to determine . I 'le ne'r beleeue that the Arch-Architect With all these fires the Heav'nly Arches deckt Onely for shew , and with these glistring shields T' amaze poore sheepheards watching in the fields . I 'le ne'r beleeue that the least flower that pranks Our garden borders , or the common banks , And the least stone that in her warming lap Our kind nurse Earth doth covetously wrap , Hath some peculiar vertue of it owne ; And that the glorious Starres of Heau'n haue none : But shine in vaine , and haue no charge precise , But to be walking in Heau'ns Galleries , And through that Palace vp and downe to clamber , As golden Guls about a Princes Chamber . But how farre it hath pleased the Divine Providence to determine of these influences , it is hard I confesse , to be determined by any humane wisedome . SECT . 3. That the particular and vttermost efficacie of these influences cannot be fully comprehended by vs. IF in the true and vttermost vertues of hearbs and plants , which ourselues sow and set , and which grow vnder our feet , and wee dayly apply to our severall vses , we are notwithstanding in effect ignorant , much more in the powers and working of coelestiall bodies . For ( as was sayd before ) hardly do wee guesse aright , at things that are vpon the earth , and with labour do wee find the things that are before vs : but the things which are in heauen who hath searched out ? It cannot well be denyed , but that they are not signes only , but at leastwise concurrent causes , of immoderate cold or heat , drought or moysture , lightning , thunder , raging winds , inundations , earthquakes and consequently of famine and pestilence , yet such crosse accidents , may and often do fall out , in the matter vpon which they worke , that the prognostication of these casuall events , euen by the most skilfull Astronomers is very vncertaine . And for the common Almanackes a man by observation shall easily find that the contrary to their prediction is commonly truest . Now for the things which rest in the liberty of mans will , the Starres haue doubtlesse no power over them , except it be lead by the sensitiue appetite , and that againe stirred vp by the constitution and complexion of the body , as too often it is , specially where the humours of the body are strong to assault , and the vertues of the minde weake to resist . If they haue dominion over Beastes , what should we judge of Men , who differ litle from Beasts , I cannot tell , but sure I am , that though the Starres incline a man to this or that course of life they do but incline , inforce they cannot : Education and reason , and most of all Religion , may alter and over-master that inclination , as they shall produce a cleane contrary effect . It was to this purpose a good and memorable speech of Cardinall Poole , who being certified , by one of his acquaintance , who professed knowledge of these secret favours of the starres , that he should be raysed and advanced to great calling in the world , made answer , that whatsoever was portended by the figure of his birth , ●…or naturall generation , was cancelled and altered , by the grace of his second birth , or regeneration in the bloud of his Redemer . Againe we may not forget that Almighty God created the starres , as he did the rest of the Vniversall , whose secret influences may be called his reserved and vnwritten Lawes , which by his Prerogatiue Royall he may either put in execution or dispence with at his owne pleasure . For were the strength of the Sarres such as God had quitted vnto them , all dominion over his Creatures , that petition of the Lords Prayer , Lead vs not into temptation , but deliver vs from evill , had been none other but a vaine expence of words and time . Nay be he Pagane or Christian that so beleeueth , the only true God of the one and the imaginary Gods of the other , would thereby be dispoyled , of all worship and reuerence and respect . As therefore I do not consent with them who would make those glorious Creatures of God vertulesse : so I think that we derogate from his eternall and absolute power and providence to ascribe to them the same dominion over our immortall soules which they haue over our bodily substances , and perishable natures . For the soules of men louing and fearing God , receiue influence from that divine light it selfe , whereof the Suns clarity and that of the Sarres is by Plato called but a shadow , Lumen est vmbra Dei , & Deus est lumen luminis , Light is the shadow of Gods brightnesse , who is the light of light . SECT . 4 That neither of these kindes of influences is decayed in ther benigne and favorable effects , but that curious inquisition into them is to be forborne . NOw then since the Immoveable Heaven by the confession of all that acknowledg it ; is altogether inalterable , since the aspect of the fixed constellations , the conjunction and opposition of the Plannets , in the course of their revolutions , is still the same , and constant to it selfe ; since for their number their quantity , their distance , their substance , th●…is motion , their light , and warmth , they are no whit impaired , why should wee make any doubt but that their influence is now likewise as sweet ( as God in his conference with Iob teameth it , ) as benigne , as gratious , as favorable , as ever in regard of the Elements , thee Plants , the beasts and man himselfe : and why should we not beleeue that education , reason and eeligion , are now as powerfull , as ever to correct and qualifie their vnlucky and maligne aspects , that the hand of God is no way shartned , but that he is now as able as ever to controle and check his creatures , and make them worke together for the best , to them that loue him : As he did sometime in this very case , for his chosen people : they fought from heaven , the starres in their courses fought against Sisera . Hee that set the Sun and Moone , at a stand in their walks , and commanded the shadow to retire in the dyall of Ahaz , he that made a dry path through the red sea , musled the mouthes of thee Lyons , and restrained the violence of the fire , so as for a season it could not burne ; hath he bound himselfe to the influetce of a Starre , that he cannot bind it vp or divert it , or alter it at his pleasure , and vpon the humble supplication of his servants ? no , no , Sanctus dominabitur astris : if according to Ptolomy the great Master of Iudiciary Astrology , wisedome and fore-sight ouer-rule the starres , then surely much more devotion and piety . If the Saints by their prayers commaund the Divels , and both shut and open Heauen for raine and drought , as did Elias , then may they aswell by vertue of the same prayer stoppe the influences of the starres , the instrumentall causes of drought & raine . Bee not dismaide then at the signes of heauen , for the Heathen be dismaide at them . And surely they in whom corrupt Nature swayes & raignes , haue much more reason to be dismaide at them , then others in whom Grace and the sence of Godlines prevailes . And whiles they feare many times they know not what , by meanes of their very feare they fall into that which they stand in feare of : feare being the betrayer of those succours which reason affords . Much noise there is at this present , touching the late great Conjunction of Saturne & Iupiter , & many ominous conjectures are cast abroad vpon it , which if perchance they proue true , I should rather ascribe it to our sinnes then the starres , wee need not search the cause so far off , in the Booke of Heauen , we may find it written neerer at home in our own bosomes : And for the starres , I may say as our Saviour in the Gospell doth of the Sabboth , the stars were made for men , and not men for the starres . they were not created to governe , but to serue him ; if he serue & be governed by his Creator ; and if God be on our side , and we on his , Iupiter & Saturne shal neuer hurt vs ; But whatsoeuer the force of the starrs be , vpon the persons of private men , or the states of weale-publiques , I should rather advise a modest ignorance therein , then a curious inquisition thereinto , following the witty & pithy counsel of Phavorinus the Philosopher in Gellius , where he thus speakes . Aut adversa eventura dicunt , aut prospera , si dicunt prospera & fallunt , miser fies frustrà expectando , si adversa dicunt & mentiuntur , miser fies frustrà timendo , si vera respondent , eaque sunt non prospera , jam indè ex animo miser fies antequam è fato fias , si falicia promittunt eaque eventura sunt , tum planè duo erunt incommoea , & expectatio te spe suspensum fatigabit , & futurum gaudij fructum spes tibi defloraverit . Either they portend then bad or good luck , if good & they deceiue , thou wilt become miserable by a vaine expectation , if bad & they lye , thou wilt be miserable by a vaine feare ; if they tell thee true , but vnfortunate events , thou wilt be miserable in mind before thou art by destiny ; if they promise fortunate successe , which shall indeed come to passe , these two inconveniences will follow therevpon , both expectation by hope will hold thee in suspence , & hope will deflowre & devoure the fruit of thy Content . His conclusion is , which is also mine both for this point , and this Chapter , & this discourse touching the Heavenly Bodies ; Nullo igitur pacto vtendum est istiusmodi hominibus res futuras praesagientibus : we ought in no case to haue recourse to those kinde of men which vndertake the fore-telling of casuall events , And so I passe from the consideration of the coelestiall bodies to the subcoelestial , which by Gods ordinance depend vpon them , and are made subordinate vnto them ; touching which & the coelestiall bodies both together , comparing each with other the Divine Bartas , thus sweetly and truly sings ; Things that consist of th' Elements vniting , Are euer tost with an intestiue fighting , Whence springs ( in time ) their life and their deceasing , Their diverse change , their waxing and decreasing : So that , of all that is , or may be seene With mortall eyes , vnder Nights horned Queene , Nothing reteineth the same forme and face , Hardly the halfe of halfe an houres space . But the Heau'ns feele not fates impartiall rigour , Yeares adde not to their stature nor their vigour : Vse weares them not ; but their greene-euer age , Is all in all still like their pupillage . CAP. 6. Touching the pretended decay of the Elements in generall . SECT . 1. That the Elements are still in number foure , and still retaine the ancient places and properties . HAuing thus prooued at large , in the former Chapters touching the Heauens , that there neither is , nor in the course of Nature can be , any decay either in regard of their matter , their motion , their light , their warmth or influence , but that they all continue as they were euen to this day by Gods ordinance . , it remaines that I now proceed to the consideration of the sublunary bodies , that is , such as God & Nature hath placed vnder the Moone . Now the state of these inferiour , being guided and governed by the superiour , if the superiour be vnimpaireable , as hath beene shewed , it is a strong presumption , that the inferiour are likewise vnimpaired . For as in the wheeles of a Watch or clock , if the first be out of order , so are the second & third , & the rest that are moued by it : so if the higher bodies were impaired , it cannot bee but the lower depending vpon them , should tast thereof , as on the other side the one being not impaired , it is more then probable that the other partake with them in the same condition . Which dependance is well expressed by Boeshius , where hauing spoken of the constant regularity of the heauenly bodies . he thus goes on . Haec concordia temperat aequis Elementa modis , vt pugnantia Vicibus cedant humida siccis , Iungantque fidem frigora flammis , Pendulus ignis surgat in altum , Terraeque graves pondere sidant Iisdem causis vere tepenti Spirat florifer annus odores , Aestas Cererem fervida siccat , Remeat pomis gravis autumnus , Hyemem defluus irrigat imber , Haec temperies alit & profert , Quicquid vitam spirat in orbe Eadem rapiens condit & aufert Obitu me●…gens orta supremo , The concord tempers equally Contrary Elements , That moist things yeeld vnto the dry , And heat with cold consents ; Hence fire to highest place doth flie , And Earth doth downward bend , And flowrie Spring perpetually Sweet odours forth doth send , Hote Summer harvest giues , and store Of fruit Autumnus yeelds , And showres which down from Heau'n doe powre , Each Winter drowne the fields : What euer in the world doth breath , This temper forth hath brought , And nourished : the same by death Againe it brings to nought . Among the subcoelestiall bodies following Natures methode , I will first begin with the consideration of the Elements , the most simple and vniversall of them all , as being the Ingredients of all mixt bodies , either in whole or in part , and into which the mixt are finally resolued again , & are again by turnes remade of them , the common matter of them all still abiding the same . Heere 's nothing constant , nothing still doth stay ; For birth and death haue still successiue sway : Here one thing springs not till another dye Onely the matter liues immortally . Th'Almightie's table , body of this All , ( Of changefull chances common Arcenall , All like it selfe , all in it selfe contained , Which by times flight hath neither lost nor gained ) Changelesse in essence , changeable in face , Much more then Proteus or the subtill race Of roving Polypes , who ( to rob the more ) Transforme them hourely on the wauing shore : Much like the French , ( or like our selues their apes ) Who with strange habit doe disguise their shapes . Who louing novels full of affectation , Receiue the manners of each other Nation . By consent of Antiquity they are in number foure , the Fire , the Aire , the Water , and the Earth . Quatuor aeternus genitalia corpora mundus Continet : ex illis duo sunt onerosa , suoque Pondere in inferius tellus , atque vnda feruntur : Et totidem gravitate carent : nulloque premente Alta petunt aer , atque aere purior ignis . Quae quamquam spatio distant ; tamen omnia fiunt Et ipsis , & in ipsa cadunt . Foure bodies primitiue the world still containes Of which , two downeward bend the earth and watery plaines , As many weight doe want and nothing forcing , higher They mount , th' aire and purer streames of fire Which though they distant bee , yet all things from them take Their birth , and into them their last returnes doe make . Three of them shew themselues manifestly in mixt , the butter beeing the Aieriall part thereof , the whey the watery , and the cheese the earthly : but all foure in the burning of greene wood , the flame being fire ; the smoke , the aire ; the liquor distilling at the ends , the water ; and the ashes , the earth . Philosophy likewise by reason , teaches and proues the same , from their motion vpward and downeward , from their second qualities , of lightnes and heauines , and from their first qualities , either actiue , as heat and cold , or passiue , as dry and moist . For as their motion proceeds from their second qualities , so doe their second from the first , & their first from the heauenly bodies , next to which , as being the noblest of them all , as well in puritie as activity , is seated the Element of the fire , ( though many of the Ancients , and some latter writers , as namely Cardane , among the rest seeme to make a doubt of it ) Ignis ad aethereas volucer se sustulit aur as Summaque complexus stellantis culmina Coeli , Flammarum vallo naturae moenia fecit . The fire eftsoones vp towards heaven did stie , And compassing the starrie world , advanced A wall of flames , to safeguard nature by . Next the fire , is seated the aire , divided into three regions , next the aire the water , and next the water the earth . Who so ( sometime ) hath seene rich Ingots tride , When forc't by fire their treasure they devide ( How faire and softly gold to gold doth passe , Silver seekes silver , brasse consorts with brasse ; And the whole lumpe , of parts vnequall , severs It selfe apart , in white , red , yellow rivers ) May vnderstand how , when the mouth divine Op'ned ( to each his proper place t'assigne ) Fire flew to fire , water to water slid , Aire clung to aire , and earth with earth abid . The vaile both of the Tabernacle and Temple , were made of blew , and purple , and scarlet , or crimson , and fine twisted linnen : by which foure , as Iosephus noteth , were represented the foure elements ; his wordes are these : Velum hoc erat Babylonium variegatum , ex hya●…intho , & bysso , coccoque & purpura , mirabiliter elaboratum , non indignam contemplatione materiae commistionem habens , sed velut omnium imaginem praeferens ; Cocco enim videbatur ignem imitari , & bysso terram , & hyacintho aerem , ac mare purpura , partim quidem coloribus , bysso autem & purpura origine , bysso quidem quia de terra , mare autem purpuram gignit , The vaile was Babylonish worke , most artificially imbrodered , with blue , and fine linnen , and scarlet , and purple , hauing in it a mixture of things , not vnworthy our consideration , but carrying a kinde of resemblance of the Vniversall ; for by the scarlet , seemed the fire to be represented ; by the linnen , the earth ; by the blew , the aire ; and by the purple , the sea , partly by reason of the colours of scarlet and blue , and partly by reason of the originall of linnen and purple , the one comming from the earth , the other from the sea . And S. Hierome in his epistle to Fabiola , hath the very same conceite , borrowed , as it seemes , from Iosephus , or from Philo , who hath much to like purpose , in his third booke of the life of Moses : or it may be from that in the eighteenth of the booke of Wisedome , In the long robe was the whole world : As not only the vulgar lattin , and Arias Montanus , but out of them and the Greeke originall , our last English Translation reades it . The fire is dry and hot , the aire hot and moist , the water moist and cold , the earth cold and dry : thus are they linked , and thus embrace they one another with their symbolizing qualities , the earth being linked to the water by coldnes , the water to the aire by moistnes , the aire to the fire by warmth , the fire to the earth by drought : which are all the combinations of the qualities that possiblely can bee ; hot & cold , as also dry and moist , in the highest degrees , beeing altogether incompatible in the same subject : And though the earth & the fire bee most opposite in distance , in substance , & in activity ; yet they agree in one quality , the two middle being therein directly contrary to the two extreames , aire to earth , and water to fire . Water , as arm'd with moisture and with cold , The cold-dry earth with her one hand doth hold ; With th' other th' aire : The aire as moist and warme , Holds fire with one ; water with th' other arme : As countrie-maidens , in the moneth of May , Merrily sporting on a holy-day And lusty dancing of a liuely round About the May-pole , by the Bag-pipes sound ; Hold hand in hand , so that the first is fast ( By meanes of those betweene ) vnto the last . But all the linkes of th' holy chaine which tethers The many members of the world togethers , Are such , as none but onely hee can breake them Who at the first did ( of meere nothing ) make them . SECT . 2. That the Elements still hold the same proportions each to other , and by mutuall exchange the same dimensions in themselues . THese foure then , as they were from the beginning , so still they remaine the radicall and fundamentall principles of all subcoelestiall bodies , distinguished by their severall and ancient Situations , properties , actions , and effects , and howsoeuer after their old wont they fight and combate together , beeing single ; yet in composition they still accord marueilous well . Tu numeris elementa ligas ; vt frigora flammis , Arida conveniant liquidis , ne purior ignis Euolet , aut mersas deducant pondera terras . To numbers thou the elements doest tie That cold with heat may symbolize , and drie With moist , least purer fire should sore too high , And earth through too much weight too low should lie . The Creator of them , hath bound them , as it were , to their good behaviour , and made them in euery mixt body to stoope and obey one pre-dominant , whose sway and conduct they willingly follow . The aire being predominant in some , as in oyle , which alwaies swimmes on the toppe of all other liquors ; and the earth in others , which alwaies gather as neere the Center as possiblely they can . And as in these , they vary not a jot from their natiue and wonted properties , so neither doe they in their other conditions . It is still true of them , that nec gravitant nec levitant in suis locis , there is no sense of their weight or lightnes in their proper places , as appeares by this , that a man lying in the bottome of the deepest Ocean , he feeles no burden from the weight thereof : The fire still serues to warme vs as it did , the aire to maintaine our breathing , the water to clense and refresh vs , the earth to feede and support vs , and which of them is most necessary for our vse is hard to determine : Likewise they still hold the same proportion one toward another , as formerly they haue done : For howbeit the Peripatetikes , pretending heerein the Authority of their Mr Aristotle , tell vs that as they rise one aboue another in situation , so they exceede one another , proportione decupla , by a tenne-fold proportion , yet is this doubtles a foule errour , or at least-wise a grosse mistake , whether wee regard their entire bodies , or their parts ; If their entire bodies , it is certaine that the earth exceedes both the water and the aire by many degrees : The depth of the waters , not exceeding two or three miles , & for the most part not aboue halfe a mile , as Marriners finde by their line and plummet , whereas the diameter of the earth , as Mathematicians demonstrate , exceedes seven thousand miles . And for the aire , taking the height of it from the place of the ordinary Comets , it containes by estimation about fiftie two miles , as Nonius , Vitellio , and Allhazen shew by Geometricall proofes . Whence it plainly appeares that there cannot be that proportion betwixt the intire Bodies of the Elements which is ptetended , nor at any time was since their Creation . And for their parts , 't is as cleare by experience , that out of a few drops of water may be made so much aire as shall exceed them fiuehundred or a thousand times atleast But whatsoeuer their proportion be , it is certain that notwithstanding their continuall transmutation , or transelementation , as I may so call it , of one into another , yet by a mutuall retribution it still remaines the same that in former ages it hath beene , as I haue already shewed more at large in a former Chapter : & Philo most elegantly expresseth , Egregia quidem est in elementis quaternarum virium compensatio , aequalibus , justisque regulis ac terminis vices suas dispensantium : sicut enim anni circulus quaternis vicibus distinguitur , alijs partibus post alias succedentibus , & per ambitus eosdem vsque recurrente tempore : pari modo & elementa mundi vicissim sibi succedentia mutantur , & quod diceres incridibile , dum mori videntur , redduntur immortalia , iterum atque iterum metiendo idem stadium , & sursum atque deorsum per eandem viam cursitando continuè , à terra enim acclivis via incipit , quae liquescens in aquam mutatur , aquaporrò evaperat in aerem , aer in ignem extenuatur , ac declivis altera deorsum tendit à Capite , igne per extinctionem subsidente in aerem , aere verò in aquam se densante , aquae verò liquore in terram crassescente . There is in the Elements a notable compensation of their fourefold qualities , dispencing themselues by euen turnes and just measures . For as the circle of the yeare is distinguished by foure quarters , one succeeding another , the time running about by equall distances : in like manner the foure Elements of the World by a reciprocall vicissitude succeed one another : & which a man would thinke incredible , while they seeme to dye , they become immortall running the same race , and incessantly travailing vp and downe by the same path . From the Earth the way riseth vpward , it dissolving into water , the water vapors forth into aire , the aire is rarified into fire ; again they descēd down ward the same way , the fire by quēching being turnedinto aire , the aire thickned into water , & the water into earth . Hitherto Philo , wherein after his vsuall wont he Platonizes , the same being in effect to be found in Platoes Timaeus , as also in Aristotles booke de Mundo , if it be his , in Damascene , and Gregory Nyssen . And most elegantly the wittiest of Poets . — resolutaque tellus In liquidas rarescit aquas tenuatur in auras , Aeraque humor habet dempto quoque pondere rursus In superos aer tenuissimus emicat ignes . Inde retrò redeunt : idemque retexitur ordo Ignis enim densum spissatus in aera transit Hinc in aquas tellus glomeratâ cogitur vndâ . The Earth resolu'd is turned into streames , Water to aire , the purer aire to flames : From thence they back returne , the fiery flakes Are turn'd to aire , the aire thickned , takes The liquid forme of water , & that earth makes . The foure Elements herein resembling an instrument of Musicke with foure strings , which may bee tuned diverse wayes , and yet the harmony still remaines sweet , and so are they compared in the booke of Wisdome , The Elements agreed among themselues in this change , as when one tune is changed vpon an instrument of Musick , and the melody still remaineth . Sith then the knot of sacred marriage , Which joynes the Elements , from age to age Brings forth the worlds babes : sith their enmities , With fel divorce , kill whatsoeuer dies : And sith but changing their degree and place , They frame the various formes , wherewith the face Of this faire world is so imbellished , As six sweet notes , curiously varied In skilfull musick , make a hundred kindes Of heau'nly sounds , that ravish hardest mindes ; And with division ( of a choice device ) The Hearers soules out at their eares entice : Or as of twice-twelue letters thus transpos'd , This world of words is variously compos'd , And of these words , in diverse order sowen , This sacred volume that you read is growen . Who so hath seene , how one warme lump of waxe ( Without increasing or decreasing ) takes A hundred figures , well may judge of all Th' incessant changes of this neather ball : Yet thinke not that this changing oft remises Ought into nought : it but the forme disguises In hundred fashions , and the substances Inly , or outly , neither win nor leese . For all that 's made , is made of the first matter Which in th' old nothing made the All-Creator . All that dissolues , resolues into the same , Since first the Lord , of nothing made this frame : Nought's made of nought , and nothing turnes to nothing , Things birth or death change but their formall clothing : Their formes doe vanish , but their bodies bide , Now thick , now thin , now round , now short , now side ▪ Vtque novis facilis signatur Cera figuris , Nec manet vt fuerat , nec formam servat eandem , Sed tamen ipsa eadem est . They be the verses of Ovid in the 15 of the Met. but may well be rendred by those of Bartas touching seuerall prints stamped vpon the same lumpe of waxe . SECT . 3. An objection drawne from the continuall mixture of the Elements each with other answered . THus then we see that the Elements are stil the same , no way impaired in regard of their portions or proportions : neither doe I find any objection against this of any moment or worthy our notice : Let vs now examine whether or no they be impaired in their qualities , for which I haue often heard it alleadged , that their frequent interchange , their continuall blending and mixing together now for the space of so many thousand yeares , cannot in reason but much haue altered their inbred vigour and originall constitution , as Ilanders , & in them specially their maritine parts are thought by Aristotle , & cōmonly by experience are found to be most tainted in their manners , by reason that lying open to trade , they draw on the commerce & intercourse of sundry forraine Nations , who by long conversation , debauch them in regard of their Customes , their language , their habite & naturall disposition . But this allegation is in truth a bare and naked supposition . For though it bee true that such a continuall traffique and inter-change there is betwixt the Elements , yet doth it not therefore follow that their qualities should thereby degenerate , or become more impure , inasmuch as that impurity which by intercourse they haue contracted , by perpetuall agitation they purge out againe , and by continuall generation each out of other renew their parts , and so by degrees returne to their former estate and purity , Againe , for the fire , if we consider it in it's own spheare , ( though as the rest of the Elements , it be indeed subject to a successiue generation & corruption , in regard of the parts thereof ) yet is it alwaies most pure , which is the reason that it neither can be seene , as fiery Meteors are , neither can any creature either breed or liue in it . And as for the Aire , Water , and Earth , if they were pure , it is certaine they could not be so serviceable as they are . If the Aire were pure , neither men , nor birds , nor beasts could breath in it , as S. Augustin reports of the hill Olympus , Perhibetur in Olympi vertice aer esse tam tenuis vt neque sustentare alites possit , neque ipsos qui fortè ascenderint homines , crassioris aurae spiritu alere sicut in isto aere consueverunt : It is said that vpon the top of the hill Olympus , the aire is so thin & pure , that it can neither beare vp the birds that offer to flye in it , nor be vsefull for the breathing of men , if any come thither , being vsed to thicker ayre . Neither could any Meteors , did it still continue pure , be bred in it : as raine & snow & dewes and frosts and the like , which notwithstanding are many wayes commodious and profitable for the vse of all liuing creatures , so as they could not liue without them . And for the water if it were pure , it could neither feed the fishes nor beare vp vessels of burden . As likewise if the earth were pure , it would be altogether Barren , and fruitlesse , like sand or ashes , not able to nourish the plants that hang vpon the breasts of it . The Elements then being ordeined for the ornament of the world , but cheifely to serue the mixt bodies , there is nothing lost , but much gained to the whole , by the losse of their purity , nay the restitution and recovery thereof ( if so they were created ) would vndoubtedly proue the vtter vndoing of the whole , as the vntainted virginity of either sexe would of the race of mankind ; yet for farther satisfaction , it shall not be amisse to consider these three asunder , in reference to the mixt bodies , the ayer I meane , the water and the earth , that so it may appeare whether the ayre be decayed in it's temper , the water in it's goodnesse and vertue , the earth in it's fatnesse and fruitfullnesse . CAP. 7. Touching the pretended decay of the ayre , in regard of the temper thereof . SECT . 1. Of excessiue drought and cold in former ages and that in forraine Countreyes THat the ayre is not distempered , more then in former ages , will as I conceiue appeare by this , that vnseasonable weather , for excessiue heate and cold , or immoderate drought and raine , thunder and lightning , frost and snow , haile & windes , yea & contagious sicknesses , pestilentiall , Epidemicall diseases , arising from the infection of the ayre , by noysome mistes and vapoures , to which we may adde , earthquakes , burning in the bowels of the earth , blazing Comets , & the like , were as frequent , if not more , in former ages , then in latter times , as will easily appeare to such who please to looke either into the Generall history of the world at large , or the severall Cronicles of particular nations . Such burning like that of Phaeton , such floods like that of Ogyges and Deucalion recorded by Orosius , Pliny , S. Augustine , & Varro , the world hath not felt or knowne since those times . To like purpose I remember Iustus Lypsius a man rather partiall for Antiquity then for the present age , hath written an Epistle vpon occasion of a great drought which happened in the yeare one thousand six hundred and one , and lasted by the space of aboue foure moneths , to which he makes his entrance , Non tamen nimis insolens aut nova , et si nobis sic visa . It is no new or vnusall thing , though to vs so it seeme : wherevpon he produceth sundry instances for excessiue heate and drought in former ages aswell from the Romaine history , as the Germaine Annales . Among which the most remarkable , are that in the yeare one thousand two hundred twenty eight , the heate was such , that their harvest was fully ended before Midsommer , or to speake in his words , before the Festivall of S. Iohn the Baptist , which we commonly call Midsomer day . And againe two yeares after , in the moneths of Iuly , & August , it continued so fervently hot that men rosted egges in the sand . And least wee should think that their immoderate cold , was not answerable to their heate , he goes on and tels vs that in the reigne of Lewis son to Charlemaigne , in the yeare eight hundred twenty one , the winter was so long and sharpe that not only small brookes and streames , but the Rheine , Danubius , Albis , the Seene , and generally all the great rivers both of France and Germany were so hard frozen that for the space of thirty dayes or more , Loaden Carts passed over them , as it had beene vpon Bridges . Vndaque jam tergo ferratos sustinet orbes , Puppibus illa prius , patulis nunc hospita plaustris . The river on it's backe now iron wheeles sustaines , And what did ships ere while , now Wagons entertaines . But in the yeare one thousand eighty six , the winter continued so bitter that from S. Martyns day , which is the Eleventh of November , to the first of Aprill , the Rheine was passible on foote . And for vnseasonable cold , in regard of the time of the yeare , hee reports out of Hermannus Contractus , that in the yeare one thousand sixty three , in the midst of Aprill for the space of fower dayes the weather was so cruell with raging windes and abundance of snow that it kild their Cattle and birds and destroyed their vines and trees . And lastly he vouches out of Robertus de Monte that in the yeare one thousand one hundred twenty fiue , it was so sore and byting a winter , that innumerable Eeles by reason of the long continuance of the Ice , came creeping out of the ditches & hiding themselues in the meddowes , were there found dead , and rotten by the the wonderfull excesse of Cold , & vpon the trees scarce appeared there any leaues till the moneth of May : his Conclusion is , Quorsum ego ista ? vt opinio illa novitatis eximatur , quae malè in omni dolore aut querela blanditur , nunquam tale , nemini tantum : nugae et plebeii sermones , quos historiae refutent & seriò lectae , hunc quoque Constantiae fructum in animo gignant . But now to what end are these examples alleadged by me ? Surely to no other purpose but to worke out of mens mindes that opinion of novelty and strangenesse , wherewith we vsually flatter our selues in our griefe and complaintes , never was the like , no age ever saw or felt it , in such a measure : Trifling speeches , beseeming the vulgar , but confuted by history , which being accuratly read , may serue to arme vs with constancy against these and the like accidents . I thinke wee shall hardly reade or heare of a sharper frost in latter ages , then that which Ovid mentions , in the place whither hee was banished , at his beeing there . Nudaque consistunt formam servantia testae Vina , nec hausta meri sed data frusta bibunt . Bare wines still keeping forme of Caske stand fast , Not gulpes , but gobbets of their wine they tast . Agreeable wherevnto is that of Virgill , Caeduntque securibus humida vina , And liquid wines with axes doe they cleaue . Serres in the life of Francis the first reports , that at the siege of Luxenbuge , in the yeare 1543 , the weather was so cold , that the provant wine ordained for the armie being frozen , was divided with hatches , and by the souldiers carried away in baskets . And Tacitus speaking of the Romanes warre in Armenia , tells vs that the winter was so sharpe , and the earth so long couered with yce , that they could not pitch their tents , vnlesse they had first digged the ground ; many of their limmes grew starke with extremitie of cold , and many died in keeping the watch , and there was a souldier noted carrying a fagot , whose hands were so stiffe frozen , that sticking to his burthen , they fell from him as though they had beene cut from his armes . SECT . 2. Of excessiue draugh & cold and raine in former ages heere at home , and of the com mon complaint of vnseasonable weather in all ages , together with the reason thereof . ANd if wee looke neerer home , wee shall find that in the yeare one thousand one hundred & fourteene , in the fourteenth yeare of King Henry the first , the riuer of Thames was dryed vp , & such want of water there , that betweene the Tower of London & the bridge , and vnder the bridge it selfe , that not onely horse , but a great number of men women and children , did daily wade ouer on foote . And for excessiue and vnseasonable frosts , raine , snow , haile , windes & the like our stories are full , specially Stowes Chronicles : & many of them were so immoderate , as wee haue had none of latter times comparable therevnto . Is is true indeede that in generall , all Ilands , and ours I beeleeue , aboue any other in the world , is subject to such vncertainety of weather , that many times wee can hardly distinguish Christmas from Mid-summer , but onely by the length of daies : So warme it is at Christmas , & againe so stormy & cold at Mid-summer . And for raine , thorow the yeare , I thinke , wee haue more then any where vpon the Continent : So that I may justly call our Iland Matulam Planetarum , the Vrinall of the Planets . I will giue one instance for all : In the two and twentieth yeare of Edward the third , from Midsummer to Christmasse , for the more part , it continually rain'd : so that there was not one day and night dry together . But this I take to bee , specially for that it is environed by the Sea , & withall stands so farre to the Northwest . Since then it is still situate where it was , it is likely that the aire was heere for the most part , tempered or distempered in former ages , as now it is : Yet I know the complaint is common , that our summers by reason of cold and moist , are not so kindely as they haue beene : Sternuntur segetes & deplorata colonis Votajacent , longique perit labor irritus anni : The corne lies down , the plow-man doth complaine , His hopes are voide , & toiling all the yeare , Hee onely hath his labour for his paine . Neither will I altogether deny it , it may bee God hath a quarrell to vs for our sinnes , or seekes by this chastisement to draw vs neerer to himselfe : But what is this to the vniversall decay of Nature ? doubtlesse the same complaint hath still beene in the times of our Fathers , & Grandfathers , and Great Grandfathers , and so vpward in regard of the Generations before them . Nonne quotidie hoc murmuratis , & hoc dicitis , quam diu ista patimur ! quotidie peiora & peiora : apud parentes nostros fuerunt dies laetiores , fuerunt dies meliores . O si interrogares ipsos parentes tuos , similiter tibi de diebus suis murmurarent : Fuerunt beati Patres nostri , nos miseri sumus ; malos dies habemus ; Doe you not daily murmurre and thus say , how long shall wee suffer these things ! All things grow worse & worse ; Our Fathers saw better & merrier dayes : But I wish thou would'st aske the question of thy Fathers , & thou shalt finde them murmurre likewise in regard of their daies : saying , Oh our Fathers were happy , wee miserable : wee see nothing but badde dayes . But had this complaint beene as true as ancient , as just as vsuall in all ages , wee had not beene left at this day to renue it : wee should by this time haue had no weather to ripen our corne or fruites , in any tollerable manner . For my selfe then , mine opinion is , that men for the most part , being most affected with the present , more sensible of punishments then of blessings , & growing in worldly cares , & consequently in discontent , as they grow in yeares and experience , they are thereby more apt to apprehend crosses then comforts , to repine & murmurre for the one , then to returne thankes for the other . Whence it comes to passe that vnseasonable weather , & the like crosse accidents , are printed in our memories , as it were with red letters in an Almanacke : but for seasonable & faire , there stands nothing but a blanke : the one graven in is brasse , the other written in water . SECT . 3. Of contagious diseases , and specially the plague , both heere at home and abroad , in former ages . NOW for contagious diseases , & specially the plague it selfe , it is well known , that this land hath now by Gods favour been in a mannerall together free from it since the first yeare of his Majesties raigne : whereas heretofore it hath commonly every seaven or eight yeares at farthest spread it selfe through the greatest part of the land , and swept away many thousands in the yeare one thousand three hundred forty eight , it was so hot in Wallingford a Towne of Barkeshire , that in a manner it dispeopled the Towne , reducing their twelue Churches to one or two which they now only retaine . In London it had so sharpe and quick an edge , and mowed downe such multitudes that within the space of twelue moneths , there were buried in one Churchyard commonly called the Cistersians , or Charterhouse , aboue fifty thousand . They writ further , that through the kingdome it made such a ravage , as it tooke away more then halfe of men , Church-yards could not suffice to burie the dead , new grounds are purchased for that purpose : And it is noted , that there died , onely in London betweene the first of Ianuary and the first of Iuly 57374. Other Citties and townes suffering the like , according to their portions : The earth being every where filled with graues , and the aire with cries . In the tenth yeare likewise of Edward the second , there was so great a pestilence , and generall sickenesse of the common sort , caused by the ill nutriment they receiued , as the liuing scaree sufficed to bury the dead . Now if wee cast our eyes abroad vnder the Emperours Vibius Gallus , & Volutianus his son , about two hundred & fiftie yeares after Christ , there arose a plague in Ethiopia , which by degrees spread it selfe into all the provinces of the Romane Empire , and lasted by the space of fitteene yeares together , without any intermission ; and so great was the mortallity , that in Alexandria , as Dyonisius himselfe , at that very time Bishop of that sea reports it , there was not one house of the whole citty free , & the whole remainder of the inhabitants did not equall the number of old men in former times : By meanes whereof S. Cyprian , Bishop of Carthage , who liued in the same age , tooke occasion to write , that his excellent Treatise de Mortalitate : And Lypsius his censure of this pestilence is , Non alia vnquam maior lues mihi lecta , spatio temporum siue terrarum : I neuer read of a more greivous contagion , whether wee regard the long lasting or the large spreading thereof : Yet was that certainely for the time more impetuous and outragious vnder Iustinian , the fiercenes whereof was such that onely in Constantinople and the places neere adjoyning therevnto , it cut off at least fiue thousand , & sometimes tenne thousand persons in one day : Which my selfe should hardly bee drawne , either to report or to beleeue , but that I finde it recorded by faithfull Historiographers of those times . Neither lesse wonderfull was that pestilence in Africa , which snatcht away onely in Numidia , Octingenta hominum millia , saith Orosius , eight hundred thousand men . Or that vnder Michael Duca in Greece , which was so sharpe and violent , Vt viui prorsus pares non essent mortais sepeliendis , they bee the words of Zonaras , the liuing were no way sufficient to burie the dead . But that which scourged Italy in Petrarches time , in the yeare one thousand three hundred fiftie nine , as himselfe relates it , in my minde exceedes all hitherto spoken of , there being scarely left aliue tenne ofa thousand thorow the whole countrey . Whereby the way I cannot let passe , that vnder David , though by most Diuines held to bee supernaturall and miraculous , in which there died of the people seuenty thousand men within the space of three dayes . Now for other infectious ●…idemicall diseases in former ages , Pasquier assignes a whole chapter to them , which hee thus intitles , Des maladies qui ont seulement vnifois Cours par La disposition de L' air . Of those diseases which haue but once had their course through the distemper of the aire . Heere with vs , wee haue not heard of late dayes of any such diseases , as the shaking of the sheetes , or the sweating sickenesse , touching which , it is very memorable that Mr Camdem hath deliuered in his description of Shrewesbury ; as for the cause thereof , saith hee , let others search it out , for my own part I haue obserued , that this malady hath run through England thrise in the ages afore-going , & yet I doubt not but long before also it did the like , although it were not recorded in writing . First in the yeare of our Lord 1485 , in which King Henry the seventh first began his raigne , a little after the great Coniunction of the superiour Planets in Scorpio . A second time yet more mildly , although the Plague accompanied it in the 33d yeare after , Anno 1518 , vpon a great opposition of the same Planets in Scorpio & Taurus , at which time it plagued the Netherlands and high Almany also . Last of all 33 yeares after that againe in the yeare 1551 , when another Coniunction of those Planets in Scorpio tooke their effects : so that by Gods goodnes for the space now of these last seuenty three yeares wee haue not felt that disease . Twise thirty three yeares & more , and the same Coniunction and opposition of the Planets haue passed ouer , & yet it hath not touched vs. In the 31 yeare of King Henry the first , a terrible murraine of cattell spred through the whole kingdome , in so much as whole sties of hogs , and whole stalls of oxen were euery-where suddenly emptied , & it continued so long , vt nulla omninò huius regni villa huius miscriae immunis alterius incommoda ridere posset , ( saith Malmesburiensis ) so as no one village was so free from this misery that it could laugh at the mishap of others . Now adayes we heare not of so frequent , of such fowle & fretting kindes of Leprosies any-where in the World as were anciently among the Iewes , they had the Leprosie of the skin , of the fl●…sh , of the scab , of the running sore , of the haire , of the head , and beard : their garments both linnen & wollen were infected with it , so as sometimes it increased and spread it selfe in the very garment , though separared from the body of the diseased . Nay which is more strange , the wals of their houses were not free from it : it tainted the very stones & the morter with greenish & reddish spots , so as they were forced sometimes to plucke downe a part of the House , sometimes the whole , when no other meanes was found to cleanse it . Now their great multitudes of Lepers appeares in this , that they had so many , and so solemne lawes for their tryall ; for their cleansing , & for the shutting of them vp without the campe . And though we may well conceiue that some of them were stricken with this disease immediatly by the finger of God , as a Myriam , Moses sister for her murmuring , b Gehazi for his bribery , c Azariah for his backwardnes in reformation of Religion , d Vzziah for his presumptuous forwardnes in taking vpon him the Priests office , yet those foure that sate together expecting the charity of Passengers at the gate of e Samaria , & those ten that our f Saviour healed at once , shew that the number of their ordinary Lepers was very great . Lastly , none can be ignorant , that the sicknesse which wee call the French disease , they the Neapolitane , and the Neapolitanes the Indian , ( because we borrowed it from the French , they from the Spaniards at Naples , and they againe from the Indians ) is neither so catching , nor so virulent , not so contagious , nor so dangerous , as in former times it hath beene . SECT . 4. Of earthquakes in former ages , and their terrible effects liuely described by Seneca . TO the pestilences and other contagious diseases of former ages may be added the Earthquakes arising likewise from the distemper of the aire , though in another kind . Of these we haue heard little in these latter times , or at leastwise they haue beene nothing so frequent & fearefull as in the dayes of our more ancient predecessors , in so much as they chiefly gaue occasion to the composing of that Letany , and therein to the petition against suddaine death , which by publique authority is vsed through the Christian Church at this day by the force of Earthquakes contrary to the Proverbe , Mountaines haue met ; The Citty of Antioch where the Disciples of Christ were first called Christians , with a great part of Asia bordering vpon it , was in Traianes time swallowed vp with an Earthquake , as writeth Dion , reporting very marvailous things thereof . By the same meanes at one time were twelue famous Citties of Asia ouer-turned vnder the reigne of Tiberius . And at an other time as many townes of Campania vnder Constantine . And of the dreadfulnes of this accident , aboue the pestilence or any other incident to mankind , Seneca excellcntly discourses in the sixth book of his Naturall questions : Hostem muro repellam , saith hee , praeruptae altitudinis . Castella , vel magnos exercitus , difficultate aditus morabuntur , à tempestate nos vindicant portus , nimborum vim effusam & sine fine cadentes aquas tecta propellunt , fugientes non sequitur incendium , adversus tonitrua & minas Coeli subterraneae domus & defossi iu altum specus remedia sunt , ignis ille coelestis non transverberat terram , sed exiguo ejus objectu retunditur , in pestilentia mutare sedes licet , nullum malum sine effugio est , nunquam fulmina populos percusserunt , pestilens coelum exhausit vrbes non abstulit ; hoc malum latissimè patet , inevitabile , avidum , publicè noxium , non enim domus solùm & familias , aut vrbes singulas haurit , sed gentes totas regionesque subvertit , & modò ruinis operit , modò in altam voraginem condit , ac ne id quidem relinquit ex quo appareat quòd non est saltem fuisse , sed supra nobilissimas vrbes sine vllo vestigio prioris habitus solum extenditur . A wall will repell an enemy , rampiers raised to a great height by the difficulty of their accesse will keepe out powerfull armies , An Hauen shelters vs from a tempest , & the couering of our Houses from the violence of stormes & lasting raines , the fire doth not follow vs , if we fly from it , against thunder & the threats of Heauen , vaults vnder ground & deep caues are remedies , those blastings & flashes from aboue , doe not pierce the earth , but are blunted by a little peece of it oppofed against them ; In the time of pestilence a man may change dwellings , there is no mischiefe but may be shunned , the lightning neuer stroke a whole Nation , a pestilential ayre hath emptied Cities , not ouer-turned them : but this mischiefe is large in spreading , vnavoydable , greedy of destruction , generally dangerous . For it doth not onely depopulate Houses , & Families , & townes , but layes waste & makes desolate whole Regions and countreyes : sometimes covering them with their own ruines , and sometimes ouer-whelming them , and burying them in deepe gulphes , leauing nothing whereby it may so much as appeare to posterity , that that which is not , sometimes was , but the Earth is levelled ouer most famous Citties , without any marke of their former existence . SECT . 5. Of dreadfull burnings in the bowels of Aetna , and Vesuvius , and the rising of a new Iland out of the Sea with hideous roaring neere Putzol in Italy . AS the quakings of the earth were more terrible in former ages , so were the burnings in the bowels thereof no lesse dreadfull , the one being as it were the cold & the other the hot fits thereof . The mountaine Aetna in Sicilie hath flamed in time past so abundantly that by reason of thick smoake and vapours arising therefrom , the Inhabitants thereabout could not see one another ( if wee may giue credite to Cicero ) for two dayes together . And in the yeare of the world 3982 , it raged so violently , that Africa was thereof an astonished witnesse . But Virgils admirable description thereof may serue for all . — Horrificis tonat Aetna ruinis Interdumque atram prorumpit ad aethera nubem ; Turbine fumantem piceo , & candente favilla , Attollitque globos flammarum & sydera lambit , Interdum scopulos , avulsaque viscera montis Erigit eructans , liquefactaque saxa sub aur as Cum gemitu glomerat , fundoque exaestuatimo . Aetna here thunders with a horride noise , Sometimes black clouds evaporeth to skies , Fuming with pitchie curles and sparkling fires , Tosseth vp globes of flames , to starres aspires : Now belching rocks , the mountaines entrals torne , And groaning , hurles out liquid stones there borne Thorow the aire in showres . But rightly did another Poet diuine of this mountaine and the burnings therein , Nec quae sulphurijs ardet fornacibus Aetna Ignea semper erit , neque enim fuit ignea semper . Aetna which flames of sulphure now doth raise . Shall not still burne , nor hath it burnt alwayes . The like may be said of Vesuvius in the kingdome of Naples , it flamed with the greatest horrour in the first , or as some say in the third yeere of the Emperour Titus : where besides beasts , fishes and fowle , it destroyed two adjoyning Citties Herculanum and Pompeios with the people sitting in the Theater , Pliny the naturall Historian , then Admirall of the Romane Navy desirous to discover the reason was suffocated with the smoake thereof , as witnesseth his Nephew in an epistle of his to Cornelius Tacitus . — Sensit procul Africa tellus , Tunc expuluerijs geminata incendia nimbis , Sensit et Aegyptus Memphisque & Nilus atrocem Tempestatem illam , Campano è littore missam , Nec caruisse ferunt Asiam Syriamque tremenda Peste , nec exstantes Neptunj è fluctibus arces Cyprumque Cretamque & Cycladas ordine nullo Per pontum sparsas nec doctam Palladis vrbem Tantus inexhaustis erupit faucibus ardor Ac vapor . They be the verses of Hieronymus Borgius touching the horrible roaring and thundring of this mountaine , and may thus be englished . Then remote Africke suffer'd the direfull heate Of twofold rage with showers of dust repleate Scorcht Egipt , memphis , Nilus felt amaz'd , The woofull tempest in Campania rais'd , Not Asia , Syria , nor the towers that stand In Neptunes surges , Cyprus , Creet , Ioues land The scattered Cyclades , nor the Muses seate Minervaes towne that vast plague scapt such heate Such vapours brake forth from full jawes — Marcellinus farther obserues that the ashes thereof transported in the ayre obscured all Europe , and that the Constantinopolitanes being wonderfully affrighted therewith ( in so much as the Emperour Leo forsooke the Citty ) in memoriall of the same did yearely celebrate the twelfth of November . Who in these latter ages hath euer heard or read of such a fire issuing out of the earth as Tacitus in the 13 of his Annals and almost the last words describes . The citty of the Inhonians in Germanie confederate with vs ( sayth he ) was afflicted with a sudden disaster , for fires issuing out of the earth burned towns , feilds , villages every where , and spred even to the wals of a colony newly built , and could not be extinguished neither by raine nor river water , nor any other liquor that could be imployed vntill for want of remedie , and anger of such a destruction , certaine pesants cast stones a farre of into it ; then the flame somewhat ●…laking , drawing neare they put it out with blowes of clubs and otherlike , as if it had been a wild beast , last of all they threw in clothes from their backes which the more worne and fowler , the berrer they quenched the fires . But the most memorable both Earthquake and burning is that which Mr. George Sands in the forth booke of his Travels reports to haue hapēed neare Puttzoll in the kingdome of Naples likewise , in the yeare of our Lord 1538 , and on the 29th of September , when for certaine daies foregoing the countrey thereabout was so vexed with perpetuall Earthquakes , as no one house was left so intire , as not to expect an immediate ruine , after that the sea had retired two hundred pases from the shore , ( leauing abundance of fresh water rising in the bottome ( there visiblely ascended a mountaine about the second hower of the night with hideous roaring , horriblely vomiting stones , and such store of Cinders as overwhelmed all the buildings therabout , and the salubrious Bathes of Tripergula , for so many ages celebrated , consumed the vines to ashes , killing birds and beastes ; the fearefull inhabitants of Puttzoll flying through the darke with their wiues and children naked , defiled , crying out and detesting their Calamities ; manifold mischiefes had they suffered , yet none like this which nature inflicted : yet was not this the first Iland that thus by the force of Earthquakes haue risen out of the sea , the like is reported both of Delos and Rhodos , and some others . SECT . 6. Of the nature of Comets and the vncertaintie of praedictions from them , as also that the number of those which haue appeared of late yeares , is lesse then hath vsually beene observed in former ages , and of other fiery and watry prodigious meteors . IT remaines that in the next place I should speake somewhat of Comets or Blazing starres , whether in latter times more haue appeared , or more disastrous effectes haue followed vpon their appearance , then in former ages . Some tooke the Comet to haue beene a starre , ordained and created from the first beginning of the world : but appearing only by times and by turnes , of this mind was Seneca . Cardan , likewise in latter times harps much , if not vpon the same , yet the like string . But Aristotle ( whose weighty reasons and deepe judgment I much reverence ) conceiueth the matter of the Comet , to be a passing hot and dry exhalation , which being lifted vp , by the force & vertue of the Sun , into the highest region of the ayre is there inflamed , partly by the Element of fire , vpon which it bordereth , and partly by the motion of the heavens which hurleth it about ; so as there is the same matter of an Earthquake , the wind , the lightning , and a Comet , if it be imprisoned in the bowels of the earth , it causeth an Earthquake ; if it ascend to the middle region of the ayre , and be from thence beating back , wind , if it enter that region and be there invironed with a thick cloud , lightning ; if it passe that region a Comet , or some other fiery Meteor , in case the matter be not sufficiently capable thereof . The common opinion hath beene , that Comets either as Signes or causes , or both haue allwayes prognosticated some dreadfull mishaps to the world , as outragious windes , extraordonary drougth , dearth , pestilence , warres , death of Princes and the like . Nunquam futilibus excanduit ignibus aether . Ne're did the Heavens with idle blazes flame : But the late Lord Privy Seale Earle of Northampton , in his Defensatiue against the poyson of supposed prophesies , hath so strongly incountred this opinion , that for mine owne part I must professe , he hath perswaded mee , there is no certainty in those praedictions , in asmuch as Comets doe not alwayes forerunne such euents , neither doe such euents alwayes follow vpon the appearing of Comets . Some instances he produceth of Comets , which brought with them such abundance of all things , & abated their prises to so low an ebbe , as stories haue recorded it for monuments , and miracles to posterity : And the like , saith hee , could I say of others , Ann. Dom. 1555. 1556. 1557. 1558. after all which yeares nothing chanced that should driue a man to seeke out any cause aboue the common reach : and therefore I allow the diligence of Gemma-Frisius taking notice of as many good , as badde effects , which haue succeeded after Comets . Moreouer hee tells vs that Peucer , a great Mathematician of Germany , prognosticated vpon the last Comet , before the writing of his Defensatiue , that mens bodies should bee parched and burned vp with heat : But how fell it out ? Forsooth , saith hee , wee had not a more vnkindely summer many yeares , in respect of extraordinary cold : neuer lesse inclination to warre , no Prince diseased in that time , and the plague which had beene somewhat quicke before in Lombardy , as God would haue it , ceased at the rising of the Comet . Besides all this , hee reports of his owne experience , as an eye-witnesse , that when diverse vpon greater scrupulosity , then cause , went about to disswade Queene Elizabeth , lying then at Richmond , from looking on a Comet which then appeared , with a courage answereable to the greatnesse of her state , shee caused the window to be set open , and cast out this word , jacta est alea ; the dice are throwne , thereby shewing that her stedfast hope & confidence , was too firmely planted in the providence of God , to bee blasted or affrighted with those beames , which either had a ground in nature wherevpon to rise , or at least-wise no warrant in Scripture to portend the mishappe of Princes . Neither doe I remember that any Comet appeared either before her death ( as at her entrance there did , ) nor that of Prince Henry , nor of Henry the Great of France , the one being a most peerelesse Queene , the other a most incomparable Prince , & the third for prudence & valour , a matchlesse King. And for the last Comet which appeared , it was so farre from bringing any excessiue heate with it , that for a long time there hath not beene known more cold yeares thē three or foure immediatly ensuing it . And though it bee true , that some great Princes died not long after it , yet after that immediatly going before , I cannot call to mind any such effect : but as Seneca truely notes , Naturale est magis nova quam magna mirari , it is naturall vnto vs to bee inquisitiue & curious rather about things new and strange , then those which are in their owne nature truely great : Yet euen among the Ancients , Charlemaigne professed , that hee feared not the signe of the blazing starre , but the Great & potent Creator thereof . And Vespasian , as Dyon reports , when the apparition of a Comet was thought to portend his death , replied merrily : No , said hee , this bushy starre notes not mee , but the Parthian King : Ipse enim comatus est , ego verò calvus sum : For hee weares bushy locks , but I am bald Lastly , some Comets haue beene the Messengers of happy & ioyfull tidings , as that at the birth of our Saviour , & another at the death of Nero , Cometes summè bonus apparuit , qui praenuntius fuit mortis magni illius Tyranni & pestilentissimi hominis , saith Tacitus : There appeared a favourable & auspicious Comet , as an Herauld to proclaime the death of that great Tyrant and most pestilent man. The praediction then , & successe of mischievous & vnfortunate accidents from the appearance of Comets , appearing to bee thus vncertaine ; it followes in the second place to be considered , whether more haue appeared in these latter times , then in former ages . For mine owne part I remember but two , for the space of these last thirty yeares , and during his late Majesties reigne but one , whereas my Lord of Northampton , ( as wee haue heard before , ) speakes of foure within the compasse of foure yeares . Before the death of Iulius Caesar , Virgill witnesseth . Non alias coelo ceciderunt plura sereno Fulgura , nec diri toties arsere Cometae . Ne're in cleare skymore lightnings did appeare , And direfull comets never rifer were . Beda & Paulus Aemilius mention two , which by the space of fourteene dayes appeared together , in the reigne of Charles Martell , father to Charlemaigne , the one in the morning going before the Sunne , & the others in the euening following after it . The like wherevnto I doe not remember wee any where read of . Now that which hath beene said of Comets may likewise bee applied to other fierie & watery Meteors , as streamings , swords , flying dragons , fighting armies , gapings , two or three Sunnes & Moones , & the like appearing in the aire many times to the great terrour & astonishment of the beholders : of all which & many more of that kinde , hee that desires to reade more , I referre him to Vicomercatus , Garzaeus , Pontanus , & Lycosthenes , de Prodigijs & Portentis ab orbe condito , vsque ad annum 1557. Of strange & prodigious accidents from the beginning of the world , to the yeare of our Lord 1557. But the strangest apparition in the aire in this kinde that ever I heard , or read of , was that which I finde reported by Mr Fox , whiles the Spanish match with Queene Many was in the heat of treating , & neere vpon the eoncluding , There appeared in London on the fifteenth of February 1554 , a Rainebow reuersed , the bow turning downeward , & the two ends standing vpward : a prodigious & supernaturall signe indeed of those miserable & bloudy times which quickely followed after . SECT . 7. Of strange and impetuous winds and lighnings , in former ages , aboue those of the present . IN the last place wee may adde the impetuous thunders & lightnings , together with outragious windes in former times , such as latter ages haue scarce beene acquainted with . And because the latter of these haue of late plaid their parts more fiercely both by sea & land , it shall not be amisse to remember , that euen in the Phophet Davids time , when in likeliehood they lanched not forth into the maine , but coasted along by the shore , they were notwithstanding by the violence of tempests , lifted vp to heaven , and carried downe againe to the depths : which the Poet hath in a manner translated word for word . Tollitur in coelum , sublato gurgite et ijdem Voluimur in barathrum . With surging waues to heaven wee lifted are , And in a trice to helward downe we fare . It was a terrible storme , & seldome heard of which encountred S. Paul & his company in their voyage towards Rome , though they sayled in sight of land , raysed by a tempestuous winde called Euroclydon , insomuch as beside their imminent daunger neither Sunne nor Starres , which should haue beene their , guides in many dayes appeared vnto them . The concurrence & combating of contrary windes , which is now a dayes not often observed to happen , & I thinke in course of Nature & discourse of Reason can hardly bee , yet Virgill mentions it more then once , Vnà Eurusque Nothusque ruunt creberque procellis Affricus & vastos voluunt ad littora fluctus . Th'Eastwinde , the West , the Southwest and by West . Rush forth together , and with boistrous stormes Huge waues to shoreward roll — And againe , Omnia ventorum concurrere praelia vidi , I saw the windes all combating together . Such a winde it seemes was that , which smote at once all the foure corners of the house of Iobs eldest sonne . Let any who is desirous to inquire into , and compare things of this nature , but reade what is recorded in the Turkish history of two wonderfull great stormes , the one by land in Sultania , set downe in the entrance of Solymans life ; the other at Algiers , not farre from the mi'dst of the same life . at Charles the 5th his comming thither , as also at his parting from thence ; and I presume hee will admire nothing in this kinde , that hath falne out in these latter times . Vidi ego , saith Bellarmine , quòd nisi vidissem non crederem , à vehementissimo vento effossam , ingentem terrae molem , eamque delatam super pagum quendam , vt fovea altissima conspiceretur , vnde terra eruta fuerat , & pagus totus coopertus , & quasi sepultus manserit ad quem terra illa deuenerat . I my selfe haue seene , which if I had not seene , I should not haue beleeued , a very great quantity of earth , digged out and taken vp by the force of a strong winde , and carried vpon a village thereby , so that there remained to be seene a great empty hollownes , in the place from whence it was lifted , and the village vpon which it lighted , was in a manner all couered ouer & buried in it . This example I confess●… , could not be long since , since , Bellarmine professes that himselfe saw it , Yet it might well be some skores of yeares before our last great windes , which notwithstanding by some , for want of reading and experience are thought to bee vnmatchable : And I know not whether that outragious winde which happened in London in the yeare 1096. during the reigne of William Rufus , might not well bee thought to paralell , at least , this recorded by Bellarmine : It bore downe in that City alone , six hundred houses , & blew off the roofe of Bow Church , which with the beames were borne into the aire a great heigth , six whereof being 27 foote long , with their fall were driuen 23 foote deepe into the ground , the streetes of the citty lying then vnpaued . And in the fourth yeare of the same King , so vehement a lightning , ( which as hath beene said , is of the same matter with the winde ) pierced the steeple of the Abbay of Winscomb in Glostershire , that it rent the beames of the roofe , cast downe the Crucisixe , brake off his right legge , and withall ouerthrew the image of our Lady standing hard by , leauing such a stench in the Church , that neither incense , holy-water , nor the singing of the Monkes could allay it : But it is now more then time I should descend a steppe lower , from the aire to the water . CAP. 8. Touching the pretended decay of the waters and the fish , the inhabiters thereof SECT . 1. That the sea , and riuers , and bathes are the same at this present , as they were for many ages past , or what they loose in one place or time , they recouer in another . THough the Psalmist tell vs , that the Lord hath founded the earth vpon the Seas , and established it vpon the flouds , because for the more commodious liuing of man and beasts , hee hath made a part of it higher then the seas , or at least-wise restrained them from incursion vpon it , so as now they make but one intire Globe ; yet because the waters in the first Creation couered the face of the earth , I will first begin with them . The mother of waters , the great deepe hath vndoubtedly lost nothing of her ancient bounds or depth , but what is impaired in one place , is againe restored to her in another . The riuers which the Earth sucked from her by secret veines , it renders backe againe with full mouth , & the vapours which the Sunne drawes vp , empty themselues againe into her bosome . The purest humour in the Sea , the Sun Exhales in th' Aire : which there resolu'd , anon Returnes to water , & descends againe , By sundry wayes into his mother maine . Her motions of ebbing & flowing , of high springs and dead Neapes , are still as certaine & constant , as the changes of the Moone and course of the Sunne : Her natiue saltnes & by reason thereof her strength , for the better supporting of navigable vessells , is still the same : And as the Sea the mother of waters , so likewise the rivers the daughters thereof , ●…ither hold on their wonted courses and currents , or what they haue diminished in one age or place , they haue againe recompenced and repayed in another , as Sr●…bo hath well expressed it , both of the sea and rivers , Quoniam omnia moventur & transmutantur , ( aliter talia ac tanta administrari non possent ) existimandum est , nec terram ita semper permanere , vt semper tanta sit nec quicquam sibi addatur aut adimatur , sed nec aquam , nec candem sedem semper ab istis obtineri , presertim cum transmutatio ejus , cognata sit ac naruralis , quini●…ò terrae multum in aquam convertitur , & aquae multum in terram transmutatur . Quare minime mirandum est si eas terrae partes quae nunc habitantur , olim mare occupabat , & quae pelagus sunt prius habitabantur . Quemadmodum de fontibus alios deficere contingit , alios relaxari ; item & flumina & lacus . Because thnigs moue and are changed ( without which such and so great matters could not well be disposed ) we are to thinke that the earth doth not remaine alwayes in the same state , without addition or diminution , neither yet the water , as if they were alwayes bounded within the same lists , specially seeing their mutuall chang is naturall & kindly but rather that much earth is turned into water , & cōtrarywise no lesse water in to earth it is not thē to be wondered at , if that part of the earth which is now habitable was formerly overflowed with water , and that againe which now is sea , was sometimes habitable ; as among fountaines some are dried vp and some spring forth afresh , which may also be verified of rivers and lakes . wherewith accordes that of the Poet. Vidi ego quod fuerat quondam solidissima tellus Esse fretum ; vidi factas ex aequore terras . Et procul à pelago Chonchae jacuere marinae , Et vetus inventa est in montibus anchora summis : Quodque fuit campus , vallem decursus aquarum Fecit ; & eluvie mons est deductus in aequor . Eque paludosa siccis humus aret arenis Quaeque sitim tulerant stagnata paludibus hument . Hic fontes natura nouos emisit , et illic Clausit , & antiquis tam multa tremoribus orbis Flumina prosiliunt , aut exsiccata residunt . What was firme land sometimes that haue I seen Made sea , and what was sea made land againe , On mountaine tops old anchours found haue been , And sea fish shells to lie farre from the maine , Plaines turne to vales by water falls , the downe By overflowes is chang'd to champaine land , Dry ground erewhile , now moorish fen doth drowne , And fens againe are turn'd to thirsty sand , Here fountaines new hath nature opened , There shut vp springs which earst did flow amaine , By earthquakes rivers oft haue issued , Or dryed vp they haue sunke downe againe . The Poet there bringes instances in both these : And to like purpose is that of Pontanus . Sed nec perpetuae sedes sunt fontibus vllae Aeterni aut manant cursus , mutantur in aeuum ▪ Singula , & inceptum alternat natura tenorem , Quodque dies antiqua tulit , post auferet ipsa Fountaines spring not eternally Nor in one place perpetually do tary , All things in every age for evermore do vary , And nature changeth still the course she once begun , And will herselfe vndoe what she of old hath done . which though it be true in many , yet those great ones as Indus and Ganges , and Danubius , and the Rhene , & Nilus are little or nothing varied from the same courses and currents which they held thousands of yeares since ; as appeares in their descriptions by the ancient Geographers ; But aboue all meethinkes the constant rising of Nilus continued for so many ages , is one of the greatest wonders in the world , which is so precise in regard of time , that if you take of the earth adjoyning to the river and preserue it carefully , that it come neither to be wet nor wasted , and weigh it dayly , you shall finde it neither more nor lesse heavy till the seventeenth of Iune , at which day it begineth to groweth more ponderous and augmenteth with the augmentation of the river , whereby they haue an infallible knowledge of the state of the deluge . Now for the Medicinall properties of Fountaine or Bathes no man I thinke makes any doubt , but that they are both as many and as efficacious as ever . some it may be haue , lost their vertue and are growne out of vse : but others againe haue in stead thereof beene discovered in other places , of no lesse vse and vertue , as both Baccius & Blanchellus in their bookes de Thermis haue observed . And for those hot ones at the citty of Bath I make no question but Nechams verses may as justly be verified of their goodnesse at this present , as they were fower hundred yeares since , about which time he is sayd to haue written them . Bathoniae Tharmas vix prefero Virgilianas Confecto prosunt Balnea nostra seni . Prosunt attritis , collisis , invalidisque , Et quorum morbis frigida causa subest . Our Baines at Bath with Virgills to compare For their effects I dare almost be bold : For feeble folke , and crazie good they are , For brus'd , consum'd , farre spent , and very old For those likewise whose sicknesse comes of cold . SECT . 2. That the fishes are not decayed in regard of there store , dimensions , or duration . BUt it is sayd , that though the waters decay not , yet the fish , the inhabitants thereof , at leastwise in regard of their number are much decayed , so as wee may take vp that of the Poet. — Omne peractum est , Et iam defecit nostrum mare — All our Seas at length are spent and faile . The Seas being growne fruitlesse and barren as is pretended in regard of former ages , & that so it appeares vpon record in our Hauen townes : But if such a thing be , ( which I can neither affirme nor deny , hauing not searched into it my selfe ) themselues who make the objection , shape a sufficient answere therevnto , by telling vs that it may so be by an extraordinary judgment of God , ( as he dealt with the Egyptians ) in the death of our fish for the abuse of our flesh-pots , or by the intrusion of the Hollander , who carries from our coast such store as we might much better loade our selues with : and if we should a little enlarge our view , & cast our eyes abroad , comparing one part of the world with another , we shall easily discerne , that though our Coast faile in that abundance , which formerly it had by ouer-laying it , yet others still abound in a most plentifull manner , as is by experience found vpon the Coast of Virginia at this present . And no doubt , but were our Coasts spared for some space of yeares , it would againe afford as great plenty as euer . Finally , if the store of fish should decay by reason of the decay of the world , it must of necessity follow that likewise the store of plants , of beasts , of birds , and of men should dayly decay by vertue of the same reason . Nay rather , since the curse lighting vpon man extended to plants and beasts , but not to fishes , for any thing I finde expressely registred in holy Scripture . As neither did the vniversall Deluge hurt , but rather helpe them , by which the rest perished . There are still no doubt euen at this day as at the first Creation , in the Sea to be found As many fishes of so many features , That in the waters one may see all Creatures : And all that in this All is to be found , As if the World within the deepes were drown'd . Now as the store of fishes is no way diminished : so neither are they decayed either in their greatnes or goodnes . I will instance in the whale , the King of fishes , or as Iob termes him , the King ouer the children of pride . That which S. Basil in his Hexameron reports , namely that the whales are in bignes equall to the greatest mountaines , and their backes when they shew aboue water are like vnto Ilands , is by a late learned Writer not vndeservedly censured , as intollerably hyperbolicall . Pliny in the ninth booke and third Chap. of his Naturall history tels vs that in the Indian Seas some haue beene taken vp to the length of foure acres , that is , nine hundred and sixty feete ; whereas notwithstanding Arrianus in his discourse de rebus Indicis assures vs , that Nearchus measuring one cast vpon that shore , found him to be but fifty cubits . The same Pliny in the first Chapter of his 32 booke sets downe a relation of King Iubaes , out of those bookes which he wrote to C. Caesar , son to Augustus the Emperour , touching the History of Arabia , where he affirmes , that in the bay of Arabia , Whales haue beene knowne to be 600 foot long , and 360 foote thick , and yet as it is well known by the soundings of Navigatours , that Sea is not by a great deale 360 foot deep . But to let goe these fancies : and fables and to come to that which is more probable . The dimensions of the Whale , saith Aelian , is fiue times beyond the largest Elephants : but for the ordinary , saith Rondeletius , hee seldome exceedes 36 cubits in length , and 8 in heighth . Dion a graue Writer reports it as a wonder , that in the reigne of Augustus , a Whale lept to land out of the German Ocean , full 20 foot in bredth , and 60 in length . This I confesse was much , yet to match it with lattet times , Gesner in his Epistle to Polidor Virgill avoucheth it as most true , that in the yeare of our Lord 1532 , in the Northerne parts of our own land , not farre from Tinmouth hauen , was a mighty Whale cast on land , found by good measure to be 90 foot in length , arising to 30 English yards , the very bredth of his mouth was sixe yards and an halfe , and the belly so vast in compasse , that one standing on the fish of purpose to cut off a ribbe from him , and slipping into his belly , was very likely there to haue beene drowned with the moisture then remaining , had hee not beene suddenly rescued . From whence we may gather , that Iobs admirable description of this fish vnder the name of Leviathan , is still true , & that in vastnes , since Augustus his time , he is nothing decreased : And yet I well beleeue , that those on the Indian Seas may much exceed ours , which might perchance giue occasion to those large relations of Pliny & Iuba . Herevnto may be added the observation of Macrobius touching the growth of the Mullet . Plinius Secundus saith he , temporibus suis negat facile mullum repertum , qui duas pondo libras excederet , at nunc & majoris passim videmus , & praesentia hac insana nescimus . Plinius Secundus denies that in his time a Mullet was easily to be found which exceeded two pound weight ; but now adayes we euery-where see them of greater weight , and yet are not acquainted with those vnreasonable prises which they then payde for them . I will close vp this chapter with a relation of Gesners in his Epistle to the Emperour Ferdinand prefixed before his bookes De Piscibus , touching the long life of a Pike which was cast into a pond or poole neere Hailebrune in Swevia , with this inscription ingraven vpon a collar of brasse fastned about his necke . Ego sum ille piscis huic stagno omnium primus impositus per mundi Rectoris Frederici Secundi manus , 5 Octobris , anno 1230. I am that fish which was first of all cast into this poole by the hand of Frederick the second governour of the World. 5 of Octob. in the yeare 1230. He was again taken vp in the yeare 1497 , & by the inscription it appeared hee had then liued there 267 yeares : so as it seemes , that as fishes are not diminished in regard of their store or growth : so neither in respect of their age and duration . But I leaue floting on the Waters , and betake mee to the more stable Element the Earth . CAP. 9. Touching the pretended decay of the Earth , together with the Plants , and beasts , and minerals . SECT . 1. The divine meditations of Seneca and Pliny vpon the globe of the Earth . An objection out of Aelian touching the decrease of mountaines answered . That all things which spring from the earth returne thither againe , & consequently it cannot decay in regard of the fruitfulnesse in the whole . Other objections of lesse consequence answered . BOth Seneca and Pliny haue most divine meditations vpon this consideration , that the Globe of the Earth in regard of the higher Elements and the Heauens wheeling about it , is by the Mathematicians compared to a prick or point . These so many peeces of Earth ( saith Pliny ) or rather , as most haue written , this little prick of the World , ( for surely the Earth is nothing else in comparison of the whole ) is the only matter of our glory ; this I say , is the very seat thereof : here we seeke for honours and dignities , heere we exercise our rule and authority , here wee covet wealth and riches , here all mankind is set vpon stirs and troubles , here we raise civill warres still one after another , and with mutuall massacres & murthers we make more roome therein : And to let passe the publique furie of Nations abroad , this is it wherein wee chace and driue out our neighbour Borderers , and by stealth dig turfth from our Neighbours soyle to put into our owne : And when a man hath extended his lands , and gotten whole countreyes to himselfe farre and neere , what a goodly deale of earth enjoyeth he ? and say , that he set out his bounds to the full measure of his covetous desire , what a great portion thereof shall he hold , when he is once dead , and his head layed . Thus Pliny , with whom Seneca sweetly accords . Hoc est punctum quod inter tot gentes , ferro & igne dividitur , ôquam ridiculi sunt mortalium termini ! Punctum certè est illud in quo navigamus , in quo bellamus , in quo regna disponimus . It is but a point which so many Nations share with fire and sword . Oh how ridiculous are the bounds of mortall men ! It is verily but a point inwhich we saile , in which we wage warres , in which we dispose of Kingdomes . But from these sublime speculations , wee are to descend to the examination of the Earths supposed decay . Aelian in the eight booke of his history , telleth vs , that not onely the mountaine Aetna , ( for thereof might be given some reason , because of the daily wasting and consuming of it by fire , ) but Parnassus & Olympus did appeare to be lesse and lesse , to such as sayled at sea , the height thereof sinking as it seemed , and therevpon infers , that men most skilfull in the secrets of Nature , did affirme that the world it selfe should likewise perish and haue an end . His conclusion I cannot but approue , and most willingly accept of , as a rich testimonie for the confirmation of our Christian doctrine , from the penne of a Gentile : But that he inferres it , from so weake groundes , I cannot but wonder at the stupidity of so wise a man. For to graunt that those mountaines decrease in their magnitude , yet shall I never yeeld a vniuersall decrease in the whole globe of the Earth , since the proportions aswell of the Diameter as Circumference thereof , are by Geometricall demonstrations found to be the same which they were in former ages , or at least-wise not to decrease . And for the difference , which is observed betwixt the Calculation of Ancient & Moderne writers ; it is certainely to be referred to the difference of miles , or of instruments , or the vnskilfullnesse of the Authours ; not to the different dimensions of the Earth , which I thinke no Geometrician euer somuch as dreamed of . Notwithstanding which truth , I must , & doe readily subscribe to that of Iob , Surely the mountaine falling commeth to nought , and the rocke is remoued out of his place , but let vs take Iobs reason with vs , which he immediately adds ; The waters weare the stones , thow washest away the things which grow out of the dust of the earth : This diminution then of the Mountaines ( as Blaucanus obserues ) is caused partly by Raine-water , and partly by Riuers , which by continuall fretting , by little and little wash away & eate out both the tops , and sides , and feete of mountaines ; whence the parts thus fretted through , by continuall falling downe , weare out the mountaines , and fill vp the lower places of the valleyes , making the one to increase as the other to decrease ; whence it comes to passe that some old houses , heretofore fairely built , be now almost buried vnder ground , and their windowes heretofore set at a reasonable height , now growen euen with the pauement . So some write of the triumphall Arch of Septimius , at the foote of the Capitol mountaine in Rome , now almost couered with earth , in somuch as they are inforced to descend downe into it , by as many staires as formerly they were vsed to ascend ; whereas contrariwise the Romane Capitoll it selfe seated on the mountaine which hanges ouer it ( as witnesseth George Agricola ) discouers its foundation plainely aboue ground , which without question were at the first laying thereof deepe rooted in the earth , whereby it apppeares , that what the mountaine looseth the valley gaines ; and consequently that in the whole globe of the earth nothing is lost , but onely remoued from one place to another , so that in processe of time the highest mountaines may be humbled into valleyes , and againe the lowest valleyes exalted into mountaines . If ought to nought did fall ; All that is felt or seene within this all , Still loosing somewhat of it selfe , at length Would come to nothing : if death's fatall strength Could altogether substances destroy , Things then should vanish euen as soone as die . In time the mighty mountaines tops be bated ; But , with their fall , the neighbour vales are fatted And what , when Trent or Avon overflow They reaue one field , they on the next bestow . And whereas another Poet tels vs that Eluviemons est diductus in aequor : The mountaine by washings oft into the sea is brought . It is most certaine , and by experience found to be true , that as the rivers daily carrie much earth with them into the sea , so the sea sends backe againe much slime and sand to the earth , which in some places , and namely in the North part of Deuonshire is found to bee a marveilous great commoditie for the inriching of the soyle . Now as the Earth is nothing diminished in regard of the dimensions , ( the measure thereof from the Surface to the Center being the same , as it was at the first Creation , ) So neither is the fatnes & fruitfulnes thereof , at least-wise since the flood , or in regard of duration alone , any whit impaired ; though it haue yeelded such store of increase by the space of so many reuolutions of ages , yet hee that made it , continually reneweth the face thereof , as the Psalmist speakes , by turning all things which spring from it into it againe . Saith one , Cuncta suos ortus repetunt , matremque requirunt : And another : E terris orta , terra rursus accipit . And a third joynes both together , Quapropter merito maternum nomen adepta est Cedit enim retro , de terra quod fuit ante In terras , And altogether they may thus not vnfitly be rendred . All things returne to their originall , And seeke their mother : what from earth doth spring , The same againe into the earth doth fall Neither doe they heerein dissent from Syracides , with all manner of liuing things hath hee couered the face of the earth , and they shall returne into it againe . And that doome which passed vpon the first man after the fall , is as it were ingraven on the foreheads , not onely of his posterity , but of all earthly Creatures made for their sakes ; Dust thou art , and vnto dust shalt thou returne . As the Ocean is mainetained by the returne of the rivers , which are drayned & deriued from it : So is the earth by the dissolution and reuersion of those bodies , which from it receiue their growth and nourishment . The grasse to feede the beasts , the corne to strengthen , and the wine to cheere the heart of man , either are or might bee both in regard of the Earth & Heauens , as good and plentifull as euer . That decree of the Almighty , is like the Law of the Medes & Persians irreuocable ; They shall bee for signes , and for seasons , and for dayes , and for yeares : And againe , Heereafter seed time , and harvest , and cold , and heat , and summer , and winter , and day , and night , shall not cease so long as the Earth remaineth . And were there not a certainety in these reuolutions , so that — In se sua per vestigia voluitur annus , The yeare in its owne steps into in selfe returnes : It could not well be , that the Storke and the Turtle , the Crane and the Swallow , and other fowles , should obserue so precisely as they doe the appointed times of their comming and going . And whereas it is commonly thought , and beleeued , that the times of the yeare are now more vnseasonable then heeretofore , and thereby the fruites of the Earth neither so faire , nor kindely as they haue beene ; To the first I answere , that the same complaint hath beene euer since Salomons time : Hee that observeth the winde shall not sow , and he that regardeth the clowdes shall not reape . By which it seemes , the weather was euen then as vncertaine as now ; and so was likewise the vncertaine and vnkindely riping of fruites , as may appeare by the words following in the same place : In the morning sow thy seede , and in the euening let not thy hand rest : for thou knowest not whether shall prosper this or that , or whether both shall bee alike good : And if sometimes wee haue vnseasonable yeares , by reason of excessiue wet and cold , they are againe paid home by immoderate drought and heate , if not with vs , yet in our neighbour countries , and with vs. I thinke , no man will bee so vnwise , or partiall , as to affirme that there is a constant and perpetuall declination , but that the vnseasonablenes of some yeares , is recompensed by the seasonablenes of others . It is true that the erroneous computation of the yeare wee now vse , may cause some seeming alteration in the seasons thereof , & in processe of time , must needes cause a greater if it bee not rectified : but let that errour be reformed , and I am perswaded that communibus annis , we shall finde no difference from the seasons of former ages : at leastwise in regard of the ordinary course of nature : For of Gods extraordinary judgements , we now dispute not , who sometimes for our sinnes emptieth the botles of heaven incessantly vpon vs : and againe at other times makes the heavens as brasse ouer our heads and the earth as yron vnder our feete . SECT . 2. Another obiectiòn , to uching the decay of the fruitfulnes of the holy land , fully answered . WHen I consider the narrow bounds of the land of Canaan , ( it being by S. Hieromes account , who liued long there , but 160 miles in length , from Dan to Bersheba , and in bredth but 40 , from Ioppa to Bethleem , ) and withall the multitude incredible ( were it not recorded in holy Scripture ) both of men & cattell which it fedde , there meeting in one battle betweene Iudah & Israel twelue hundred thousand chosen men : Nay the very sword-men , beside the Levites and Benjamites were vpon strict inquirie found to be fifteene hundred and seuentie thousand , whereof the youngest was twenty yeares old , there being none by the Law to bee mustered vnder that age : and which is more strange , the very guards of Iehosaphars person amounted to almost an eleuen hundred thousand . And for the number of Cattell , there were slaine in one sacrifice at the dedication of Salomons temple , two and twenty thousand bullocks , and an hundred & twenty thousand sheepe . When I say , I compare these multitudes of men & cattell with the narrow bounds of that countrey ; I am forced to beleeue that it was indeed a most fruitfull soile , flowing with milke and hony , & richly abounding in all kinde of commodities : Yet the reports of some , who haue taken a survey of it in these latter ages , beare vs in hand , that the fruitfullnes thereof , is now much decayed in regard of those times : From whence they would inferre a generall decay in all soyles , & consequently in the whole course of nature . But it may truely be said that this wonderfull fruitfullnes proceeded from a speciall favour of Almighty God toward this people , as appeares in the 11 of Deuteronomy , this land doth the Lord thy God care for , the eyes of the Lord thy God are alwayes vpon it , from the beginning of the yeare euen to the end of the yeare . And more cleerely in the 26 of Leviticus : If you walke in mine ordinances , and keepe my commaundements , I will send you raine in due season , and the land shall yeeld her increase , and the trees of the field shall giue their fruite , and your threshing shall reach vnto the vintage , and the vintage shall reach vnto the sowing time , and you shall eate your bread in plenteousnes , and dwell in your land safely . But the miraculous prouidence of God shewed it selfe most euidently ouer this land in answering their doubt , what they should eate the seuenth yeare , if they suffered the land to rest , as God had injoyned them ; the reply is , I will send my blessing vpon you in the sixth yeare , and it shall bring forth fruite for three yeares . Now then as this extraordinary fruitfulnes proceeded from an extraordinary favour : so this favour ceasing , the fruitfulnes might likewise cease without any naturall decay of the soyle : The countrey about Sodome & Gomorrha was for fruitfulnes as the Paradice , or garden of the Lord , till the curse of God fell vpon it , then it became a wast land , and so remaines to this day : Yet can it not be gainesaid but that beside this speciall blessing of God , this soyle of Palestina was naturally ▪ very rich in it selfe , in asmuch as it fed one & thirty Idolatrous Kings , with their people , before the entrance of Gods chosen nation into it ; one of which alone possessed , as it should seeme threescore citties and the pomegranats , the figs & the grapes , which the spies ( sent by Moses to discouer the land ) brought backe with them , were marveilous goodly & faire . And as this soyle was thus rich before the entrance of this people , so since the displanting of them from thence , & the Saracens possessing it , it hath not altogether lost its ancient fruitfulnes whatsoeuer is pretended to the contrary , if wee may credit Brocardus , who about three hundred yeares since was himselfe an eyewitnesse thereof . His words are these . Non est credendum contrarium nunciantibus , neque enim eam diligenter considerarunt , his oculis vidi quanta fertilitate Terra benedicta fructificat : frumentum enim vix terra exculta sine stercore & simo mirabiliter crescit & multiplicatur . Agrisunt velut horti in quibus feniculum , salvia , ruta , rosa passim crescunt . There is no heed to be given to them who affirme the contrary ; For they haue not throughly cōsidered of the matter ; with these eyes did I behold the exceeding fertilitie of that blessed land : The Corne with a very little makeing of the earth prospers and multiplies beyond beliefe , the fields are as it were gardens of delight , in which fennell , sage , rue , and roses every where grow ; And so having largly described the admirable fruitfulnesse thereof in all kinds , at length he concludes : Denique illic exstant omnia mundi bona , & verè terra fluit rivis lactis & mellis . Finally there are to be had all the good things the world can afford , so that it may still be truly tearmed , a land flowing with rivers of milke and honey . And if it be degenerated from it's ancient fertility ( which vpon the report of Bredenbachius Adrichomius and others , I rather beleeue ) I should rather impute it to the Curse of God vpon that accursed nation which possesseth it , or to their ill manuring of the earth , from which the proverbe seemes to haue growne , that where the Grand Signiors horse once treads the grasse never growes afterward ) then to any Naturall decay in the goodnes of the soyle . SECT . 3. The testimonies of Columella and Pliny produced that the earth in it selfe is as fruitfull as in former ages , if it be made and manured . NOw that which by Brocardus hath beene delivered touching the holy land in particular , is by Columella in his bookes of Husbandry with no lesse assurednesse averred touching the nature of the Earth in generall : nay to shew his confidence herein , he makes that assertion , the entrance to his whole worke , thus beginning the very first chapter of his first booke . Saepenumero Civitatis nostrae principes audio culpantes , m●…do agrorum infoecunditatem , modo Coeli per multa jam tempora noxiam frugibus intemperiem , quosdam etiam praedictas querimonias velut ratione certa mitigantes , quod existiment vbertate nimi●… prioris aevi defatigatum & effoetum solum , ●…equire pristina benignitate prebere mortalibus alimenta ; quas ego causas Publi Sylvini procul à veritate abesse certum habeo , quod neque fas est existimare rerum naturam quam primus ille mundi genitor perpetua foecunditate donavit ( quasi quodam morbo ) sterilitate affectam , neque prudentis credere tellurem , quae divinam & aeternam juventam sortita communis omnium parens dicta sit , quia & cuncta peperit & deinceps paritura sit , velut hominem consenuisse , ne posthaec reor violentia Coeli nobis ista , sed nostro potius accidere vitio , qui rem rusticam pessimo cuique servorum velut carnifici noxae dedimus quam majorum nostrorum optimus quisque & optimè tractauerit . I haue often heard the chiefe of our Citty complaining of the vnfruitfulnesse of the earth , and sometimes againe of the vnkindlinesse of the weather now for a good space hurtfull to the fruites , and some haue I heard with shew of reason qualifying these complaints in that they beleeue the earth being worne out and become barren by the excessiue fruitfulnesse of former ages , not to be able to yeeld nourishment to mankind , according to the proportion of her accustomed bounty ; but for mine owne part Publius Sylvinus I am well assured that these pretended causes are farre from truth , it being a peece of impiety so much as once to imagine that nature ( which the first founder of the world blessed with perpetuall fruitfullnesse ) is affected with barrennesse , as a kind of disease , neither is it the part of a wise man to think that the Earth , ( which being indued with a divine and aeternall youth , is deservedly tearmed the Common Parent of all things , inasmuch as it both doth and hereafter shall bring all things forth ) is now waxen old like a man , so as that which hath befalne vs I should rather impute it to our owne default then to the vnseasonablenesse of the weather , inasmuch as wee commit the charg of our husbandry to the basest of our slaues , as it were to a publique executioner , whereas the very best of our ancestours with most happy successe vnderwent that charge themselues , and performed that worke with their owne hands . Now Sylvinus to whom he dedicated his workes having received and read this resolute assertion by reason he knew it to be against the common tenet , and specially of one Tremellius , vpon whose judgment it seemed he much relyed , made a Quaere thereof , & sent it to Columella , to which in the very first chapter of his second booke he returnes answer with this title title prefixed . Terram nec senescere nec fatigari , si stercoretur . That the earth is neither wearied nor waxeth old , if it be made . And then thus goes on . Queris à me Publi Sylvine quod ego sine cunctatione non recuso docere , cur priori libro veterem opinionem fere omnium qui de cultu agrorum loquuti sunt à principio confestim repulerim , falsamque sententiam repudiaverim censentium longo aevi situ , longique jam temporis exercitatione fatigatam & effoetam humum consenuisse . You demaund a question of mee Sylvinus , which I will endevour to answer without delay , which is , why in my former booke presently in the very entrance , I haue rejected the ancient opiniō almost of all , who haue written of husbandry , & haue cast of their imagination as false , who conceiue that the earth by long tracte of time and much vsage is growne old and fruitles : where he is so farre from recalling his assertion , or making any doubt of the certaine truth thereof : that hee labours farther to strengthen it with new supplies of reasons and at length concludes , Non igitur fatigatione , quemadmodum plurimi crediderunt , nec senio , sed nosta scilicet inertia minus benignè nobis arva respondent : licet enim maiorem fructum percipere , si frequenti & tempestiva & modica stercoratione terra refoveatur . It is not through the tirednesse or age of the earth , as many haue beleeued , but through our owne negligence that it hath not satisfied vs , so bountifully as it hath done . For we might receiue more profit from it , if it were cherished with frequent and moderate and seasonable dressing . And with Columella agrees Pliny in the eighteenth booke of his Naturall History , & third Chapter , where discoursing of the great abundance and plenty in fore-going ages , and demaunding the reason thereof , he therevnto shapes this reply ; Surely , saith he , the cause was this , and nothing else : Great Lords and Generals of the field , as it should seeme , tilled themselues their grounds with their own hands . And the Earth again for her part , taking no small pleasure as it were to be aired and broken vp , Laureato vomere & triumphali aratore , with ploughs laureat , & ploughmē triumphant , strained her self to yeeld increase to the vttermost . Like it is also that these braue men and worthy Personages were as curious in sowing a ground with corne , as in setting a battle in aray ; as diligent in disposing and ordering of their lands , as in pitching a field . And commonly euery thing that commeth vnder good hands , the more neat & cleane that the vsage thereof is , and the greater paines that is taken about it , the better it thriueth and prospereth afterwards . And hauing instanced in Attilius Serranus , and Quintius Cincinnatus , he goes on in this maner . But now see how the times be changed : they that doe this businesse in the field , what are they but bond-slaues fettered , condemned malefactors , and in a word noted persons , such as are branded and marked in their visage with an hot yron , yet we forsooth marvaile that the labour of these contemptible slaues and abject villaines doth not render the like profit , as that trauell in former ages , of great Captaines and Generals of Armies . By which it appeares that Columella and Pliny imputed the barrennes of the Earth in regard of former ages ) if any such were ) not to any deficiency in the Earth it selfe , but to the vnskilfulnes or negligence of such as manured it . To which purpose Aelian reports a pretty story of one Mises who presented the Great King Artaxerxes , as hee rode through Persia , with a Pomegranate of wonderfull bignesse : which the King admiring , demaunded out of what Paradise he had gotten it , who answered , that he gathered it from his owne garden , the King seemed therewith to bee marvailous well content , & gracing him with royall gifts , swore by the Sunne , this man with like diligence and care might aswell in my judgment of a little City make a great one . Videtur autem hic sermo innuere , saith the Author , omnes res curâ & continuâ sollicitudine , & indefesso labore meliores & praestantiores quàm Natura producat , effici posse . It seemes by this , that all things by labour and industry may bee made better then Nature produces them . And it is certaine that God so ordained it , that the industry of man should in all things concurre with the workes of Nature , both for the bringing of them to their perfection , and for the keeping of them therein being brought vnto it . As the Poet speaking of the degenerating of seedes hath truly expressed it . Vidi lecta diu & multo spectata labore Degenerare tamen , ni vis humana quotannis Maxima quaeque manu legeret . Oft haue I seene choice seedes , and with much labour tryed , Eftsoones degenerate , vnlesse mans industry , Yearely by hand did lease the greatest carefully . And this I take to bee the true reason ( as before hath beene touched ) why neither so good , nor so great store of wine is at this day made in this kingdome , as by records seemes to haue beene in former ages ; the neglect I meane , of planting & dressing our vines as they might be , and at this present are in forraine countreyes , and with vs formerly haue beene , & this neglect hath perchance arisen from hence , that we & the French being often and long at defiance , & all friendly commerce ceasing betwixt vs , partly to crosse them in the venting of their commodities , & partly to inrich themselues , men were either by publique authority set on worke , or they set themselues on worke , to try the vtmost of their endeavour in the making of wines , but since peace and trade hath beene setled betwixt both kingdomes , that practise hath by degrees growne out of vse , for that men found by experience that both better wines & better cheape might be had from France then could be made heere ; and I make no doubt but as tillage with vs , so the planting of Vineyards is increased with them , and for this reason , together with the Causes before alleadged , it seemes to be , that the French wines are better with vs at this present then they were in the raigne of Edward the second , as shall by Gods helpe bee fully manifested in the next Section . And that which hath beene spoken of the making of wines may likewise be vnderstood of the making of Bay sale in this kingdome in former ages , for which ( as I am credibly informed ) records are likewise to be seene ; for to ascribe either the one or the other to the Sunnes going more Southerly from vs in Summer , is in my judgement both vnwarrantable and improbable : vnwarrantable as hath already beene shewed in this very booke Cap. 4. Sect , 4. improbable , for that if this plant should decay for this reason , all other plants , & trees , & hearbes , & flowres should consequently partake of the like decay , at leastwise in some proportion , which our best Physitians and Herbalists haue not yet found to be so , nay the contrary is by them avouched ; and as our wines are in a manner vtterly decayed here , so their strength in France , in Spaine , in Italy , in Hungary , in Germany , should vpon the same supposition be much abated , which notwithstanding I haue no-where found to be observed , SECT . 4. An argument drawne from the present state of husbandmen , and another for the many & miserable dearths in former ages together with an obiection taken from the high prizes of victuals answered . BVt that which farther perswadeth me , that neither the goodnes of the soyle , nor the seasonablenesse of the weather , nor the industry of the husbandman is now inferiour to that of former ages , is this , that both this fyne and rent being raised , his apparell and education of his children more chargeable , & the rates of publique payments more burdensome , yet he fares better , and layes vp more money in his purse , then vsually in those times he did . Besides it is certaine , that if we compare time with time , the famines of former ages were more grievous then ours : I omit those of Ierusalem and Samaria , because occasioned by the sieges of those Cities , as also those which either Civill warres , or forraine invasions hath drawne on . Of the rest that of Lypsius . is vndoubtedly true . Iam de fame nihil profectò nos aut aetas nostra vidimus , si videmus antiqua . Now touching famine verily we and our age haue seene nothing , if wee behold ancient records . Vnder the Emperour Honorius , so great was the scarcity & dearth of victuals in Rome it selfe , that in the open market-place this voice was heard , Pone pretium humanae carni , set a price to mans flesh . And long before , euen when L. Minutius was made the first over-seer of the graine , Livy reports , multos è plebe , ne diutinâ fame cruciarentur , capitibus obvolutis sese in Tyberim praecipitasse . That many of the Commons least they should bee tortured with long famine , covering their faces , cast themselues headlong into Tyber . What a miserable dearth was that in Egypt , held by the Ancients for abundance of Corne , the Granary of the world ) when for want of bread their greatest Nobles were forced to sell not only their lands , but themselues , and become bond-slaues to Pharaoh . How vniversall was that fore-told by Agabus , which also came to passe vnder Claudius Caesar , as both Dion and Suetonius beare witnesse to S. Luke . But to come nearer home , few histories , I thinke , exceed our owne in this point . About the yeare 514 , during the raigne of Cissa king of the South-Saxons in his countrey raigned such an extreame famine , that both men and women in great flockes and companies cast themselues from rhe rocks into the Sea , in the yeare 1314 , about the beginning of the reigne of Edward the second , the dearth was generally such ouer the land , that purposely for the moderation of the prices of victuals , a Parliamēt was assembled at London : but it increased so vehemently that vpon S. Lawrence Eue , there was scarcely bread to be gotten for the sustentation of the Kings owne family . And the yeare following it grew so terrible , that horses & dogges , yea men and children were stollen for food , and which is horrible to thinke , the theeues newly brought into the gaoles , were torne in peeces , and presently eaten halfe aliue by such as had beene longer there . In London it was proclaimed that no Corne should be converted to Brewers vses , which Act the King ( moued with compassion towards his Nation ) imitating , caused to be executed through all the kingdome : otherwise saith Walsingham , the greater part of the people had perished with penury of bread . And againe to conclude this sad discourse , in the yeare 1317 , in the tenth yeare of the same King , there was such a murraine of all kinde of cattell ; together with a generall fayling of all fruits of the Earth by excessiue raines and vnseasonable weather , as provision could not be had for the Kings house , nor meanes for other great men to maintaine their Tables : Inasmuch as they put away their servants in great numbers , who hauing beene daintily bred , and now not able to worke , skorning to beg , fell to robbery and spoyle , which added much to the misery of the Kingdome . It will be said , if the plenty of corne and victuals , be as great as in former ages , how comes it to passe that their prices are somuch inhanced ? But if wee compare our prices with those of the ancient Romanes , wee shall finde that theirs farre exceeded ours . The Romane penny by the consent of the learned , and the judgement of our last Translatours in diverse parts of their Marginall notes , was the eight part of an ounce , accounting fiue shillings to the ounce , so that it was worth of our money seven pence halfe penny . Now by the testimony of Varro and Macrobius , their Peacocks egges ( which are now of no reckoning with vs , ) were sold with them for fiue Roman pence a peece : and the Peacocks themselues for fifty . Thrushes and Ousells or blackebirds were commonly sold for three pence a peece . Nay Varro mentions one L. Axius , a Romane Knight , who would not let goe a paire of doues , minoris quadringentis denarijs , for lesse then foure hundred pence . But these insana pretia , as Macrobius calls them , mad , and vnreasonable prices , wee shall haue fitter occasion to speake of , when wee come to treate of the luxury of the Ancients , In the meane time it shall not be amisse to remember what our Saviour tells vs in the Gospell , that two Sparrowes or passerculi , as Beza renders it , were then sold for a farthing , thereby implying their great cheapenes : Yet for the same money , it beeing the tenth part of a Romane penny , and answering in value to halfe penny farthing of our coyne , more may bee had at this day with vs : But I leaue forraine Nations and returne to our owne . If then together with the inhancing of prices , wee likewise take into our consideration the inhancing of Coyne , it will appeare that the prices of things are not so much inhanced as is supposed . About three hundred yeares agoe , in the latter part of the reigne of Edward the second , and beginning of Edward the third , an ounce of silver was valued at one shtlling and eight pence , whereas now it is valued at fiue shillings : so that one hundred pounds then was both in weight and worth fully as much as three hundred pounds are now ; and consequently , if they gaue a groat for that which wee now giue a shilling , they gaue just the same price which wee now giue . The price of Claret wine , as appeares vpon record among the statutes of Edward the second , was at that time twelue pence the gallon , so that by proportion the price should now be three shillings , and looke how much it comes shott of that price , it is certaine that somuch the cheaper it is at this day , then it was in that age . Wherevnto may be added the plenty of coyne and multitude of men , both which are doubtles in regard of those times much increased . For the former of which , though it be true that some great ones heaped vp huge masses of treasure , yet I thinke it will not be denied , but that there are now more rich men then in those times : Some wise men being of opinion that there is now more plate in the land , then there was in Edward the thirds time both money and plate : And for the latter , hee that shall duely consider the daily inlarging of our cities and townes , and the adding of new Iles to the greatest part of our Parish Churches , within these last two or three hundred yeares , will easily beleeue that the number of our people is not a little increased . Either of which asunder , but much more both together must needs bee a meanes of raising the prices of all things . yet this complaint as it hath beene in all ages , so will it still continue , since wee left to burne incense to the Queene of heaven , and to powre out drinke offerings vnto her , wee haue had scarcenesse of all things , and haue beene consumed with the sword and with the famine . SECT . 5. That there is no decrease in the fruitfulnesse , the quantities or vertues of plants & simples , nor in he store & goodnes of mettalls & minerals , as neither in the bignes or life of beastes , together with an obiection touching the Elephant in the first of Macchabes , answered . NOw if such bee the condition of the Earth it selfe , and the fruites thereof , what reason haue wee to conceiue otherwise of the trees and plants , springing vp and nourished from thence . I cannot finde that either Dioscorides , Theophrastus , or Pliny among the Ancients ; or among latter writers , Ruellius , Fuchsius , or our owne Gerard euer obserued any decay , either in the groweth , the vertues or duration of these Vegetables ; the Oake and Beetch , rise to as great an higth and bignes , spread their branches and rootes as farre , last as long , bring forth as faire mast ; as they did a thousand yeare agone . Those vnder-ground trees , whose bulkes are sometimes takē vp intire , in Cheshshire , Lancashire , & other places , & are commonly thought to haue lyen buried there euer since Noahs flood , are not found in length or largenesse to exceed the bodies of ours at this day . In former ages I graunt was greater choyce of good timber , because greater plenty of woods , but those being cut downe , tillage hath succeeded in the place thereof , which in regard of our increase of people , seemed of the two , the more necessary , & for fewell , it is in most places supplied with other kindes which were not then thought vpon . The like may be said for the vertues of Plants , Issop , Garlike , Hemlocke , and the rest , they are still indued with the same temper , with the same degrees of heat or cold , & are availeable for the same vses , as in former ages ; as may easily appeare by comparing Galen de simplicium medicamentorum facultatibus , with Wecker a moderne Physitian . The former makes Garlicke hot in the fourth degree , so doth the latter . The former Issop hot in the third degree , and so doth the latter . The former hemtocke extreamely cold , so doth the latter . These may suffice for a tast , and thus may wee paralell simples , as for their first , so for their second & third qualities , and application to diseases . The difference of their strength is doubtles very great in regard of the different Clymats they grow in : But that it should by succession of ages be abated in their severall species , and in the same Clymate , is more I thinke then euer any Herbalist in his writings , or learned Physitian in his practise hath yet obserued . And if there be no decay found in the Vegetables , very likely it is that the same may likewise be verified of the beasts those at leastwise which make them their food , and are nourished by them . Surely he that shall compare the present proportions of the elephant , the cammell , the horse , the dogge , with the descriptions of Aristotle , as also the present extention of their liues , with that which both hee , and other Ancients record of them , will easily finde that there is in them no sensible decrease . Vita equorum , ( saith hee ) plurimis ad decimum octavum , atque etiam vicesimum annum , sed nonnulli viginti quinque , & triginta egerunt : Et si cura diligenter adhibeatur vel ad quinquaginta protrahitur aetas horses commōly liue eighteene or twenty yeares , yet some last fiue & twenty or thirty , & if they bee very well kept , they may come to forty or fifty ; which hee makes in a manner their vtmost period . Whereas Albertus tells vs , that himselfe was assured by a souldier , that the horse hee then vsed , was three score yeares old , and yet was serviceable in the warres . And Augustinus Niphus yet latter , that hee was crediblely informed by the horsemen of Ferdinand the first , that there was then in the Kings stable an horse that was seaventy yeares old . Butaeo , a man much commended for his rare learning by many learned writers , labouring to demonstrate by Geometricall proportions , that the Arke was capable of so many severall kinde of beasts , as are faid to haue beene in it , as also their provision for one yeare spaces , takes the ground of his demonstration from the present dimensions of their bodies , and their present allowance for foode , proportioning the capacity of the Arke therevnto , and is therein applauded not onely by Goropius Becanus , but by Pererius and Sr Walter Rawleigh : whereas , were there such a continuall diminution in the quantity of their bodies , and consequently in their foode as is supposed , his ground were falfe , and his demonstration friuolous . Wherevnto may be added that the same allowance of foode , which Cato , and Varro , and Columella , in their bookes of husbandry agreed vpon to be sufficient for an oxe , or a horse , or a sheepe in their times , is now likewise thought to be but competent : And the same proportions of body , which the Ancient Painters & Caruers allowed to horses and dogges , is now likewise by the skilfullest in those Arts found to be most convenient . Indeede in the first booke of Macchabes & sixth chapter , is somewhat a strange relation made of Elephants , which are there described to be so bigge , that each of them carryed a wooden towre on his backe , out of which fought thirty two armed men , besides the Indian which ruled the beast . Whence some haue conceited that the Elephants of those times were farre greater then those of the present age : But doubtles the Authour of that booke speakes of the Indian race , which are farre beyond the Ethiopian , as Iunius in his annotations on that place hath observed out of Pliny . And there are of them , saith Aelian , nine cubits high , which is thirteene foote and an halfe . And those which haue beeene in the great Mogulls countrey assure vs , that at this day they are there farre more vast and huge then any that wee haue seene in these parts of the world . But leaving the Vegetables and beasts springing and walking vpon the face of the earth , let vs a little search into the bowels thereof , and take a view of the mettalls and mineralls therein bredde . Of the nature , causes , and groweth , whereof Georgius Agricola hath written most exactly , but neither he , nor any man else , I thinke euer yet obserued that by continuance of time theirveines are wasted & impaired , one treatise he hath expresly composed de veteribus & novis metallis , wherein he shewes that as the old are exhausted , new are discouered . It is true indeede which Pliny hath observed , that wee descend into the entrailes of the earth , wee goe downe as farre as to the seat and habitation of the infernall spirits , and all to meete with rich treasure , as if shee were not fruitfull enough , & beneficiall vnto vs in the vpper face thereof , where shee permitteth vs to walke and tread vpon her : Yet notwithstanding by the couetousnesse and toyle of men can her mines neuer be drawn dry , nor her store emptied . The Earth not onely on her backe doth beare Abundant treasures gliftring every where , But inwardly shee 's no lesse fraught with riches , Nay rather more ( which more our foules bewitches ) Within the deepe folds of her fruitfull lappe , So bound-lesse mines of treasure doth shee wrappe , That th' hungry hands of humane avarice Cannot exhaust with labour or device . For they be more then there be starres in heav'n , Or stormy billowes in the Ocean driv'n , Or eares of corne in Autumne on the fields , Or savage beasts vpon a thousand hils , Or fishes diving in the silver floods , Or scattred leaues in winter in the woods . I will not dispute it , whether all mineralls were made at the first creation , or haue since receiued increase by tract of time , which latter I confesse I rather with Quercetan incline vnto , they being somewhat of the nature of stones , which vndoubtedly grow , though not by augmentation or accretion , yet by affimilation or apposition , turning the neighbour earth into their substance , Yet thus much may wee confidently affirme , that the minerals themselues wast not in the ordinary course , but by the insatiable desire of mankind . Nay such is the divine providence , that even there where they are most vexed and wrought vpon , yet are they not worne out , or wasted in the whole . Of late within these few yeares Mendip hills yeelded , I thinke , more lead then ever , & at this day I doe not heare that the Iron mines in Sussex , or the Tinne workes in Cornewall are any whit abated , which I confesse to be somewhat strange , considering that little corner furnishes in a manner all the Christian world with that mettall : & for mines of gold & silver , though by some it be thought that they faile in the East Indies in regard of former ages : Yet most certaine it is that in the West Indies , that supposed defect is abundantly recompensed . SECT . 6. An obiection taken from the Eclipses of the Planets , answered . BEfore we conclude this Chapter , there remaines yet one rubbe to be remoued touching the Eclypses of the Sunne and Moone For as some haue beene of opinion , that the bodies of those Planets suffered by them , so many haue thought that these inferiour bodies suffered from them , & consequently that the more Eclypses there are , ( which by tract of time must needes increase in number ) the more do all things depending vpon those planets decay and degenerate in their vertues & operations . But as the former of these opinions is already proued to be certainely false , so is this latter altogether vncertaine . What effects Eclypses produce , I cannot punctually define . Strange accidents I graunt , aswell in the course of Nature , as in the Ciuill affaires , haue often followed vpon them , as appeares in Cyprianus Leouicius , who hath purposely composed a Tract of them . And Mr Camden obserues that the towne of Shrewesbery suffered twice most grievous losse by fire within the compasse of fiftie yeares , vpon two severall Eclypses of the Sunne in Aries , but whether those Accidents were to be ascribed to the precedent Eclypses , I cannot certainely affirme . Once wee are sure that the moone is Eclypsed by the interposition of the Earth , as is the Sun by the moone . Since then the night is nothing else but the interposition of the Earth betweene vs and the Sunne , I see no reason but wee should daily feare as dangerous effects from every night or thicke cloud , as from any Eclypse . But I verily beleeue that the ground of this errour , as also of the former , sprang frō the ignorance of the Causes of Eclypses ; Sulpitius Gallus being the first amongst the Romanes , and amongst the Greekes , Thales Milesius , who finding their nature did prognosticate and forshew them . After them , Hipparchus compiled his Ephimerides , containing the course and aspects of both these Planets for six hundred yeares ensuing , and that no lesse assuredly , then if hee had beene privy to Natures counsailes . Great persons and excellent doubtles were these , saith Pliny , who aboue the reach of all humane capacity , found out the reason of the course of so mighty starres , and diuine powers . And whereas the weake minde of man was before to seeke , fearing in these Eclypses of the starres , some great wrong , or violence , or death of the Planets , secured them in that behalfe . In which dreadfull feare stood Stesicorus and Pyndarus the Poets , notwithstanding their lofty stile , and namely at the Eclypse of the Sunce , as may appeare by their Poemes . In this fearefull fit also of an Eclypse , Nicias the generall of the Athenians ( as a man ignorant of the cause thereof ) feared to set saile with his fleet out of the haven , and so greatly indangered & distressed the state of his countrey : But on the contrary , the forenamed Sulpitius being a Colonell in the field , the day before that King Perseus was vanquished by Paulus , was brought forth by the Generall into open audience before the whole host , to foretell the Eclipe that should happen the next morrow , whereby he delivered the army from all pensiuenesse and feare , which might haue troubled them , in the time of battaile , and within a while after he compiled also a booke thereof . Thus far Plyny touching the harmlesse and innocent nature of Eclipses , himselfe in the next chapter reducing their certaine revolutions , and returnes to the space of two hundred twenty two moneths . I will shut vp all with a memorable story to this purpose taken out of Iohn de Royas in his Epistle to Charles the fifth , prefixed to his Commentaries vpō the plaine Sphere . Colonus the leader of King Ferdinands army , at the Iland of Iamaica , being in great distresse for want of victuals , which he could by no meanes attaine of the Inhabitants , & by his skill foreseeing an Eclips of the Moone shortly to ensue , tooke order that it should be declared to the Governours of the Iland , that vnlesse they supplyed him and his with necessaries , imminent danger hanged over their heads , in witnesse wherof they should shortly see the Moone Eclypsed The Barbarians at first , refused his demaunds and contemned his threatning : but when at the set time they indeed beheld the Moone by degrees to faile in her light , and vnderstood not the cause thereof , they first gaue credit to his words , and then supply of victuals to his army , casting themselues to his feete and craving pardon for their offence . Finally to the present objection , if any harmefull malignant effect be for the present or afterward produced by the Eclips in those parts where it is seene , yet no man I thinke will deny it , but to be repairable by by the tract and revolution of time , or if irrepairable , yet this decay in the Creatures , ariseth not from any deficiencie in themselues , from any waxing old or removall from their first originals , ( which is the very poynt in question ) but from an adventitious and externall cause . And so I passe from the other Creatures to the Consideration of Man the Commaunder and Compendium of all the rest , for whose sake both they were first made , and this discourse was first vndertaken . LIB . III. Of the pretended decay of mankind in regard of age and duration of strength and stature , of arts and witts . CAP. I. Touching the pretended decay of men in regard of their age , and first by way of comparison betweene the ages of the Ancients , and those of latter times . SECT . 1. Of the short life of man in regard of the duration of many other Creatures and that he was Created Mortall , but had he not falne , should haue beene preserued to immortality . SInce vpon exammination wee haue found that there is no such perpetuall and vniversall decay as is pretended in the Hea●…ens , in the Earth , in the Ayre , in the Water , the fishes , the plants , the Beastes , the Mineralls : I see no reason but that from thence wee might safely and sufficiently conclude that neither is there any such decay in man. But because this discourse was principally vndertaken and intended for the sake of mankind , I will consider and compare them of former ages with those of latter , first in regard of age , secondly in regard of Strength and stature , thirdly in regard of wits and inventions : fourthly and lastly in regard of manners and conditions . And if vpon due consideration and comparison it shall appeare that there is no such decay in any of these as is supposed , the Question I trust touch-the worlds decay in generall will soone be at at end . The ordinary age of man being compared with that of the heavens , the stones , the mettalls , some beasts & trees is very short , but the longest being cōpared with God and Eternity is but as a span , a shadow , a dreame of a shadow , nay meere nothing , which the Romane Oratour hath both truly observed , and eligantly expressed . Apud Hypanim fluuium qui ab Europae parte in pontum influit , Aristoteles ait bestiolas quasdam nasci quae vnum diem viuant ; ex ijs igitur hora octaua quae mortua est , provecta aetate mortua est , quae vero occidente sole decrepita , eo magis si etiam Solstitiali die . Confer nostram longissimam aetatem cum aeternitate , in eadem propemodum brevitate qua istae bestiolae reperiemur . Aristole writes that by the river Hypanis which on the side of Europe fals into Pontus , certaine little animals are bred , which liue but a day at most : Amongst them then , such as dye the eight houre , dy old ; such as dye at sun set , dye in their decrepit age specially if it be vpon the day of the Sūmer Solstice . Now cōpare our age with eternity , and we shall be found in regard of duration almost in the same state of shortnesse that those Creatures are . The body of man even before the fall was doubtlesse in it selfe by reaof contrary Elements , contrary humours , and members of contrary temper whereof it was composed , dissoluble and morrall : As also by reason of outward accidents , the dayly wasting of his natiue heate , and the disproportionable supply of his radicall moisture : But these defects his Creator supplyed , arming him against outward accidents by divine providence , the guard of Angels and his owne excellent wisedome , against the contrarieties fighting in his body , by the harmony of his soule : against the wasting of his natiue heat and radicall moysture by that supernaturall vertue & efficacy which he gaue to the fruit of the tree of life : He was then Naturally Mortall : ( for otherwise even after his fall should he haue continued immortall , as the Apostate Angells did ) but by speciall priviledge and dispensation immortall . mortalis erat , saith S. Augustine , conditione corporis animalis , immortalis autem beneficio-conditoris : He was mortall in respect of his naturall body , but immortall by the favour of his Creator : Yet doubtles had he not sinned , he had not still liued here vpon earth , though in likelihood his age might be extended to some thousands of yeares , but should haue beene at length translated from hence to heaven where he could neither haue sinned nor dyed●… Sic est immortalis conditus , Sayth Gregory , vt tamen si peccaret , & mori possit , & sic mortalis est conditus , vt si non peccaret etiam non mori possit , atque ex merito liberi arbitrij beatitudinem illius regionis attingeret , in qua vel peccare vel mori non possit . He was so created immortall that if he sinned he might dye , and againe so was he created mortall that , he could not dye : But by the merit of his freewill should haue beene translated to that place of blisse where he could neither sinne nor dye . SECT . 2. Of the long liues of the Patriarchs , and of the manner of Computing there yeares , and that Almighty God drew out the lines of their liues to that length for reasons proper to those first times . THough vpon the fall of man the duration of his continuance here vpon the earth was much shortned , yet certaine it is that many of the Ancient Patriarches before the floud liued aboue nine hundred , and some to allmost a thousand yeares , Neither ought this to seeme incredible , though Plyny mentioning some who were reported to haue liued fiue sixe or eight hundred yeares , at length concludes that all these strange reports arise from the ignorance of times past , and for want of knowledg how they made their account . For some , saith he , reckoned the Summer for one yeare and the Winter for another . There were also that reckoned every quarter for a yeare , as the Arcadians whose yeare was but three moneths , and some againe you haue , as namely the Egyptians , who count every chaunge or New moone for a yeare , and therefore no marvell if some of them are reported to haue liued a thousand yeares . Thus Pliny . But Iosephus to justifie the trueth of Moses his history touching the age of the first Patriarches , vouches the authority of Manathon the writer of the Egyptian story , Berosus of the Chaldean , Moschus and Esthieus of the Phenician , as also Hesiodus , Hecataeus , Elamius , Acuselaus , Ephorus and others , all affirming that those of the first age liued to a thousand yeares , but how they made their computation Iosephus doth not expresse : Wherevpon some haue beene so bold as to tell vs , that the yeares Moses there speakes of , are not to be computed as ours , but were somewhat aboue the monethly yeare contayning in them thirty six dayes which is a number quadrat , being made vp of six times six : So that one of our yeares containes tenne of them , and those yeares being divided into twelue moneths , there could not aboue three dayes bee attributed to each of them . But this opinion ( for I will not spare it though it make for mee , ) how not onely false it is , but manifestly repugnant to the sacred Scriptures , any man may of himselfe easily discerne . For if we embrace this computation , it will from thence follow that Caynan and Enoch begat children when they were but six yeares old and an halfe , or seaven at most , for the Scripture tells vs , that the one begat them when he was but sixty fiue yeares old , and the other at seventie : so that if tenne of their yeares made but one of ours , it would consequently follow , that they begat children when they were yet but seven yeares of age : Besides , since none of those Ancient Patriarches attained to a thousand yeares , if their yeares were so to be accounted , as these men would haue it , none of them should haue arrived to ninety seaven yeares ; and yet many we know are now found to passe an hundred . Againe , the Scripture testifies , that Abraham died in a good old age full of dayes , being one hundred seaventy fiue yeares old , which number according to their computation , makes but seaventeene yeares and an halfe ; a ridiculous old age . Lastly , in the seaventh and eight of Genesis in that one yeare alone , in which the flood lasted , mention is made of the first , second , and tenth moneth , & least any should imagine , that those moneths lasted onely three dayes , wee haue there named the seaventeenth day of the second , and the twenty seaventh of the seaventh moneth . To take it then as graunted that Moses his computation of the yeare was the same with ours , and that those first Patriarches liued much longer then any of latter times ; yet from thence cannot any sufficient proofe be brought , that there hath beene & still continues , a constant and perpetuall decrease in mans age , since for speciall Reasons and by speciall priviledge Almighty God graunted that to them , which to their successours was denyed : which I will rather choose to expresse in Iosephus his words then in mine owne . Where hauing assigned some other causes thereof , peculiar to those times & persons , at length he concludes . Deinde propter virtutes & gloriosas vtilitates quas iugiter perscrutabantur , id est astrologiam & Geometriam , Deus ijs ampliora viuendi spatia condonauit , quae non ediscere potuissent , nisi sexcentis viuerent annis , per tot enim an norum curricula magnus annus impletur . Againe in regard of the excellent and profitable vse of Astronomy and Geometry , which they daily searched into , Almighty God graunted them a longer space of life , in as much as they could not well finde out the depth of those Arts , vnlesse they liued six hundred yeares , for in that reuolution of time , the great yeare comes about . Where what hee meanes by the great yeare , since the most learned make a great doubt , I for my part will not vndertake positiuely to determine . But to this reason of losephus may well be added another principall one , which is , that God spared them of this first age the longer for the multiplying of the race of mankind , and replenishing the Earth with Inhabitants . And as hee graunted them for these reasons a longer space of life by speciall priuiledge : so likewise he fitted their foode , their bodies , and all other necessaries proportionable therevnto ; as extraordinary carefulnes and skilfulnes in the moderation and choice of their diet together with a singular knowledge in the vertues of plants , and stones , and mineralls , and the like , as well for the preservation of their health , as the curing of all kinde of diseases ; which well agrees with that of Roger Bacon , speaking of the Patriarches in his booke de scientia experimentali . Quum fuerunt magna sapientia praediti , excogitaverunt omne regimen sanitatis & medicinas secretas quibus senectus retardabatur & quibus cum venit potuit mitigari & filij eorum hoc regimen habebant & experimenta contra senectutem , nam Deus illustravit in omni sapientia , & ergo diu vivere potuerunt . They being indued with singular wisedome , found out the whole course of the regiment of health and secret medicines , whereby the pace of old age was slackned , and when it arived the rigour of it was abated , and from them their sonnes as by a tradition derived this skill , and these experiments against old age , for God enlightned them with all kinde of wisedome ; and from hence it came to passe that they lived long . Yet euen among them before the floud , wee finde that the first man , who in case of a decrease should in reason haue liued longest , was notwithstanding in number of yeares exceeded not onely by Methusalath , and Iered before , but by Noah after the flood , except wee will adde vnto Adams age threescore yeares , as some diuines doe , vpon a supposition that hee was created in the flower of mans age , agreeablely to those times . SECT . 3. That since Moses his time , the length of mans age is nothing abated , as appeares by the testimony of Moses himselfe , and other graue authours , compared with the experience of these times . HOwsoever it fared with the Patriarches , sure we are that since Moses his time ; who was borne in the yeare of the world 2434 , or thereabout , aboue three thousand yeares agoe , when the world was now well replenished , and the most necessary sciences depending vpon observation and experience , in a manner perfected , the length of mans age is nothing abated , as cleerely it appeares by that most famous and euident testimony of his : the time of our life , ( saith hee ) is three score yeares and tenne , and though men bee so strong that they come to foure score yeares , yet is their strength then but labour and sorrow , so soone passeth it away , and wee are gone . And that these are indeede the words of Moses , appeares by the very Title of the Psalme prefixed to it . A Psalme of Moses the man of God. For though S. Augustine seeme to make some doubt of it , because hee findes it not recorded in his history : And Aben Ezra a Iewish Rabbin , thinke the Authour to haue beene one of Davids singers so named , yet S. Hierome doubts not constantly to auerre it to be that same Moses , who was the penman of holy writ , and the Captaine of the Hebrewes , & that we might not call it into question , the Holy Ghost seemes purposely to haue annexed that Epithete , The man of God , that is , not only a godly religious and excellent man , but a man endued with a propheticall spirit , and so is it taken , 1 Sam. 2. 27. & 1. Kings . 13. 1. In which regard Moses himselfe giues himselfe this same Title , Deuter : 33. 1. This is the blessing wherewith Moses the man of God blessed the children of Israel before his death . And for S. Augustines objection , hee would leaue very few Psalmes to David himselfe , were his argument of any force . Yet some Expositours there are , who referre it to that story of the Israelites , written in the 32 of Exodus , Others in the 14 of Numbers , which I the rather am induced to beleeue , for that of all those six hundred thousand Israelites , which vnder the conduct of Moses came out of Aegypt , onely two , Caleb and Iosua entred into the land of promise , all the rest , men , women , & children , young & old , leauing their carkases in the Wildernes within the space of forty yeares . True indeede it is , that both Moses . himselfe and his brother Aaron outliued the number of yeares set downe in that Psalme ; yet saith judicious Calvin , de communi ratione loquitur , hee speakes of the ordinary course , how it commonly fared with men in that respect even in those times . And thus doe I take Herodotus to be vnderstood jumping in the same number with Moses , spatium vivendi longissimum propositum esse octoginta annos , that the vtmost space of mans life is foure score yeares : Though Solon come a degree shorter , making the age of man threescore and ten , as both Laertius and Censorinus in his booke De die natali testifie of him . Plato who had ( as Seneca witnesseth ) a strong and able body , borrowing his name from his broad brest , not without much care & diligence arrived to the age of eighty one yeares . And Barzillai who liued in Dauids time , is said to haue beene Senex valdè , a very aged man , yet was he by his owne confession , but foure score yeares old . Nay Dauid himself is said to haue beene old , striken in yeares , & Satur dierum , full of dayes , insomuch as they covered him with clothes , but he got no heate : yet was he but threescore and ten when he died , thirty when he began to raigne , and forty yeares he raigned , being naturally of a sound and healthfull constitution . Solomons age we cannot by Scripture certainly determine : some Divines conjecture , that he little exceeded forty , but the most learned , that hee passed not fifty or threescore at most , yet is it noted of him , that cùm senex esset , when hee was old , his wiues turned away his heart after other Gods : Of all the Kings of Iudah and Ierusalem which followed after , the greatest part came not to fifty , very few to threescore , and none full home to threescore and tenne . In the whole Catalogue of Romane , Greeke , French , and Germane Emperours , onely foure are found which attained to fourescore , and those not among the first of that ranke . In the bed-roll of Popes , fiue only liued to see those yeares , and those of latter dayes in comparison , namely Iohn 23. Gregory 12 & 13. Paulus 3 and 4. and which is more remarkeable , our Queene Elizabeth of fresh and blessed memory out-liued all her predecessours since the conquest , raigning the yeares of Augustus , and liuing the age of Dauid . SECT . 4. The same confirmed by the testimony of other ancient and learned Writers . HEsiodus the first Writer as I take it ( saith Pliny ) who hath treated of this argument , in his fabulous discourse touching the age of man , affirmeth , ( but vpon what ground I know not ) that a crow liueth nine times as long as wee , and the Harts or Staggs foure times as long as the crow , but the ravens thrice as long as they : And if we should consult with Astrologers , Epigines saith , that it is not possible to liue an hundred and two and twenty yeares : and Berosus is of opinion , that one cannot passe an hundred and seuenteene . In the Oracle of Sybilla Erithraea by the testimony of Phlegon Trallianus are found these verses . Viginti & centum revolutis protinus annis , Quae sunt humanae longissima tempora vitae . When sixe score winters are expir'd , which fate Of humane life hath made the longest date . Moreouer Trebellius Pollio in his booke to Constantius thus writeth , Doctissimi Mathematicorum centum viginti annos homini ad vivendum datos judicant , neque amplius cuiquam concessum dicunt , illud etiam adijcientes , Mosen ipsum , ( vt Iudaeorum libri testantur ) Dei familiarem viginti quinque ac centum annos vixisse , qui cùm interitum hunc vt immutatum fortè quereretur , ferunt illi ab incerto Numine responsum , neminem deinceps amplius esse victurum . The most learned Mathematicians are of opinion , that a man can liue but an hundred and twenty yeares , and that none can goe beyond that period , yet they adde , that Moses himselfe , as the writings of the Iewes testifie , being familiar with God , liued to the age of one hundred twenty fiue yeares , who when he complained of this change , they report this answere to haue beene giuen him by some divine power , that no man after that should passe those bounds . Thus Pollio : ignorantly mistaking the age of Moses , but alluding as it seemes to that speech of God in the sixth of Genesis , his dayes shall be an hundred & twenty yeares . Which words notwithstanding I should rather choose to referre to the continuance of the world till the comming of the floud , then to the duration of the age of particular men . For it is certaine that after this , not onely Noah , but Sem and Arphaxad , and Salah , and Eber , and Peleg , and Nahor , and Terah , and Abraham , and Isaac , and Iacob , some of them by much ; and all of them by some number of yeares exceeded this proportion . Crinitus in his seuenth booke de honesta disciplina reports out of Terentius Varro from the authority of Dioscorides a great Astrologer , that the Egyptians ; ( who tooke speciall care about the imbalming of dead bodies ) by a subtill and witty kinde of reasoning found out , within what bounds of space to the very vtmost the age of man is confined , taking their estimate from the weight of the heart , they affirmed then that the life of man is limited to one hundred yeares , so that it could not passe that tearme , which the heart of those , say they , who dye not vntimely , doth manifest ; in as much as together with age , if it be examined , it either receiues increase or decrease ; It receiuing the increase of two drams euery yeare till a man come to fifty , and then again the decrease of two yearely till he arriue to an hundred , and so returning to its originall weight , it can then make no farther progresse . Now this observation though it be doubtlesse more curious then true , yet doth it shew that the common opinion of the Ancients was , that men did seldome passe one hundred years . Seculum centum annorum spatium vocârunt , dictum à sene , quòd longissimum spatium●…id putârint senescendorum hominum , saith Varro , Seculum was the space of an hundred yeares , so called à sene , because they held that to be the vtmost point of growing old . And with Varro herein accords the son of Syrach , The nūber of a mans dayes at the most are an hundred yeares . So as that prerogatiue extraordinary of Longevity was as I take it , specially annexed , as to those first ages of the world , so to the Church and people chosen by God in those times . For had men in all places and in all ages arriued to the liues of the Patriarches , the Earth by this time had not beene able to sustaine them with food , nor hardly to contain their multitude ; yet can it not be denied but that in all times , and in all Nations some haue beene alwayes found who haue exceeded that number of yeares which many of the Ancients ( as we haue heard ) accounted the vtmost period of mans life . SECT . 5. That in all times and nations some haue beene found who haue exceeded that number of yeares which the wisest of the ancients accounted the vtmost period of mans life , and that often those of latter ages haue exceeded the former in number of yeares , as is made to appeare as well from sacred as prophane story . TO let goe fabulous and vncertaine reports of the Arcadian kings and such like , certaine it is , that Marcus Valerius Corvinus , liued one hundred yeares compleate , Metellus the Pontife or Supreame Priest liued full as long . Epimenides the Cretian liued one hundred & fifty , whereof the last fifty he spent vnder ground in a Caue . Zenophanes the Colophonian one hundred and two at the least : for he travelled at twenty fiue , and returned at seuenty seuen after his setting forth , but after his returne how long he liued it is vncertaine . Gorgias the Sicilian a famous Rhetorician in his time , liued to one hundred and eight . Hippocrates the renowned Physitian to one hundred and fowre , both approving and honouring the excellency of his Art by his age . Asinius Pollio inward with Augustus , though of a luxurious life , surmounted an hundred . And for women Ciceroes wife Terentia liued till she was one hundred and three . Clodia wife to Ofilius went beyond her , and saw one hundred & fifteene years , & yet had she in her youth fifteene children : Luceia a common vice in playes followed the stage and acted thereon an hundred yeares , such another vice that played the fooles part , and made sporte betweene whiles in interludes , named Galeria Copiola was brought aga●… act her feates vpon the stage when Cn. Pompeius and Q. Sulpitius were consulls , at the solemne playes vowed for the health of Augustus Caesar , when she was in the hundred and fourth yeare of her age . The first time that ever she entred the stage to shew proofe of her skill in that profession , was ninety one yeares before , and then was she brought thither by M. Pomponius an Edile of the Commons in the yeare that C. Marius and Carbo were Consuls . And once againe Pompeius the great , at the solemne dedication of his stately Theater , trained the old woman to the stage , thereby to make a shew of her to the wonder of the world . And if from prophane stories wee should come to the sacred , we shall there likwise find that some in all ages haue reached to that number of yeares , and that often ( which I desire to be observed ) those of latter times haue exceeded the former . To let goe the Patriarchs of whome as far as Iaacob I haue in part allready spoken , Ioseph attained to an hun-and tenne , his brother Leui to one hundred thirty seaven , and Moses & Aron were each of them one hundred and twenty at the least . Phineas Arons nephew , it may be by speciall favour for his great Zeale , is supposed to haue liued three hundred yeares : and justly no doubt , if the warre of the Israelites against the tribe of Beiamin , ( in which expedition Phineas was consulted with ) were acted in the same series of time , in which the history is recorded . Iosua liued one hundred and tenne . Iob after his restitution liued one hundred and forty yeares , notwithstanding that before his affliction he had children of the age of men and women . Elizeus seemes to haue beene aboue an hundred , inasmuch as he lived threeskore yeares after the assumption of Elias ; and such he was at that assumption as the children taunted him for his bald pate . Tobias the elder liued to one hundred fifty and eight , the yonger to one hundred twenty seaven . Long after this Anna the Prophetesse mentioned by S. Luke seemes to haue out pitched an hundred , as our common translation reads it , she being a widdow fowerskore and fowre years , married seauen , and by common account no lesse then fourteene or fifteene when she was married , which being put together make vp an hundred and six yeares or there about : though I am not ignorant that Iunius and our last translation agreably to the originall render it thus , & erat vidua annorum quasi octoginta & quatuor , she was a widdow of about fowreskore and fower yeares that is according to an vsuall Hebraisme , about fouerscore and fower yeares old , as Noah is said to haue beene filius quingentorum annorum , the sonne of fiue hundred yeares , that is , natus quingentos annos , fiue hundred yeares old . Iohn the divine and beloued desciple an apostle a prophet and an evangelist , who of all the apostles onely died in his bed , all the rest suffering martyrdome for the name of Christ , was doubtlesse very aged when he resigned his spirit for as witnesseth Eusebius out of Irenaeus he deceased in the 2 yeare of Traian which was the 101 frō the nativity , the 68 frō the passion of Christ ; Cedrenus affirms that he liued to 106 , but surely considering he wrote his Gospell after he was 90 by the testimony of Epiphanius , it is more then probable that he drew nere vppon 100 if he exceeded it not . After this againe Plyny to shew the errour of some ●…athematitians , who thought that the life of man could not even then be extended beyond an hundred yeares , produceth a taxation or review of the severall ages of men betweene Apennine and the Poo made vnder the emperours Vespatian , the father and the sonne , in which vpon examination were found at Parma three men that had liued each of them one hundred and twenty yeares , at Brixels one that was one hundred twenty fiue years old : Moreover at Parma two , one hundred and thirty yeares of age ; at Plaisance one elder by an yeare : at Faventia there was one woman one hundred thirty two yeares old : at Bononia L. Taurentius the son of Marcus & at Ariminium M. Aponius reckoned each of them one hundred and fifty yeares . About Playsance , is a towne situate vpon the hills named Velleiacum wherein six men brought a certificate that they had liued one hundred and ten yeares a peice , foure likewise came in with a note of an hundred and twenty yeares , & one of an hundred and forty : But because we will not dwell ( sayth he ) vpon a matter so evident and commonly confessed in the review taken of the eight Region of Italy , there were found in the role fifty foure of one hundred yeares of age , fifty seaven of one hundred & tenne , two of one hundred twenty fiue , fowre of one hundred and thirty , as many that were an hundred thirty fiue , or one hundred thirty seaven , and last of all three men of one hundeed and forty . Now had Plyny vir vnus apud Latinos in observandis investigandisque Naturae arcanis diligens & accuratus , the only man among the Latines who is a diligent and curious tracer of the prints of Natures footsteps , had this man I say obserued any such decrease as is pretended in mens ages in regard of former times , he would doubtlesse haue noted it , either in that chapter where so fare an oportunity was offered him , or some where else through his history : which I presume cannot be found , & I doubt not but if the like review and list were made in those parts at this day , as many of like ages would be found within the like compasse ; or if there were found defect in that place , it may happily be supplied in another ; or if a generall defect in this age by reason of some accidentall occasion , yet may it be repaired & recompenced againe in future times by their remoueall : The defect then ( if any be ) is not in the course of Nature , but in our wronging it ; and yet I make no doubt but a number in succeeding ages haue equalled and some exceeded those recounted by Plyny in number of years . SECT . 6 The same assertion farther proved and inlarged by many instances , both at home & abroad . ARchapius the Philosopher boasted , as witnesseth Roger Bacon in his booke de erroribus medicorum , that he had liued 1029 yeares : and farther adds that himselfe had spoken with many eye-witnesses worthy Credit who knew a man qui magnifico medicamine sumpto vixerat nongentis et multis alijs annis & habuit litteras Papales in testimonium huius rei , who having vsed a princely preservatiue liued nine hundred yeares , and had the Popes letters testimoniall to shew for it . To say nothing of the wandring Iew , by some named Iohannes Buttadeus , of whom about six yeares since , being seene and conferred with at Antwerpe , & againe about sixteene before that , in France was every where in those times so much talke , as if he had beene present at our Sauiours passion , and had liued in this wandring manner euer since ; I will onely referre the curious Reader , who desires to be farther informed in that point to the relations of Guido Bonatus , ( who liued about 400 yeares since ) in the first part , 5 tract & 141 consideration of his Iudiciarie Astrologie , & to the seaventh booke of the Historie of the peace betwixt the Kings of France & Spaine in the yeare 1604 , where the storie is not onely related but learnedly disputed ; & to an old manuscript Chronicle de gestis Regis Iohannis lately in the keeping of the euer renowned Sr Henry Savill , where report is made that in the yeare of Grace 1228 , an Archbishop of Armenia arriuing as a pilgrime in this kingdome to visite the reliques of our Saints , and being demaunded if hee could say any thing touching the wandring Iew , of whom at that very time was much rumour ; a certaine Knight in his traine made answere for him in french , that he knew him well , and had often conuersed with him ; and therevpon describes him both for his person , and manners , & the occasion of his liuing in that fashion , Much like as doth Paule of Eitsen , Bishop of Sleswing , who is sayed to haue met & conferred with him at Hamborough , in the yeare 1542 , in the French history before alleaged , but leauing him to his wandring life , I returne to more certaine Relations . Paul the Hermite liued to one hundred & thirty , S. Anthony to one hundred & fiue , one Cornarius a Venetian by weighing his meate and drinke which hee tooke euery meale ( as himselfe in his medicinall observations testifies ) suruiued an hundred in perfect sense and sound health . Gartius Aretinus great Granfather to Petrarch , arriued to one hundred & foure . Gulielmus Postellus , a french man in our age held out to almost an hundred & twenty ; the tops of his beard in his higher lip being then somewhat blackish & not altogether white . But aboue all , most memorable is the age of Iohannes de Temporibus , which Verstigan out of the Dutch Authours thus reports : Heere by the way , saith he , I must note to the Reader that Iohannes de Temporibus , that is to say , Iohn of times so called for the sundry times or ages he liued , was shield-knaue , or Armour bearer to Charles the great , of whom he was also made Knight . This man being of great temperance , sobriety , & contentment of minde in his condition of life , but aboue all , of a most excellent constitution of body , residing partly in Germany where hee was borne , & partly in France , liued vnto the ninth yeare of the reigne of the Emperour Conrade , & died at the age of three hundred sixty oney eares , seeming thereby a very miracle of Nature , & one in whom it pleased God to represent vnto latter ages the long yeares & temperate liues of the ancient Patriarches . Mine Authour goeth on ; 't is said that there hath a man lately liued in the East Indies , of some thought to bee yet liuing , of greater age then this Iohn of Times : The certainety heereof I cannot affirme , but it is crediblely reported , that a wo●… lately liued at Segouia in Spaine of an hundred & threescore yeares of age . And Franciscus Alvarez saith , that he saw Albuna Marc : chiefe Bishop of Ethiopia being of the age of an hundred & fifty yeares . Anthony Fume an Historiographer of good account , reporteth that in the yeare one thousand fiue hundred & seaventy , there was an Indian presented to Solyman Generall of the Turkes army , who had outliued three hundred yeares . And Sr Walter Rawleigh tels vs , that himselfe knew the old Countesse of Desmond of Inchiquin in Munster , who liued in the yeare 1589 & many yeares since , & yet was married in Edward the fourths time , & held her joynter from all the Earles of Desmond till then : And that this is true ( sayth he ) all the Noblemen & Gentlemen of Munster can witnesse . My Lord of S. Albans casting her age , brings her to one hundred & forty at least , adding withall , ter per vices dentijsse , that shee recouered her teeth after casting them three severall times . The same Authour reports that a while since in Hereford-shire at their Maygames there was a Morice daunce of eight men , whose yeares put together made vp eight hundred , that which was wanting of an hundred in some superabounding in others . Mr Carew in his survey of Cornwall , assures vs vpon his own knowledge that fourescore , & fourescore and ten yeares of age is ordinary there in every place , & in most persons accompanied with an able vse of the body and their sences . One Polezew , saith he ) lately liuing reached to one hundred & thirty , a kinsman of his to one hundred & twelue . One Beauchamp to one hundred and six , and in the parish where himselfe dwelt hee professed to haue remembred the decease of foure within fourteene weekes space , whose yeares added together made vp the summe of three hundred & forty . The same Gentleman made this merrie Epigram or Epitaph vpon one Brawne an Irish man , but Cornish begger . Heere Brawne the quondam begger lies Who counted by his tale , Some six score winters and aboue ; Such vertue is in ale . Ale was his meate , his drinke , his cloth , Ale did his death repriue , And could hee still haue drunke his ale , Hee had beene still aliue . And I make no doubt but the like observation might be made in other countryes vnder his Majesties dominions , aswell as in those two sheires , if the like particular survey , & search were made . And if wee please a little to cast our eyes abroad , wee shall likewise finde that euen at this day the Indians , a barbarous people and liuing according to Nature , reach to a marveilous great age , matchable to any that wee reade of since the flood , either in sacred or prophane story . Sr Walter Rawleigh in his discouery of Guiana reports that the king of A●…omaia , being one hundred and tenne yeares old , came in a morning on foot to him from his house which was fourteene English miles , and re●…urned on foote the same way : But that which is written by Mons●…r Besanneera a french Gentleman in the relation of Captaine Laudonr●… reis second voyage to Florida , is much more strange , and not vnworthy to be set downe at large . Our men , saith he , regarding the age of their Paracoussy or Lord of the countrey , began to question with him thereabouts , wherevnto he made answere that he was the first liuing Originall from whence fiue generations were descended , shewing them withall another old man which farre exceeded him in age , and this man was his father , who seemed rather an Anatomy then a liuing body : for his sinewes , his veines , his arteries , his bones , & other parts appeared so cleerely thorow his skin , that a man might easily tell them , & discerne them one from another . Also his age was so great that the good man had lost his sight , & could not speake one onely word but with exceeding great paine . Monsieur d' Ottigni hauing seene so strange a sight , turned to the younger of these two old men , praying him to vouchsafe to answere to that which he demaunded touching his age : then called he a company of Indians , & striking twice vpon his thigh & laying his hand vpon two of them , he shewed by signes that these two were his sonnes ; againe smiting vpon their thighes , hee shewed him others not so old , which were the children of the two first , and thus continued he in the same manner vntill the fift generation : But though this old man had his father aliue more old then himselfe , and that both their haire was as white as was possible , yet it was told them that they might yet liue thirty or forty yeares more by the course of nature , although the younger of them both , was not lesse then two hundred & fifty yeares old . Torquemado in the first journey of his discourse tels vs , that being at Rome about the yeare 1531 : it was bruted thorow all Italy that at Tarentum there liued an old man , who at the age of an hundred yeares was growne young againe , he had changed his skin like vnto the snake & had recouered a new , beeing withall become so young & fresh , as those which had seene him & knowne him before , could then scarce beleiue their owne eyes ; and hauing continued aboue fifty yeares in this estate , he grew at length to be so old , as he seemed to be made of barkes of trees ; wherevnto he further adds ( and that the aboue written relation , saith he , may not seeme impossible , we haue a more admirable thing in the same kinde , recorded by Fernand Lopez of Castegnede , historiographer to the King of Portugall in the eigth booke of his Chronicle , where he saith , that Nonnio de Cugne , being Viceroy at the Indies in the yeare 1536 , there was a man brought vnto him as a thing worthy of admiration , for that it was auerred by good proofes & sufficient testimony , that he was three hundred and forty yeares old , he remembred he had seene that Citty wherein he dwelt vnpeopled , being then when hee spake it one of the chiefe of all the East Indies ; hee had growne young againe foure times , changing his white haire & recouering new teeth . When the Viceroy did see him , hee then had the haire of his head & of his beard blacke , although he had not much , & there being by chaunce a Physitian at that time present , the Viceroy willed him to feele the old mans pulse , which he found as good & as strong as a young mans in the prime of his age . This man was borne in the Realme of Bengala , & did affirme that he had hadd at times neere seaven hundred wiues , whereof some were dead and some he had put away . The King of Portugall advertised of this wonder , did often enquire , and had yearely newes of him by the fleete which came from thence : He liued aboue three hundred and seuenty yeares . The same Castegnede adds , that in the time of the same Vice-roy , there was also found in the Citty of Bengala another man , a Moore or Mahometane called Xequepeer borne in a Province named Xeque , who was three hundred yeares old , as he said : all those that did know him did also certifie it , hauing great presumption so to doe . This Moore was reputed among them an holy man by reason of his austerenesse and abstinence : The Portugals did converse familiarly with him . Now besides that the histories of Portugall touching the Indies are faithfully collected and certified by very authenticall witnesses , there were in my time , saith Torquemado , both in Portugall and Castile many which had seene these old men . SECT . 7. That if our liues be shortened in regard of our Ancestours , we should rather lay the burden of the fault vpon our intemperance , then vpon a decay in Nature . THe High-landers likewise in Scotland , and the wild Irish commonly liue longer then those of softer education , of nice and tender bringing vp , ( which often fals out in the more civill times and countreyes ) being no doubt a great enemy to Longevity , as also the first feeding and nourishing of the Infant with the milke of a strange dug ; an vnnaturall curiosity , hauing taught all women but the beggar to find out nurses , which necessity only ought to commend vnto them . Wherevnto may be added hasty marriages in tender yeares , wherein nature being but yet greene and growing , wee rent from her , and replant her branches , while her selfe hath not yet any root sufficient to maintaine her own top . And such halfe-ripe seedes for the most part wither in the bud , and waxe olde euen in their infancy . But aboue all things the pressing of Nature with over-weighty burdens , and when we find her strength defectiue , the help of strong waters , hot spices and provoking sauces , is it which impaires our health , and shortens our life . — Simul assis Miscueris elixa ; simul conchylia turdis Dulcia se in bilem vertent , stomachoque tumultum Lenta feret pituita ; vides ut pallidus omnis Coena desurgat dubia ? Mixe sod with rost , and fish with flesh , straightwayes The sweet will turne it selfe to bitter gall : Tough flegme will in the stomacke tumults raise . Seest not how doubtfull suppers make men pale ? But elegant to this purpose are those verses of Lucan , — O prodiga rerum Luxuries nunquam parvo contenta paratu , Et quaesitorum terra pelagoque ciborum Ambitiosa fames , & lautae gloria mensae . Discite quàm parvo liceat producere vitam , Et quantum natura petat . Non auro myrrhaque bibunt , sed gurgite puro Vita redit , satis est populis fluviusque Ceresque . O wastfull riot neuer well content , With low-priz'd fare , hunger ambitious Of Cates by land and sea far fetcht and sent , Vaine-glory of a table sumptuous : Learne with how little life may be preseru'd , In gold and myrrhe they need not to carroufe , But with the brook the peoples thirst is seru'd , Who fed with bread and water are not steru'd . Multos morbos multa fercula fecerunt , saith Seneca , our variety of dainty dishes hath bred variety of diseases . And againe , Maximus ille medicorum , & hujus scientiae Conditor , foeminis nec capillos defluere dixit , nec pedes laborare : atqui haejam & capillis destituuntur , & pedibus aegrae sunt , non mutata foeminarum natura , sed vita est . The greatest of Physitians & the founder of that Science affirmes that women neither loose their haire , nor grow diseased in their feete : but now we see they are both bald and gowty , not because their nature is chaung'd , but the course of their life . Beneficium sexus sui vitijs perdiderunt , & quia foeminam exuerunt , damnatae sunt morbis virilibus . They haue forfeited the priviledge of their sexe by their owne vitiousnesse , and hauing together with their modesty put off their womanhood , they are deservedly plagued with mens diseases . Besides , our Ancestors vsed some things now growne out of vse with vs , which were no doubt speciall meanes to preserue their health and prolong their liues , as the annointing of their bodies , their frequent vse of saffron and hony , their wearing of warmer clothes , and dwelling in closer houses with little doores and windowes , choosing rather to admit lesse aire then much light , preferring their health before their pleasure , as also for the most part they vsed lesse Physick and more exercise : so that if our liues be shortned in regard of them , we haue reason to acquit and discharge nature , and to lay the whole burden of the fault vpon our selues . — Natura beatis Omnibus esse dedit , si quis cognoverit vti . Nature allowes that all should blessed be , Knew they to vse her bounty prudentlie . And doubtlesse through our owne ignorance or negligence it is , if wee make not that vse of Natures bounty which we might and should : and herewith that of Roger Bacon accords in his booke de retardatione accidentium senectutis : Mundo senescente senescunt homines , non propter mundi senectutem , sed multiplicationem viventium inficientium ipsum aerem qui nos circundat , & negligentiam regiminis & ignorantiam illarum rerum , illarumve proprietatum quae regiminis defectum supplent . The world waxing old , men likewise waxe old , not so much by reason of the worlds old age , as the multiplication of liuing creatures infecting the aire which environs vs , and our negligence in the governement of our health , and our ignorance in the vertue of those things which should supply the defect of that government ; and againe in his booke de scientia experimentali . Causa autem hujusmodi prolongationis & abbreviationis existimaverunt multi à parte coeli , nam existimaverunt quod coeli dispositio fuit optima à principio , & mundo senescente omnia tabescunt , aestimantes stellas fuisse creatas in locis convenientioribus , & in meliori proportione earum ad invicem secundùm diversitatem aspectuum , & proiectionem radiorum invisibilem , & quod ab illo statu paulatim recesserunt , & secundùm hunc recessum ponunt vitae decurtationem vsque ad aliquem terminum fixum in quo est status , sed hoc habet multas contradictiones & difficultates de quibus non est modo dicendum . The cause of this prolonging and shortning our liues ; many conjectured to be in regard of the Heauens , for they thought that the Heauens were best disposed at the first , and that as the world waxeth old , all things decayed , supposing that the Starres were created in more convenient places , & in a fitter proportion each to other according to the diversities of their aspects , and the invisible projection of their beames , and that by degrees they are fallen off from that estate , and according therevnto they proportiō the decrease of life vntill it come to some settled period , beyond which there is no farther progresse ; but this assertion includes many contradictions and difficulties of which I cannot now speake . Yet me thinkes it may be demonstrated by evident reason , besides the arguments already alleadged , that at the least for these last thousand or two thousand yeares , the age of mankinde is little or nothing abated , which I will indeavour to make good in the next Chapter . CAP. 2. Farther Reasons alleaged that the age of man for these last thousand or two thousand yeares is little or nothing abated . SECT . 1. The first reason taken from the severall stops and pawses of nature in the course of mans life , as the time of birth after our conception , our infancie , childhood , youth , mans estate , and old age , being assigned to the same compasse of yeares as they were by the Ancients ; which could not possible bee , were there a vniversall decay in mankind in regard of age ; And the like reason there is in making the same Clymactericall yeares and the same danger in them . THat the age of mankinde for these last thousand or two thousand yeares is nothing shortned , will farther appeare by the severall stages and stops which the Ancients haue marked out , aswell in the growth of the infant in the mothers wombe , and time of birth , as in the distribution of mans age after the birth , agreeable vnto that which is generally receiued by the learned , and for the most part wee finde to be verified by experience at this day . As among Plants , those which last longest haue likewise their seedes longest buried vnder the earth before their springing aboue ground : so likewise among beasts , those which liue longest , are carried longest in the wombe of their dammes ; the bitch carries her young but foure moneths , the mare nine , the elephant two yeares ( not ten as some haue vainely written ) and looke what proportion is found betwixt their conception and birth , the like is commonly found betwixt their birth and death . Nature then in her proceedings in naturall actions beeing alike , aswell to them as to mankind , it should in reason seeme , that as their time is the same which the Ancients , ( namely Hippocrates and Aristotle ) haue left vpon record , from their conception to their birth , and againe ordinarily ( or caeteris paribus , as in Schooles we speake ) from their birth to their death ; so it should fare with mankind too : If then it shall appeare that the Ancients assigned the same space of time for the deliuerie of a woman with child , which wee now doe , me thinkes the consequent from hence deduced should bee more thē probable , that as the space of their abode in the womb of the mother , and comming from thence into the world , is the same as then it was , so likewise ordinarily , and in the course of nature ( if shee bee not wronged or interrupted , nor on the otherside by a supernaturall power advanced aboue herselfe ) it should bee the same during their abode heere in the world , and their returne to the wombe of their common mother the earth : Now though it be true that the space of time from the conception to the birth of man is more variable then that of any other Creature ( perchaunce because his foode & fancie are more variable , or because nature is more sollicitous of him , as being her darling ) yet most certaine it is , the same periods which by Hippocrates were assigned for his first comming into the light , are now also by Physitians observed , & that so precisely as they exactly agree with him , not only in the number of moneths but of dayes ; the moneths assigned by him were the seaventh , the ninth , the tenth , & sometimes the eleuenth , & so they still remaine ; and as the eight was by him held dangerous & deadly , so is it now ; & as the tenth moneth is our vsuall computation , so was it likewise theirs , as appeares by that of Neptune in Homer speaking to a Nimph. Anno circummacto speciosum partum edes nimirum decimo mense . The yeare ended thou wilt be deliuered of a faire child , that is to say , in the 10th moneth . From whence it may be obserued that the Aeolians ( of whom was Homer ) counted their yeare from thence , as did also the Romanes till Numa's raigne , I meane from the vsuall time of a womans going with child . Quod satis est vtero matris dum prodeat infans , Hoc anno statuit temporis esse satis . Sayeth the Poet speaking of Romulus . That space which is vnto our birth assign'd , The same by him was to the yeare confin'd . And to the end we may fully know what space is there by him vnderstood , hee presently adds . Annus erat decimum cum luna receperat orbem , Hic numerus magno tunc in honore fuit , Seu quia tot digiti per quos numer are solemus , Seu quia bis quino famina mense parit . Our yeare tenne full moones did containe This number then was honoured For that a woman going in paine So long , was then disburdened . But I proccede from the time of the birth to the Ancients distribution of mans age after the birth . Some of them divided the age of man into three , some into foure , some into five , some into six , some into seaven parts : which they resembled to the seaven Planets ; comparing our infancie to the Moone , in which wee seeme only to liue & grow as plants ; the second age or childhood to Mercury , wherein wee are taught and instructed ; the third age or youth to Venus , the dayes of loue , desire , & vanity : the fourth to the Sunne , the strong flourishing and beautifull age of mans life ; the fifth to Mars , in which wee seeke honour and victory , and in which our thoughts travell to ambitious ends ; the sixth to Iupiter , in which we begin to take account of our times , judge of our selues , & grow to the perfection of our vnderstanding : The last & seaventh to Saturne , wherein our dayes are sad and overcast , & in which we finde by deere & lamentable experience , & by the losse which neuer can be repaired , that of all our vaine passions and affections past , the sorrow only abideth . Philo Iudaeus in that excellent booke of the workemanshippe of the world , discoursing of the admirable properties of the sacred number of seaven , among many other things alleaged to that purpose , he affirmes that at the end of euery seaventh yeare , there is some notable chaunge in the body of man , and for better proofe thereof , hee produceth the authority of Hippocrates , and an Elegie of Solons which thus begins . Impubes pueri septem voluentibus annis Claudunt enatis dentibus eloquium Post alios totidem Diuorum numine dextro Occultum pubis nascitur indicium . Annus ter septem primâ lanugine malas Vestiet aetatis robore conspicuus . &c. When children once to seaven yeares haue aspired , The tale of all their teeth they haue acquired . By that the next seaven ended haue their date Pubertie comes and power to generate . The third seaven perfect's growth , and then the chin With youthly downe to blossome doth begin . But among all the Ancients I haue mette with , Macrobius in his first booke of Scipio's dreame , extolling ( as Plilo doth ) the rare and singular effects of the septenary number , most cleerely and learnedly expresseth the remarkeable pawses and chaunges of Nature euery seaventh yeare in the course of mans age , as the casting of the teeth in the first seaven , the springing of the pubes in the second , of the beard in the third , the vtmost period of growth in the fourth , of strength in the fifth , a consistence in the sixth , and a declination in the seaventh . Now that which these Ancients obserued touching these secret stations and progresses of Nature in the state of mans body and course of his life , is still found to be true , aswell by the Verdict and judgement of learned men , as by the proofe and triall of Experience , which could not possiblely bee , were there a constant abatement in the length of our whole age , by such an vniuersall & irreuocable decay of Nature as is pretented : for then should men doubtles grow to ripenes and perfection sooner , as they are supposed sooner to hasten to death and dissolution , which must needes draw on an alteration and confusion in all the noted changes thorow the course of mans life : And therefore the holy Scripture assigning the Patriarches a longer life , assignes them likewise proportionablely therevnto a longer time before they were ripened for generation , as Peter Martyr hath rightly noted . It is true and euer was , which Galen in his sixth booke of the regiment of health hath observed , that these chaunges cannot so be tyed to any such precise number of yeares , but that a variation of latitude is to be admitted in them in regard of some particulars : some growing to their puberty at fourteen , others at fifteen : some declining at thirty , others at thirty fiue , according to their severall constitutions , educations , diet , situation of Clymates and countreyes and the like ; The Poet professed of himselfe aboue sixteene hundred yeare agoe , that his beard began to sprout and paint his cheekes before twenty . Quamuis jam juvenile decus mihi pingere malas Caeperit , & nondum vicesima venerit aetas . Though now my beard began my cheekes to grace , Nor had I liued yet twice tenne yeares space . But as all rules in Science , so theses are held sufficiently currant and warrantable , if they be found infallible in the greatest part , and vniforme , where all circumstances concurre in a like degree . It is now commonly thought , that thirty three , or between that and 35 yeares , is the flower & perfection of mans age , ( it being the mid way to sevēty , which both Moses & Solon held the Epilogue & cōclusiō thereof : so as those who run beyōd that , are like Racers which run beyōd the goale . ) And this was the age of our blessed Saviour , to the perfection whereof , the Apostle seems to allude in the 4 to the a Ephesians : Till we meet together vnto a perfect man and vnto the measure of the age of the fullnes of Christ : which passage b S. Augustin interpreting , is of opiniō , that we shall rise againe by reasō of the perfectiō thereof , iu ea aetane vsque quā Christū pervenisse cognovimus , as men of that age vnto which Christ himselfe the head of the Church arriued . I know there want not some , as namely d Irenaeus & others , who by occasion of that speech of the Iewes , e thou art not yet fifty yeare old , and hast thou seene Abraham ? conjecture that he was about that age : but whether it were his cares & troubles that made him seeme elder then indeéde he was , or the Iewes would thereby signifie that though he had beene much elder then he was , yet was it not possible for him to haue seene Abrabam in the flesh ; certaine it is that he came not to fourty : some late Divines being of opinion that he reached thirty fiue , but the most part , as also the most Ancient and most learned , f that he little exceeded thirty three since then our infancie ends and childhood begins , our childhood ends and youth begins , our youth ends and manhood begins , and lastly our manhood ends & our declining estate begins where it did a thousand or two thousād yeare agoe , I see no reason , but we may safely conclude , that at leastwise since that time mankind is nothing decayed in regard of age . and the like reason there is in there observing anciently the same Clymactericall yeares and in them the same danger of sicknesse or death that we do , as appeares not only in Brodeus his Miscellanea lib. 6. cap. 26. and in a little discourse , which M. Wright hath written and annexed to his book of the passions of the mind , occasioned as he there professeth by the death of Queene Elizabeth ) but much more fully in Baptista Codronchus a famous both Philosopher and Phisitian who hath purposely cōposed a large treatise de annis Climactericis , in which thus begins his preface to that worke Antiquissimi & peritissimi rerum naturalium observatores , nec vulgares homines vitae humanae curriculum considerantes septimo quoque anno & presertim tertio supra sexagesimum homines plerosque corporis & animi affectionibus conflictari , in discrimine versari , ac saepius interire pluribus observationibus ac periculis cognoverunt . The most ancient and skilfull searchers into naturall things , and those no meane men taking into consideration the course of mans life by many observations and tryals , they found that every seventh yeare , and specially in the 63 most men are sorely affected both in body and mind , are brought into great danger , and many times die outright ; I will bring onely one instance from Antiquity to shew their agreement as in the other before mentioned , so likewise in this point with these latter ages ; it is borrowed from Gellius in his fifteenth booke , and seaventh chapter of his Noctes Atticae , where he thus speaks of this matter , Observatum in multa hominum memoria , expertumque est in senioribus plerisque omnibus sexagesimum tertium vitae annum cum periculo & clade aliqua venire , aut corporis morbique gravioris aut vitae interitus , aut animi aegritudinis . It hath been of a long time observed and experienced , in almost all old men , that the 63 yeare of their life , hath proued dangerous and hurtfull vnto them , either in regard of some greivous sicknesse of body or death or great greefe of mind : & going on , he alleags to this purpose a part of a letter which Augustus Caesar wrote to Caius his Nephew . Aue mi Cai , meus ocellus iucundissimus : quē semper medius sidius desidero quum à me abes ; sed precipue diebus talibus , qualis est hodiernus , oculi mei requirunt meum Caium ; quem vbicunque hoc die fuisti , spero laetum & benevolentem celebrasse : quartum & sexagesimum natalem meum , nam vt vides 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 commnem seniorum omnium tertium & sexagesimum annum evasimus . I greet the well my Caius , mine owne deare heart , whom in truth I always find wanting as oft as thou art absent from me , but cheifely vppon such days as this is , mine eyes long to behold my Caius , which wheresoeverthou wert , I hope thou hast kept festivall , it being my sixty fourth birthday , for as thou seest I haue escaped my sixty third being the common climactericall of all old men . SECT . 2. The second is drawne from the age , of Matrimony and Generation which among the Ancients was fully as forward as ours now is if not more timely . FOR the better clearing of which poynt , it shall not be amisse somewhat farther to insist vpon the age of Generation and Marriage , which among the Ancients was both in opinion held , and in practise proued to be the same or little different from that which amongst vs is in vse at this day . The third councell of Carthage ordained that publicke readers in the Church cum ad annos pubertatis venerint aut cogantur vxores ducere aut continentiam profiteri , when they came to yeares of puberty , should be forced either to marry or vow chastity ; and Quintilian of his owne wife professeth that hauing borne him two sonnes , she died , Nondum expleto aetatis vndevicesimo anno being not yet full one and twenty years of age . Mulieres statim ab anno decimo quarto , à à viris Dominae vocantur , saith Epictetus : women no sooner passe foureteene , but presently they haue giuen them from men , or from their husbands the title of Mistresses . The a Civill Lawes allowed a woman marriage at twelue , so did the. b Iewish Talmud and the c Canons of the Church , d Hesiod at fifteene , e Xenophon and the f Comaedian at sixteene , anni sedecem fios ipse , g Aristotle at eighteene , h Plato at twenty : The reason of the difference I take to be this : The Lawes would not permit them to marrie sooner , & Plato held it not fitte they should stay longer . And as wee commonly are both ripe for marriage , and marrie about the same yeares the Ancients did , so men for the most part leaue begetting , and women bearing of children about the same time as they did . Tiberius made a Law , knowne by the name of Lex Papia , by which he forbad de such men as were past sixty , or women past fiftie to marrie , as being insufficient for generation . To which Lactantius out of Seneca seemes to allude , thus jesting at the Ethnickes touching their great God Iupiter . Quare apud Poetas salacissimus Iupiter desijt liberos tollere , vtrum sexagenarius factus , & ei Lex Papia fibulam imposuit ? How comes it to passe that in your Poets the lecherous Iupiter begets no more children , is hee past sixtie , & restrained by the Papian Law ? Yet this Law by the Emperour Claudius in part , but by Iustinian ( almost fiue hundred yeares after ) was fully repealed as insufficient , in asmuch as men after that age were , and still are found to be sufficient for that act ; Seldome indeede it is that men beget after seaventy , or women beare after fiftie ; and the same was long since both observed & recorded by the principall both Secretarie & great Register of Nature in his time , adding farther that men commonly left begetting at sixtie fiue , & women bearing at fortie fiue : When Abrahams body was now dead in regard of generation , he was short of 100. Indeede Plutarch reports of Cato Maior , that hee begat a sonne at eightie : & Pliny of Masinissa , after eightie six : but they both report it as a wonder , neither want there presidents in this age to parallell either of them . I well know that the accusation is common , & perchaunce in part not vnjust , that men now a dayes generally marrie sooner then their Ancestours did , which is made to be one of the chiefe causes of our supposed shorter liues : but that many of them abstained not so long from marriage as wee now commonly doe , it may be euidenced by these following examples , drawn from the Oracles of sacred writ . There descended from Abraham in the space of foure hundred yeares and little more , & from Iaacob and his sonnes , within 200 or thereabout , aboue six hundred thousand men , beside children and those who died in the interim , and were slaine by the Egyptians : which wonderfull multiplication within the compasse of that time , should in reason argue that they married timely . In the forty sixth of Genesis , Moses describing old Iaacobs journey downe into Egypt , tells vs that the number of persons springing from his loynes , which accompanied him in that journey , were sixty six soules , and not content with the grosse summe hee specifies the particulars , among which the sonnes of Iudah are named to bee Er , & Onan , & Shelah , and Pharez , and Zerah ; ( but Er and Onan , saith the text , died in the land of Canaan ) and the sonnes of Pharez were Hezron , and Hamul ; so that he begat Pharez vpon Thamar his daughter in law after the death of his eldest sonnes Er and Onan , who according to the Law had married her successiuely , and Pharez begat Hezron and Hamul , and yet at this time was Iudah himselfe but forty foure yeares of age at most , as appeares by this , that Ioseph was then but thirty nine , sixteene he was when he was sold by his brethren , & twenty three yeares after , was his fathers journey into Egypt . Now it is evident that Iudah was but foure yeares elder then Ioseph , the one being borne in the eleuenth yeare of their Fathers abode in Mesopotamia , and the other after the expiration of the fourteenth : In the compasse then of forty foure yeares or thereabout , had Iudah sonnes which were married , namely Er & Onan , after that himselfe by mistake begets another sonne vpon their wife , viz : Pharez , who had likewise two sonnes at this time when Iaacob went downe into Egypt . S. Augustine is I confesse much perplexed in the loosing of this knot ; and so is Pererius treading in his steps : They both flying for the saluing of the Text to an Anticipation in the storie , as if some of those who are named by Moses to haue descended with Iaacob into Egypt , had beene both begotten & borne long after his setling there : But this glosse seeming to Pareus somewhat hard , ( as in truth it is ) he resolues the doubt , by making both Iudah , & Er , & Onan , and Pharez to marrie all of them at the entrance of their fourteenth yeare , which in the ordinary course of nature both then was , and still is the yeare of pubertie , and then thus concludes hee : In his omnibus nihil coactum aut contortum , nihil quod non consueto naturae ordine fieri potuerit , vt nec miracula fingere sit opus , nec filios Pharez qui in descensu numerantur in Aegypto demum natos asserere sit necesse : In all this there is nothing strained or wrested , nothing but may well be done in the ordinary course of nature , so as we need not either fly to miracles , or affirme that the sonnes of Pharez , who are ranked in the number of those who descended with Iaacob , were afterward borne in Egypt . And with Pareus heerein accords the learned a Arnisaeus , ( some small difference betweene them in the calculation of yeares set apart ) wondering that two such great Clarkes , as Augustine & Pererius should trouble themselues so much about so slender a difficultie , not considering , as it seemes , the Examples of the like or more timely marriages , recorded in holy Scripture . Whereof we haue a notable one in the same Chapter of Benjamin , who at the same time is made the father of ten sonnes , and yet was he then but twenty three or twenty foure yeares of age ; being borne in the hundred and sixth yeare of his father , which was the yeare before the selling of Ioseph . Dina by the testimony of Polyhistor , when shee was rauished and sued vnto for marriage by Sichem was but tenne yeares of age , and by the computation of Caietan but foureteene , of Pererius but fifteene or sixteene at vtmost . The blessed Virgine when shee brought forth our Saviour , but fifteene . Somewhat more euident is that of Iosiah , who was but thirty nine yeares old when he died , eight he was when he began to reigne , and hee reigned thirty one ; yet was Eliakim his sonne twenty fiue yeares old when he began to reigne , being by Pharaoh Neco substituted in the place of his brother Iehoahaz , after he had reigned three moneths ; so that Iosiah by just computation could not well exceede foureteene yeares of age , when he was first married : But that of Ahaz is yet more remarkeable , who liued but thirty six yeares in the whole , twenty yeares old was hee when he began to reigne , and he reigned sixteene yeares ; yet was his sonne Hezekiah , who immediatly succeeded him , twenty fiue yeares old when he began to reigne : By which account Ahaz was married , and begat Hezekiah at eleuen , or before . And though Functius in his Chrononologie , moued with the strangenes heereof , would make Hezekiah the Legall , not the naturall sonne of Ahaz , by adoption , not by generation , and Iunius in his annotations referre those wordes ; twenty yeares old was he when he began to reigne , to Iothan the father of Ahaz ; yet heerein they both stand alone , aswell against reason , as the ordinary phrase of Scripture and streame of interpreters . S. Hierome in his epistle to Vitalis , to make it good , hath recourse to Gods Omnipotencie , Neque enim valet natura , saith he , contra naturoe Dominum : And againe , Quòd pro miraculo fit ; legem Naturae facere non potest : That which it pleaseth God to worke supernaturally as a miracle , may not be held for the ordinary law of Nature . Yet himselfe in the same Epistle alleages the example of Salomon to the same purpose : And another more strange then that ; to the relation whereof he prefixes this solemne preface ; Audiui , Domino teste , non mentior , I haue heard , God knowes I faine it not , that a certaine nurse , hauing the education of an exposed child committed to her charge , who lay with her , being now of the age of tenne yeares , and prouoked to incontinencie by the nurse , overcharged with wine , shee was found with child by him . I will conclude this reason with the example of Solomon , who is commonly thought to come to the Crowne at twelue yeares of age , and the Scripture assures vs that he reigned but forty , by which account he died at the age of fifty two , which is the most receiued opinion aswell of the Iewish Rabbines , as the Christian Doctours : yet was Rehoboam his sonne and successour forty one yeares old when he began to raigne : so that but an ele●…en yeares at most , are left for Solomon when he begat him : Such matches as these in this age , I thinke can hardly be matched neither in truth doe I hold it fit they should . SECT . 3. The third is borrowed from the age which the Ancients assigned for charge and imployment in publique affaires , Ecclesiasticall , Civill and Military , they were therevnto both sooner admitted , and therefrom sooner discharged then men now adayes vsually are , which should in reason argue , that they likewise vsually finished the course of their life sooner . ANother reason tending to the same purpose may not vnfitly bee drawne from the age which the Ancients assigned for charge and imployment in publique affaires . They were therevnto assoone admitted and sooner discharged then men now adayes vsually are , which should in reason argue that they likewise ran their race & finished their course sooner , in asmuch as quod citius crescit , citius finitur , that which sooner comes to ripenes and perfection , hastens sooner to rottennes & dissolution . Now publique charges may well be distributed into Ecclesiasticall , Civill , and Military , of the Church , of the State , and of the warres : I will begin with the Ministeriall offices of the Church , and therein with the Principall , which is that of the Bishop : Thomas Becket was chosen Archbishop of Canterbury at the age of forty foure yeares , as witnesseth Mathew Parker ( who succeeded him in that See ) in his booke of the liues of the Archbishops intituled Antiquitates Britannicae : Is qui ad Episcopalem dignitatem promovendus est , annos natus esse debet non minus triginta , nam ea aetate Dominum & baptizatum , & concionatum fuisse legimus , saith Lancelot in his Institutions of the Canon Law. He who is to bee advanced to the dignity of a Bishop , ought not to be lesse then thirty yeares old , inasmuch as we read that our Lord was baptized and preached at that age . Whereas now adayes with vs seldome is any preferred to that place till he be past forty or fifty . Venerable Bede our famous Countreyman who liued about eight hundred yeares agoe , was by hisowne testimony made Deacon at nineteene . And Origen by the testimony of Eusebius , Catechist in Alexandria at eighteene yeares of age . But that which to this point is most memorable in the exercise of sacred functions , is that by the commandement of God himselfe , the Levites after the age of fifty yeares were exempted from the execution of their office , which notwithstanding was nothing so painefull as that of the Ministery of the Gospell , if faithfully discharged . Where by Levites it may well be that not only those who serued in inferiour offices vnder the Priests , but the Priests themselues as being of the tribe of Levi are to be vnderstood , to which purpose M. Nettles in his answere to the Iewish part of M. Seldens History of Tithes hath vouched the Rabbines , as named Aben Ezra on Leviticus 16. every Priest is a Levite , but euery Levite is not a Priest. And Ioshuah Ben Levi mentioning that text , Numb . 18 : 26. Speake vnto the Levites , doth vnder the name of Levites vnderstand also Priests , farther adding , that in foure and twenty places the Priests are called Levites , which being so ; I see no reason but that from thence we may safely inferre , that in likelyhood the same space of yeares was assigned to the Priest , aswell for his entrance vpon his office , as his discharge from it , specially considering that his place was of an higher nature . Now for the warres . The Gaules put their sonnes in armes , and prepared them to warre at foureteene . Cneius Pompeius at eighteene yeares of age , and Caesar Octavianus at nineteene sustained civill warres . The Iewes indeed ordinarily levied their souldiers from twenty yeares vpward , as plainly appeares in the first of Numbers and diverse other places . But the Romanes from seuenteene , which by Gellius out of Tubero is reported to haue beene the practise and prescript of Servius Tullius one of their Kings . The same was afterwards confirmed by the Gracchi , Gracchi lex iuniorem annis septendecem militem non legi . The Gracchian Law ordained that none should be levied vnder seuenteene . Yet in times of Necessity they came vnder those yeares , as in the second Punick warre , Tum decretum , saith Livy , vt Tribuni plebis ad populum ferrent , vt qui minores annis 17. Sacramento dixissent , ijs perinde stipendia procederent : ac si 17 annorum aut maiores milites facti essent . It was then decreed that the Tribunes should tell the people that such as being vnder seuenteene had taken their military oath , should in like sort receiue their pay as if they had beene full seuenteene or past . The Graecians indeed entred vpon their military service somwhat latter , but were discharged from it sooner , they tooke vp souldiers for the warres at eighteene , but discharged them at forty or thereabout . We finde in Demosthenes , that the state being indangered , they were all commaunded to tugg at the oare , vsque ad eos qui 45 annorum essent , euen to those that were forty fiue : vpon which Vlpian the Scholiast commenteth , that this was an vnusuall practice , quia Lex apud Athenienses ad annum quadragesimum duntaxat , iubet militare , exorsos à decimo octavo , because the Lawes among the Athenians commaunds men to serue in the warres onely till forty , entring vpon the service at eighteene . And it should seeme Macrobius aimes at this , discoursing of the efficacy of the Septenary number , Nonnullarum Rerumpub . is mos est , vt post sextam hebdomaden ad militiam nemo cogatur , in plurimis detur remissio post septimam , it is the custome of some states , that after the sixth weeke no man should be forced to serue in the warres , and in the most they are discharged after the seuenth : where by weekes he vnderstands weekes of yeares , and in the sixth weeke seemes to point at the practice of the Athenian state , in the seuenth to that of the Romane . Neither the Romane nor the Graecian went commonly beyond forty fiue , as Dyonisius affirmeth , or forty sixe , as Polybius : And euen in dangerous times not beyond fifty , Lex à quinquagesimo anno militum non cogit , à sexagesimo Senatorem non citat , saith Seneca in his last Chapter de brevitate vitae , the Law doth not force a Souldier to serue after fifty , nor a Senatour after sixty . By the testimony of Polyhistor , and the computation both of Caietan and Pererius , Symeon and Levi , when they so fiercely and desperatly set vpon the Sichemites , little or nothing surpassed the number of twenty yeares , in somuch that Pererius breakes out into this admiration : Subit animum meum vehementer admirari , praeferocem istorum animum , qui vix dum adolescentiam egressitam atrox facinus & ani●…ò conceperint , & audacissime exsèquentes perfecerint : I cannot but ex●…dingly marvell at their wonderfull fiercenes , that being scarce past their youth , they should in their mindes conceiue so bloody a fact , & put it in execution so boldly . King Edward the fourth hauing beene Conquerour in eight or nine severall set battailes , died at the age of forty one , and our famous King Arthur ( if we may beleeue Ninnius ) hauing victoriously fought 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 gaue vp the ghost at the same age . Iulian hauing been for diverse yeares a great Commaunder in the warres was slaine at one and thirty ; and it is well knowne that the Great Alexander had conquered in a manner the knowne World at thirty three . Vpon the consideration whereof Iulius Caesar beholding his statue in the Temple of Hercules at Cales , fetcht a deepe sigh , as being ashamed that at that age himselfe had atchieued no memorable act , yet was himselfe but 56 when he was slaine . Lastly , for the administratiō of Ciuill affaires in the state , Romulus first King of the Romans hauing raigned ( saith Plutarch in the very endof his life ) 38 years dyed at fifty , by which accoūt he must begin his ragne at 12 somewhat too yong ( a man would thinke ) for a King that was to lay the foundation of such an Empire . Cicero by the testimony of Cornelius Nepos ( who was his familiar freind , and wrote his life ) pleaded publikely for Sextus Roscius at 13 , and by the testimony of Aulus Gellius Euripedes wrote one of his tragidies , Natus annos duo de viginti , at eighteene yeares of age . Iosephus witnesseth of him selfe annos novendecem natus ad Rempub : caepi me dare , I began to apply myselfe to the affaires of the weale publique , being but yet nineteene yeares of age . And Moses of Ioseph the Patriarch , that when he had in a manner the whole goverment of Egipt committed to his charge by Pharaoh , was but thirty yeares old ; which was likewise Davids age ▪ when he began to raigne . Augustus entred vpon the Consulship at twenty , and receiued virilem togam at sixteene saith Suetouius in his life . But Aurelius Antoninus a yeare yonger as Spartianus affirmes , by which ornament or habit , they were judged fit for publique imployment in the common wealth . And Laevinus Torrentius in his Annotations vpon that place , observeth that even the lawes themselues at that time reputed men fit for action in state affaires at seauenteene , at which age Nero was chosen Emperour : Tertullian comes much lower , tempus etiam Ethnici observant , vt ex lege naturae jura suis aetatibus reddant : Nam foeminas à duodecem annis , masculos à duobus amplius ad negotia mittunt . The Ethnicks so obserue their times , that from the law of Nature they dispose of their ages in Civill affaires : for women they imploy after twelue , and men two yeares after that . And as they were reputed sooner fit for action then wee : so likewise sooner vnfit : cum sexaginta annos habebant , tum erant à publicis negotijs liberi atque expediti , & otiosi : when they once came to sixty then were they freed from all publique seruice , and left to their ease and rest . In somuch as it grew to a Proverbe amongst the Latins , Sexagenarios de ponte deijci oportere , that men of sixty deserued to be cast from the bridge , as being vnprofitable for the common-wealth after that age . And from thence were they commonly called Depontani which was vpon this ocasion taken vp , as witnesseth Festus . Quo tempore primum per pontem coeperunt com●…iijs suffragiūferre , iunio●…es conclamavêre , ut de ponte deijcerentur sexagenarij ; quia nullo publico munerefungerentur . at what time they held their assemblyes & gaue their suffrages vpon the bridge , the yonger sort cryed out with one voyce , that such as were sixty should be throwne from the bridge , in as much as they had no publique charge . To which outcry of theirs Ovid alludes . Pars pi●…tat , vt ferrent juvenes suffragia Soli , Pontibus infirmos praecipitasse senes . That yonger men might voices giue alone , The elder were downe from the bridges throwne . This motion , the Barbiccians at seventy , in effect put in execution , ●…nes septaagesimum annum egressos interficiunt , viros mactando , mulieres vero stangulando : they make away all that are past seaventy , sacrificing the men and strangling the women . Now then since the age assigned by the Ancients not onely for marriage , but likewife for their entrance vpon , & discharge from publique imployment , aswell in the Church and State as in the warres , was little or nothing different from that which is both allowed and practised at this day , ( saue that they seemed to haue beene more indulgent and favourable to themselues then now we are ) what reason haue wee to imagine that the length and duration of time which they vsually liued , was different from ours ? I will close vp this chapter with an observatiō or two taken frō the Municipall lawes of our own Land , which account prescription or custome by the practising of a thing time out of minde ( as they call it ) and that time they confine to the same number of 60 yeares , as formerly they haue done , which could not stand with reason or justice were there such a notable and sensible abatement in the age of man as is pretended . And againe : Our Ancestors for many revolutions of ages in their Leases or other instruments of conveyance commonly valued three liues but at one and twenty yeares in account in Law. Whereas now adayes they are valued by the ablest Lawyers at twenty sixe , twenty eight , yea thirty yeares : Whether it were that the warres and pestilentiall diseases then consumed more , I cannot determine , but me thinkes it should in reason argue thus much , that our liues at leastwise are not shortned in regard of theirs , which is asmuch as I desire to be graunted , and more then is commonly yeelded , though ( as I conceiue ) vpon no sufficient ground denyed ; and so I passe from the age of men to the consideration of their strength and stature . CAP. 3. Containing a comparison betwixt the Gyants mentioned in Scripture both among themselues , and with those of latter ages . SECT . 1. Of the admirable composition of mans Body , and that it can not be sufficiently prooved that Adam as he was the first , so he was likewise the tallest of men , which in reason sholud be , were there in truth any such perpetuall decrease in mans stature as is pretended , AS the great power of Almighty God doth shine foorth and shew it selfe in the numberlesse variety of the parts of mans body : so doth his wonderfull goodnesse in their excellent vse , and his singular wisedome in their orderly disposition , sweet harmony and just symmetrie , aswell in regard of themselues , as in reference each to other , but chiefly in the resultance of the beautifull and admirable frame of the whole body . The consideration whereof made the Royall Prophet to cry out : I will praise thee , for I am fearefully and wonderfully made , in thy booke were all my members written , and curiously wrought , marvailous are thy works , and that my soule knoweth right well - This proportion is in all respects so euen and correspondent , that the measures of Temples , of dwelling houses , of Engins , of ships were by Architects taken from thence , and those of the Arke it selfe too , as it is probably thought . For as the Arke was three hundred Cubits in length , fifty in bredth , and thirty in heigth , so the body of man rightly shaped , answers therevnto . The length from the crowne of the head to the sole of the foot , and breadth from side to side , and thicknes from back to breast carrying the proportion of three hundred , and fifty , and thirty each to other : so that looke what proportion fifty hath to three hundred , which is sixe to one , the same hath the breadth of mans body to his heigth or length . And what proportion thirty hath to three hundred , which is ten to one , the same hath the thicknes to his length and bredth . Nay some haue obserued 300 minuta ( which I take to be barley cornes , the fourth part of an inch or thereabout ) to make vp the length of a mans body of just stature , and consequently , fifty in the bredth , and thirty the thicknes , answereable to the severall numbers of the Cubits in the severall measures of the Arke . Now to our present purpose , as God and Nature , ( or rather God by Nature , his instrument and handmaid ) hath fashioned the body of Man in those proportions , so hath he limited the dimensions thereof , ( as likewise those of all other both vegetable , sensitiue and vnsensible Creatures ) within certaine bounds , Quos vltra citraque nequit consistere So that though the dimensions of mens bodies be very different in regard of severall Climats & Races , yet was there neuer any race of men found to the bignesse of mountaines or whales , or the littlenesse of flies or aunts , because in that quantity , the members cannot vsefully and commodiously , either dispose of themselues , or exercise those functions , to which they were by their maker assigned , True indeede it is , that both history of former ages , and experience of latter times teach vs , that a great inequality there is , and hath beene : but that since the fi●… ●…reation of man there should be any such perpetuall , vniversall , an●… constant decrease and diminution , as is pretended , that shall I never beleeue . For then in reason should the first Man haue beene a Gyant of Gyants , the hughest and most monstrous Gyant that euer the world beheld , and vpon this ground it seemes , ( though faisely supposed ) Iohannes Lucidus labours to proue him so indeede , from that passage in the fourteenth of Iosua , according to the Vulgar Translation : Nomen Hebron ante vocabatur Cariah-Arbe , Adam maximus ibi inter Enakim situs est , which may thus be rendred : Adam the greatest of Gyants lies there buried : And this fancie of Lucidus is countenanced by that fable of the Iewish Rabbies , reported by Moses bar Cephas , who supposing Paradise to be di●…oyned from this world , by the interposition of the Ocean , tell vs that Adam being cast out of it , waded thorow the Ocean to come into this , by which account his stature should rather be measured by miles then by cubits : But as Lucidus by this opinion crosseth the streame of Antiquity ( S. Ierome only , & some few others his followers excepted ) holding that the first Adam was buried , not in Hebron , but in that place where the second Adam triumphed ouer death , so doth he likewise by following the Vulgar Translation corrupt the Hebrew originall , which is thus to be rendred : Nomen autem Hebronis nomen fuerat Kiriath-arbah , is fuerat homo inter Anakeos maximus : So that the word Adam or homo , is to bee referred not to the first man , but to Arbah , the first founder as is thought of that Cittie ; and therevpon our last Translation reades it thus : The name of Hebron before was Kiriath-arbah , which Arbah was a great man among the Anakims . Besides , the word Adam euen in the Vulgar Translation it selfe , is not alwayes vnderstood as proper to the first man , but common , as homo in Latine , or man in English : And yet to graunt the word in that place to be vnderstood of the first man , and that he was there buried ; well might he be called the Greatest , yet notsomuch in regard of any excessiue vastnesse in the dimentions of his bodie , as because he was the headspring and fountaine of mankind , or in respect of that originall justice , with which before his fall hee stood invested . There is no necessitie then , to beleeue that the first man was the tallest of men , nay rather as he came short of many that followed after in age , and number of yeares , so it may safely be thought , that he exceeded them not in stature or dimentions of body ; there being often found in the Creatures a reciprocall corespondence , betwixt their durations and dimentions , as among the Graecians , the same word signifies both ; whence some translate it age , and some stature : So that those Patriarches of the first age , who by speciall dispensation liued longest , may well be conceiued by vertue of the same dispensation , to haue had a stature and length of body in some sort , sutable to the lasting and length of their liues . SECT . 2. What those Gyants were which are mentioned in the 6 of Genesis , & that succeeding ages till Davids time afforded the like . YEt the first mention that holy Scripture makes of Gyants is in the sixth of Genesis , not long before the flood , but long after the Creation , There were Gyants in the earth in those dayes , saith the text ; and also after that , when the sonnes of God came in vnto the daughters of men , and thy beare children vnto them , the same became mighty men which were of old , men of renowne . The Originall word is Nephelim , derived from Naphal , which signifies to fall , whence Iunius referres their name to their o defection & apostacie from religion and the worship of the true God. Calvin to the falling of others before them by reason of their a excessiue pride , cruelty , and oppression . Philo in his booke , which he hath purposely composed de Gygantibus , to their owne falling from piety and godlines to carnall thoughts and earthly desires . From which he fetcheth their name in Greeke : S. Cyrill about the beginning of his ninth booke against Iulian , discoursing of this very passage of Moses , thus comments vpon it . Mos est divinae Scripturae Gigantes vocare agrestes & feroces & robustos : Nam de Persis & Medis Iudaeam devastaturis , dixit Deus per Isayam , Gigantes venient vt impleant furorem meum . It is the phrase of holy writ to call such Gyants as are in behaviour rough and rude , wild , and barbarous : So speakes God by the Prophet Isayah , of the Medes and Persians , ordained for the laying wast of Iudea ; Gyants shall come and execute my fury vpon you . So that if we rest in any of these interpretations , there is no necessity we should conceiue these Gyants to haue exceeded other men in stature . Nay , S. Chrysostome seemes to deny it , Gygantes à Scriptura dici opinor non invsitatum hominum genus aut insolita●… formam , sed Heroas & viros fortes & hellicosos : I thinke they are in Scripture called Gyants , not any vncouth kind of men for shape or feature , but such as were Heroycall and warlike : Which exposition of his , hath in trueth some ground in the latter part of the same verse , where Moses seemes to vnfold himselfe , thus describing those whom immediatly before he had called Gyants , the same became mighty men , which were of old , men of renowne . On the other-side Cassianus , Ambrose , and Theodoret are as express , that by Gyants , Moses there vnderstood men of an huge and vast proportion of body : But for mine owne part , I see not but all these interpretations , ( Chrysostomes onely excepted ) may well enough stand together and be accorded . These Gyants being such as the Interlineary Glosse briefely but pithily describes , immanes corpore , superbos animo , viribus praevalidos & inconditos moribus : Gyants then they were not onely in regard of their pride , their tyrannie , their incivility , and infidelity , but like wise and that doubtles most properly in respect of the monstrous enormity of their bodies : most of the former being in likelihood occasioned by this latter . Now as this is the first place that wee reade of Gyants not long before the flood , ( which should argue they were taller and stronger then any that went before them ) so it is not the last , but in all times wee may trace them thorow the history of succeeding ages . From whence Reason collects , that euen in regard of these irregular prodigious birthes , for ought we finde in Scripture , Nature hath suffered no apparent or sensible decay . Of this stamp it seemes was Nymrod , who hath therefore this Character set vpon him , that he was Robustus Venator coram Domino , a mighty hunter before the Lord : There were some likewise found of this excessiue stature in the time of Abraham , of Moses , of Iosuah , and of David , whom wee haue registred vnder the names of Rephaims , Zuzims , Zanzummins , Emims , and Anakims . Also the Prophet Amos found among the Amorites men of Gyant-like stature , whose height he compareth to Cedars and their strength to Oakes . Particularly it is noted in the third of Deuteronomy of Ogge King of Basan foure hundred yeares after Abraham , that his bedde of yron kept and shewed as a monument in Rabbah was nine cubits long and foure broad : And surely if his stature were answerable to the dimensions of his bed , hee was one of the greatest Gyants that wee any where reade of , not only in sacred but in any warrantable prophane story . For whereas nine cubits make vp thirteene foote and an halfe , if wee should allow a foote and halfe for the length of his bed-steed at both the ends beyond his body ; yet there still remaines twelue foote , which is double to a iust stature . And though I am not ignorant that both the Chaldee Paraphrase , and Complutensian Bible following it , render it , In cubito eiusdem Regis , as if the measure were to be taken by the Cubit of King Ogge himselfe ; yet Arias Montanus and Tremellius following the originall , render it , in cubito viri , or virili ; and Iunius giues this note vpon it , idest iustae & communis mensurae , qualem mensuram cubitalem quisque Artifex observare solet : that is , of the iust and common measure , such as Artificers vsually obserue in their cubits , and such as himselfe in the third of Iosuah translates , notam mensuram , the ordinary knowne measure . And to say truth , the measuring of Ogge by his owne cubit had beene both to make his stature altogeter vncertaine , and the commensurations of his body most disproportionable , there being no man , whose body is justly framed , who is full foure of his owne cubits in length ; neither had such a shape bin only disproportionable , but exceeding weake , aswell for offence , as defence , whereas he is described as a mighty man , and of wonderfull strength . Lastly , if we shall imagine him to haue beene a transcendent Gyant , and yet measure him by his owne cubit , double to the ordinary , his length will then arise to twenty foure foote at least , a stature most incredible . After this in Davids time we reade that Goliath the Philistin of Gath , was a Gyant of six cubits and a spanne long : Neither doe I remember that in sacred Scriptures we haue the measure of any precisely observed , saue of him onely : the armour which he wore weighed fiue thousand shekels of brasse , the sheft of his speare was like a weavers beame , and his speare head weighed six hundred shekels of yron : Also in tho second of Samuell , there is mention of a brother to this 〈◊〉 , a man of like stature and strength : And of two 〈◊〉 , the one of which was slaine by Iehonathan Davids Nephew , hee who had twelue fingers and as many toes , foure and twenty in number . And that before these , Sampson was of surpassing strength and of a stature answerable the 〈◊〉 , no man need to doubt , considering he tore a Lyon as it had be●…o a kidde , slew thirty of the Philistins at once , and after that a thousand more of them with the iaw-bone of an asse : And lastly he tooke the gates of Assah , and the two postes , & lifted them away with the barres , and put them vpon his shoulders , and carried them to the toppe of the mountaine before Hebron . SEC . 3. That latter times haue also afforded the like both at home and abroad , specially in the Indies , where they liue more according to nature . THE like may be said of all succeeding ages downe to the present times ; It is the confession of Cassanion in his booke of Gyants ; No●… vno tantum seculo aut altero visi sunt ; sed fermè ab initio mundi ad Davidis vsque tempora propagatum id genus hominum magnitudine prorsus admiranda . They haue not beene seene in one onely or two ages , but almost from the beginning of the world euen to Davids time hath that kinde of men of a monstrous bignesse beene deduced . S. Augustine goes farther , Quasi vero Corpora hominum modum nostrum longe excedentia non etiam nostris temporibus nata sint : as if some bodies of men much exceeding our ordinary stature were not likewise borne in these our times . And yet more fully in the ninth Chapter of the same booke ; Nunquam fermè defuerunt qui modum aliorum plurimum excederint ; they haue almost at no time beene wanting who haue much exceeded the ordinary stature . I will insist onely vpon the most signall instances drawne from the testimonies of the most approved Authours . In the Gospells or writings of the Apostles wee reade not of any , they intending , matters of greater , weight and consequence : But Pliny tells vs , that during the reigne of Claudius the Emperour , a mighty man one Gabbara by name was brought out of Arabia to Roome , nine foote hith was he , and as many inches . There were likewise in the time of Augustus Caesar two others , named Pusio and Secondilla higher then Gabbara by halfe a foote , whose bodies were preserved & kept for a wonder within the Salustian gardens . Maximinus the Emperour , as Iulius Capitolinus affirmes , exceeded eight foote ; And Andronichus Comninus tenne , as Nicetas . In the dayes of Theodosius , there was one in Syria , ( as Nicephorus reports ) fiue cubits high and an hand-breadth . Eginhardus and Krantzius affirme that Charlemaigne was seven foot high : But in that they adde of his own feet , they both leaue his heighth altogether vncertaine , ( as was before said in the description of the stature of Ogge ) and his body very disproportionable , there being no man whose body is rightly featured , who exceedes fix of his owne feete . But to draw neerer to our owne times : Iulius Scaliger hath left it vpon record , that at his being at Millane , he there saw in a publique hospitall a young man of so monstrous an heighth , that he could not stand vpright , he was therefore layd vpon two beds , the one ioyned longwise vnto the other , both which he filled with his length . Goropius Becanus Physitian to the Lady Mary , Queene of Hungary , regent of th Netherlands , and sister to the Emperour Charles the fifth , assures vs , thae himselfe saw a woman tenne foote high , and that within fiue miles of hit dwelling , there was then to be seene a man almost of the same lengths wherevpon his assertion is , Audacter affirmamus , wee boldly affirme : that men in former ages were commonly nothing taller then now they , are : Their Gyants were of six or seaven cubits high , & so are ours : nay hee goes farther , Considenter de philosophiae preceptis statuimus , nihil in humana statura ab inevnte mundi aetate immutatum esse : Wee confidently auerre out of the grounds of Philosophie , that since the Creation of the world nothing is altered in the stature of man-kind . But to returne to the Gyants of latter ages , Iohn Cassanion , who seemes to haue vndertaken his treatise of Gyants purposely to censure and confute Goropius , yet mentions one himselfe commonly called the Gyant of Burdeaux , whom King Francis passing that way beheld with admiration , commaunding he should bee of his guard : but being a pesant of a grosse spirit , not able to apply himselfe to a Courtiers life , hee soone quited his halbard , and getting away by stealth , returned to the place whence he came . An honorable person , who had seene him archer of the guard , did assure me , saith Cassanion , that he was of such an heighth as any man of an ordinary stature might goe vpright betwixt his legges when hee did stride . There is at this present to bee seene heere in England one Parsons , by trade a blacke-smith , now Porter at the Kings Court , who by iust measure is found to be no lesse then seaven foote & two inches . And I heere that a Welch-man is lately entertained by the Prince in the like place , who outstrips the Smith in heighth by fiue inches , and yet is he still growing , so as in time he may well come vnto eight foote . But it may well bee that in these parts of the world where luxury hath crept in together with Ciuility , there may be some diminution of strength and stature in regard of our Ancestours ; yet if wee cast our eyes abroad vpon those nations which still liue according to nature , though in a fashion more rude and barbarous , we shall finde by the relation of those that haue liued among them , that they much exceede vs in stature , still retaining as it seemes the vigorous constitution of their Predecessours , which should argue , that if any decay be , it is not vniversall , and consequently not naturall , but rather adventitious and accidentall . For proofe heereof , to let passe the stories of Olaus Magnus touching the Inhabitants of the Northerne Climate , I will content my selfe with the Indies . Melchior Nunnez in his letters where he discourseth of the affaires of China reports that in the chiefe cittie called Pag●… , the Porters are fifteene foote high , and in other letters written in the yeare 1555 , he doth auerre that the King entertaines and feedes fiue hundred such men for Archers of his Guard. In the West Indies in the region of Chica neere the mouth of his streights ; Ortelius describes a people whom he tearmes Pentagones , from their huge stature , beeing ordinarily of fiue cubits long , which makes seaven foote & an halfe ; whence their countrey is knowne by the name of the land of Gyants . Mr Pretty a Gentleman of Suffolke , in his discourse of Mr Candish his voyage about the world , beeing himselfe imployed in the same action , tells vs that measuring the print of an Indians foote in the sand , not farre from the coast of Brasil ; he found it to be eighteene inches long , by which computation , the Indian himselfe in proportion could be no lesse then nine foote . Cassanion likewise acknowledgeth that in the Iland of Summatra & neere the Antarticke Pole , some are found of tenne or twelue foote high . Lastly , Antony Pigafet a great traveller in his time , as testifieth Goulart , affirmes that he had seene towards the same Pole so tall a Gyant , as other tall men did not reach with their heads aboue his navell ; and others beyond the streights of Magellane , which had their necks a cubit long , and the rest of their bodies answerable therevnto . CAP. 4. More pressing Reasons to proue that for these last two or three thousand yeares , the stature of the Ancients was little or nothing different from that of the present times . SECT . 1. The first Reason taken from the measures of the Ancients , which were proportioned to the parts of mans bodie , and in the view of them wee are first to know that they were standards , that is , for publique contracts , certaine and constant ; and consequently if the graines of our barley corne , the first principle of measure be the same with theirs , as hath already beene proved , it cannot be but our ordinary measures should bee the same with theirs , and so likewise our statures . I will not dwell vpon these lighter skirmishes , but proceede on to a more serious fight , and downeright stroakes drawne from the demonstrations of more weighty reasons , whereof the first shall be taken from the comparison of the measures of the Ancients and ours , vsed in this present age , borrowed from the body of man. It was a memorable saying of Protagoras , reported and repeated by Plato , that man was rerum omnium mensura , the measure of all things ; he is the measure of measures , the yard , the ell , the pace , the furlong , the mile , they are all measured by the body of man and the parts thereof , which likewise serue for the measuring each of other . So that if they hold that Symmetrie & commodulation , ( as Vitruvius calls it ) which they ought from the proportion of the head , the hand , the cubit , the foote , the finger , nay the tooth or the least bone , may the dimēsions of the whole body be infalliblely collected . As Pythagoras gathered the heigth of Hercules from the proportion of his foote ; and Pulcher a skilfull Geometrician the heigth of a Gyant ( discouered in Sicily by an earth-quake ) at the commaund of Tiberius from the proportion of his tooth , sent from thence to the Emperour for a tast and triall of the whole . To lay a ground then to that which I am to say , that the building which I am to raise vpon it may stand the surer , first I take it to be an vndeniable truth , that the cubit , the foote , the inch , the digit were all of them standards , that is , certaine and constant measures , it being not lawfull for euery man to make or take his measures in publique contracts by his owne cubit or foote , or of any whom himselfe would make choyce of , but by that which was common and indifferent to all , legally & publiquely allowed : And this much not onely stands with right reason , but appeares to be true , by that Amphora Capitolina amongst the Romanes , a standing stable measure , kept in the Capitoll , ( with which all other measures were to accord ) mentioned by Iulius Capitolinus in the life of Maximinus , as also by the Romane Congius , whereof one was lately in the keeping of Cardinall Farnese , & is exquisitely effigiated by Vyllalpandus in the latter end of his third tome vpon the Prophet Ezekiel . Among the Iewes likewise the Law required that they should not vse or haue a double weight or measure , which could not well be avoided , except they had a common measure by which all particulars were to be regulated . Secondly , this standard of cubits or feete was taken from the proportion of a man , mediae or mediocris staturae , of a middle stature , and considering that both the Romane and Graecian foote consisteth of twelue inches , and withall that a foote is the sixth part of a mans body , it must needes follow that a man of a middle stature consisted of six foote by the standard or assise . But because it was obserued that in diuerse Climates , or it may be in the same Climate in diuerse ages men varied in their stature ; and consequently that the middle stature was not alway & in all places the same , they measured the digit , which is the least & last principall of measures in mans body , by barley cornes , allowing foure barley cornes laid athwart for the digit , as Lucas Gauricus a great & famous Mathematician in his booke of Geometrie & the parts thereof , hath truely and wisely observed , Nam etsi , saith he , ab humanis membris dimensionu●… partes deno●…inari Veteres voluere placuit tamen propter humanorum corporum inaequalitatem , à certo quodam principio exordiri , ex quo mensurae reliquae velut ex certis partibus constituerentur . Statuerunt ergo Geometrae granum hordei transuersum , id est secundum latitudinem positum , mensurarum minimam . Though the Ancients haue pleased to denominate the severall parts of measures from the severall parts of mans body ; yet by reason of the inequality of mens bodies , they thought it reasonable to take their rise from some certaine and vnvariable beginning , from whence other measures might likewise be made vp of euen and certain parts . And to this purpose did the Geometricians make the barly corne layd athwart , or according to its breadth the least and first of all other measures . And that foure of these make vp a digit , appeares by these old verses which I find in the same Author , Quatuor ex granis digitus componitur unus Est quater in palmo digitus quater in pede palmus . One foot foure palmes , one palme containes Foure digits , and one digit foure graines . Now that the barley-corne , the ( Grownsell as it were , and simplest principle of Measures ) or at leastwise the fairest thereof which is vsed to that end , is the same with vs as with the Ancients , it cannot well be denied , if the goodnesse and fruitfulnesse of the Earth be not decayed , as I haue sufficiently prooued in a former Chapter , aswell by reason as the testimony of Columella and other graue Writers . And besides if we still vse the graines of barley for the weight of gold and siluer , as the Ancients did ; I see no reason why wee should except against them in this case . Well then , foure graines now concurring to the making vp of a digit , as it did in former ages , it must of necessity follow that our digit is the same with theirs , and consequently our inch , and hand-bredth , and foote , and cubit , from whence we collect that a body of sixe foot heigth according to those measures , being now accounted but a middle stature , as anciently it was , our account is still the same , and our stature at leastwise for the generall the same , as among the Ancients . And except it were so , their rules of proportion in Architecture , in lymming , in carving and the statuary Art left vs by them could availe vs little . For howbeit from them we might vnderstand what proportion each part should beare to other , yet can we not know what proportion the whole should beare , vnlesse their measures were the same with ours . But their workes in those kindes yet remaining , shew that the measure which they allowed for an horse or a man of a just and euen stature , are the same for proportion both with their owne rules and our standing measures vsed at this day : And at this day doe the best Architects obserue Vitruvius his measures , finding them to agree with , or very little to disagree from ours . SECT . 2. That in particular the ordinary Hebrew Graecian and Roman measures were the same with ours or very little different . THose Nations which haue left vs any notable Records of their severall sorts of measures , are to my remembrance but three : the Hebrewes , the Graecians , and the Romanes . For the first it is cleere that as they had some weights sacred or of the Sanctuary , which were the begger , and others of ordinary and common vse , which were the lesser : so were their measures ; there was a speciall Cubit which contained an handbredth more then the vulgar , ( borrowed it seemes from the Persians during the Captivity of Babylon ) and an ordinary , which I take to be the same with , or very little differing from ours . And this in holy writ is tearmed the Cubit of a man , and the measure of a man , that is , of a man growne vp to ripe age and perfect stature . And both Iunius ( as before I observed ) in his annotations on that of Deuteronomy and Ribera in his Commentaries on the Revelation , seeme both of them to refer it to the ordinary measures which Artificers commonly vse in taking their distances , and making their dimensions . The first measures to my remembrance that we read of in the sacred Oracles of Scripture are those of the Arke ; which S. Augnstine lead by Origen held to be Geometricall , containing six common Cubits : but it is certaine , that casting the bignesse of it by the vulgar Cubit now in vse , it was a vessell of so ample & huge capacity , that it was fully sufficient for the preseruing of all sorts of creatures together with their food by God appointed to be reserued in it . The length of it was three hundred Cubits , which multiplied by the bredth , namely fifty cubits , and the product by the heigth of thirty cubits , sheweth the whole concavity to haue beene foure hundred and fifty thousand cubits , large enough for stoage for Noah and his company , the beasts , and birds , and their provision , and somewhat to spare , as Buteo hath learnedly demonstrated . Of Solomons Temple it is noted that it was sixty cubits long , twenty broade , and thirty high , which Ribera likewise makes to be vulgar and vsuall cubits . And though the building may seeme to haue beene very scant after that proportion , yet if wee consider that none might come within this space but the Priests that then serued , and that both the Altar of Houlocausts , and the Court of the Priests who serued not , was without , it will seem needlesse to require a longer or larger roome for those services to which it was assigned ; Yet since these cubits in the second booke of Chronicles , are said to be ex primariâ mensurâ , after the primary or chiefe measure , it should seeme they were no ordinary cubits , but rather sacred , which contained the common and vulgar cubit double , as may appeare by this , in that the pillars of brasse Iachin and Boaz set vp before the porch of the Temple in the first of Kings , are said to bee eighteene Cubits high : but in the second of Chronicles , thirty fiue , which together with the basis being one Cubit high , make thirty sixe , double to eighteene , as the shekell of the Sanctuary was double to the vulgar : yet can it not be gathered that the vulgar exceeded ours , nay the pillars with their Chapiters & basis being by this computation aboue sixtie foot in heigth , it may well be conjectured , that their foot and Cubit either came short of ours , or was at most but equall vnto it . And for Solomons owne house which was one hundred Cubits long , fifty broad , and thirty high , generally receiued it is , that they were of the Common measure . We read that some of the stones laid in the foundation of the house built for his wife Pharaohs daughter , were of ten Cubits , which allowing a foot and a halfe to the cubit , make vp fifteene foot , a very large proportion , euen by the length of the vulgar foot now in vse : But those in Herods Temple , twenty fiue Cubits long ( as witnesseth Iosephus who saw it himselfe ) if the cubit by which he reckoned exceed our ordinary , were of a length altogether incredible . And for mine own part , I know not how we should compute either the heigth of Goliah , or the length of Oggs bed , and the like , but by the vulgar and ordinary cubit , now commonly in vse amongst vs , as most of the learned doe , and if in so doing they erre not , then are our measures , and consequently our present stature vndoubtedly equall with , or at leastwise not much inferiour to theirs that liued in Moses time , who as it may well be thought , borrowed this Art of measuring from the Egyptians , in whose learning he was so perfectly skilled . Now for the measures of the Graecians , howbeit Causabon in his commentaries vpon Suetonius , seeme to make the Grecian foot , as likewise that of other Nations , of lesse extent then the Romane ; yet Georgius Agricola , who studied this point more thorowly , and hath of set purpose composed a large volume of the Graecian and Romane weights and measures , affirmes the Grecian to exceed the Romane by halfe an inch , & for proofe thereof doth he mention a pillar to be seene in the Chappell of the twelue Apostles in the Vatican , which seemed to him to haue beene brought out of Greece , with this inscription graven in the higher part thereof , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , nine foot , and from the measure and proportion of this would he prooue it to exceed the Romane by the quantity aforenamed , yet by his owne confession Marlianus who hath written the Topography of Rome , & exactly described whatsoeuer therein was worth the observing , hath marked no such difference : And for the Cubit , though Herodotus in one place speake of Regius Cubitus , that contained twenty seuen digits , which is three more then the ordinary , yet that their ordinary either digit or cubit exceeded ours , I no-where finde it expressely obserued . And for their stature it is precisely noted by the same Author , that Phya the wife of Pisistratus was held so tall , that shee was exhibited and applauded as another Minerva , and yet wanted shee three fingers of foure cubits . Neither adds he , Cubitorum Regiorum , of Regall cubits , as in the other passage , which makes me conceiue that he might rather meane the vulgar . And for the Persians ; from whom the Graecians borrowed their Regall Cubit , he tels vs that one Artaches a principall Commander in Xerxes his army , was statura inter Persas procerissima , the tallest among all the Persians , and yet wanted he foure digits of the measure of fiue Regall Cubits , so that his heigth according to the vulgar Cubit was about eight foote : And I thinke at this day there are few Kingdomes , though much inferiour to that of Persia , which cannot shew one at least not much inferiour to that proportion . In the third and last place come the ancient Romane measures to bee compared with ours : neither haue I met with any who either affirme or so much as conjecture that they exceeded ours : but many that they rather came short of them . Sr Henry Savill a severe and exact man in the search of Antiquity , speaking of the quadrantall , a measure of a Cubicall Romane foote , sets this note in the margent , The Romane foote lesse then ours by halfe an inch . In like manner Agricola censures Budaeus for making vp the Romane quadrantall , by the measure of the french foote , whereas , saith he , it exceedes the Romane duobus digitis , by two fingers : and farther adds , that the standing measure of the ancient Romane foote is yet at this day to be seene cut in stone or marble in diverse places of Rome ; and namely in the gardens of Angelo Colocci : Some of these , it seemes , Goropius Becanus mette with & measured , & by his owne testimony , found them short of foure of his palmes or hand-breadths ; & yet , saith he , statura mea mediocritate brevior , my selfe come short of a middle stature . The mile we know was measured by the pace , and the pace by the foote , now that the Romane mile came short of ours , appeares by the great stones set vp at every miles end in the Appian way ; and the Italian mile in vse at this day , taken , as it seemes , from the ancient Romane , is shorter then ours , neere about the same proportion , as is the Romane foote sayd to be shorter then our foote . To bring it home then to our present purpose ; It is by Suetonius reported of Augustus , that he was indeede somewhat short , neuertheles of a comely stature : Which from the testimony of Iulius Marathus , he notes to haue beene fiue foote and nine inches , the just measure of our late famous Queene Elizabeth , who as shee matched that renowned Emperour in happines and duration of reigne , so did shee likewise in the stature of her body , nay if we admit the mentioned difference betweene the Romane foote and ours , shee exceeded him in heigth by more then two inches : And I see no reason why Suetonius should tearme Augustus short , comming so neere the middle stature , except onely because he came somewhat short of that . The same Authour writes that Nero leuied a new legion of Italians of six foote-men , which he called the Phalanx of the great Alexander , by which it should seeme that very few exceeded that stature . And of Tiberius , he obserues that he was statura quae justam excederet , somewhat , as it seemes , aboue sixe foote . Valentinian and Valens gaue order that for the common souldier fiue foote and seauen inches should suffice ; And Vegetius witnesseth of Marius the Consull , that such as were six foote high , or siue & tenne inches should be ranked inter Alares Equites vel in primis legionum cohortibus , among the principall troupes that served either on horfe-backe or on foote . From whence Causabon collecteth that such as were seauen foote high were counted Gyants , & to that purpose voucheth he the authority of Sidonius Apollinaris who flourished about the yeare foure hundred and forty . — Spernit senipedem stylum Thalia Ex quo septipedes vidit Patronos : Six footed rimes Thalia doth defie Ere since she seaven foot Patrons did espie , whom a little after hee tearmeth Gyants : Tot tantique petunt simul Gigantes , Quot vix Alcinoi culina ferret Gyants so many & so hugely maine , As scarce Alcinous Kitchen can sustaine . By all which passages it cleerely appeares , thar our ordinary stature at this day , if it exceede not that of the Ancient Romanes , yet doth it equall it at least . Now before I conclude this Reason & Section , it shall not be amisse by the way to remember that Nicephorus makes the stature of Christ by tradition to haue beene , ( if Langus render him right ) ad palmos prorsus septem , full seaven hand breadths . Which length allowing foure hand breadths to the foote , according to the vsuall account , wants one hand breadth of two foote ; The stature of a dwarfe of the least sise : but if by palmos he meanes spannes , whereof about three make vp two foote , so likewise could he bee but foure foote & a spanne long , too short a stature for a comely body , such as wee may well and piously conceiue he had , and all ancient Christian writers confesse ; and Lentulus the Proconsull in that Epistle to the Romane Senate , which goes vnder his name , confirmes as much : And it should seeme by that of the Apostle , till wee come to a perfect man , vnto the measure of the stature of the fullnes of Christ : that his stature was compleate and perfect , not excessiue in height , for then Zaccheus needed not to haue gone vp to a tree to haue seene him , nor yet very defectiue , that hauing beene apt to expose him to scorne & derision . And in likelihood we should haue found it somewhere , by some one or other among so many and malitious Adversaries , obiected vnto him . It is true that none of the Evangelists , ( most particular and precise in setting downe other Circumstances ) haue expressed any thing at all touching his complexion , or feature , or stature : Happily to this end , that no picture or statue might be made of him , as well knowing how inclinable by nature wee are to turne the very resemblances & memorialls of those , whom wee most honour and reuerence into Idolls . Another thing which I would note is this , that when I call six foote a middle stature , my meaning is not that there are as many found to be aboue it , as below it ( which is the vulgar vnderstanding of that word ) but because it is , and euer hath beene held by the Learned , the most competent and comely stature ; so as he who is vnder that , is somewhat too short , and he who is aboue it , somewhat too tall in regard of the most euen , just , and exact proportion . It was so held among the Romans , as appeares by Vitruvius , & by the Commentatours on Suetonius in the life of Tiberius : And yet their ranking of six foote men among their principall troupes , & Nero his making vp a legion of the leuied from all the parts of Italy , which in a kinde of pride and glory he named the Phalanx of Alexander the great , shew that then very few exceeded that stature : And yet , ( which may not be forgotten ) was their foote short of ours three inches in the measure of six feete . And surely , now among vs to raise a Legion of fiue foote & nine inches in any of his Maiesties kingdomes , or perchaunce in some one of our sheires , would proue , I dare say , no very hard taske , or such as wee should hold a matter worth the glorying in . SECT . 3. The second reason taken from the ordinary allowance of diet to souldiers and servants , which appeares to be of like quantity with vs , as was that among the Ancient Graecians and Romans , together with a doubt touching Gods allowance to the Israelites , answered . BVt I passe from this first Reason drawne from the comparison of ancient and moderne Measures , to a second no lesse weighty and pressing in my judgement , borrowed from the allowance of diet , taking this for my ground , that caeteris paribus , men for the most part feed according to the proportion of their bodies ; and withall that their publique allowance was made according to their customary feeding . To Hercules , being a man supposed of a mighty stature , is allowed by Homer an oxe at a meale when he was hungry . Of Maximinus the Emperour aboue-named , Capitolinus reports , that he often ate in a day forty pound weight of flesh , and sometimes sixty , as he addeth out of Cordus . Athenaeus alleages Theodorus Hieropolis in his bookes of the games of Greece , that the ordinary fare of Milo the Crotonian , was twenty pound of flesh & three Congij , or six gallons of wine . In the yeare one thousand fiue hundred & eleuen , the Emperour Maximilian the first , being at Ausburge at an assembly of the states of Germany ; there was presented him a man of an vnreasonable heigth and greatnes , who at a few mouth-fulls and without any stay , would devour a whole sheepe , or a calfe , not caring whether it were rost or raw , saying that it did but sharpen his appetite . Children for the most part are not allowed the like quantily as men of riper yeares , though they be growing , nor among men dwarfes the like as Gyants : And it stands with great reason that the portion of diet appointed for the nourishing of the body , should in some sort be answerable to the proportion of the body nourished . If then it shall appeare that the daily bread allowed by the Ancients to their servants & souldiers , was no more then is by vs allowed at this day to ours , it will , as I take it , from thence be more then probablely inferred , that the common stature & strength of our bodies , is not somuch inferiour to theirs , as is commonly supposed . The ordinary allowance in corne among the Graecians , was the measure of a Choenix a day , as witnesseth Suidas ; & fromhence , as it seemes , was borrowed that Motto of Pythagoras , remembred by Plutarch super Choenicem●… ne si●…as , sit not vpon a Choenix , that is , hauing gotten foode for a day , doe not grow secure , as if that would never be spent . And Athenaeus tels vs , that Clearchus a great Coyner of new words , was wont vpon this occasion to call a Choenix Hemerotrophidem sustenance for a day . At least-wise in the Campe it was so , if wee credit Herodotus in his Polymnia , where he vittaileth the common souldier in Xerxes army at a Ch●…nix a day : The quantity of which allowance wee shall finde anon very neere to agree both with the Romane , & that which is in vse at this day . The measure then to a Romane foote-man for a moneth , saith Polybius , was two thirds of a Medimnus of wheate , which made vp foure Modij , the whole Medimnus by a generall consent of all the best Authours containing six Modij in all . With which rate of Polybius precisely agreeth Donate vpon Terence , where he limiteth dimensum serui , ( in the Gospell called , a servants portion of meate ) to be foure Modij the moneth ; the same portion which both Cato & Columella allow for countrey ●…indes . Now that it may appeare what this allowance was according to our measures , wee are to know that the Romane Modius , howbeit it be vsually in our language rendred a Bushell , & be so commōly construed in Schooles ; yet is it about a pint lesse then a pecke , as is rightly observed , not onely by Sr Henry Savill in his view of military matters , but by our last Translatours of the Bible , who though they haue set bushell in the Text , yet in the Margin haue they affixed this note , The word in the originall signisieth a measure contayning about a pint lesse then a p●…ke . First then to compare the Graecian and the Romane allowance . The Medimnus containing forty eight Choenices , as witnesseth Budaeus out of Pollux , and six Modij , as Tully , & Suidas , & Nepos , and others ; the Romane being allowed foure Modij by the Moneth , and the Graecian a Choenix by the day , their allowances were equall , or not much different , saue that the Romane seemes to be somewhat larger : foure Modij containing after that reckoning thirty two Choenices , which amongst them was a moneths allowance . With which if we compare our owne measures , it will weekely amount to a pint lesse then a pecke , & allowing two gallons to the pecke , it will arise to about a quart by the day , which is but a competent allowance for a souldier or labour-man ( liuing most vpon bread ) at this day ; as Budaeus by conference with his Baker , hath fully cleered the point . And heere it may not be forgotten that our last Translatours ( to cleare the whole businesse more fully ) in their marginall notes on the sixth of the Reuelation at the sixth verse , giue vs to vnderstand , that the word Choenix there vsed signifieth a measure containing one wine quart , and the twelth part of a quart . Now I am not ignorant that the Gomer of Manna , being the daily allowance of the ●…ewes during their abode in the wildernes , by Gods owne appointment , is by Rabanus valued at three Choenices , and by Iunius two and an halfe , bating one fifth . But I should rather ascribe so large an allowance to Gods speciall bounty , then to their necessity ; and so much hath Iunius himselfe in his annotations vpon that place confessed : inde colligitur , quàm largiter Deus Israelitas aluerit tam longo tempore : We may from thence collect , how bountifully God dealt with the Israelites making them so large an allowance for so long a time . And this marueilous great plenty , in likelihood was it that gaue them occasion to distast it , to grow weary of it , & cast out those murmuring speeches against God & Moses his servant & their leader , Animam nostram taed●…t huius pa●…is vilis●…imi , our soule loatheth this light bread ; & to fall a longing after the cucumbers and leekes , the onyons and garlicke of Egypt : Though the Manna , aswell in regard of the delicacie thereof , as the raining of it downe from heaven , bee by the Psalmist tearmed Angels foode ; & in the booke of Wisedome be commended for hauing in it a certaine contentfull delight agreeable to euery mans ●…ast . It is likewise true that the Romane allowance to a horse-man by the testimony of Polybius , seemed to be larger then that of the foote-man , there being alotted him monethly seaven Medimni of oates or barley for his horse , and two of wheate for himselfe : But it may very well be , as Lypsius conjectureth , that he had a spare horse and an attendant or two allowed him , and then his two Medimni for himselfe , & his two servants agrees justly with the two thirds of a Medimnus to a foote-man . SECT . 4. Diverse other reasons drawne from experience added as from the armour , the bed-steeds , the seats , the doores , the pulpits , the Altars of the Ancients , & other doubts cleered . TO proceed , that which seemes to make the matter more euident , because it strikes more vpon the sense , is the view of the roofes , the doores , the tables , the seates , the robes , the bed-steeds , the weapons , the armour , the pulpits , the Altars , the tombes of the Ancients , yet remayning to be seene ; all which argue that they were of the same stature , or very little differing from vs. Aristotle in his Mechanicks giues vs to vnderstand , that the bed-steeds in his time , did not commonly exceede six foote : Nay Magius himselfe , who hath written a large discourse in defence of the contrary & common opinion ; yet at last confesseth , that taking an exact measure of the Tombes at Pisa and other citties in Italy , though some of them were made a thousand yeares since , some more ; yet found he them in dimensions parum aut nihil , little or nothing differing from those of our times , and withall ingenuously acknowledgeth , that being at Pisaurum in the Duke of Vrbines armory , hee there saw certaine brasse helmets digged vp in the fields neere Metaurum , where Asdruball was overthrowne by the Romane forces , and were verily thought to haue layne there since that time : Quae tamen ab ijs quas modo milites nostri gestare solent ad magnitudinem quod attinet , non discrepabant : which notwithstanding , saith he , in regard of bignesse , differed not from those which our souldiers now a dayes vsually weare . I know that the sword of Edward the third , the armour of Iohn of Gaunt , the tilting staffe of Charles Brandon , the walking staues and riding staues of Henry the eight shewed in the Tower and other places farre exceed the ordinary of our times : but perchaunce some of them like Sinesius Grandio in Seneca delighted in great things , or I should thinke that sometimes they were rather for shew then for vse ; and for the rest , it only argues the strength & stature of those that vsed them , not for others , who liued in the same age with them : Nay if we compare the common armour of the age wherein Iohn of Gaunt liued , or the most ancient in the Tower or otherwhere , with that which is now in vse , we shall finde no such sensible difference as should argue a decay in stature . Indeed their arrowes generally exceeded ours both in bignesse and length ; but this I should rather impute to their continuall practise in shooting from their very infancie , then to their strength and stature . The truth whereof appeares by this , that so long as that practise was continued , ( which was till the invention and ordinary vse of Gunnes ) so long the like dimentions of their shafts were likewise continued without any diminution , as may be seene by comparing the arrowes commonly vsed in Henry the seaventh & Henry the eights time , with those in vse many yeares before , few of which are full a yard by measure ; yet my Lord of S. Albans witnesseth , that the rebellious Cornish in the reigne of King Henry the seaventh , not much aboue one hundred yeare agoe shotte an arrow of a full Cloth-yard long . The doubt which may be made touching the Altar of the Tabernacle seemes to be of greater consequence , which by Gods appointment was to be three cubits high , that is , foure foote and an halfe , whereas those of latter times are not aboue three foote or three & an halfe at most ; which seemes to inferre the difference in succeeding ages of the stature of those that were to serue at the Altar : But I would demaund whether the Cubit , Moses there speakes of , were according to the ordinary stature of men then liuing ; if so , then a man rightly proportioned , being at most but foure of his owne Cubits , there was left but one cubit for the Priest aboue the Altar , which was much too little for him to minister with ease : And what then shall wee say to Salomons Altar , which was ten cubits high , surely it must in reason so be vnderstood , that the height bee accounted from the lowest floore of the temple or tabernacle where the people stood ; but the Priest went vp by certaine slope degrees , certaine easy ascents to the Altar , so that the height of those ascents from the floore together with the Altar it selfe made vp the full measure there spoken of . It will be replied , that it was expressely forbidden to goe vp by steps to the Altar : True indeed , but the reason is there added , that thy nakednes be not discovered thereon , so as such degrees of ascent as occasioned not any danger or doubt of discouering his nakednesse , who ministred at the Altar , seeeme there not to be forbidden ; which is the interpretation both of Iunius & Abulensis , allowing then an Altar of three foote & halfe high , & arising to it from the lower floore of a foot high ; the height of the altar frō the lower floore will be four foot & an halfe , or three cubits , which is the measure required in the Leuiticall Law , & differs little in height from the Altars in forraine parts , or those which are yet standing with vs ; if we likewise take their height from the lower floore , which by reason of the continued and easie degrees of ascent to them may not vnfitly be counted their basis or foote And most certaine it is , that the Altars which amongst Christians were built for fiue or six hundred yeares since , & yet remaine , whereof there are in France , & Spaine , & Italy not a few to be seene ; serue as commodiously for the stature of the men of this presentage , as they did of those , in whose times they were built : whereas , were there such a decay as is supposed , we now liuing should hardly reach their tops , much lesse bee able to serue at them with any tolerable conveniencie . SEC . 5. The same farther proued , first for that the sonne often proues taller then the father . Secondly , for that age and stature holding for the most part correspondence , it being already proued that the age of mankind is not decreased , from thence it followes that neither is their stature . Thirdly , for that if mankinde decreased in stature by the course of nature , so must of necessity all other creatures , they being all alike subiect to the same law of nature . Fourthly , for that if men had still declined since the Creation , by this time they would haue beene no bigger then rats or mice if they had at all beene . BEsides were there such a generall and continuall decay of men in stature as is supposed , either the Child would alwayes com short of the Parents in stature , or very seldome would it fall out otherwise , whereas now wee finde it by dayly experience that the sonne very often not only equalls but exceedes the father , and the daughter the mother . Nicephorus Calistus in the twelfth booke of his Ecclesiasticall history tells vs of one whom himselfe saw , of such an excessiue heigth , that he was held for a monster ; Quem tamen brevis admodum staturae mulier in lucem protulit , saith he , whom notwithstanding a woman of a very short stature brought forth . In the like manner S. Augustine reports of a woman who in his time a little before the sacking of Rome by the Gothes , came thither with her Father and Mother , she was , saith he , of a Gyant-like stature far beyond all that saw her , though infinite troopes came to behold that spectacle , Et hoc erat maximae admirationi , this was matter of greatest amazement , that both her Parents were but of ordinary stature . I haue seene , saith Marcellus Donatus a learned Physitian , a young maiden of a Gyant-like stature whom they carried from towne to towne to shew her as a prodigious thing , for the sight of whom euery man gaue some thing , wherewith her mother that conducted her and her selfe were maintained . She was in an hired Chamber by her selfe , and there suffered her selfe to be seene with admiration ; going as others did , I enquired carefully of euery point , and did learne both from her selfe and her mother , who was a woman of a meane stature , that the maidens father was not tall , that in all their stocke there was not any one that exceeded the height of other persons . It is likewise reported in the History of the Netherlands , that in the yeare 1323 , was to be seene in Holland a woman Gyantesse , to whom the tallest men seemed children , yet her parents of meane stature . So then , if Gyants be sometime borne or begotten of such parents , no marvell that the sonne as often proues taller then the father , as he comes short of him . But it commonly fals out in this kinde , though not in that extremity , as with the Samogitheans , a people lying betwixt Prussia and Livonia , of whom Scaliger writes , that per vices tum proceros , tum penè nanos generant , by turnes they bring forth Gyants and Dwarfes , like some trees , saith he , which beare very plentifully one yeare , and are the next altogether barren : Nature so disposing that what was deficient in the Dwarfc , is abundantly repayed in the Gyant . Againe , there is for the most part a mutuall connexion betweene age and stature , ( whence it may be in the Greeke , the same word signifieth both ) so as that race of men which is tallest and strongest , commonly hold out longest ; vpon which ground , as it seemes , they who invented the fable of the Pigmies withall affirmed , that their women vsually brought forth at fiue yeares , and died at eight : But certaine it is , that in those barbarous countreyes which are not weakened by luxury , as they much exceed vs in duration , so doe they likewise in dimensions , both which haue beene fully shewed by sundry examples already alleadged , and generally we see that in the severall kinds of beasts , of birds , of fishes , of trees , of plants , the bigger they are in quantity , the longer they last , & the lesser they are , the shorter space they continue : Since then it hath beene , as I take it , sufficiently proued in the precedent chapters , that the age of men is not so sensibly impaired in regard of former times , as is commonly conceiued , it will from thence consequently follow , that neither is the stature of man , at least wise by any defect in the course of Nature , so manifestly abated , as is imagined . I say , by any defect in the Course of Nature , for then doubtlesse , all other naturall bodies should suffer the like defect , euen the Elements and the Heauens themselues , all which , ( if I flatter not my selfe too much ) I haue in my former discourse cleerely freed from any such vniversall & perpetuall declination . And in truth , reason it selfe will easily teach vs , that if men were generally in former ages taller and larger then now they are , so must the horses too vpon which they rode ; and if horses , other kindes of beasts too , and if beasts , birds too ; and if birds , fishes too ; and if all these , trees too ; there being no warrantable reason , as I conceiue , to be yeelded , why among those kindes of Creatures , ( which wanting reason , are guided meerely by instinct of Nature ) some should stand at a stay , continuing their ancient perfection , and others in tract of time decay by degrees . Indeed Man among them all by meanes of the abuse of his Reason and free choice , ( which was giuen him to helpe him , and not to hurt him , ( had he the grace to make vse of it ) is most subject to variation , and so to declination : yet as all men doe not alwayes abuse their reason , at leastwise in a greater degree then their Predecessors , ( as shall God assisting be hereafter made good ) so doe they not alwayes decline in strength and stature , for then should they by this time scarcely haue exceeded the quantity of Rats or Mice , or at most haue but equalled that Dwarfe of whom Nicephorus reports , ( how truly I cannot say ) that he had the shape , the voice and reason of a man , yet was in body no bigger then a Partridge ; or that other mentined by Sabinus in his Commentaries vpon the Metamorphosis : Vidit Italia nuper virum iusta aetate non maiorem cubito circumferri in cavea psyttaci , cujus viri meminit in suis scriptis Hieronymus Cardanus , There was lately to be seene in Italy a man of a ripe age not aboue a cubit high , carried about in a Parrets cage , of whom Hierome Cardan in his writings makes mention : But me thinkes it being the forme which giues bounds to the matter ( of it selfe vnlimited and boundlesse ) and the forme of man being still for essence and naturall functions the same which was from the beginning , the bounds of his quantity cannot vary in any great or notorious difference , but through some exorbitancie and aberration in nature , which as they haue beene in all ages , so haue monsters too , not only in figure and shape , but also both , in excesse and defect . CAP. 5. Wherein the principall objections drawne aswell from Reason as from authority and experience are fully answered . SECT . 1. Of sundry fabulous narrations of the bones of Gianlike bodies digged vp , or found in Caues . THe Truth being thus settled , it remaines that wee now dispell those mists and cloudes with which the brightnes of it is sometimes ouercast : whereof the chiefe is , the huge bodies and bones that at sundry times haue beene digged vp , and yet are kept in many places as monuments of Antiquity to be seene . Such are they which are shewen at Puteoli or Putzole in the Kingdome of Naples , vpon which Pomponius Laetus hath bestowod verses , which he thus concludes , Hinc bona posteritas immania corpora servat , Et tales mundo testificatur avos . Their huge corpes good posterity keepes here , To witnesse to the World that once such were . The like haue I seene at Wormes in Germany and other Citties standing vpon the Rheine hung vp in Chaines , or laid vp in Megazines and other publique places ; but saith Philippus Camerarius , I haue heard many dispute and make doubt whether they were the bones of men , or of fishes . Infinite are the stories which to this purpose are recorded , it would require a iust volume to collect them into one body , and in truth it shall not need , inasmuch as I finde it already done by the same Camerarius , by Gassanion in his booke of Gyants ; and Fazelus in his first booke and first Decade of the affaires of Sicily ; as also by our Hollenshed in the fourth chap. of his first volume , but with this Caution ; For my part saith he , I will touch rare things , and such as to my selfe doe seeme almost incredible ; wherefore I will onely point at a few of the most memorable , lest on the one side I should seeme purposely to baulke that rubbe which is commonly thought most of all to thwart my way , or on the other side should cloy the Reader with too many vnsavory tales . It is reported by Plutarch out of Gabinius , ( which I confesse , I somewhat marvell at in so graue an Authour ) that Sertorius being in Lybia neere the streights of Morocco , found the body of Antaeus there buried , sixty cubits , to which Fazelus adds ten more , and makes it vp scaventy : But Strabo in the seaventeenth of his Geography , mentioning the same thing , layes this censure vpon Gabinius the Authour of it : Sed nec Gabinius Romanarum rerum Scriptor in describenda Mauritania fabulis prodigiosis abstinet : neither doth Gabinius in his description of Mauritania abstaine from the relation of monstrous fables . In the fourteenth yeare of Henry the second Emperour was the body of Pallas , ( as 't was thought , ) companion to Aeneas , taken vp at Rome , and found in height to equall the walles of that cittie : But as Galeotus Martius hath well obserued , his body was said to haue beene burned , Arsurasque comas obnubit amictu , The locks that shortly should consume in fire He couered with his Robe . Which I suppose to be likewise true of many of those bodies , which notwithstanding are reported to haue beene found intire for their proportions long after their deaths , though turned into ashes many yeares before : It being the custome of those countries to burne , as it is ours to burie our dead . Our Malmesburiensis likewise in his second booke & thirteenth chapter de gestis Rerum Anglorum mentioneth the same , story shall I call it , or fable , telling vs that in the yeare of grace 1042 , & in the reigne of S. Edward , the body of Pallas the sonne of Euander , of whom Virgill speakes , Romae repertum est illibatum ingenti stupore omnium quod tot saecula incorruptionem sui superavit , was found at Rome intire and sound , to the great astonishment of all men , that by the space of so many ages it had triumphed ouer corruption ; and farther to confirme the trueth thereof , he assures vs that the gaping widenesse of the wound which Turnus made in the midst of his breast , was found by measure to be foure foote & an halfe , a large wound , and the weapon which made it , we cannot but conceiue as large ; and by the appearance of it at full , not onely the bones and skinne and sinewes , but the flesh to remaine incorrupt ; a matter altogether incredible . Besides he sets vs downe his Epitath found at the same time , Filius Evandri Pallans quem lancea Turni Militis occidit more suo iacet hic , Which himselfe knowes not well how to giue credit too , quod non tunc crediderim factum , ( sayth he , which I cannot beleeue was then made , but by Ennius , or some other of latter ages : But I proceede . Herodotus in his first booke tels vs , that the body of Orestes being taken vp , was found to be seaven cubits ; but Gellius is bold to bestow vpon him for his labour the title of Homo Fabulator , a forger of fables , rather inclining to the opinion of Varro , who held the vtmost period of a mans growth to be seaven foote . What would he then haue said to the body of Oryon , which Pliny makes forty six cubits , or of Macrosyris which Trallianus makes an hundred cubits , or of that body discouered in a vast caue neere Drepanum in Sicilie , three of whose teeth , if wee may beleeue Boccace , weighed an hundred ounces , and the leadde of his staffe , a thousand and fiue hundred pounds . And the body it selfe by proportion of some of the bones was estimated to no lesse then two hundred cubits , which makes three hundred feete , somewhat I thinke beyond Pauls steeple . The more I wonder at S. Augustine , who confidently assures vs , that himselfe with others being on the sea shore at Vtica , he there saw a mans iaw-tooth so bigge , that being cut into small peeces , it would haue made an hundred such as the men liuing in his age commonly had , by which computation the body it selfe must likewise in reason haue exceeded the bodies of his age an hundred times ; so that being compared with a body of six foote , & exceeding it one hundred times , it will be found six hundred foote high , which is the just double to Boccace his Gyant . Yet Ralph the Munke of Cogshall , who wrote 350 yeares agoe ( as witnesseth Camden ) it may be in imitation of S. Augustine , auerres ; that himselfe saw the like , which in a Munke is I confesse more tollerable then that which Lodovicus Viues , deservedly reputed a graue and learned Authour , vpon that passage of S. Augustines affirmes , that going to the Church on S. Christophers day ( the place he names not , but it seemes to be Louaine , because from thence he dates his Epistle dedicatorie to King Henrie the 8 : He was there shewed a tooth belonging , as it was thought to that St bigger then a mans fist , the patterne whereof belike was taken from that huge Colossus made to represent him at the entrance of Nostre-dame in Paris more like a mountaine then a man ; whereas notwithstanding Baronius professeth in plaine tearmes , se non habere quid dicat de Gigantea statura qua pingi consuevit , that he knowes not what to say to that Gyantlike stature , in which they commonly set him forth : But Villauincentius goes farther , dubium nemini esse picturam hanc à sanctis Patribus in hunc vsum propriè excogitatum , vt Evangelij preconem adumbret , that no man neede doubt but that picture was deuised of holy men to shadow forth the preacher of the Gospell , who whiles hee lifts vp Christ by his preaching and carries him about to be seene and knowne , is indangered in the waues of this world , and yet vpheld by the staffe of hope . The like tooth is to be seene in the Netherlands , pretended to belong to the Gyant of Antwerpe , but Goropius Becanus rather thinkes it to be the tooth of an Elephant , whose conjecture is therein the more probable , for that , ( as witnesseth Verstegan ) at such time as the famous water passage was digged from Brussells vnto the river of Rupell at Willibrooke , there was found the bones of an Elephant , the head whereof , ( which is yet reserued ) himselfe had seene . Of latter times it hath beene written , and by some strongly auerred , that the body of William the Conquerour was found vncorrupt more then foure hundred yeares after it was buried , and in length eight foote ; the former of which could not well be , since his tombe being too narrow for the vnbowelled body , ( so say our stories ) it brake in the laying of it downe ; & for the latter there is as litle shew , since they who haue written his life all agree , that he was a man of a meane or middle stature , though for his limmes actiue & strong : And for a full confutation of the said fable , ( saith Stow ) when his restlesse bones , which so hardly had obtained intombing , did afterwards as vnluckily againe lose it in the yeare of Christ 1562 , viz : when Chastillion conducting the remnant of those that escaped at the battell of Dreux , tooke the citie of Cane , certaine sauage souldiers aswell English as others , did beat downe , & vtterly deface the noble Monument of that victorious King , pulling out all his bones , which some of them spitefully threw away , ( when they could not finde the treasure they falsely surmised had beene laid vp there ) and others , specially the English , snatched euery one to haue some peece of them , not making any wonder of them , as they would haue done if they had exceeded the length & bignesse of mens bones of latter yeares , whereas indeede there was no such thing noted in them , as I haue beene certainely informed , ) saith the same Authour ) by English men of good credit , who were then present eye-witnesses at the spoyle of that Monument & bones , and brought some part of them into this Realme . Theuet likewise in the second Tome of his Cosmographie , describing the city of Cane , mentioneth the rifling of his Monument , but of any such monstrous bones or body there found , hee speakes not a word . And besides it is most vnreasonable to conceiue , that within the compasse of fiue hundred yeares or little more , there should be such a wonderfull abatement ; neither in truth if our measures be the same as then they were , is it at all possible . SECT . 2. Diverse reasons alleadged why such bones might be found in former ages and not now , and yet the ordinary stature of mankind remaine the same . NOtwithstanding all this , I am not so incredulous & diffident , or so peremptory and daring in this case , as is Becanus , Non credam illud Orionis apud Plynium , licet Lucius Flaccus & Metellus qui visum iuisse dicuntur per capita sua iurarent : I will not credit that story of Orion reported by Pliny , though Flaccus and Metellus who are sayd to see it , should sweare by their heads it was true . Let vs not wrong Antiquity so farre , but deale with them as we desire our posterity should deale with vs : Let vs not conceiue they were all either so vaine as to affirme they saw that which they saw not , or so weake as not able to distinguish betwixt the figure of the bones of men and those of beasts & fishes : specially when they found the Sceleton whole and intire . Much I graunt might be and no doubt was fained , much mistaken , much added to truth thorow errour , or an itching desire of Hyperbolicall amplifications ; yet I cannot but beleeue that many of their relations touching this point were true : howbeit a diminution of the stature of mankind in generall cannot from thence be sufficiently inforced . To let goe then the conceite of Theophrastus & Paracelsus , that by the influence of the heavens such bones might be bred in certaine tracts & veines of the earth , I should rather choose to ascribe these superlatiue prodigious shapes to artificiall or supernaturall then to naturall & ordinary causes . For the former it may be that either great princes out of ambition and desire of honour in succeeding ages , or cunning woorkemen out of curiosity haue framed and composed such peeces which posterity discouering might behold with astonishment , & the infernall spirits thereby to delude men , and the sooner to draw them from the knowledge and worship of the true God to Idolatry and superstition , haue concurred with them heerein , & yeelded them their assistance ; who being able to raise wonderfull tempests in the aire & stormes in the sea , I see not but they might be as able to compose such frames vnder the earth ; The wit and art of man may goe farre , but being assisted by the Devils helpe , it produceth effects , almost incredible . That insana substructio , that huge monstrous peece of worke , knowne by the name of Stone-henge neere Amesbery , though it be by the Ancients tearmed Chorea Gigantum , the Gyants daunce ; yet shall I neuer thinke that it was performed by the strength of men , but rather by some sleights or Engines now vnknowne , or by some artificiall composition , they being no naturall stones hewen out of the rocke , but artificially made of pure sand by some glewy and vnctuous matter knit and incorporated together , as Camden seemes to conjecture ; or whether Merlin ( as the common saying is ) brought them thither , reared & disposed them in that order by Magicke and the helpe of Deuills ; I will not take vpon me to determine ▪ howsoeuer it were , it is doubtles a worke for admiration nothing inferiour to the greatest Sceleton or frame of bones that was euer yet discouered . And for teeth , I make no question but they may by meere art be made so liuely to resemble the naturall teeth of men , that the wisest will hardly be able to distinguish the counterfeite from the naturall . But that which I rather choose to insist vpon , is , that the bodies of such men were begotten by Devills , who that they haue had carnall familiarity with women , is the consent of all Antiquity . Creberrima fama est , sayth S. Augustine , multique se exper●…os vel ab ijs qui experti essent , de quorum fide dubitandum non est , audisse confirmant , Sylvanos & Faunos , quos vulgo Incubos vocant , improbos saepe extitisse mulieribus , ac earum appetisse & peregisse concubitum , & quosdam Daemones quos Dusios Galli nuncupa●…t hanc assidue immunditiam & tentare & efficere plures talesque asseuerant , vt hoc negare impudentiae videatur . It is commonly reported & many affirme , that either themselues haue found it by experience , or heard it from those of whose credit there was no doubt to be made , who had themselues experienced it , that Satires and Fayres , whom they call Incubi , haue beene often lewd with women lusting after them , & satisfying their lust with them : and that certaine Devils , whom the Gaules call Dusij , daily both attempt & performe the samefilthines such & so many affirme , as to deny this were a point of impudence : nay there are yet many nations , saith Viues in his commentaries on that place , which count it an honour to draw their pedegree from Devils , who had the company of women in the shape of men . Thus not a few of the Ancients imagined those Gyants mentioned in the sixth of Genesis , to haue beene begotten , as the Heathen likewise for the most part deriue their Heroes and mighty men from the like originall . And that the birthes of such monstrous mixtures must needes be monstrous , Tostatus truely observeth : Talibus conceptibus robustissimi homines & procerissimi nasci solent , of such conceptions are wont to be borne the strongest & tallest of men . And Vallesius hauing giuen the reason heereof at large , ( which for feare of offending chast eares , I list not heere to repeate ) at last concludes , Robusti ergo & grandes vt nascerentur , poterant ita Daemones procurare : Thus then the Devills might procure that mighty huge Gyants should be borne , whose both opinion & reasons heerein are both approued and farther proued by Delrio in his Magicall disquisitions . The euidence heereof will yet farther appeare , if wee consider that where God was least known & the Devill most powerfully reigned , there these impure Acts were most frequently practised , which is the reason , as I conceiue , that among the Hebrewes , the chosen people of God , wee reade of no such matter : nay those Gyants we find mentioned in holy writ , were for the most part of other Nations : But since the incarnation of the Sonne of God our blessed Saviour , who came to dissolue the workes of the Devill , the delusions of these spirits haue vanished as a mist before the Sun : though their kingdome be not at an end , yet is their malice much restrained and their power abated . Which Plutarch himselfe ingeniously confesseth in that excellent discourse of his , Cur Oracula edi desijrint , why the Oracles ceased ; and to this purpose relates a memorable story , which he reports from the mouth of one Epitherses , sometimes his schoole-master , that he imbarking for Italy , and being one euening becalmed before the Paxe , ( too litle Ilands that lie between Cor●…yra & Leucadia ) they suddainely heard a voyce from the shore , most of the Passengers being yet awake , calling to one Thamus a Pilot , by birth an Egyptian , who till the third call would not answere : then quoth the voyce , when thou art come to the Palodes proclaime it alowd , that the great Pan is dead , all in the ship that heard this were amased , when drawing neere to the foresaid place , Thamus standing on the pup of the shippe , did vtter what was formerly commaunded , forthwith there was , heard a great lamentation , accompanied with groanes and schreeches : This comming to the knowledge of Tiberius Caesar , he sent for Thamus , who avouched the truth thereof : And hereby was declared , as we may well conceiue , the subjection of Sathan by the death of Christ : so that now he had no longer power to abuse the illuminated world with his impostures . By this then appeares both the reason of such vast enormous bodies , as were in former times , and withall the Cause why they haue ceased since in succeeding ages . To which we may adde , that if wee should ascribe these effects to God himselfe and his extraordinary power , for the manifestation of his greatnes ; yet as other miracles , so likewise these are now growne out of date and vse : hee manifesting himselfe to vs in a cleerer manner , rather by the gratious power of his word , then the miraculous greatnes of his power , and so our Conclusion still remaines firme , that the stature of mankinde is not generally impaired in regard of any such vniversall decay in the course of Nature as is pretended . SECT . 3. An answere to the argument drawne from the testimonies on behalfe of the adverse opinion . THe second maine rubbe , which to many giues occasion of stumbling , and comes now to be remoued , is the authority of diverse graue writers , and those not onely of latter stampe , but such as haue beene , and still are accounted Venerable aswell for learning as Antiquity . Among which , the most Eminent that I finde named by the adverse part , are Gellius , Pliny , Iuvenall , Virgill , and Homer , and that I may neither wrong the Authours nor Vouchers , I will produce them speaking in their owne words Gellius hauing alleadged the opinion of Varro , that the vtmost point of mans growth in the course of nature is seaven foote , and hauing stiled Herodotus a Fabler for saying the body of Orestes was seaven cubits , presently adds , Nisi si vt Homerus opinatus est , vastiora prolixioraque fuerint corpora hominum Antiquorum , & nunc quasi jam mundo senescente , rerum atque hominum decrementa sint . Vnles as Homer thought , men were anciently bigger & taller , and now as if the world waxed old , there be a decrease both of things and men . But this Nisi si of Gellius is too weake thereby to draw him to their side , specially considering what he had said immediatly before out of Varro . Which testimony of his prevailes somuch with Peter Martyr , that hee cannot yeeld any decrease since the floud , si rogarer ) sayth he ) an existimem corpora humana , quae postea fuerunt ab ijs immin●…ta esse quae ante diluvium producebantur , fortassis annuerem : sed quod à diluvio vsque ad hanc nostram aetatem perpetuo decrescant , id non facile concederem , verbis praesertim annotatis quae Aulos Gellius , 3 : libr : scripsit vbi ait modum adolescendi humani corporis esse septem pedum : quae mensura hodie quoque videtur esse staturae procerioris . In Apocryphis tamen Esdrae legimus , lib. 4. ad finem 5. cap. ne quid dissimulem , & nunc minora esse corpora nostra , ac indies imminuenda , quod natura semper magis effoeta reddatur . Idemque vt paulo ante dixi Cyprianus videtur statuere . Sed quare ●…on tam facile assentiar ▪ causam attuli quia de mensurâ quam Gellius definivit , hodie nihil propemodum videam immutatum . If I were demaunded whether I thinke that mens bodies since the floud are decreased in regard of those before the floud , happily I should grant it : but that since the floud downward to this our present age they should still decrease , that would I not easily yeeld , specially observing those words which Aulus Gellius hath in his third booke , where hee sayth , that the measure of growth in mans body , is to seaven foote , which at this day seemes to be the heigth of those of the tallest stature ; yet to conceale nothing , wee read indeede in the fourth booke , and toward the end of the fifth chapter in the apocryphall Esdras , that our bodies are lesse then they were ; and that still they shall be lessened more & more , in asmuch as nature is euery day weakened more then other , and the same opinion ( as I said before ) seemes to be approved by Cyprian ; but why I cannot easily yeeld assent therevnto , I haue giuen my reason , because I find litle or nothing abated of that measure which Gelli●… defined Plinyes words I must confesse are more round and resolute , In plenum autem cuncto mortalium generi minorem staturam indies fieri , propemodum observatur : rarosque patribus proceriores , consumente vbertatem seminum exustione , in cuius vices nunc vergat aevum , which is thus rendred by Philemon Holland , Doctor in Physicke , whose Latin Copy differed it seemes somewhat from mine : or he added somewhat of his owne . This is obserued for an vndoubted truth , that generally all men come short of the full stature in times past , & decrease every day more then other , & seldome shall we see the sonne taller then his father , for the ardent heate of the Elementary fire ( wherevnto the world inclineth already now toward the latter end , as sometimes it stood much vpon the watery Element ) devoureth & consumeth that plentifull humor and moisture of naturall seede that ingen●…eth all things , and this appeareth by these examples following . And then hauing brought the examples of Orion and Orestes , he adds , Iam verò ante annos prope mille vates ille Homerus non cessavit minora corpora mortalium , quàm prisca , conqueri . And verily that great and famous Poet Homer , who liued almost a thousand yeares agoe , complained and gaue not ouer , that mens bodies were lesse of stature euen then , then in old time . But if I bee not mistaken , this assertion of Plinyes directly crosseth himselfe in the very entrance of his Naturall History , where he thus begins Mundum , & hoc quod nomine alio calum appella●…e libuit , cuius circumflexu teg●…ntur cuncta , numen esse credi par est , aeternum , immensum , neque genitum , neque interiturum vnquam . The world , and this which by another name men haue thought good to call Heaven , beleeue we ought in all reason to be a God without beginning & likewise Endlesse . If the world be Endlesse , how doth it suffer a perpetuall decrease , and if it suffer any such decrease , how is it endlesse . Againo , holding a decrease in stature , I see not how he can well avoide a diminution likewise in age which notwithstanding in other places he seemes to deny , or at leastwise hauing in sundry seuerall Chapters faire occasion offered , doth not maintaine , but rather chuseth to passe it ouer in silence , as being thereof some what doubtfull . Besides how the ardent heate of the Elementary fire should cause any such decay , I cannot for my part conceiue , since that heat for any thing we find is not increased since the first Creation , and this supposed decay is commonly attributed rather to a deficiencie then an excesse of heat . But Pliny who held that the Sun and Starres were nourished by an Elementary moisture , must of necessity vpon that supposed , though false ground , likewise hold a sensible decay in the World , inasmuch as that moisture cannot possibly suffice those bodies for food . And thus we see how in this assertion he both plainly crosseth himself , and builds it vpon a sandy foundation . He was doubtlesse an admirable Man in that which he vndertooke , the Historicall part of Nature : but whether he deserued the like commendation in that which we call the Philosophicall part thereof , I leaue it to others to judge , and passe to the examination of the testimonies of the Poets . But before I descend to the particulars , it shall not be amisse a little to consider of the Vanity of their fictions and fables about the Gyants which doubtlesse in part gaue occasion to this common Error touching Mans and the Worlds decay , though I verily beleeue that the Poets themselues had a mysticall meaning therein . They faigned them to be borne of the Earth , to haue a thousand hands and snakes for haires , and to wage warre with the Gods. Terra feros partus immania monstra Gygantes , Edidit ausuros in Iovis ire domum . Mille manus illis dedit & pro crinibus angues , Atque ait , in magnos arma movete Deos. Giants wild monsters earth great mother bare , Who durst assaile the sacred seat of Iove , With thousand hands . and snakes insteed of haire , Arm'd , armes she charg'd them gainst the gods to moue . Which warre of the Gyants , Cornelius Severus thus elegantly describes . Tentavêre nefas olim detrudere mundo Sydera , captivique Iovis transferre Gygantes Imperium , & victo leges imponere Coelo . The Gyants did advance their wicked hand Against the stars to thrust them headlong down , And robbing Ioue of his Imperiall crowne , On conquer'd heauens to lay their proud command . But Macrobius his interpretation of this fable is worth the observing : Gygantes autem quid aliud fuisse credendum est quàm hominum quandam impiam gentem Deos negantem , et ideo existimatam deos è coelesti sede pellere voluisse . What otherthing should we imagine those Gyants to haue been , but an impious race of men denying the Gods , and were therefore said to haue attempted the chasing of them out of Heauen . Yet these fables no doubt infected the vulgar , as those of Guy of Warwick , Bevis of Hampton , Corineus and Gog-Magog , Robin Hood and little Iohn , Amadis of Gaule , Pontagruel , Gargantua , and the like haue since done : And therefore Plato banished Poets from his common-wealth ; and Moses , ( as Philo in his booke of Gyants witnesseth ) both painting and the statuary Art , cosen Germans to Poetry , Quod veritatem mendacijs vitient , credulis animis per oculos illudentes . saith he , because they corrupt the truth with lies , & deceiue credulous mindes by those representations which are presented to their eyes . Yet will we not deny them the fauour to heare what they can say for themselues . Let Iuvenall then first speake . Saxa inclinatis per humum quaesita lacertis Incipiunt torquere , domestica , seditione Tela , nec hunc lapidem quali se Turnus & Aiax , Et quo Tydides percussit pondere coxam Aeneae , sed quam valeant emittere dextrae . Illis dissimiles , & nostro tempore natae . Nam genus hoc vivo iam decrescebat Homero Terra malos homines nunc educat atque pusillos , Ergo Deus quicunque aspexit , ridet & odit . Stooping for stones them ( in brawles alway The readiest weapon ) they commence their fray Not that of Turne or Aiax , or whereby The sonne of Tydeus brake Aeneas thigh , But such as hands vnlike to theirs , and now Bred in our dayes well able are to throw . For euen while Homer liv'd this race decreased And mother earth hath euer since beene pleased Cowardly dwarfes to breed : those deities That them behold , deride them and despise . Now for asmuch as it is euident that Invenall heerein followed Virgill and Homer , as will cleerely appeare when we come to the examining of their testimonies , I will likewise referre the answere heerevnto , to that place . For Virgill then , he speaking of Turnus and his great strengh , thus poetizes : Saxum antiquum ingens campo qui forte iacebat Limes agro positus litem vt discerneret aruis ( Vix illum lecti bis sex ce●…vice subirent Qualia nunc hominum producit corpora tellus ) Ille manu raptum valida toquebat in hostem . A huge old stone which then by chaunce lay in the field To bound out severall grounds , and quarrells to prevent , Scarce twelue choyce men such as now mother earth doth yeeld Could beare it on their necks , yet he incontinent Caught it with puissant arme , and to his foe it sent . With which accords that in the first of his Georgickes touching the plowing vp of the Emathean and Emonean fields , where many bloody battels had beene fought . Scilicet & tempus veniet cum finibus illis Agricola incurvo terram molitus aratro Exesa inveniet scabra rubigine pila . Aut gravibus rastris galeas pulsabit inanes Grandiaque effossis mirabitur ossa sepulchris . The time will one day come when in those feilds The painefull husband plowing vp his ground , Shall finde all fret with rust both pikes and sheilds , And emptie helmes vnder his harrow sound ; Wondring at those great bones those graues doe yeeld . But what credit shall wee giue to Virgill in these things who tels vs of Enceladus . Fessum quoties motat latus intremere omnem Trinacriam . — As oft as wearied he from side to side doth turne Trinacria trembles . And of Titius , — Per tota novem cui i●…gera corpus Porrigitur . Whose bodie stretches to nine akers length . And besides he was doubtles heerein as in many other passages thorow the Aeneads Homers ape , who thus brings in Hector , Hector autem rapiens lapidem portabat , qui portas Stetit ante , deorsum crassus , sed superne Acutus erat , hunc neque duo viri è populo optimi Facile ad plaustrum è terra perducerent , Quales nunc sunt homines . Hector caught vp a stone before the gate that lay , The vpper pointed was , blunt was the nether part : Two of the better sort such as liue now a day Could scarce with all their force mount it into a cart . To like purpose , and very neere in the same words is that which hee hath in another place of Diomedes , throwing a stone at Aeneas . Saxum accepit manu Tytides magni ponderis quod non duo viri ferrent Quales nunc homines sunt . Into his hand Tydides tooke A stone of wondrous weight , Two men such as the world now yeelds To bear 't haue not the might From whence it is manifest that all the alleadged Authours herein followed Homer , he being named by Gellius , Pliny , & Iuvenall , & so plainely imitated by Virgill , that wee neede not doubt from whom hee borrowed it , rendring Homers Quales nunc sunt homines — into Qualia nunc hominum producit corpora tellus ; But heerein he exceedes Homer that he turnes two into twelue , more tollerablely I confesse , because more Poetically , that a man may know it at the first blush to be but a fiction . And as for Homer himselfe , the founder and spring-head of this opinion , as he was the Authour of many excellent inventions , so as it was truely written of him , Hic ille est cuius de gurgite sacro Combibit arcanos vatum omnis turba furores . This is the man whose sacred streame hath served all the Crew Of Poets , thence they dranke their fill , thence they their furies drew . And therefore was hee painted vomiting , and the Poets round about licking vp his vomit ; yet as a ranke and battell soyle that abounds both in corne and weedes , so was he likewise the fruitfull parent of many errours and fables , which were afterwards taken vp and imbraced with like greedines as were his best and choisest inventions . Such is naturally our affection , that whom in great things wee mightily admire , in them we are not perswaded willingly that any thing should be amisse : The reason whereof is for that as dead flies putrifie the oyntment of the Apothecarie : so a little folly him that is in estimation for wissdome . And this in euery profession hath too much authorised the judgement of a few . I will not stand to make a Catalogue of Homers mistakes and fictions , which his admirers in succeeding ages haue entertained as certaine truths . That fable of the Pigmies ( because it hath some affinitie with our present matter ) and their manner of fighting with Cranes shall suffice for all : which many not onely Poets but great Philosophers , and among them Aristotle himselfe relying vpon his authority haue taken vp vpon trust : whereas all the parts of the world being now in a manner discouered there is no such countrey or people to be found in it . And for this particular opinion , it is not onely objected by Goropius , but by Magius freely acknowledged that Homer , by Plutarches computation , ( who composed a treatise purposely of his life ) liuing but one hundred yeares or a little more after the Troian warres , made such a difference in mens strength and stature , as was altogether incredible within the compasse of so short a space : nay himselfe makes Hectors speare to bee but tenne Cubits long , the ordinary length they are at euen at this day : & brings Telemachus Vlysses his sonne thus speaking to his nurce Euriclea . Haud equidem quenquam longinquus sit licet hospes Absque labore feram contingere Chanica nostram : No guest though come from farre I thee assure To touch my Choenix will I Choenix endure . From which Budaeus inferres that euen then a Choenix was the daily allowance for a man , as it likewise was many hundred yeares after Homers times among the Graecians . For conclusion , though tenne persons be brought to giue testimony in any cause , yet if the knowledge they haue of the thing wherevnto they come as witnesses , appeare to haue growne from some one among them , and to haue spread it selfe from hand to hand , they are all in force but as one testimony ; and if it appeare that the fountaine , from which either immediatly or mediatly they all draw , be corrupted , if the testimony of the first man vpon whom they depend , proue invalide , then is this one vpon the matter no testimony , which is in truth the case of the counter-witnesses produced in this businesse . SECT . 4. Of the wonderfull strength of diuerse in latter ages , not inferiour to those of former times . BVt to graunt that Hector , and Ajax , and Diomedes , and Hercules , and the like excelled in strength , yet can it not be denied , but some such haue likewise beene recorded in succeeding ages , as C : Marius by Trebellius Pollio , Maximinus by Capitolinus , Aurelian by Vopiscus , Scanderbeg by Barlet , Galiot Bardesin a Gentleman of Catana , by Fazell , Tamerlane , Ziska , Hunniades , by others ; George Le Feure a learned Germane writes , that in his time in the yeare 1529 liued at Mis●…a in Thuring one called Nicholas Klunher Prouost of the Great Church that was so strong , as without Cable or Pulley or any other helpe he setch vp out of a Cellar a pipe of wine , carried it out of dores and laid it vpon a cart . I haue seene a man , saith Mayolus an Italian Bishop , in the towne of Aste , who in the presence of the Marquesse of Pescara handed a pillar of marble three foote long , and one foote in diameter , the which he cast high in the aire , then receiued it againe in his armes , then lasht it vp againe , sometime after one fashion , sometime after another , as easily as if he had beene playing with a ball or some such little thing . There was , sayth the same Authour , at Mantua , one named Rodamas , a man of a little stature , but so strong that he brake a Cable as bigge as a mans arme , as easily as it had beene a small twine thread : mounted vpon an horse and leading another by the bridle , he would runne a full Cariere and stop in the midst of his course , or when it liked him best . Froissard a man much esteemed for the truth and fidelity of his history , reports that about two hundred yeares since , one Ernaudo Burg a Spaniard , and companion to the Earle of Foix , when as attending the Earle , he accompanied him to an higher roome , to which they ascended by twenty foure steps , the weather cold ; and the fire not answerable , and withall espying out at the window certaine asses in the lower court loaden with wood , he goes downe thither , lifts vp the greatest of them with his burden on his shoulder , and carrying it to the roome from whence he came , cast both as he found them into the fire together . Lebelski a Polander in his description of the things done at Constantinople in the yeare 1582 , at the circumcision of Mahumet the sonne of Amurath Emperour of the Turkes , writes that amongst many actiue men which there shewed their strength , one was most memorable , who for proofe thereof lifted vp a peece of wood that twelue men had much adoe to raise from the earth , and afterwards lying downe flat vpon his backe , he bore vpon his breast , a weighty stone , which tenne men had with much a doe rolled thither , making but a iest of it . Many are yet aliue , saith Camerarius , that know how strong and mighty George of Fronsberg , Baron of Mindlehaim of late memory was . There is a booke printed & published in the Germane tongue contayning his memorable acts , & howbeit Paulus Iouius handleth him but roughly , as being an enemy to the Pope ; yet extolleth hee highly his wonderfull great force , being able by the acknowledgment of Iouius with the middle finger of his right hand to remoue a very strong man out of his place , sate he neuer so fast : He stopp'd a horse suddainely , that ranne with a maine Carriere , by onely touching the bridle , and with his shoulder would hee easily shoue a Canon whither hee listed . Cardan writes that himselfe saw one dauncing with two in his armes , two vpon his shoulders , and one hanging about his necke . Potocoua a Polonian and Captaine of the Cosakes , during the reigne of Stephen Batore , was so strong , as witnesseth Leonclauius , that he would teare in peeces new horse shoes , as it had beene paper . The history of the Netherlands reports , that the woman Gyantesse before mentioned was so strong , that shee would lift vp in either hand a barrell full of Hamborough beere , and would easilie carrie more then eight men could . Before these , but long since those ancient Heroes , was the Gyant Aenother borne in Turgaw , a village in Sweuia , who bore armes vnder Charlemaigne , he felled men as one would mow hay , & sometimes broached a great number of them vpon his pike , and so carried them all vpon his shoulder , as one would carrie little birds spitted vpon a sticke . Hinc apparet ( saith Camerarius ) quòd nostra aetas & natio tales viros produxerit quos fortitudine & robore cum veteribus conferre licet . From hence it appeares that our age and nation hath brought forth such men , as euery way are matchable with the Ancients in actiuity & strength . Oflatter dayes and here at home , Mr Richard Carew a worthy Gentleman in his survey of Cornewall assures vs that one Iohn Bray ( well known to himselfe , as being his tenaunt ) carried vpon his backe at one time by the space well neare of a But-length six bushels of wheaten meale , reckoning 15 gallons to the bushell , and the miller a lubber of 24 yeares age vpon the whole : wherevnto he addeth that Iohn Roman of the same sheire , a short clownish grub would beare the whole carkasse of an oxe , though he neuer tugged with it , when he was a calfe , as Milo did . To these might be added diuerse other domesticall examples of latter times , saue that such kinde of relations seeme as vnsauory and incredible to the most part of Readers , as they are certaine , admirable , and delightfull to the beholders . It is most true that the great workes our noble Predecessours haue left vs , our Cathedrall Churches , our ruines of Castles and Monasteries , our bridges , our high-wayes , and Cauce-wayes , and in forraine parts their Arches , Obelisks , Pyramids , Vawtes , Aqueducts , Theaters , and Amphitheaters seeme to proclaime , as the greatnesse of their mindes , so likewise of their bodies : But I should rather ascribe this to their industry , their deuotion , their charity , vniting , their forces and purses in publique workes and for the publique good , then to the bodily strength of particular men . SECT . 5. Two doubtes cleered , the first touching the strong physicke which the Ancients vsed , the second touching the great quantity of blood which they are sayed vsually to haue drawne at the opening of a veine . A greater doubt arises touching the litle , but strong physicke which the Ancients vsed , and the great quantity of blood which they vsually drew at the opening of a veine : For the first of these , I should thinke that it rather argued the strength of our bodies , who notwithstanding our disuse of exercise and more frequent vse of Physicke , and that many times from the hands of vnskilfull Empericks , we ordinarily hold out as long as they did : And for the strength of their Physicke , let vs heere Goropius a famous Physitian , and doubtles a very learned man , as his workes testifie , and his greatest adversaries cannot but confesse . Dicunt olim medicamenta multò vehementiora data fuiss●… quàm nunc hominum natura ferre possit : They say that the Physicke which the Ancients administred was much stronger then the nature of man is now capable of ; to which he replies , eos qui sic arbitrantur insigniter falli contendo , ferunt enim corpora aequè nunc helleborum atque olim eodem vel majori pondere , vt ipse in alijs & meipso sum expertus : Verùm inscitia eorum qui nihil Medici habent praeter titulum & vestem longam , & impudentem arrogantiam in causa est vt sic opinentur . I am confident that those who thus thinke are notablely deceiued , in asmuch as our bodies can now aswell endure the like or greater quantity of Elleborum , as I haue made triall in my selfe & others : But the ignorance of such as haue indeed nothing in them of the Physitian but the bare title , a long gowne , and impudent arrogancie , is the cause that men so thinke . And with him heerein plainely accords Leonardus Giachinus of the same profession , who hauing composed a Treatise purposely to shew what damage arises to learning by preferring Authority before reason , makes this the title of his first Chapter , Corpora nostra eadem ferre posse auxilia quibus Veteres vsi sunt , idque cum ratione tum experientia comprobari : That our bodies now a dayes may well enough suffer the same helpes of Physicke which the Ancients vsed , & that this may be made euident aswell by reason as experience . And I suppose skilfull Physitians will not deny , but that the Physicke of former times agrees with ours as in the receites , so for the dosis and quantity ; and for them who hold a generall decay in the course of Nature , they are likewise forced to hold this . For if plants , and drugges , and minerals , decay in their vertue proportionablely to the body of man , ( as is the common opinion ) then must it consequently follow , that the same quantity hauing a lesse vertue may without daunger and with good successe be administred to our bodies though inferiour in strength : Roger Bacon in his booke de erroribus medicorum , tells vs , that the disposition of the heavens is changed euery Centenary or thereabout ; and consequently that all things growing from the earth change their complexions , as also doth the body of man ; and therevpon infers that eaedem proportiones medicinarum non sunt semper continuandae sed exigitur observantia certa secundum temporis discensum : The same proportions of medicines are not still to be continued , but there is required a certain quantity according to the variation of time . Where , by the change of the disposition of the heavens , I cannot conceiue that he intends it alwayes for the worst , for so should he crosse himselfe in the same booke , neither for any thing I know haue we any certainty of any such change as he speakes of , but this am I sure of , that if together with the heauens , the plants change their tempers , and with the plants the body of man , then needs there no alteration in the proportion of medicines ; in asmuch as what art should therein supply , nature her selfe preuents & performes : But for mine own part holding a naturall decay in neither , vpon that ground , as I conceiue , may more safely be warranted the continuance of the ancient proportions . Now touching the drawing of blood , I know it is said that Galen vsually drew six pounds at the opening of a veine , whereas we for the most part stoppe at six ounces , which is in truth a great difference if true , specially in so short a time , he liuing three hundred yeares or thereabout since Christ. For decision then of this point , we must haue recourse to Galen himselfe , who in that booke which he purposely composed of cures by letting of blood , thus writes : Memini quibusdam ad sex vsque libras sanguinem detractum fuisse , ita vt febris extingueretur . I remember that from some I haue drawne six pounds of blood , which hath ridde them of their feuer : yet from others he tooke but a pound and a halfe , or one pound , and sometimes lesse , as he saw occasion : neither in old time , nor in these present times was the quantity euer definite or certaine , but both then and now variable more or lesse according to strength , the disease , age , or other indications ; and in pestilent fevers his advise is , vbi valida virtus subest , & aetas permittit , vsque ad animae defectum sanguinem mittere expedit : where the strength and age of the patient will beare it , it will doe well to take blood euen to a fainting or sounding ; and such was the case ( as by his owne words it appeares ) in which he drew so great a quantity : Neither is this without example in our age : Ambrose Par a French Surgeon , ( & a man expert in his profession , as his bookes shew ) reports that he drew from a patient of his in foure dayes twenty seven pallets , euery pallet of Paris containing three ounces & more , so that he drew from him about seven pounds , allowing twelue ounces to the pound , which was the account that Galen followed , as appeares in his owne Treatise of weights and measures , and so continues it in vse among Physitians and Apothecaries vnto this day . The whole quantity of blood in a mans body of a sound constitution and middle stature was anciently estimated , and so is it still at about three gallons : and I haue beene informed by a Doctour of Physicke of good credit and eminent place in this Vniversity , that a patient of his hath bled a gallon at nose in one day , and hath done well after it ; which ( as I conceiue ) could not be so little as seuen or eight pounds , allowing somewhat lesse then a pound to a pint , in asmuch as I haue found a pint of water to weigh sixteene ounces . Now what Nature hath done with tollerance of life , Art may come neere vnto vpon just cause without danger . And if any desire to be farther informed in this point , he need goe no further then the Medicinall observations of Iohannes Shenkius de capite Humano , where to his 333 observation hee prefixes this title , Prodigiosae narium haemorragiae , quae interdum 18 , interdum 20 , nonnunquam etiam 40 sanguinis librae profluxere . Prodigious bleedings at the nose , in which sometimes 18 , sometimes 20 , sometimes 40 poūds of blood haue issued . The Authors from whom he borroweth his observations are Matheus de Gradi in his commentaries vpon the 35 chapter of Rasis ad Almans Brasauolus comment . ad Aphor. 23. lib. 5. Donatus lib. de variolis & morbillis cap. 23. Lusitanus Curat . 100. Cent. 2. And againe Curat . 60 , Cent. 7 , his instances are of a Nunne who voided by diverse passages 18 pounds of bloud , of Diana a noble Lady of Est , who bled onely at the nostrils 18 pounds besides what was spilt on the ground , vpon her apparell , in napkins and other linnens about her ; of one Andrew , Cooke to Fredericke Gonzaga Cardinall , who bled in one day and two nights 20 pounds . And lastly of a yong man named Berdavid , from whom there issued at the nose within the space of sixe dayes 40 pounds , and yet they all liued after it , and did well penes Authores fides esto ▪ SEC . 6. A third doubt cleered touching the length of the Duodenum or first gut , as also of the severall opinions of Iacobus Capellus , and Iohannes Temporarius , touching the decrease of humane strength and stature . ANother doubt tending to the same end , I receiued from an other Doctour of Physicke of speciall note , & of mine ancient acquaintance , well knowne in London for his sufficiencie in his professiō , and from him likewise I must acknowledge the best part of the answere which I shall frame thereunto . The objection , because , of any I haue met with , it is most fully opened & seriously vrged by Archangelus Piccolhomini in his Anatomicall Lectures , I wil expresse in his words , where speaking of the first gut , he thus goes on , Dicitur etiam graecis dodecadactylos , nobis duodenū , quod duodecem digitos longum illis temporibus videretur : nam his nostris temporibus vix 9 digitorum apices aequat , fortassèquod hâc nostrâ aetate homines minores , illis saeculis grandiores essent , idcirco longiora mēbra proportione respondētia . Dicitur quoque pyloros , id est ianitor portonarius translato nomine inferioris orificij ventriculi ad superiorem duodeni partem quae ex eo proximè enascitur . It is called of the Graecians dodecadactylos , & of vs duodenum , because it seemes in those times to haue beene 12 inches long , whereas in this age it hardly equals the toppes of nine fingers , perchance because now adayes men being lesse and then bigger , they had likewise bigger parts of the body answereable therevnto . It is also called pyloros or the porter , which name is borrowed from the nether orifice of the stomacke , and applyed to the higher part of the duodenum which growes out of it . Thus he ; where what he meanes by the apices or toppes of nine fingers , I doe not well apprehend , but Riolanus I am sure in the 2 booke and 12 Chapter of his Anthropographia tells vs plainely that ab Herophylo duodenum dicitur quoniam olim duodecem transversos digitos longum erat , vbi hodie vix quatuor digitos aequat . It was by Herophylus called duodenum because anciently it was 12 inches long , whereas now it is scarce full foure . How long since this Herophilus liued I cannot certainely determine , nor well coniecture , his name I finde not in Gesners Bibliotheca , indeed Tertullian in his booke de anima mentioneth him , by which it appeares that he liued before him , but how long it appeares not ; suppose it to bee 5 , 6 , or 8 hundred yeares ( which is as much as in reason can well bee demanded , and vpon that supposition allow him to haue liued two thousand yeares agoe , which being granted , and withall that all the other parts of mans body are decayed proportionably to the duodenum , ( which Piccolomini himselfe confesseth , and thereof I thinke no wise or learned man will once offer to make any doubt ) this I say being granted , it must of necessitie follow that in the space of 2000 yeares , two thirds of humane stature are lost , for that is the proportiō of 4 to 12 ; so as if men now be fiue foote high , they were then 15 , & 2000 yeares before that againe ( if we shall allow the like proportion of decrease to the like space of time ( 45 foot high , and so vpward , which how vnreasonable it is to affirme or conceiue , I leaue to the Authors and Patrons of that fancie to imagine . Againe I would willingly knowe whether in Herophilus time the inch were the same with ours or no , if so , then belike there is no such notorious diminution in stature as from him is collected ▪ and if it be varied according to the diminution of stature , then should our duodenum be aswell 12 of our inches now , as was their duodenum 12 of their inches then , for to say that theirs was 12 of their inches & ours but 4 of our inches , is both an irregular cōparison , & a matter altogether incredible . And I wonder that Galen or Hippocrates , or some other of those ancient Physitians had not found the variation thereof in their time in regard of former ages , aswell as wee in ours in regard of theirs ; or that finding it , they haue left no record or mention of so notable an observation in any of their writings , which me thinks is a strong presumption that indeed either in their practise or reading they observed no such matter . But to make a plaine and full answere to this objection , we need go no farther then that of Riolanus immediatly annexed to the passage before alleadged . Nec mensuram antiquam deprehendes nisi graciliorem & angustiorem ventriculi partem à fundo inferne exporrectam vsque ad anfractuum principium addideris quam saepè 12 digitos aequare vidi . Neither shall you finde the ancient measure , vnlesse you adde to the duodenum the lower and narrower part of the stomack , and extend it to that place where the guts begin their pleats and windings , and this haue I often seene to equall 12 inches : out of which words I make mine answere thus , that if we take duodenum strictly , onely for so much as is from the lowest orifice of the stomacke to the winding guts , then I say it is scantly foure inches long , but if we take in that thinner part and end of the ventricle which the Greekes call pyloros , and the Latines from thence ianitor or portonarius the porter , then by Riolans observation it hath , and no doubt may be found fully as long as the ancient measure . Now that the pyloros hath beene by ancient Writers taken into the duodenum , and accounted as one with it , not onely Riolan in the place before alleadged , and Laurentius lib. 6. cap , 13. but Piccolhomini himselfe confesseth in the latter part of the passage already quoted , and Leonardus Fuchsius in the third booke and 1 chapter of his Paradoxes brings to that purpose . Celsus lib. 4 , cap. 1. Avicen fen . 6. can . 3. tract . 1. cap. 1. Valescus 4. 22. Iohannes Matthaeus de Gradi in his Commentaries vpon the ninth booke of Razis cap. 11 : and lastly Alexander Benedictus in his second booke of Anatomie chapt . 8. and though he there make Galen to speake in a different language , yet are Riolan and others of another opinion therein . Whiles this part was even vpon going to the Presse , there came to mine hands two bookes written by two learned French men , Iacobus Capellus and Iohannes Temporarius , the one intituled de mensuris , the other Chronologicae demonstrationes ; in both which the point in hand is touched to the quicke : The former , Capellus I meane , in his very preface sharpely censures the Poets , Homer & Virgill & Iuvenall for their hyperbolicall amplifications , in speaking of the enormous stature of the Ancients , and so doth he Pliny , Solinus , S. Augustine , and Ludouicus Vives for following them therein , and then alleadging that passage of Iulius Scaligers , where he affirmes that the Samogithians , a people seated betwixt Prussia & Liuonia , by turnes beget dwarfes & gyants ; he graunts that this vicissitude , though not in that degree , yet in some sort may be obserued in all nations : yet this man after all this flourish tells vs , that it cannot be but some kinde of truth there should be in those complaints of the Poets , & that the world waxes old , though not in post-hast as they would haue it : yet sensim & sine sensu , as he tearmes it , soft & faire , & by degrees insensible . The onely reason he buildes vpon being this , that the measures of all Nations being proportioned ( as he imagineth ) to their statures , and withall that as the Nations rise in antiquitie one aboue another , so doe their measures : from whence he inferres , that as the measures of the Ancients were longer , so were likewise their statures . Wherein he manifestly crosseth both himselfe , and as many as I haue read of that subiect , either occasionally or of set purpose ; for himselfe he freely acknowledgeth in another place of the same discourse , that both the present Parisian foote in France & the Picen in Italy are bigger then the Ancient Romane ; for the latter of which , he both vouches and well approues the testimony of Cardan de subtil : lib. 11 : Adducor authoritate scribentium olim de re militari qui tyronum mediocrem magnitudinem quinque pedum esse statuerunt , vt quarta parte pes antiquus mensura pedis nostri minor sit . I am induced by the authority of those who writing of military matters , set down fiue foote for the ordinary stature of a common souldier , to beleeue that the ancient foote was by measure a quarter lesse then ours . Againe himselfe confesseth ( neither without manifest follie can it bee denyed ) that some nations in regard of their Clymate much exceed others in stature , as for the most part do the Westerne , the Easterne , & the Northerne , the Southerne , so as if his comparison had beene made betwixt the ancient and moderne measures of the same nation , it might well haue carried at leastwise some semblance of truth , but to make it betwixt different nations though in different ages , as he doth , carries with it in my iudgment no colour at all : Lastly , he holds not the like decrease in age , & wits , & manners , that he doth in stature , nor in the heavens , the earth , the beasts , the plants , that he doth in men ; which though it stand with his purpose ; yet how it can stand with the course of nature , for mine own part I cannot imagine , as neither can I conceiue how there should bee any such alternatiue vicissitude of stature in all nations as he holdes , and yet withall an vniversall and perpetuall decrease : all which himselfe it seemes foreseeing modestly , concludes the point : Nos igitur haec , ea potius mente in medium adduximus , vt haec vere nobilis questio ab eruditis viris luculentius & accuratius pertractetur , quàm quod veluti de inventa veritate gloriemur & nobis ipsi suffeni simus : We then haue produced these things to this purpose , that this question truly noble , may by learned men be more cleerely and exactly handled , not that I would glory in the finding out of a truth , or as if I were onely pleased with mine owne conceite . Now for Iohannes Temporarius he doth not mince the matter as Capellus , but in his Chronologicall demonstrations Anno mundi 410 , and fourth Chapter , strikes downe-right right blowes , telling vs roundly and plainely that nothing is altered in the stature of man since the Creation , and that eadem est hominum & primi saeculi & insecutorum magnitudo , that the stature of the men of the first age and those which afterward ensued is the ●…ame : and that as there were Gyants then , so haue there since beene in all ages downeward , and some euery way as tall , if not taller then they : and afterward discoursing of the Arke & the capability thereof out of Buteo ( though indeed hee name him not ) he makes Moses his cubit to be the same with ours , & the beasts then to be of the same bignesse as now they are , & to spend no more quantitie of foode then now they doe ; herein likewise treading in Buteo his steps , though in some other things touching the fabrique of the Arke he dissent from him . SECT . 7. Another rubbe remoued taken from the impurity of the seede , contracted by the succession of propagation , as also touching some late memorable examples of parents famously fertile , in the linage issuing from their bodies , beyond any examples in that kinde in former ages . THE last , but in the opinion of many not the least rubbe to bee remoued , is drawne from the impuritie of the seede , contracted by the succession of propagation , from whence there must needes in reason succeed , as a diminution in the continuance and duration , so likewise an imparing both in the strength and stature of mankinde . This argument I find thus expressed in a treatise published in Mr C●…ffs name , and intitled , The differences of the ages of mans life ; As is nutrition , saith he , to the particular , so is generation to the species , in the case of their continuance and preservation : Wherefore as by the nourishment wee take for our naturall moisture , there being supplied not so pure humiditie as was lost , the particulars decaying by little and little , are at last cleane consumed : so by procreation , ( the mainetenance of our species ) the purity of our complexion being by degrees & time diminished , at length there followes euen of necessity an absolute corruption : but for answere herevnto , though it be graunted that generation be as requisite to the continuance of the species , as is nutrition for the preseruation of the particular , & withall that our foode doth not so kindely and fully supply our radicall moisture , which is daily wasted by our vitall heate feeding vpon it , whence finally ensueth the Individuals extinguishing : Yet that every individuall should necessarily yeeld weaker and wors●…r seede for the propagation of the species then it selfe was generated of , that I constantly beleeue can neuer be proued : Nay the contrary therevnto is manifested by daily experience , in asmuch as wee often see feeble & sickely parents to beget strong & healthy , short to beget tall , & such as haue dyed young , long-liued children : And vndoubtedly if this were so indeede as is pretended , mankind had long since beene vtterly extinguished , & with it had this controuersie beene at an end ; & not only mankind , but the severall kindes of fowles , & fishes , & beasts , & plants , since they are all maintained by their seed as man is , whose decay notwithstanding is questioned but by few . Before I conclude this discourse touching the comparison of the strength of the Ancients with ours , it shall not be amisse to remember a moderne example or two of Parents famously fertile in the linage issued from their bodies , such as I doe not remember any where to be parallelled by antiquity . In the memory of our Fathers , saith Vives in his commentary vpon the eight chapter of the fifteenth booke of the Citty of God , there was seene a village in Spaine of about an hundred houses , whereof : all the inhabitants were issued from one certaine old man who then liued , when as that village was so peopled , so as the name of propinquity how the youngest of the children should call him could not be giuen : Lingua enim nostra supra Abav●…m non ascen●…t : For our language , saith hee , meaning the Spanish , affords not a name aboue the great Grandfathers father . Likewise in S. Innocents Church-yard , in the citty of Paris , is to be seene the Epitaph of Yelland ●…aeily , widow to Mr Dennis Capell , a Proctour at the Chastellet , which doth shew that she had liued eighty foure yeares , and might haue seene 288 of her children and childrens children ; shee dyed the 17 of Aprill 1514. Now imagine , saith Pasquier , how much she had beene troubled to call them by a proper denomination that were distant from he●… the fourth and fifth degree . Wherevnto wee may adde , that which Theodore Zwinger , a Physitian of Basill , in the third volume of the Theatre of mans life , recites of a noble Lady , of the family of the Dalburgs , who saw of her race euen to the sixth degree , whereof the Germanes haue made this distich . 1 Mater 2 ait natae 3 dic natae filia 4 natam 5 Vt moneat natae 6 plangere filiolam . That is to say , The mother said to her daughter , daughter bid thy daughter tell her daughter that her daughters daughter cries . The more I wonder at Pliny that he should report it as a wonder , & worthy the Chronicle , that Crispinus Hilarus praelata pompa , with open ostentation sacrificed in the Capitoll , 74 of his children & childrens children , attending on him . And so I passe from the consideration & comparison of the stature & strength of mens bodies , to that of their mindes , consisting in the more noble faculties of the reasonable soule , and the beautifull effects thereof . CAP. 6. Containing a discourse in generall , that there is no such vniversall and perpetuall decay in the powers of the minde , or in the Arts & Sciences as is pretended . SECT . 1. The excellencie of the Ancients in the powers of the mind compared with those of the present , as also their helpes and hinderances in matter of learning , ballanced . SInce it is a received conclusion of the choisest , both Divines & Philosophers , that the reasonable soule of man is not conveied vnto him from his Parents , but infused immediatly by the hand of the Creator ; & withall , that the soules of all men at their first Creation & infusion , are equall & perfect alike , endued with the same essence & abilities ; it must needes bee , that the inequality & disparity of actions , which they produce , arise from the diverse temper of the matter which they informe , and by which , as by an instrument they worke . Now the matter being tempered by the disposition of the bodies of our parents , the influence of the heavens , the quality of the elements , diet , exercise , & the like ; it remaines , that as there is a variety & vicissitude of these in regard of goodnes , so is there likewise in the temper of the matter whereof wee consist , & the actions which by it our soules produce : Yea where both the agents & the instruments are alike , yet by the diversity of education or industry , their workes are many times infinitely diversified . The principall faculties of the soule , are imagination , iudgement , and memory . One of the most famous for memory among the Ancients , to my remembrance , was Seneca the Father , who reports of himselfe , that hee could repeate two thousand names , or two hundred verses , brought to his Master by his Schoole-fellowes backeward or forward : But that which Muretus reports of a young man of Corsica , a student in the Civill Law , whom himselfe saw at Padua , farre exceedes it ; he could , saith he●… , recite thirty six thousand names in the same order as they were deliuered , without any stay or staggering , as readily , as if he had read them out of a booke : His conclusion is , Huic ego ne ex antiquitate quidam quem opponam habeo , nis●… forte Cyrum quem Plinius , Quintilianus , & alij Latini Scriptores tradiderunt tenuisse omnium militum nomina . I find none among the Ancients , whom I may set against him , vnlesse Cyrus perchaunce , whom Plini●… , Quintilian , and other Latine writers , report to haue remembred the names of all his souldiers , which yet Muretus himselfe doubts was mistaken of them : Zenophon , of whom onely or principally they could learne it , affirming onely that hee remembred the names , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of his Captaines or cheife commanders ▪ And Aeneas Sylvius in his history of the Councill of Basill ( at which himselfe was present ) tels vs of one Ludovicus Pontanus of Spoleto , a Lawyer likewise by profession , ( who dyed of the Pestilence at that Councill , at thirty yeares of age ) that he could recite not the titles onely , but the intire bodies of the Lawes , being for vastnes and fastnes of memory , nemini Antiquorum inferior , as he speakes , nothing inferiour to any of the Ancients . It is to this purpose very memorable , which Famianus Srada , in the first booke of his Academicall P●…olusions , relates of Francis Suarez , who hath , sayeth he , so strong a memory , that he hath S. Augustine ( the most copious & various of the Fathers ) readie by heart , alleadging euery where ( as occasion presents it selfe ) fully & faithfully , his sentences , & which is very strange , his very wordes ; nay if he be demaunded any thing touching any passage in any of his volumes ( which of themselues are almost enough to fill a Librarie , ) Statim quo loco , quaque pagina disseruerit ea super re expedite docentem ac digito commonstrantem saepe vidimus ; I my selfe haue often seene him instantly shewing and pointing with his finger , to the place & page in which he disputed of that matter ; This is I confesse the testimonie of one Iesuite , touching another . But of Dr Rainolds , it is most certaine that he excelled this way , to the astonishment of all that were inwardly acquainted with him , not only for S. Augustines workes , but almost all Classike Authours : so as in this respect it might truely be said of him , which hath beene applyed to some others , that he was a liuing librarie , or third vniuersitie : I haue heard it very crediblely reported , that vpon occasion of some writings , which passed to & fro , betwixt him & Doctour Gentilis , then our Professour in the Civill Lawes , he publiquely professed , that he thought Dr Rainolds had read , and did remember more of those Lawes then himselfe , though it were his profession . And for the excellency of the other faculties of the mind , together with that of the memory It is wonderfull the testimony that Viues ( himselfe a man of eminent parts ) in his Commentaries on the second booke , and 17 Chapter de civitate Dei , giues Budaeus ; Qu●… viro , ( saith he ) Gallia acutiore ingenio , acriore iudicio , exactiore diligentia , maiore eruditione nullum vnquam produxit , hac vero aetate nec Italia quidem ; then which man , France never brought forth a sharper wit , or more peircing judgement , of more exact diligence , and greater learning , nor in this age Italy it selfe . And then going on , tells vs , that there was nothing written in Greeke or Latine , which he had not turned ouer , read , examined ; Greeke & Latine were both alike to him , yet was he in both most excellent , speaking either of them as readily , & perchaunce with more ease then the french , his mother tongue ; he would reade out of a Greeke booke in Latine , & out of a Latine booke in Greeke . These things which wee see so exquisitely written by him , flowed from him ex tempore ; hee writes more easily both in Greeke & Latine , then the most skilfull in those languages vnderstand . Nothing in those tongues is so abstruse & difficult , which he hath not ransacked , entred vpon , looked into , & brought as it were another Cerberus from darkenesse to light . Infinite are the significations of words , the figures , & properties of speech , which vnknown to former ages , by the only help of Budaeus , studious men are now acquainted with . And these so great & admirable things , he without the directions of any teacher , learned meerely by his owne industry ; Foelix & foecundum ingenium , quod in se vno invenit , & doctorem , & discipulum , & docendi viam rationemque , & cuius decimam partem , alij sub magnis magistris vix discunt , ipse id totum à se magistro ed●…ctus est : An happy & fruitefull wit , which in it selfe alone found both a master , a scholler , & a methode of teaching ; and the tenth part of that which others can hardly attaine vnto vnder famous teachers , all that learned he of himselfe , being his owne reader ; and yet ( sayth he ) hitherto haue I spoken nothing of his knowledge in the lawes , which being in a manner ruined , seeme by him to haue beene restored , nothing of his Philosophy , whereof he hath giuen vs such a triall in his bookes d●… Asse , that no man could compose them , but such a one as was assiduously versed in the bookes of all the Philosophers ; & then having highly commended him for his piety , his sweet behaviour , & many other rare & singular vertues added to his great wit ; hee farther adds , that notwithstanding all this , hee was continually conversant in domesticke & state affaires at home , & ambassages abroad ; so as it might truely be said of him , as Plinius Caecilius speakes of his vncle Secundus , when I consider his state affaires , & the happy dispatch of so many businesses , I wonder at the multiplicitie of his reading & writing ; & againe , when I consider this , I wonder at that , & so leaue him with that happy Distich of Buchanan : Gallia quod Graeca est quod Graecia barbara non est Vtraque Budaeo debet vtrumque suo : That France is turn'd to Greece , that Greece is not turn'd rud●… Both owe them both to thee , their deare great learned Bude . And if wee looke ouer the Perynees , Metamorus , in his Treatise of the Vniversities & learned men of Spaine , spares not to write of Tostatus , Bishop of Abulum , si alio quam suo seculo viuere contigisset , neque Hipponi Augustinum , neque Stridoni Hieronymum , nec quempian●… ex illis proceribus Ecclesiae antiquis nunc invideremus . Had he lived in any other age saue his owne , wee should not haue needed now to enuy either Hippo for Augustine , or Stride●… for Hierom ; nor any other of those ancient noble worthies of the Church . To which Posseuin in his Apparatus adds , that at the age of two & twenty yeares , hee attained the knowledge of almost all Arts & Sciences . For beside Phylosophy & Divinity , the Canon & the Civill Lawes , history & the Mathematiques , he was well skilled in the Greeke & Hebrew tongues : so as it was written of him , Hic stupor est mundi , qui scibile discutit omne , The worlds wonder for that hee Knowes whatsoeuer knowne may bee : Hee was so true a student , & so constant in sitting to it ; that with Didymus of Alexandria , aenea habuisse intestina putaretur , he was thought to haue a body of brasse , & somuch he wrote & published , that a part of the epitaph ingraven on his tombe was ; Primae natalis luci folia omnia adaptans Nondum sic fuerit pagina trina satis ; The meaning is , that if of his published writings , wee should allow three leafes to euery day of his life , from his very birth , there would be yet some to spare ; & yet withall hee wrote so exactly , that Ximines his scholler , attempting to contract his Commentaries vpon Matthew , could not well bring it to lesse then a thousand leafes in folio , and that in a very small print , and others haue attempted the like in his other workes with like successe . But that which Pasquier hath obserued out of Monstrelet , is yet more memorable , touching a young man who being not aboue 20 yeares old , came to Paris in the yeare 1445 , and shewed himselfe so admirably excellent in all Arts , Sciences , & Languages , that if a man of an ordinary good wit and found constitution should liue one hundred yeares , and during that time study incessantly without eating , drinking , sleeping , or any recreation , he could hardly attaine to that perfection : insomuch that some were of opinion , that hee was Antichrist begotten of the Devill , or somewhat at leastwise aboue humane condition : Which gaue occasion to these verses of Castellanus . who liued at the same time , and himselfe saw this miracle of wit. I'ay veu par excellence Vn jeune de vingt ans Auoir toute science & les degrez montans Soy sevantant scauoir dire Ce qu' onques fut escrit Par seule fois le lire Comme vn jeune Antichrist . A young man haue I seene At twenty yeares so skill'd , That euery Art he had , and all In all degrees excell'd . What euer yet was writ He vaunted to pronounce Like a young Antichrist , if he Did read the same but once . Not to insist vpon supernaturals , were there among vs that industry , & that vnion of forces , & contribution of helpes as was in the Ancients , I see no sufficient reason but the wits of this present age might produce as great effects as theirs did , nay greater , inasmuch as we haue the light of their writings to guide and assist vs : wee haue bookes by reason of the Art of Printing more familiar , and at a cheaper rate : most men being now vnwilling to giue three hundred pound for three bookes , as Plato did for those of Phylolaus the Pythagorean . And by this meanes are wee freed from a number of grosse errors , which by the ignorance or negligence of vnskilfull Writers crept into the text : yet on the other side it is as true that wee are forced to spend much time in the learning of Languages , specially the Latin , Greeke , and Hebrew , which the Ancients spent in the study of things , their learning being commonly written in their owne Language . Beside the infinite & bitter controversies among Christians in matter of Religion since the infancie thereof euen to these present times , hath doubtlesse not a little hindered the advancement & progresse of other Sciences , together with a vaine opinion , that all Arts were already fully perfected , so as nothing could be added therevnto , and that the Founders of them were Gyants , more then men for their wits in regard of vs , and we very dwarfes , sunke below our species in regard of them . Sed non est ita , saith Lodovicus Vives , nec nos sumus nani , nec illi homines Gygantes , sed omnes eiusdem staturae , & qnidem nos altius evecti eorum beneficio , maneat modò in nobis quod in illis , studium , attentio animi , vigilantia & amor veri ; quae si absint , jam non sumus nani , sed homines justae magnitudinis humi prostrati . It is not so , neither are we Dwarfes , nor they Cyants , but all of equall stature , or rather we somewhat higher , being lifted vp by their meanes , conditionally there be in vs an equall Inte●…tion of spirit , watchfulnesse of minde , and loue of truth : for if these bee wanting , then are we not so much dwarfes as men of a perfect growth lying on the ground . Likewise it cannot be denied , but that the incouragements for study & Learning were in former times greater : what liberall bountifull allowance did Alexander afford Aristotle for the entertainement of Fishers , Faukeners and Hunters to bring him in b●…asts , fowles , & fishes of all kindes for the discovery of their severall natures & dispositions : Nay the dayly wages of Roscius the stage-player , as witnesseth Macrobius , was a thousand denarij , which amounteth to thirty pound of our coyne . And Aesope the Tragoedian grew so rich by the onely exercise of the same trade , if we may credit the same Author , as he left to his sonne aboue one hundred and fifty thousand pound sterling : Wherevnto may bee added , that the Ancients coppying out their bookes for the most part with their own hands , it could not but worke in them a deeper impression of the matter therein contained , and being thereby forced to content themselues with fewer bookes , of necessity they held themselues more closely to them . And it is most true which Seneca hath aswell in reading as eating , in bookes as dyet , Varietas delectat , certitudo prodest , Variety is delightfull , but certainty more vsefull and profitable . So that vpon the matter , all reckonings being on all sides cast vp , and one thing being set against another , as wee want some helpes which the Ancients had , so are we freed from some hinderances wherewith they were incumbred , as againe it is certaine that they both wanted some of our helpes , and were freed from some of our hinderances : if then wee come short of their perfections , it is not because Nature is generally defectiue in vs , but because we are wanting to our selues , & doe not striue to make vse of , and improoue those abilities wherewith God & Nature hath endowed vs. Malè de Natura censet quicunque vno illam aut altero partu effaetam esse arbitratur , saith Vives ; He thinkes vnworthily and irreverently of Nature who conceiues her to be barren after one or two births ; no , no , that which the same Author speakes of places , is likewise vndoubtedly true of times , Vbique bona nascuntur ingenia , excolantur modo , alibi fortassis frequentiora , sed vbique nonnulla . Euery-where & in all ages good wits spring vp , were they dressed & manured as they ought , though happily more frequently in some places & ages then in others . Scythia it selfe anciently yeelded one Anacharsis , and no doubt had they taken the same course as he did , more of the same mettall would haue beene found there . SECT . 2. That there is both in wits and Arts as in all things besides , a kinde of circular progresse aswell in regard of places as times . THere is ( it seemes ) both in wits & Arts , as in all things besides , a kinde of circular progresse : they haue their birth , their growth , their flourishing , their fayling , their fading , and within a while after , their resurrection , and reflourishing againe . The Arts flourished for a long time among the Persians , the Chaldeans , the Aegyptians , and therefore is Moses said to bee learned in all the wisedome of the Aegyptians , who well knowing their owne strength , were bold to object to the Graecians , that they were still children , as neither hauing the knowledge of Antiquity , nor the antiquity of knowledge : But afterwards the Graecians got the start of them , & grew so excellent in all kinde of learning , that the rest of the world in regard of them were reputed Barbarians , which reputation of wisedome they held euen to the Apostles time , I am debter , saith S. Paul , both to the Graecians and to the Barbarians , both to the wise and to the vnwise . And againe , the Iewes require a signe , and the Graecians seeke after wisedome . By reason whereof they rellished not the simplicity of the Gospell , it seeming foolishnesse vnto them : And in the 17 of the Acts the Philosophers of Athens ; ( sometimes held the most famous Vniversity in the World ) out of an opinion of their owne great learning scorned S. Paul and his doctrine , tearming him a sower of words , a very Babler or tri fler : yet not long after this , these very Graecians declined much , & themselues ( whether thorow their owne inclination , or by reason of their bondage vnder the Turke , the common enemy both of Religion and Learning , I cannot determine ) are now become so strangely barbarous , that their knowledge is converted into a kinde of affected ignorance , as is their liberty into contented slauery : yet after the losse both of their Empire and Learning , they still retained some sparke of their former wit and industry . Ingenium velox , audacia perdita , sermo Promptus , & Isaeo torrentior , ede quid illum Esse put as quemvis hominem secum attulit ad nos Grammaticus , Rhetor , Geometres , Pictor , Aliptes , Augur , Schaenobates , Medicus , Magus , omnia novit Graeculus esuriens , in coelum iusseris is , ibit . Quickwitted , wonderous bold , well spoken , then Isaeus fluenter , tell who all men Brought with himselfe : a Southsayer , a Physitian , Magician , Rhetorician , Geometrician , Grammarian , Painter , Ropewalker , all knowes The needy Greeke ; bid goe to heauen , he goes . But now they wholly delight in ease , in shades , in dancing , in drinking , and for the most part no farther endeavour the inriching either of their mindes or purses then their bellies compell them . The lampe of Learning being thus neere extinguished in Greece , In Latium spret is Academia migrat Athenis . Athens forsaken by Philosophie , She forthwith ●…avell'd into Italie . 〈◊〉 beganne to shine afresh Italy neere about the time of the birth of Christ , there being a generall peace thorow the world & the Roman Empire being fully settled : & established , Poets , Oratours , Philosophers , Histori●…s ▪ neuer more excellent . From thence this light spread it selfe ouer Christendome , & continued bright till the invndation of the Gothes and H●…nnes , & V●…ndals , who ransacked Libraries , and defaced almost all the monuments of Antiq●…y , insomuch as that lampe seemed againe to be put out hy the space of almost a thousand yeares , & had longer so continued , had not first Mensor King of Africa & Spaine raised vp & spurred forward the Arabian wits to the rest●…raton of good letters by proposing great rewards & encouragements vnto them . And afterwards Petrarch a man of a singular wit & rare naturall endowments , opened such Libraries as were left vndemolished , beat off the dust from the moth-eaten bookes , & drew into the light the best Authors . He was seconded by Boccace & Iohn of Raven●… ; & soone after by Areline , Phil●…lphus , Valla , Poggius , Omnibonus , Vergerius , Blondus , & others . And those againe were followed by Aeneas Sylvius , Angelus Politianus , Hermolaus Barbarus , Marsilius Ficinus , & that Phaenix of Learning Iohannes Picus Earle of Mirandula , who as appeares in the entrance of his Apologie proposed openly at Rome nine hundred questions in all kinde of faculties to be disputed , inviting all strangers thither , from any part of the knowne world , and offering himselfe to beare the charge of their travell both comming and going , and during their abode there : so as he deservedly receiued that Epitaph which after his death was bestowed on him . Iohannes iacet hic Mirandula , caetera norunt Et Tagus , & Ganges , forsan & Antipodes . Heere lies Mirandula , Tagus the rest doth know , And Ganges , and perhaps th' Antipodes also . And rightly might that be verified of him which Lucretius sometimes wrote of Epicurus his Master . Hic genus humanum ingenio superavit , & omnes Praestrinxit stellas exortus vt aethereus sol . In wit all men he farre hath overgone , Eclipsing them like to the rising Sunne . This path being thus beaten out by these Heroicall spirits , they were backed by Rodulphus Agricola , Reucline , Melancthon , Ioachimus Camerarius , Wolphangus Lazius , Beatus Rhenanus , Almaines , the great Erasmus a Netherlander , Ludovicus Vives a Spanyard , Bembus , Sadoletus , Eugubinus Italians , Turnebus , Muretus , Ramus , Pithaeus , Budaeus , Amiot , Scaliger , Frenchmen , Sir Thomas More , and Li●…aker Englishmen ; And it is worth the observing , that about this time the slumbering drowzie spirit of the Graecians began againe to be revived and awakened ; in Bessarion , Gemmistius , Trapezontius , Gaza , Argyropilus , Calcondilas , and others : nay , , those very Northerne Nations which before had giuen the greatest wound to learning , began now as by way of recompence to advance the honour of it by the same of their studies , as Olaus Magnus , Holsterus , Tycho Braye , Hemingius , Danes : H●…sius , Frixius , Crummerus , Polonians : But the number of those worthies , who like somany sparkling starres haue si●…ce thorow Christendome succeeded , and some of them exceeded these in learning & knowledge ▪ is so infinite , that the very recitall of their names were enough to fill whole volumes : And if we descend to a particular examination of the severall professions , Arts , Sciences and Manufactures , we shall surely finde that praediction of the Divine Seneca accomplished , Mu●…venientis aev●…populus ign●… nobis sciet , the people of future ages shall come to the knowledge of many things vnknowne to vs : And that of Tac●…us most true , Nec omnia apud priores meliora , sed nostra quoque aetas multa laudis & ar●…um imitanda posteris 〈◊〉 Neither were all things in ancient times better then ours , but our age hath left vnto posterity many things worthy praise and imitation . Ramus goes further , and perchance warrantably enough : Maiorem doctorum hominum & oper●… proventum saeculo vno vidim●… , quam totis antea 14. maiores nostri viderant . We haue seene within the space of one age , a more plentifull crop of learned men & works , then our Predecessors saw in fourteen , next going before . CAP. 7. Touching the three principall professions , Divinity ; Law , and Physicke . SEC . 1. Of the Divinity of the Gentiles and Iewes before Christ , and the next ages after Christ. WE will begin with the high and noble profession of Divinity , this among the Gentiles was partly prophane and fabulous in their vaine discourses touching the Genealogie , the number & nature of their Gods , & partly mixed with much errour and weaknesse in their Metaphysicks , professing themselues to be wise , they became vaine in their imaginations , and their foolish heart was darkned . Ante Christum quam molestae disputationes , saith Lodovicus Vives in his 5 booke & 9 chapter de veritate fidei Christianae , how irkesome where the disputes ? how tedious their deliberations in comparing honesty with profit ? because they knew not what was honesty , nor in very truth what was truly pro●…table . How diverse and vncertaine were their ends of goodnesse ? which held mens mindes in suspense , but Christ hath now fully cleered & opened all points , we are now well acquainted with the true end and the meanes that conduce to that end , what is honest , what profitable , what hurtfull , the resolutions are now easie and perspicuous ; and in the fourth chapter of the same booke , nunc r●…onditissima mysteria scitu digna & necessaria , melius nostrae mulier●…le intelligunt , quàm maximi olim philosophi , Our silliest women now better vnderstand the deepest Mysteries worthie or needefull to be knowne , then the profoundest Philosophers then did . They were ( as the Apostle speakes in another case ) euer learning , but neuer came , nor indeed could euer come to the knowledge of truth , in asmuch as the meere naturall man perceiueth not , nor can perceiue the hidde things of God , the mysteries of the kingdome of heauen , which made them to bee , as Minutius Foelix in his Octauius hath truely obserued , Semper adversus sua vitia facundi , alwaies eloquent in declayming against their owne vices ; but wee ( saith he ) qui non habitu sapientiam sed mente praeferimus , who doe not place , or weare wisedome in the robe but in the mind : non eloquimur magna sed viuimus , we speake not bigge but liue well , & glory in this , that wee haue found that , which they with all eagernesse sought , but could not finde . His conclusion is : Quid ingrati sumus ? quid nobis invidemus , si veritas divinitatis nostri temporis aetate maturuit ? fruamur bono nostro : Why are wee ingrate ? why doe we envy our selues , if the true knowledge of the deitie haue beene brought to ripenesse and full perfection in our age ? In Gods name let vs enioy our owne blessing . Among the Iewes , the onely visible Church , the sacred Oracles of God , containing the revelation of supernaturall truths , were indeede preserued : But heerevnto , their Talmudists & Cabalists , their Scribes & Pharises , their Sadduces atd Essens added such traditions , such fictions , such corrupt glosses and malicious interpretations , as the fruite of their doctrine lay hidde vnder the leaues ; and as the learned in their language well knowe , very little vse can be made of their best Commentaries vpon Scripture ; howbeit they presumed , that their chiefes kill lay that way : So that wee neede not doubt , but the most excellent Diuines , haue all beene since the comming of Christ. It is to mee very strange , that not onely the Pharisees should be infected with ths opinion of the Pythagoreans , touching the dwelling of the same soule in diverse bodies successiuely , & in diverse ages ; but that Herod , and the whole nation of the Iewes , should bee tainted with that grosse errour , as appeares in that they held our Saviour to be Iohn the Baptst , or Elias , or one of the Prophets ; all which they knew to be dead , and some of them long before : Their meaning being , that the soule of the Baptist , or of Elias , or of one of the Prophets , was by traduction passed into our Saviours bodie ; as Pythagoras writes of himselfe , that he was first Euphorbus , and then Callidas , then Hermotimus , then Pyrrhus , and lastly Pythagoras : But yet farre more strange it is , that the Apostles of our Saviour themselues should be thus misled ; and yet it should seeme by that their demaund touching him that was borne blinde , Master , who did sinne this man , or his parents , that he was borne blind ; that they were indeede possessed with that opinion , for how could they conceiue that he should sinne before he was borne , but in some other bodie which his soule actuated before ? and in truth Saint Cyrill vpon that occasion , is induced to thinke , that they were swayed with the common errour of that nation and those times ; and Calvin confidently cries our Prodigij sane instar hoc fuit quod in electo Dei populo , in quo coelestis sapientiae per Legem & Prophetas lux accensa fuerat , tam crasso figmento fuerit datus locus . Truely , this is a prodigious kind of wonder , that among the elect people of God , who were inlightned by the heavenly wisedome of the Law and the Prophets , way should bee giuen to so palpable a fiction . Yet I know not whether their stupiditie , were greater in this , or in that other demaund of theirs , at our Saviours ascension , Lord , wilt thou at this time restore the kingdome to Israell ? where Calvin againe stands amazed , that they should all with one consent ( for somuch doth the text imply ) ioyne together in such a foolish question as hee tearmes it , mira profecto illorum fuit ruditas , quod tam absolute tantaque cura per triennium edocti non minorem inscitiam produnt , quam si nullum vnquam verbum audissent , totidem in hac interrogatione sunt errores quot verba : wonderfull in truth was their rawnesse & rudenesse , that hauing beene so exquisitely and diligently taught by three yeares space , they notwithstanding bewray asmuch ignorance , as if they had neuer heard somuch as one word of instruction , as many errours are in their question as words : But this likewise of restoring them a temporall kingdome , then was , and at this day continues to be , the common errour of that whole nation , neither by any meanes will they be beaten from it : That which to mee seemeth more admirable , is , that S. Peter himselfe , euen after the descending of the holy Ghost , was ignorant of the calling of the Gentiles , of whom together with the Iewes , the Catholique Church was to bee made vp : whereby it should seeme , that then likewise he was ignorant , that himselfe was the head of the Catholique Church , as by those who hold themselues the only Catholiques , hee is now made ; yet may it not be denyed , or somuch as doubted , that the holy and blessed Apostles were all indowed with singular gifts and graces , aswell for knowledge and wisedome , as all kind of morall vertues , fitting for so high a calling ; and that in their writings , they were the pen-men of God , inspired by the holy Ghost : but leauing them , let vs descend a little lower in the Church of Christ. As then the three first Centuries are commended for Pietie , Deuotion , & Martyrdome , so is the fourth for learned and famous Diuines . Habuit haec aetas si quae vnquam alia plurimos praestantes & illustres Doctores , say the Magdeburgians : This age if euer any abounded in excellent and famous Doctours , as namely Arnobius , Lactantius , Eusebius , Athanasius , Hilarius , Victorinus , Basilius , Nazianzenus , Ambrosius , Prudentius , Epiphanius , Theophilus , Hieronymus , Faustinus , Didymus , Ephraim , Optatus , to which number , they might well haue added , ( for that hee began to shew his worth in the same Centurie ) that renowned pillar of trueth & hammer of heresies S. Augustine . These and the like great Diuines of those ages I much honour , & eorum nominibus semper assurgo , I confesse I reuerence their very names ; yet most certaine , it is they had all their slips and blemishes in matter of doctrine : But before this age , Tertullian , and Origen , and Cyprian , are specially branded for notorious errours , and Vincentius Li●…inensis giues this rare commendation of the Fathers , assembled in the Councill of Nice , that they were tantae eruditionis , tantaeque doctrinae , of so profound learning and singular knowledge , vt propè omnes possent de dogmatibus disputare , that almost all of them could reason of matters of faith : Yet in those very times , was the Church so rent and torne in sunder with Capitall heresies , trenching vpon the very vitall parts and fundamentall principles of Christian Religion , touching the sacred Trinitie , and incarnation of our blessed Saviour . vt illis temporibus ingeniosares fuit esse Christianum , so as in those times it was a matter of wit to be a Christian : Such were the nicities , wherein their Teachers differed , and such their subtilties , they bound their schollers to maintaine . But that which to mee seemeth most strange , is , that so many of them were infected with the errour of the Millenaries , that so many , specially of the Greeke Fathers , held that the Angells were created long before the creation of the visible world , that a number both of the Greeke and Latine maintained , that the soules of men departed this life , goe neither to heaven nor hell , till the resurrection of the bodie , but remained in certaine hidden receptacles they knew not whree , that Antichrist was to come of the tribe of Dan , that the sonnes of God , who in the sixth of Genesis , are said to haue fallen in loue with the daughters of men . were the blessed Angells : vpon which occasion , Pererius a learned Iesuite hath these memorable words , Pudet dicere quae de optimis Scriptoribus hoc loco dicturus sum : I euen blush to vtter those things which heere I am to speake of most excellent writers , they being not only false , but absurd and shamefull , vnworthy the wit & learning of so famous men , as also of the puritie and holynesse of the blessed Angells ; yet truth inforceth me to speake , partly , least that should seeme probable to any man , by reason of the countenance of so graue Authours , which is no way to be approved ; and partly , that from hence it may appeare how much the Church of Christ , from that time to this hath profited in the knowledge of holy Scriptures & divine mysteries : Nam multa quondam vel doctissimis viris , aut obscura & dubia , aut etiam incognita , nunc vel mediocriter eruditis perspicua indubitata , exploratèque percepta sunt : for many things anciently either obscure or doubtfull , or altogether vnknowne to the most learned among them , are now become euen to meane Clarkes cleere & certaine . And with him fully accords Andradius in his defence of the Tridentine Councill , God hath revealed many things to vs that they never saw . And Dominicus Bannes a famous schoole-man : It is not necessary , that by how much the more the Church is remote from the Apostles times , by somuch there should be the lesse perfect knowledge of the mysteries of faith therein , because after the Apostles times , there were not the most learned men in the Church , which had dexterity in vnderstanding and expounding matters of faith Roffensis likewise , our Countrey-man strikes vpon the same string : It cannot be vnknowne to any , but that many things are more narrowly sifted & cleerely vnderstood by the helpes of latter wits , aswell in the Gospells , as other parts of the Scriptures , then formerly they haue beene ; and lastly , to make vp the musicke full , Cardinall Caietan beares a part , Let no man thinke it strange , if sometimes wee bring a new sence of holy writ , different from the auncient Doctours , but let him diligently examine the Text & context , and if he find it to agree therewith , let him praise God , who hath not tyed the exposition of the sacred Scriptures , to the sences giuen by the auncient Doctours . These testimonies , I the rather vouch for that the Authours of them being professed Champions of the Romane Church , withall professe themselues to bee the greatest friends to the ancient Fathers . SECT . 2. Of ensuing ages . YEt not to conceale a truth , these were lightsome times in regard of those succeeding ages that followed after , when Divinity was wouen into distinctions , which like Cobwebbs were fine and curious in working , but not much vsefull . And in the meane time for the most part in the Scriptures and holy Languages there was so great ignorance , vt Graecè nosse suspectum fuerit , Hebraicè propè Haereticum , that , as witnesseth Espencaeus himselfe a Doctour of the Sorbon , to bee skilled in Greeke was suspitious , in the Hebrew almost haereticall , which suspition Rhemigius an Interpreter of S. Pauls Epistles , surely was not guilty of : for commenting vpon these words , à vobis diffamatus est sermo , hee tells vs , that diffamatus , was somewhat improperly put for divulgatus , S. Paul being not very sollicitous of the propriety of words : wherevpon Ludovicus Vives demaunds , Quid facias principibus istis Scholarum qui nondum sciunt Paulum non Latinè , sed Graecè scripsisse : What shall we say to these Masters in Israel , who know not that S. Paul wrote not in Latine , but in Greeke . It appeares by the rescript of Pope Zacharie to Boniface a German Bishop , that a Priest in those parts baptized in this forme , Baptizo te in nomine Patria , & Filia , & Spiritua sancta : And by Erasmus , that some Divines in his time would take vpon them to prooue , that Heretiques were to be put to death , because the Apostle saith , Haereticum hominem devita , which it seemes they vnderstood as if he had said , de vita tolle . I haue somewhere read , that two Fryars disputing whether God made any more worlds then one , the one wisely alleadging that passage of the Gospell touching the ten Lepers which were cleansed , Annon decem facti sunt mundi , as if God had made tenne worlds , the other looking into the text , replies as wisely , with the words immediatly following , Sed vbi sunt novem ? but what is become of the nine ? so as from thence hee would prooue but one to be left . He that is disposed to make himselfe merry in this kinde ; may finde in Henry Stevens his Apologie of Herodotus , a number of like stuffe , I will only touch one or two of the choisest . Du Prat a Bishop and Chauncellour of France , hauing receiued a letter from Henry the eight King of England , to Francis the first of France , wherein among other things he wrote , mitto tibi duodecem Molossos , I send you twelue mastife dogs , the Chauncellour taking Molossos to signifie Mules , made a journey of purpose to the Court to begge them of the King ; who wondring at such a present to be sent him from England , demaunded the sight of the letter , and smiling thereat , the Chauncellour finding himselfe to be deceiued , told him that hee mistooke Molossos for Muletos , and so hoping to mend the matter , made it worse . Another tale he tels of a Parish Priest in Artois , who had his Parishioners in sute for not paving the Church , and that the charge thereof lay vpon them and not vpon him he would proue out of the 17 of the Prophet Ieremie , Paveant illi , non paveam ego . I remember Arch-Bishop Parker somewhere in his Antiquitates Britannicae , makes relation of a French Bishop , who being to take his oath to the Archbishop of Canterburie , & finding the word Metropoliticae therein , being not able to pronounce it , he passed it ouer with Soit pour dict , let it be as spoken ; & when they had most grossely broken Priscians head , being taken in the fact , their common defence was , those words of S. Gregorie , non debent verba coelestis Oraculi subesse regulis Donati , the wordes of the heavenly Oracles ought not to be subiect to the rules of Donatus . But about 200 yeares since , together with the Arts , the languages likewise began to reuiue , in somuch as Hebrew & Greeke are now as commō as true Latine then was , & for the true sence of holy Scripture , neuer had the Church more judicious & faithfull Interpreters , then by the Diuine prouidence it hath injoyed these last 100 yeares : besides , the Sermons of this latter age , specially in this land , haue doubtles bin more exquisite & effectuall , then ordinarily they haue bin in any precedent age ; insomuch , as it is obserued , that if there were a choice collection made of the most accurate , since the entrance of Queen Elizabeth , to these present times , ( leauing out the largenesse of applications therevpon ) it would proue one of the rarest peeces that hath beene published since the Apostles times . Heerevnto might be added for practicall divinitie , the decisions of cases of conscience , which the Ancients did not handle professedly , but onely vpon the Bye , and the many singular treatises tending to deuotion , which I wish they were aswell practised as they are written . And no doubt but the great agitation of controuersies , which these latter times haue produced , hath not only sharpned the spirits of Diuines , but made the grounds of Christian religion to be better vnderstood . For , as S. Augustine speakes of the Fathers writings before Pelagius , ante exortum Pelagium securius loquebantur Patres , before the rising of Pelagius the Fathers spoke more securely : so may wee truely say , before Luther arose and awakened the world , Diuines spoke & wrote more loosely then since they haue done : The sparkes of trueth being forced out of contention , as the sparkes of fire arc out of the collision of the flint & steele . To conclude this Section , touching Diuinitie , it is most true which alearned Diuine of our owne times & Church hath rightly obserued , that whosoeuer shall pervse the Church storie digested into Centuries or Annales , or cast but a glance of his eye vpon the Catalogues of writers , made by S. Hierome , Suidas , Photius , Gennadius , Abbas Tritemius , Illyricus , Ball , & Bellarmine , shall finde the ages of the Church to resemble the starres of the skie : In some parts wee see many glorious and eminent starres , in others few of any remarkeable greatnes , and in some none but blinkards and obscure ones : In like manner , in some ages of the Church , we may behold many worthy & glorious lights like stars of the first or second magnitude , in others few of any note or bright lustre , and in some none but obscure and vnknowne Authours , resembling the least and obscurest starres in the skie . After wee haue passed the eight age of the Church , we fall into Cymerian darkenesse . Bellarmine cannot speake of the ninth age with patience . Seculo hoc nullum extitit indoctius aut infoelicius , quo qui mathematicae aut Philosophiae operam dabat vulgo Magus putabatur : neuer was there any age more vnlearned or vnhappy then this , in which he that studied the Mathematikes or Philosophy was commonly held a Magician . Sabellicus is at a stand in admiring the palpable Egyptian darkenesse thereof : mirum est quanta omnium bonarum artium obliuio per id tempus mortalium animos obrepserit , vt ne in Pontificibus quidem vllis siue Principibus quicquam illuceret quod vitam iuvare possit : A wonder it is , how strange a forgetfullnes of all good arts about this time crept vpon the mindes of men : so as neither in Prelates nor Princes appeared any thing which might farther ciuilitie . Genebrard after a sort blesseth himselfe from it , Infoelix dicitur hoc seculum , exhaustum hominibus doctrina , & ingenio claris , sine etiam claris Principibus atque Pontificibus : This is called the vnhappie age , void of men renowned either for wit or learning , as also without any famous , either Princes or Prelates : So great an alteration there is in the studies and endeavours of men in diverse ages , sometimes for the better , sometimes for the worse , and then by Gods blessing for the better againe . SECT . 3. The Lawyers of this last age , preferred before those of former times . NExt Gods Lawes , those of the Empire seeme to challenge their place , howbeit with vs , hauing neither that reward nor imployment as they deserue , they haue lost both their ranke and dignitie , but in forraine parts where they are cherished and honoured , they maruellously flourish , in somuch as in some transmarine kingdomes their Lawyers are held , and for the most part vndoubtedly are , more sufficient Schollers then their Diuines ; and within this last Centenarie , much more sufficient then the writers and professours of the same facultie in many precedent ages , aswell in that part which is professed in Schooles , as the practique expressed in judgements and pleadings . He that shall judiciously compare Baldus and Bartolus , Iason and Accursius , with Cuijacius , Alciatus , Ottomannus , Duarenus all french men , shall easily finde these latter , not only for their phrase more polite , & for their methode more exact , but for the marrow & true sence of the law more profound . I will instance onely in the two first . For Cuijacius , it is a memorable testimonie which is yeelded him by Massonius ; Iacobus Cuijacius juris Romani radices tanta cura effossas in lucem protulit , vt caeteri ante eum ignorasse illas ipse solus post multos & quaesiuisse diligentius , & penitius invenisse videatur : Iames Cujace with so great industry digged vp and brought to light , the very rootes of the Imperiall Law , that both others before him seemed to be ignorant of them , and he alone after others to haue sought them more diligently , and discouered them more fully : But that of Pithaeus outuies this of Massonius , where in an Epitaph erected to him , he doubts not to stile him , Romani iuris à primis Conditoribus interpretem primum & vltimum , the first and the last interpreter of the Romane Law since the first founders thereof : adding withall , that what cleere and natiue light soeuer is at all brought to that science , this present age hath deriued it from him , and to him posterity must owe it , which he hath well expressed in this Distich : Cuijacij Themidisque vides commune sepulchrum , Conduntur simul hic quae periere simul . Cuias and Themis here lie in one common graue , They di'd together and one sepulchre they haue . Wherevnto may be added the graue testimony which Arias Montanus giues Alciat . Eloquio ius Romanum lucabat & arte Turba obscurarunt barbara legulei . Andreas prisco reddit sua iura nitori Consultosque facit doctius inde toqui . The Ciuill Law with art and eloquence did shine , But barbarous pettifoggers did the same obscure In season Alciat came and did the Lawes refine , And taught the Lawyer thence to speake more pure . Yet Cuijacius himselfe , whether out of judgement or modesty I cannot affirme , was content to yeeld the bucklers to Gouianus , touching whom Thuanus witnesseth that himselfe heard him thus protesting , Gouianum ex omnibus iuris Iustinianaei interpretibus , quotquot sunt vel fuere , vnum esse , cui , si quaeratur quis excellat , palma deferenda sit : that of all the Interpreters of the Lawes of Iustinian , which either are , or haue bin , if the question should bee , who amongst them most excelled , Gouianus was the onely man , to whom the price was of right to be adiudged . Now for the latter part , which is the practique , it may easily be euidenced to any who will be pleased to looke into it , that by the obseruations , experience , paines , and learning of the Lawyers of these latter ages , it is grown to much more exactnesse and perfection , then former ages had . Which appeares by the iudgements , decisions , arrests , and pleadings of the highest Courts of the greatest part of the Christian Nations , which are extant in great numbers , as the decisions of the seuerall Rotes of Italy at Rome , at Naples , at Florence , at Genoa , at Bononia , at Mantua , at Perusium , and the rest . The iudgements of the Imperiall chamber at Spire , which is the last ressort of the Germane Nation , and the arrests of the seuerall Courtes of Parliament in France , as Paris , Aix , Burdeaux , Gren●…ble , and the rest : to which may be added the pleadings of Monsieur Seruin , the french Kings aduocate , and others of that nature , which are all published and extant , partly in Latine , and partly in their owne languages , with that variety and learning as much exceedes the former ages . SECT . 4. Ancient and moderne Physitians compared especially in the knowledge of Anatomy and Herbary , the two legges of that Science . THE third great Profession is Physicke , in which besides the vncertaine and fabulous reports of Apollo and Esculapius , we read not of any excellent till Hippocrates , & after him being much decayed , it was revived by Galen , vt sub eo rursum nata medicina videatur , so as it seemed vnder him to bee borne againe . Two speciall parts thereof are the knowledge of the body of man , and the knowledge of simples : touching the former , the opening and anatomizing of mens bodies . It was doubtlesse among the Ancients in very little vse , I meane the Aegyptians , the Hebrewes , the Graecians , the Romans , & the Primitiue Christians . First then I know the Aegyptians are by some said to haue beene this way most skilfull , but considering how excessiuely curious & ceremonious , or rather superstitious they were in preseruing their bodies intire & vnputrified , I cōceiue their opening them to haue beene rather for the imbowelling & imbaulming , then the anatomizing of them : and for the Graecians they could not well practise it , in as much as they vsually burnt their dead bodies , by the testimony not onely of Homer & Herodotus , ( whose authorities yet in this case might passe as sufficient ) but likewise of Thucidides & Plutarch , witnesses beyond all exception , whereof the latter in the 3 booke and 4 question of his Symposiaques giues vs to vnderstand , that their custome was with the bodies of ten men to burne one of an woman , because they supposed their flesh to be more vnctuous , and thereby to helpe forward the burning of the rest more easily & speedily ; & surely had Anatomy beene in vse among the Graecians , me thinkes Physitians & Anatomists should somewhere discouer it in the works of Hippocrates yet extant , which I presume cannot be showne , once I am sure , that when at the instance of the Abderites he came to visite Democritus , hee found him ( as may bee seene in his Epistle to Damogetus ) cutting vp seuerall beasts , who being by him demaunded the reason thereof , Democritus returnes him this answere , Haec animalia quae vides proptereà seco , non dei opera perosus , sed fellis , bilisque naturam disquirens , these beasts which thou seestI cut vp , not because I hate the workes of God , but to search into the nature of gall & choller : now if hee feared lest the cutting vp of beasts might be censured as an hating of Gods workes , he must needes much more haue feared that censure , had he cut vp the bodies of men . But among the Iewes it is evident , that this Art could not be in vse , for that their executed malefactours were put to death either by burning or stoning , ( whom they buried vnder an heape of stones ) or by crucifying them vpon a crosse , & for these they had expresse charge , Deut. 21. at the last verse , that they should no●… suffer them to hang all night vpon the tree , but in any wise must they bury them the very day they wer●… crucified : and besides it was most precisely injoyned them Number , 〈◊〉 11 that they might not so much as touch the dead body of any that was either executed , or died otherwise , & he that touched it was by the law of Moses so farre held vncleane , that if he presumed to enter into the tabernacle before he was purified , he was to be cut off from Israel for defiling it ; nay , if in this case he but touched bread or pottage , or wine , or oyle , or any meate , he thereby made it vncleane , as appeares Aggai 2. 13. Some more doubt seemes to be touching the ancient Romanes , but I thinke it may easily bee shewed , that from the Graecians they likewise tooke vp & practised the burning of dead bodies , the places which they commonly vsed to this purpose were by them called puticuli or culinae , & the pots or vessels in which they preserued the bones & ashes of the burnt bodies , Vrnae , whereof I haue seen one in M. Chambers his keeping at Bath : but all the difficultie seems to consist in this , when this custome began among them , and when it ceased , for the former it is commonly held , that it was not in vse among the Romans before Sylla the Dictator , who hauing himselfe cruelly tyrannized vpon the dead bodie of Marius , & fearing lest the same measure might be shewed to himselfe , commanded that his body instantly vpō his death should be burned , wheras Pli - 7. 54. only sayes , that he was thefirst of the Cornelian family that had his body burnt : & Tully 2 de legibus restrains it more narrowly , Primus è patritijs Cornelijs igni voluit cremari , he was the first of the Cornelian nobility that commanded it , and he that attentiuely reads the Roman story will easily finde , that this custome was practised among them long before Sylla , euen from the first foundation of Rome , so witnesseth Ovid in his 4 de Fastis , speaking of Remus the brother of Romulus . Arsarosque artus vnxit . The limbes that now were to be burnt His brother did annoint . And againe . Vltima plorato subdita flamma rogo est , The last fire now was set vnto his hearse . After this Numa being by sect a Pythagorean , forbade his owne body to be burnt , as witnesseth Plutarch in his life , which he needed not haue done had not the custome then beene vsuall , & Tullus Hostilius his successour had not his body therefore burnt because he was stricken dead with lightning , for so was the Law After this againe Tully in his second de legibus telsvs , that the Law of the 12 Tables commaunded , Hominem mortuum in vrbe ne sepelito , neve vrito , let no dead body be buried or burned in the Citie , which ( as he there addes ) was for feare their buildings might from thence take fire : now the Lawes of the 12 Tables were composed , as witnesseth Gellius 20. 1. in the 300 yeare after the foundation of the City , which was almost 400 yeares before Sylla ; & if any desire further satisfaction in this point , I referre him to the learned and copious Annotations of Blasius Vigenerus in French vpon the first Decade of Livie , which Author himselfe hath excellently translated into that language ; among other examples produced by him to this purpose , he makes it plaine ou●… of Livie lib. 8 , that the body of the sonne of Manlius the Consull , ( who contrary to his fathers commaund fought out of his ranke & was therefore by a commaund from the same mouth put to death ) was presently carried out of the campe and burned with all military pompe , and this he assignes to the yeare 412 by his computation aboue 270 yeares before the death of Sylla . Now this practise of the Romans I haue the longer insisted vpon , partly for the checking of a common errour , holding that before Sylla the Romans burnt not their dead bodies , and partly to shew that many of those monstrous giantlike bodies , which aswell among the Romans as Graecians are said to haue beene digged vp , were vndoubtedly burnt , but chiefly that hereby it may appeare , that the noble and vsefull practise of anatomizing mens bodies , was not in vse among them , neither indeed could it be , considering they held it vnlawfull , aspicere humana exta , as Pliny speakes in his proeme to his 28 booke , to looke vpon the entrals of mens bodies , and Dion in his 55 tels vs , that it was graunted to Tiberius to touch the body of Augustus , quod nefas alias erat , which was otherwise vnlawfull , and from hence it was that their Vespillones , Coriarij , Pollinctores , Libitinarij , and other officers of that kinde imployed about the washing , the annointing , the carrying foorth , the burning and providing things necessary about the dead , were not suffered to liue in the Citty , and the bodies themselues were burnt without the Citty , & few there were that went foorth of the citty gates to wait on the funerals of their nearest and dearest friends : Now the Antiquity of this cvstome being cleared , a second doubt there is , when it ceased , manifest then it is that it continued in vse till the Antonins , and tben began it by degrees to be disvsed , Macrobius witnessing in the seuenth booke and seuenth chapter of his Saturnals , that in his time it was in a manner growne out of vse , yet certaine it is that the bodies of Pertinax and Severus fifty yeares after were both burned , as reporteth Dion of the one , and Herodian in his fourth book of the other , and neere about this time it was that Galen liued , so as I verily beleeue he neuer or very seldome opened the bodies of men , I know that Riolan and Laurentius haue both of them zealously defended him against the Neotericks , who charge him with much weaknesse and ignorance in this Art , but I cannot obserue that either of them hath produced so much as one cleere passage out of any part of his workes , to proue that he euer so much as once opened the body of a man , dogges indeed , & swine , & apes it appeares he opened , & once an Elephant , but for his vsuall opening of mens bodies , in my minde they bring no sufficient proofes , which Laurentius himselfe well perceiuing , modestly concludes his answere to the first instance brought against Galen with a verisimile est , it is likely that he cut vp the bodies of men . But let vs passe on from the Iewes and Gentiles , to the Primitiue Christians who were ( as their workes shew ) professed adversaries to this practise . Tertullian in the fourth chapt . of his booke de anima , speaking of Herophilus , doubts whether he may call him medicum or lanium , a Physitian or a butcher , qui hominem odijt vt nosset saith he , who hated mankinde that he might know it , & S , Augustine de Civit. dei 22. 24. harpes much vpon the same string , Etsi medicorum diligentia nonnulla Crudelis quos anatomicos appellant lani●…uit corpora mortuorum : howbeit the ouer-diligent crueltie of some Physitians whom they call Anatomists hath butchered the bodies of the dead : And to like purpose is that of Boniface , the eigth extrauag . commun . lib. 3. tit . 6. cap. 1. where he seuerely threatens such with the thunderbold of excommunication irreuocable , but onely by the sea Apostolique , who exenterate dead bodies , and cut the flesh from the bones , mangling it into gobbets , quod non solum ( saith hee ) diuinae maiestatis conspectui abominabile plurimum redditur , sed etiam humanae considerationis obtutibus occurrit vehementius abhorrendum which is a practise abominable in the eyes both of God & men . Out of all which it appeares that this practise of anatomizing the dead bodies of men , so profitable to bring vs to the knowledge of our selues , and consequently of our maker , so necessarie to Physitians & Surgeans was neuer brought into the bodie of a perfect art , till this latter age . Nos multa quotidie prioribus seculis incognita obseruamus : wee obserue many things vtterly vnknowne to former ages : And this last age in truth hath yeelded men singular in this art ▪ Vesalius , Vassaeus , Varolius , Sylvius , Fallopius , Piceolhominaeus , Columbus , Riolanus , Laurentius , who followed Henry the fourth of France in his civill wars , and gained much experience by cutting vp the bodies of such as were slaine in the field , vt videatur haec Ars nunc summum perfectionis fastigium attigisse , they be his owne words , so as this Art now , & neuer before seemes to haue reached the very toppe of perfection . Neuer was it in any age so illustrated with liuely & exquisite pictures , so encouraged with stipends , so furnished with schooles , fitting instruments & all manner of helpes , and generally so honoured as it is at this day . And truely I haue often not a little wondred with my selfe , that an Vniversitie so famous in forraine parts as this of Oxford , was neuer to my knowledge provided of a publique Lecture in this kind , till now ; as neither was it for a garden of simples , now in good forwardnes by the noble munificence of the Heroicall Earle of Danbie , nor of a History Lecture , nor of an Arabique , though it were long since solemnly decreed in the Councill of Vienna , that this Vniversity , as likewise Paris , Bononia , Salamanca , & Rome ( which were vndoubtedly then accounted the principall Vniversities in Christendome ) should each of them haue maintained two professours in that language , as also in Chalde & Hebrew , Clementinarum , lib. 5. Tit. 1. cap. 1. Now for the knowledge of Simples , the other legge , as it were , vpon which Physicke stands , as Theophraestus was in many things amended by Plynie , & Plynie by Dioscorides , so hath Dioscorides himselfe by the happy travells of Ruellius , & Rouillius , & Leonardus Fuchsius , who in his Epistle to Ioachimus Marquis of Brandenburg , tels vs , that this part of Physicke was a while since so vtterly neglected & defaced , that , had not God raysed vp industrious and learned men to restore it , actum plane de Medicina Herbaria fuisset , it had beene vtterly lost : But Hermolaus Barbarus was hee , who by translating Dioscorides out of Greeke into Latine , & by adding his Corrolarium therevnto touching the same subject , first recouered the ancient lustre thereof . And since , by reason of the discouerie of many parts of the world vnknowne to the Ancients , many plants , gummes , drugges , & mineralls , are by Monaedus & others knowne to vs , which they neuer heard of . SECT . 5. Of the profitable vse of extractions , and the Paracelsian Physicke , either wholy vnknowne to the Ancients , or little practised by them TO the perfiting of the Anatomicall and reuiuing of the Botanicall art in this latter age ; may be added a new kinde of physicke professed by a new sect of Physitians , neuer heard of in the world before ; and altogether differing from the Ancients , as in name , in tearmes of art , so likewise in rules , in matter , in methode & manner of proceeding , aswell for doctrine as practise ▪ a founder it had ( if wee may credit himselfe ) descended of a noble and ancient familie among the Heluetians , the name which he giues himselfe Philippus , Theophrastus , Bombastus , ab Hoenhaim , or Paracelsus , by which name he is now commonly known ; borne hee was in or about the yeare 1494 , & died at Salisburge in Germanie in the yeare 1541 , being then but forty seaven ; a man strangely composed , as Bullinger , & Gesner , and Operinus , a citizen of Basile ( his bosome-friend & indiuiduall companion from some yeares ) haue characterized him : without learning , without civilitie , without religion , being neuer heard to pray , a great hater of women , and yet an excessiue louer of wine , exceedingly vaineglorious in his wordes & writings , & yet sordide in his apparell , & base in the company hee willingly made choise of , which for the most part were coach-men and carters , or bores of the countrey , & with these would hee sit vp drinking all night , and ( then seldome shifting himselfe ) cast himselfe downe on a bed to sleepe , prodigall he was in his expenses , yet seldome wanted money , & sometimes hauing not a pennie in his purse ouer night , hee would draw forth handfulls of gold in the morning , which made men beleeue hee had indeed the art of transmutation of mettals , & that hee carried with him the philosophers stone in the pommell of his sword , which hee alwayes wore : he spent sometime in most of the Vniversities in Christendome , consulting in matters of physicke with Doctours , Surgeans , keepers of bathes , wise women , Magitians , Alchimists , Monkes , and of all kind of people : And lastly , passing into Arabia , he there likewise spent tenne yeares more in the same studies , ( if wee may credit Bickerus in Hermete rediuiuo ) and so returning ( as hee there speakes ) loaden with the spoiles of the East ; he brought to light in these parts of the world the vse of Hermeticall , Spagyricall , or Chymicall physicke , ( as they tearme it . ) So as where Galen mentions in his time but three sects of physitians , Emperikes , Methodists , and Dogmatiques ; we haue now a fourth that goe vnder the name of Chymiques , Hermetiques , or Paracelsiaus , & a branch of them ( as I conceiue , is the order Roseae Crusis ) who treading in the steppes of their master , haue changed Aristotles 3 principles of naturall bodies , matter , forme , and priuation into Salt , Sulphur , and Mercury ; and from the seuerall temper of these three , they affirme all sicknesses and health to arise . I will not in all things vndertake the defence of them , neither can I if I would ; the trueth is , they magnifie themselnes too much , and ouervaluing themselues & their owne wits , & worth ; they too much disesteeme the precepts & practise of the Ancients ; yet it cannot be denied , but by reason of their artificiall extractions , seperations , and preparations of their medicines ; they haue had happy successe in the curing of some desperate diseases , which in former ages haue bin thought incurable ; and Paracelsus himselfe , euen by the acknowledgment of his aduersaries , wrought wonders in the speedie healing of inveterate & festered vlcers , for that hee was able by meere art to make Homunculos little men , or to raise the dead to life , or to prolong the life of a man to some thousands of yeares , ( as he vainely boasteth of himselfe ) is I confesse no part of my Creede . Well then , leauing their vanities to themselues , I doubt not but the most learned Physitians of this age who sticke most to Galen , ( if they be not led with faction or fancie , but with iudgement , reason , & experience ) will easily confesse at times a profitable vse of the Paracelsian extractions in their practise , as being lesse loathsome , & cumbersome , & withall more actiue & vigorous , more spiritfull & operatiue ; as on the other side it must be graunted , that being applied without good aduise and moderation , they cannot but proue dangerous , by reason of their peircing & searching nature ; so as the joyning of the Galenicall & Paracelsian Physicke together , making vse of thē both as occasion serues , is by 1 Audernacus , 2 Sennertus , 3 Quercitan , & some others of best note , held the best and safest course . I cannot heere omit Quercitanes words to this purpose : Si Hiprocrates , vel Aristoteles , vel ipse etiam Galenus nunc reuiuisceret , obstupesceret certe tot ornamentis artem hanc adauctam atque illustratam , tot novis inventis ditatam , tot mirificis operationibus confirmatam : If Hippocrates , or Aristotle●… or Galel himselfe were now aliue , they would wonder to see this art inlarged & beautified with so many ornaments , enriched with so many new inventions , confirmed by so many strange practises & experiments . Wherevpon he infers , verissimum itaque est quod sapientum quidam medicorum nostri seculi ait , creurunt cum ingenijs & ipsae scientiae artesque magna & incredibilia incrementa sumpserunt : It is most true , which one of the wisest Physitians of our age affirmes , together with good wits the sciences sprang vp , and the Arts are incrediblely inproued . CAP. 8. Touching History , Poetry , and the Art Military . SECT . 1. That the modernes farre exceeded the Ancients in Chronologie and Cosmographie the two eyes of History . AS the two legges of Physicke are Anatomie and Herbarie , so the two eyes of History are Chronologie and Topographie , computation of times , and description of places : in both which it is certaine , that the Modernes haue so farre exceeded the Ancients , as these seeme to haue seene nothing in a manner in regard of them . First then for Chronologie , how dimsighted are the Ancients in the computation of times , how miserably doe they wander vp and downe in the darke , and knock their heads each against other , and how excellently haue latter Writers , and specially Ioseph Scaliger in that most elaborate worke of his de emendatione Temporum , cleered those mists , and chaced away that darknesse . It is to this purpose a notable speech of Causabons , Scientia temporum quantoperè fuerit post renatas liter as exculta , quàm admiranda acceperit incrementa , asinus est qui ignorat inter literatos , malignus & beneficiorū dei ingratus aestimator qui dissimulat , stupenda enim sunt quae summi viri in nostra praesertim Gallia & Germania praestiterunt . He that knows not how much the knowledge of times hath beene laboured since the new birth of good letters , among the learned , can be held but an asse , and he who dissembles it , envious and an ingratefull vnder-valuer of Gods blessings towards this age : admirable things they are which in this kinde men of note haue atchieued , specially in our France and Germany . The learned workes in Chronologie of Funccius , Buntingius , Bucholcerus , Helvicus , Calvisius , Genebrardus , Gordonus , Salianus , Torniellus , and our English Lively ( of whose skill in Chronologie the same Causabon makes honorable mention cont . Bar. Exer. 16. n. 13. their workes , I say , published to the world , make his words good , and fully testifie what he there affirmes ▪ Now for Topographie , the other eye of History , Strabo often , and that deservedly censures Eratostenes , Hipparchus , Polybius , Possidonius , the gravest Authors among the Ancients , and Ptolomie sharply takes vp Marinus Tyrius , though otherwise a diligent Writer : yet both Strabo & Ptolomy themselues , if they be compared with our latter Geographers , Hondius , Mercator , Thevet , Merula , Ortelius , Maginus , how defectiue , how imperfect will they be found . The ignorance of former ages in this point was so grosse , that what time Pope Clement the sixth , as we read in Robert of Auesbury , had elected Lewis of Spaine to be Prince of the Fortunate Ilands , & for to aide & assist him , mustered Souldiers in France & Italy , our Countrey-men were verily perswaded that he was chosen Prince of Brittaine , as one ( sayth he ) of the Fortunate Ilands : yea and our very Ligier Embassadors there with the Pope , were so deepely settled in this opinion , that forthwith they with-drew themselues from Rome , & hasted with all speed into England , there to certifie their Countreymen and friends of the matter : Yet that which to me seemeth more strange , is that those two learned Clearkes Lactantius and Augustine , should with that earnestnesse deny the being of any Antipodes . Their words are worth the noting , thereby to see their confidence and eagernesse in the maintenance of so evident a mistake . Quid illi , saith Lactantius , qui esse contrarios vestigijs nostris Antipodes putant , num aliquid loquuntur ? aut est quisquam tam ineptus qui credat esse homines quorum vestigia sunt superiora quam capita ? aut ibi quae apud nos jacent inversa pendere ? fruges & arbores deorsum versus crescere , pluvias , & nives , & grandinem sursum versus cadere in terram ? & miratur aliquis hortos pensiles inter septem mira narrari , quam Philosophi & agros , & maria , & vrbes , & montes pensiles faciunt ? What shall we thinke of them who giue out there are Antipodes , that walke opposite to vs , doe they speake any thing to the purpose , or is there any so blockish as to beleeue there are men whose feet are higher then their heads , or that those things there hang , which with vs lye on the ground ? that the plants and trees spring downeward , that the snow and raine , and haile fall vpward vpon the earth ? & need any man marvell that hanging gardens are counted in the number of the seuen wonders of the world , since the Philosophers haue made both fields and seas , cities and mountaines all hanging . Lactantius is herein seconded by Augustine : Quod verò & Antipodes esse fabulantur , id est homines à contraria parte terrae vbi sol oritur quandò occidit nobis , adversa pedibus nostris calcare vestigia , nullâ ratione credendum est . Their fable of the Antipodes , that is , men dwelling in the opposite part of the earth where the Sunne rises when it sets to vs , hauing their feete opposite to ours , is a matter altogether incredible , & by no meanes to be beleeued . But Zachary Bishop of Rome , and Boniface Bishop of Mentz , led ( as it seemes ) by the authority of these Fathers , went farther herein , condemning one Virgilius a Bishop of Saltzburg as an Heretique onely for holding that there were Antipodes . But time and travell haue now discovered the contrary so evidently , that we may aswell doubt the being of a Sun in the firmament as the experimentall cleerenes of this truth . And as evident it is now likewise found to bee by certaine experience , that vnder the middle or burning Zone ) which the Ancients by means of excessiue heate , held altogether inhabitable ) there is as healthfull , temperate , and pleasant dwelling as any-where in the world , as appeares by the relations of Benzo , Acosta , and others . Besides the Ancients ( as it seemes ) were altogether ignorant of the new World discovered in the yeare 1492 by Columbus , now knowne by the name of America or the West-Indies , whatsoeuer from Platoes Atlantis , or Salomons Ophir be slightly pretended to the contrary : yet I confesse I haue often wondred not a little at Senecaes bold prepheticall spirit touching that Discovery . Venient annis Secula seris , Quibus Oceanus Vincula rerum Laxet , & ingens Pateat tellus , Typhisque novos Detegat orbes , Nec sit terris Vltima Thule , In latter times an age shall rise Wherein the Ocean shall the bands Of things enlarge : there shall likewise New Worlds appeare , and mighty Lands Typhis discouer , then Thule The Worlds end shall no longer be . This prophesie wee haue found fulfilled not onely in the discovery of those vast Regions before vnknowne , but in opening by meanes of Navigation , and the helpe of the Compasse euery creeke and corner of the habitable World , worth the knowing : so that now it hath , & neuer before had it thorow lights made in it . Nay particular countreyes haue bin of late yeares most exactly described by several Writers . The Netherlands by Lewis Guicciardine , Great Brittaine by the renowned Camden , & the like by others . Neither haue there wanted some who haue descended to Provinces and Shires , Master Carew to the survay of Cornewall , & Master Lambert to the perambulation of Kent , and Master Burton to the description of Lecestershire : yea particular Cities , Rome , Venice , Paris , London , & the Houses of great Princes haue found their particular Maps & delineations so fully & perfectly expressed , that a man who neuer saw them but in representation , may now speake as particularly of them , as if he had beene borne and bred in them . SECT . 2. That the defect of the Ancients in Naturall & Ecclesiasticall history is iustly corrected by the moderns , & in Civill history the moderns are matched with the Ancients : And of the knowledge of weights and measures , and the true valuation of coinès recovered and restored by latter Writers , which thorow the neglect of former ages had well nigh perished . THe bodie of History branches it selfe into History Naturall , Ecclesistasticall , & Civill . For the first it is most certaine , that euen Aristotle himselfe and Pliay were ignorant of many things , and wrote many not onely vncertaine , but now convinced of manifest errour and absurdity , Conradus Gesnerus hath laboured this part of History most industriously : but others who haue vndertaken severall peeces of this burden more exactly , Some of birds , de animalibus insectis , crustaceis , testaceis , Zoophytis , as Aldrouandinus . Some of fishes , as Rondoletius , some of Bathes as Baccius , and Blanthellus , some of Mettals , as Georgius Agricola , and some of plants and vegetables , as Mathiolus , Ruellius , Fuchius , to whom may be added the commendable paines of Gerrard in our owne language . And some others againe purposely of some one particular kinde of beasts , or birdes , or fishes , or plants , or bathes , or mettals . History Ecclesiasticall hath likewise beene shamefully abused by thrusting into it many fabulous narrations of the liues of Saints and deaths of Martyrs . Baronius , and before him the Magdeburgians , haue both very diligently , though with different purposes travelled heerein ; in somuch that now betweene them both , we haue made vp a compleate history of the Church , which former ages neuer saw . Civill history indeed the Graecians & Romans excelled in , but with much partiality on both sides , & many speches they haue put into the mouths of Commanders & others meerely fained , & besides they lay in darkenes & obscurity , for the space of many hūdred yeares together , till this latter age , in which they were not only drawn into the light , but aemulated & equalled . Cornelius Tacitus somuch magnified , Sr Henry Savill sharply censures for his stile , taking occasion frō those words in the life of Agri cola , bonum virum facile crederes , magnum libenter : at te ( saith hee ) Corneli Tacite bonum historicum facile credimus , bonum oratorem crederemus libēter , were it not for this & some other sayings of the like making : Fuit illi viro , sayth Tacitus ( iudging of Seneca as we may of him ) ingenium amaenum , & temporis illius auribus accommodatum : How that age was eared long or round I cannot define , but sure I am it yeelded a kinde of sophisticate eloquence & riming harmonie of words , where-vnder was small matter in sense ; when there seemed to be most in appearance , and diverse instances he brings out of Tacitus ; and as Sr Henry Savill taxes him for his phrase , so doth Strada for his history , in that not content with bare relations he adds of his owne coniectures , animadversions , interpretations of actions , sometimes savouring of detraction , sometimes of flatterie , and for the most part , as it best serued his turne , to make way for the displaying of his wit in his politicall obseruations and precepts , as he shewes by diverse passages taken out of him , accusing him likewise of irreligion : and with Strada heerein accords Lipsius , who calls Tacitus immemorem , secumque pugnantem , vnmindfull of what he had said , and crossing himselfe : Bonamicus , sectantem veri speciem relicta veritate , a follower of the shadow of trueth , leauing the truth it selfe : Caesar Baronius who convinces him of envie , & lying : Tom. 1. Annal. lib. 21. cap. 24 as likewise d●…th Marsilius Ficinus de Christiana religione , cap. 35. and Dion nepos in vita probi Imperatoris . And to passe by others , Tertullian , who liued in the next age after him , stiles him mendaciorum loquacissimum , a lowd lyar ; and in trueth his vaine and fabulous narration touching the Iewes , in the last booke of his historie , together with his virulency against the Christians , annal . 15. 10. shew him to haue bin none other , whatsoeuer he pretend to the contrary : But I leaue him and descend to moderne Historiographers . Sr Walter Rawleigh , for so farre as he hath gone in the history of the world , is matchable with the best of the Ancients . Francis Guicciardine , Comines , Thuanus not inferiour to any : and the particular histories of most countreys , haue receiued , as it were , new light & fresh colours in this latter age . The Spanish from Mariana , & Turquet ; the French from Peter Mathew , & Du Serres , the high Dutch from Paulus Iouius & Sleidan the low Dutch from Meteranus , the Scottish from Buchanan , the Irish from Stannihurst , the Sicilian from Fazelus , the Turkish from Knoles , and for our owne storie , it lay dispersed in the narrations of seuerall writers , & those for the most part Monkes , till Polidor Virgill collected it into one bodie : but in my iudgement Sr Henry Savill and Mr Camden haue better deserued , by presenting vs the Authours themselues in two seuerall volumes : Some peeces heereof wee haue very well done in our owne language , as the three Norman Kings , & Henry the fourth by Dr Hayward : Edward the fifth , or rather Richard the 3 by Sr Thomas More ; Henry the seventh by my Lord of S. Albanes ; the life of Q. Elizabeth by M. Camden since translated . Neither haue there beene wanting such as haue written , and that very commendablely the liues of particular men , eminent for vertue , or learning , or place . Onuphrius & Cicarella come nothing short of Anastasius and Platina in the liues of the Popes . The liues of the Emperours , Petrus Mexias hath well performed . Serrarius of the Archbishops of Mentz , and Mathew Parker Archbishop of Canterbury of his predecessours . Barlet hath with good approbation published the life of Scanderbegge , and Catena of Pius Quintus , Doctour Humphreys of Bishop Iewell , and Sir George Paule of Archbishop Whitegift : and it were to be wished that this kinde of history were more in vse , aswell for the honour of the deceased , as the incitement of the liuing ; in which kinde Theuet , and Paulus Iouius , and the right Reverend father in God Doctour Godwin , now Bishop of Hereford , deserue both praise and imitation . An appendix of historie is the right valuation of weights , and measures , and coynes , which though they were doubtles knowen to the Ancients who vsed them ; yet since for many ages past , the knowledge of them hath much growne out of vse , and was in a manner lost ; which bred a marveilous great mistake and confusion in historie , vntill by the worthy paines of Budaeus , Gesnerus , Alciatus , Glarianus , Agricola , Villalpandus , Mariana , and our learned Countrey-man Edward Brierwood , late professour of Astronomie in Gresham Colledge , it was againe regained and restored : And if any desire to see all that haue written of this subiect , I referre him to Gaspar Wolphius his treatise , intituled Virorum illustrium alphabetica enumeratio qui de ponderibus ac mensurarum doctrina scripserunt . SECT . 3. A Comparison betweene the Greeke & Latine , as also betweene the ancienter & latter Latine Poets , and those that haue written in other languages , and that poetry as other arts hath fallen and risen againe in this latter age . TOuching Poetrie for the inventiue part thereof , Sir Phillip Sydneyes Arcadia is in my judgement nothing inferiour to the choisest peece among the Ancients , & for the Poets themselues it is true of the most ancient , both among the Greekes & Latines which Bartas hath of Marrot . Thee Marrot I esteeme euen as an old Colosse All soyled , broken , ouergrowen with mosse , Worne picture , Tombe defac'd , not for fine worke I see , But in deuoute regard of their antiquity . Volcatius Sedigitus hauing named nine of the Romane Comedians , adds in the close of all . — Decimum addo antiquitatis causà Ennium . Ennius as tenth I add Because he ancient'st is . This controuersie being , it seemes on foote in Horace his time , ( as in all ages it hath bin ) he wittily demaunds this question . Si meliora dies vt vina poemata reddat , Scire velim pretium chartis quotus arroget annus . If as time betters wine it betters Poems too , Tell me how many yeares doth giue them price enough . And in the end concludes , Qui veteres ita miratur laudatque Poetas Vt nihil anteferat , nihil illis comparet , errat . Who prayses & admires old Poets much doth erre , If nought he dare compare , or nought to them preferre . Hercules Ciophanus witnesseth , that Planudes well knowing that Grecce had not a Poeme so abounding with delight & beauty , as Ovids Metamorphosis translated it into that language . And generally the Lattine Poets , who came after the Greeke in time , are notwithstanding by Scaliger preferred before them ; And by name Virgill before Homer , Virgilius artem ab eo rudem acceptam lectioris naturae studijs atque iudicio ad summum extulit fastigium perfectionis : Virgill receiuing from him an vnpolisht art by the studie & judgement or a choiser temper , raysed it to the vtmost point of perfection . And againe , Equidem vnum illum censeo sciuisse quid esset non ineptire , vnum esse inter omnes vnicum , singulis autem instar omnium . Truely I thinke hee onely knew what it was not to trifle , that he was the only one amongst them all , and insteed of all beeing compared with any one . To which I know not what can bee added , except that of Macrobius exceed it : Haec est Maronis gloria vt nullius laudibus crescat , nullius vituperatione minuatur : This is Virgills commendation , that a man can neither adde to him by praysing him , nor take from him by dispraysing him : Yet if I should match him with Ariosto or Torquato Tasso in Italian , Bartas in French , or Spencer in English , I thinke I should not much wrong htm . Of the latter of which , our great Antiquary in the life of Q. Elizabeth anno 1598 , giues this testimony , Musis adeo arridentibus natus , vt omnes Anglicos superioris aeui poetas ( ne Chaucero quidem conciue excepto ) superaret , he was borne so farre in favour of the Muses , that he excelled all the English Poets of former ages , not excepting Chaucer himselfe his fellow citizen . And among the Latine Poets , as they began their infancie or child-hood in Liuius Andronicus , Ennius , Accius , Pacuvius , Neuius , Plautus ; so they came to their full strength in Terence , Catullus , Tibullus , Ouid , Horace , Virgill , plus est exacti iudicij in vna Comaedia Terēttana quam in Plautinis omnibus , there is more exa●… judgement in one of Terence his Comedies , then in all those of Pla●…s . They declined in Martiall , Iuvenall , Silius , Statius : grew old in Serenus , Sidonius , Severinus , Ausonius ; but sprang vp and reflourished againe in Palingenius , Aonius , Politianus , Cerratus , Vida , Pontanus , Sanazarus , Fracastorius ; Quos cum quovis veterum compares , multis & non ignobilibus anteponas , saith the same Scaliger , whom a man may safely compare with any of the Ancients , and preferre before many of them , and those not of the lowest ranke . Crinitus his censure of the Latin Poets differs not much from this of Scaligers : and Famianus Strada hath so well both censured & imitated the chiefe of them , that hee comes nothing short of the Authors themselues , which is the more to bee wondred at ; in that therein he is to act so different parts , & to apply himself to so different vaines ; nay his imitation of Claudian in expressing a controversie between a Lutist and a Nightingale for quicknes and life , may without prejudice be equalled with any thing that Antiquity can boast of in that kinde . It is true that ( Mantuan excepted ) few of the Monkes or Fryars , ( who were counted the onely Schollers for a while ) excelled in Poetry , for the most part they only delighted in rhyming , without either sharpnesse of wit , or neatnesse of stile , and sometimes they wanted all three : witnesse those poore verses vpon Venerable Bede . Presbyter hic Beda requiescit carne sepultus , Dona Christe animam in coelis gaudere per aevum , Daque illi Sophiae d'ebriari fonte cui jam Suspiravit ovans intentus semper amore . Presbyter Bedes corse rests buried in this graue ; Grant Christ his soule in Heauen eternall joyes may haue : Giue him of to be drunke the well of wisedome , to Which with such joy and loue he striu'd and breathed so . Which verses William of Malmesburie , though himselfe a Monke , bitterly censures , as being shamefull ones , vnworthy the monument of so worthy a man : Neither can the shame , saith he , be lessned by any kinde of excuse , that in the Monasterie , which whiles he liued , flourished as a Schoole of good letters , not a man could be found to commend his memory to posterity , but in so barren & slender a stile : Yet were these tollerable verses in regard of those which passed with applause in succeeding ages , the famous King Ethelbert had this Epitaph set vpon him . Rex Ethelbertus hic clauditur in poliandro , Fana pians certus Christo meat absque Meandro . King Ethelbert lyeth here Clos'd in this Polyander , For building Churches sure he goes To CHRIST without Maeander . Gervasius de Blois , son to King Stephen , and Abbot of Westminster , was there buried with this , De Regum genere pater hic Gervasius ecce Est & defunctus , mors rapit omne genus . Even father Gervase borne of Kings race , Loe is dead , thus death all sorts doth deface . Vpon the Great Seale of Edward the Confessor was this verse ing●…en , Sigillum Eaduuardi , Anglorum Basilei . But I most pity the mishap of Francis Petrarch a man of singular learning & himselfe an excellent Poet as those times afforded , that his bones could finde no better an Epitaph then this at Arqua in Italy . Frigida Francisci lapis hic tegit ossa Petrarchae Suscipe virgo parens animam , sate virg●…ne parce Fessaque jam terris coeli requiesc●…t in 〈◊〉 ▪ This stone doth couer the cold bones of ●…anc . Petrarch , Thou Virgin Mother take his soule , thou Christ pardon grant , Now weary of the earth he rests in Heauens Arke . But when together with the regeneration of other kindes of learning Poetrie likewise grew in request , among an infinite number which excelled in this kinde , I will onely instance in two , Ronsard & Buchanan : of the former of which Pasquier hath written this singular Epigram . Seu tibi numeri Maroniani , Seu placent Veneres Catulli●… , Sive tu lepidum velis Petrarcham , Siue Pindaricos modos referre , Ronsardus numeros Maronianos , Ronsardus Veneres Catullianas , Neonon Italicum refert Petrarcham , Neonon Pindari●…um refert leporem . Quin & tam benè Pinda●…●…mulatur , Quin & tam variè expr●…mit Petrarcham , Atque Virgilium , & meum Catullum Hunc ipsum vt magis aemulentur illi : Rursus tam graviter refert Maronem , Vt nullus putet hunc Catullianum . Rursus tam lepidè refert Catullum , Vt nullus putet hunc Maronianum , Et cùm sit Maro totus & Catullus , Totus Pindarus , & Petrarcha totus , Ronsardus tamen est sibi perennis , Quod si nunc redivivus extet vnus Catullus , Maro , Pindarus , Petrarcha , Et quotquot veteres fuere vates , Ronsardum nequeant simul referre Vnus qui reliquos refert Poetas . Whether thee Maro's number please , Or elegant Catullus vaine , Or Petrarchs Thuscan gracefulnesse , Or Theban Pindars lofty straine : Ronsard doth Maro's rimes expresse ; And elegant Catullus vaine , And Petrarchs Thuscan gracefulnesse , And Theban Pindars lofty straine . He so expresseth Pindars stile , So doth Catullus emulate , Virgil and Petrarch , that the while They all seeme him to imitate . Graue Maro he resembles so , None would him thinke Catullian : So elegant Catullus too ; None would him thinke Maronian , Though all Catullus , all Virgill , All Pindar he and Petrarch be , Yet the same Ronsard is he still . Maro , Catullus might we see , Pindar or Petrarch liue againe , And all th' old Poets more or lesse All joyntly hit not Ronsards vaine , Who onely doth them all expresse . To which we may adde Pithaeus his Epitaph vpon the same Ronsard . Summe poetarum quos prisca & nostra tulerunt Quosque ferent Galli●… posthuma saecla tuis : Parce nec ista tibi veluti data justa putato Sed tanquam summis manibus inferias . Greatest of Poets whom old or present times , Or future to thy French shall ere bring forth , Pardon , these are not rights fitting thy worth . But to thy great ghost like some sprinkling rimes . Of the latter Ioseph Scaliger giues this testimonie , Namque ad supremum perducta poetica culmen In te stat , nec quo progrediatur habet : Bomani imperij fuit olim Scotia limes , Romani eloquij-Scotia limes erit . Vnto the highest pitch hast thou advanced Poetrie , Rais'd to the height in thee it stands , and higher cannot flie . Scotland sometime the limit was of Roman Empirie , By thee of Roman eloquence Scotland the bound shall be . SECT . 4. In military matters the Romans exceeded the Graecians , and haue themselues beene matched , if not surpassed in latter ages , in weapons , in fortifications , in stratagems , but specially in sea-fights . THough Mars and the Muses haue little affinity , and seldome lodge together , yet will I not feare to joyne the Art Military next to Poetrie . And though the knowledge hereof belong not to my Profession , yet I dare say , it will not be gainsaid , but as Alexander herein exceeded his Predecessours , so did Iulius Caesar him : & generally the Romans the Graecians ; yet a worthy Knight and expert Captaine himselfe demaunding the question , whether was the better Souldier , the Graecian or Roman , makes answere the Englishman . And truly I thinke , he who well considers what noble acts Edward the third , the blacke Prince his son , and Henry the fifth performed in France , and vpon what tearmes & conditions , with what numbers , and against what enimies , will easily beleeue , that he spake not somuch out of affection as judgement : The Grecian built his glory and erected his triumphs of victorie & trophies of honour , vpon the delicacie of the Persian and nakednes of the Indian , and the Romane for the most part , vpon the diuision & rudenesse of poore barbarous nations ; but the English his ; vpon the ruines of a stout warlike , & every way accomplished Nation : And for Caesar himselfe , if I should parallell him with Charlemaigne , Hnnniades , Tamerlane , Castriot , Ziska , or the great Henry of France , I thinke I should not disparage him . Of which latter Pythaeus , comparing him with the great Alexander , hath composed his Epigram . Cui palma vestrum deferatur bellica Certavit orbis , resque stetit anceps diu , Sed mors secundum ; Henrice , te litem dedit Fe●…itque primum & vltimum simul ducem . Which of you twaine the warlike palme should weare Hath the world stroue , and long bin at a pause , But death O Harry gaue to thee the cause Both first & last of captaines name to beare . The armour & weapons now vsed in the warres , aswell for offence as defence , are nothing inferiour to the Ancient , nay many of them are doubtles more commodious , & some much more terrible : what childish weapons were the long-bow & crosse-bow , if we regard annoyance of the enimie , in comparison of the Gunne & great Ordinance : and yet nothing so many are now slaine in the warres as then : so as the present are both of more readie dispatch , and for the most part in conclusion of the warre lesse bloodie . I am not ignorant that discourses haue beene written by souldiers on both sides , some preferring the bow before the gunne , others the gunne before the bow , but the latter haue beene by the most judicious preferred before the former , and time & experience haue found their judgement true . But for the matter of Fortification , there is no question , but this age exceedes any that hath gone before it , as far as we can trace the prints and footsteps of Antiquity . It being now brought into Art , the professours whereof we name Ingeners , a word vnknowne to our Ancestours , at least in that sence : But the Italians are they who in this Art haue shewed themselues most skilfull , aswell in the precepts as practise thereof , and haue carried away the Bell from all other Nations , as may appeare both by their bookes and workes . And for Stratagems of warre , whether we take them in their projects or effects , I conceiue those of latter ages to be nothing inferiour to those of auncient times ; howsoeuer Policaenus & Iulius Frontinus in their seuerall bookes of that subiect be pleased to admire them : What a blunt invention was that of the Trojane horse , in comparison of the surprise of Amiens by the Spaniard ; or of Breda by the states of the vnited Provinces , in the Netherlands ; or the disordering of the Spanish fleate , by Sir Francis Drake in 88 : But that recorded by Sir Walter Rawleigh in the fourth booke of his first part of the History of the world , and acted in Queen Maries time , is in my judgement matchable to any that euer yet I heard or read of . He thus relates it : The Iland of Sarke joyning to Garnesay , and of that gouernment , was surprised by the French , & could neuer haue beene recouered againe by strong hand , hauing corne and cattell enough vpon the place , to feede so many men as would serue to defend it ; and being every way so vnaccessable , as it might bee held against the great Turke ; yet by the industry of a Gentleman of the Netherlands , it was in this sort regained : He anchored in the roade with one ship of small burden , & pretending the death of his Merchant , besought the French , being some thirty in number , that they might burie their Merchant in hallowed ground , & in the Chappell of that Isle ; offering a present to the French of such commodities as they had aboard : Whereto ( with condition that they should not come a shore with any weapon , no not somuch as with a knife ) the French men yeelded : Then did the Flemings put a coffin into their boate , not filled with a dead carkasse , but with swords , Targets , and Harquebushes . The French receiued them at their landing , & searching every of them so narrowly , as they could not hide a penknife , gaue them leaue to draw their coffin vp the rocks with great difficultie ; some part of the French tooke the Flemish boate and rowed aboard the shippe to fetch the commodities promised , & what else they pleased ; but being entred , they were taken and bound . The Flemings on the land , when they had carried their coffin into the Chappell , shut the doore to them , and taking their weapons out of the coffin , set vpon the French : they runne to the cliffe and crie to their company aboard the Fleming to come to succour , but finding the boate charged with Flemings , yeelded themselues and the place . Lastly , for Sea-fight , this age vndoubtedly surpasseth the Ancient , theirs being but boyes play in comparison of ours . What poore things were their Gallies to our ships , their pikes and stone-bowes & slings , to our Canon & musket-shot ; how vntowardly the managing of their vessels , in regard of that skill , which latter ages haue found out & practised : And heerein I dare match our owne Nation ( if perchaunce the Hollander haue not gotten the start of vs ) with any in the world : only it were to be wished , that some worthy pen would vndertake the reducing of these kindes of fights into an Art , as many haue done the land-seruice , by setting downe rules and precepts for it , gathered out of obseruation : Sir Richard Hawkins hath done somewhat in this kinde , but brokenly and glancingly , intending chiefely a discourse of his owne voyages : Sir Walter Rawleigh tels vs in his history of the world , that himselfe had entred vpon such a worke , at the commaund of Prince Henry , but vpon his death put it by : The intendment was noble , and the writer doubtles very able ; so as it were to be wished , that those peeces & fragments which he left behind him , touching that subiect , were sought vp & brought to light , that they might serue , if not for sufficient directions in matter of practise ; yet for patterns & delineations to such as would farther advance & perfect so worthy a businesse ; there being no one thing ( as I conceiue ) which can be more important for the state , or more concerne the safety and wellfare of this Iland . CAP. 9. Touching Grammar , Rhetorique , Logicke , the Mathematiques , Philosop , by Architecture , the Arts of Painting and Navigation . SEC . 1. Touching Grammar , Rhetorique , and Logicke . BVt leauing these considerations to Souldiers , let vs returne to our owne Element , taking a view of the liberall sciences , among which Grammar deseruedly challenges the first ranke , as being indeede the key that opens the doore to the rest . This latter age hath heerein excelled so farre , that all the great learned Schollers , who haue of late risen , specially if they adhered to the reformed Churches , haue beene by the Fryers , & such like people , in a kind of scorne tearmed Grammarians : But these Grammarians are they , who by the helpe of Phylologie , & the languages haue discouered so many forgeries & supposititious writings , now by all acknowledged so to be , which before passed as currant , aswell in the workes of the Fathers of the Church , as prophane Authours . These are they , who haue presented vs with so many exact Translations out of Greeke & Hebrew into Latine , and againe out of Latine into other languages . And howsoeuer Albericus Gentilis , & some others haue written in defence of the Latinity of that translation of the Bible , which goes vnder the name of the Vulgar ; yet can it not be denyed , but it is justly accused of much incongruity & barbarisme , which by latter Translations haue beene reformed . These are they , who haue vindicated infinite Authours from a number of foule corruptions , which by tract of time had crept vpon them , thorow the ignorance or negligence of Transcribers or Printers or both : So that they haue herein in a manner restored the Authours to themselues , making them speake in their owne words & sence ; and besides by annotations , animadversions , commentaries & expositions , by the search & helpe of coynes , old Epitaphs , inscriptions , & such like remainders of Antiquity , haue further added a marveilous great light vnto them . In the next place , Rhetorique presents it selfe , which in trueth was brought to the height amongst the Graecians & Romans , specially whiles their states remained popular : But in the generall declination & decay of Arts which followed after , this likewise was well neere extinguished , that little life of it which remained , being reserued onely in the predicancie of Postillers , or the patheticall sermons of Fryers , till Sadoletus , Bembus , Muretus , & others reuiued & reduced it to its auncient lustre . Logicke indeed is it , wherein we are thought to be most defectiue in regard of former ages ; and it is true , that the Schoole-men had set their stocke , the vtmost of their endeavours vpon this part of learning , their whole life being in a manner little else but a perpetuall wrangling and altercation , & that many times rather for victory & ostentation of wit , then a sober & serious search of truth : so as their entrance being vaine , their end was likewise fruitlesse . What huge volumes haue they compiled of the Predicables & Predicaments ? as if in them consisted the very spirit & soule of Logicke ; whereas in truth they are rather an Appendix or preparatiue vnto it , then part of it . By which meanes they kept men so long in the porch , that they entred not into the house till it was more then time to goe out of it . Latter ages finding this intollerable inconvenience haue well compacted the body of this Art into a lesser compasse , ( yet so as Aristotles Text is not to be neglected ) and to this body haue they not improperly added the doctrine of Methods as a necessary limbe thereof : whereas we doe not find that anciently , it was so held either by the Founders or principall Masters of this science , or at leastwise they haue left vs no sufficient Rules and precepts touching this most vsefull part . Euen Hooker himselfe ( though otherwise no friend to Ramystry ) acknowledgeth that it is of marvellous quicke dispatch , shewing them that haue it as much almost in three dayes , as if it dwelt three score yeares with them : and againe , that the mind of man is thereby restrained , which through curiositie , doth many times with perill wade farther in the search of truth then were convenient . And for Raymundus Lullius ( a man it seemes of a strong braine ) some great wits are of opinion , that by his ars breuis greater matters may in the sciences be more speedily effected , then by any helpes of the ancients that went before him . SECT . 2. Touching Astronomie and Geometrie , as also the Physicks and Metaphysicks . FOr the Mathematiques , Regio-Montanus might in Ramus his iudgement safely enough compare with the best of the Ancients : Noriberga tum Regiomontano fruebatur , Mathematici inde & studij & operis gloriam tantam adepta , vt Tarentum Archyta , Syracusae Archimedi Bizantium Proclo , Alexandria Ctesybio non justius quam Noriberga Regio-Montano gloriari possit : Then did Norinberg injoy Regio-Montanus , and from thence purchased so great honour both of the study & practice of the Mathematiques , that Tarentum could not more justly glory in Archytas , nor Syracuse in Archimedes , nor Bizantium in Proclus , nor Alexandria in Ctesybius , then might Norinberg in Regio-Montanus . I will onely touch the two most noble parts thereof , Astronomy & Geometry . It was the opinion of the greatest part of the Ancients , not only Grecians , Egyptians , Arabians , & Hebrewes , but many Doctours of the Christian Church , as appeares by Espencaeus in his Treatise de Coelorum animatione , that the Heavens , or at least the stars were liuing bodies , informed with quickening soules . It was likewise the opinion of Origen , & Chrysostome , & his Master Eusebius Emissenus , that the stars were not fixed in the Heauens , as nailes in a Cart wheele , or knots in a peece of timber , but moued in it as fishes in the Sea , or birdes in the Aire . Nay Philastrius goes so farre , as to condemne the opinion of their fixednesse for an heresie : Multi scriptores Ecclesiastici coeli rotunditatem non modo negârunt , sed etiam sacris literis adversari existimârunt , saith Pererius in his second booke and third question vpon Genesis ; many of the Ecclesiasticall Writers not onely denyed the sphaericall or circular figure of the Heauens , but were of opinion that it crossed the holy Scriptures . S. Augustine himselfe in diverse places seemes to make a doubt of it ; but Chrysostome in his Homilies vpon the epistle to the Hebrewes dare challenge any that should defend it , & herein is hee followed by Theodoret and Theophilact . But these fancies are now so generally cryed downe , that to reviue them would be counted no lesse then folly , and to defend them absurdity . In how many things are Aratus & Eudoxus corrected by Ptolomy , & Ptolomy himself by Regiomontanus , Alphonsus , Purbachius , Copernicus : & they again by Clavius , Tycho-Braye , Galilaeus , Kepler , and others . It was the errour of Aristotle ; that via lactea was a meteor , & not only of Aristotle , but almost all before him that there were but eight Celestiall Spheares ; after this Timocaris about 330 yeares before Christ found out nine , but about the yeare of Christ 1250 , Alphonsus discovered ten , and the receiued opinion now is , that there are eleuen , the highest of all being held immoveable , the seat of Angels & blessed spirits . And thus we see how Truth is the daughter of Time , how one day teacheth another , and one night certifieth another ; which is likewise verified in the admirable invention of composing the Ephemerides , vnknowne to Ptolomy & the Ancients , who for want of the vse of it were forced by Tables to make their supputations in a most toylesome manner , who was the first inventor thereof I am not certaine , saith Cardan de rerum varietate lib. 11. cap. 59 : but Purbachius was the first who seemes to haue brought it to light , after whom Regiomontanus inlarged it , but Zelandinus and others to haue perfected it , ita vt jam nihil desiderari posse videatur , nothing seemes to bee wanting to it . The like may be said of Geometry , I will instance onely in one demonstration , which is the Quadrature of a Circle . This Aristotle in diverse places calls scibile but not scitum , a thing that might be knowne , but as then not knowne , in asmuch as the meanes of finding it out , though much laboured , yet was it in his time vnknowne among the Ancients : Antiphon , Bryse , Hippocrates , Euclide , Archimede , Apollonius , Porus travelled long & earnestly in the discovery hereof , but Buteo in a book written of purpose , hath accurately discovered their errours herein . And Pancirollus in his nova reperta tels vs , that annis abhinc plus minus triginta Ars ista fuit inventa , quae mirabile quoddam secretum in se continet : about thirty yeares since was that Art found out , which containes in it wonderfull secrets ; & to shew that it is indeed found out , he there makes demonstration of it , approoued & farther explicated by Salmuth , who hath both translated him , & written learned commentaries vpon him . Notwithstanding Ioseph Scaliger in an Epistle of his to the States of the Vnited Provinces , challenge this Invention to himselfe : Nos tandem in conspectum post tot secula sistimus , wee at last after so many ages haue brought it to light , & exposed it to publique view . I will close vp this consideration of the Arts and Sciences with a view of Philosophie , which braunches it selfe into the Metaphysickes , Physicks , Ethickes , & Politickes : the two latter of which I will reserue to the next Booke , contenting my self at this time with the 2 former : First then for the Metaphysicks that part of it which consists in the knowledge of immateriall substances was vndoubtedly neither so well studied nor vnderstood of the ancient Philosophers , as now it is of Christian Divines . They knew little what belonged to the attributes of God , which of them were communicable to the Creature , which incommunicable , so as they might truly graue that inscription vpon their Altars , Ignoto Deo , to the vnknown God ; Their ignorance was likewise no lesse touching the nature & office of Angels , the mansion or function of separated soules , nay not a few of the most ancient Christian Divines held the Angels corporeal , though invisible substances , and that the reasonable soule of man was deriued from his Parents , whereas the contrary opinions are now commonly held both more divine and more reasonable . The Physicks or Naturall Philosophy is it which the ancients , & specially the Graecians , and among them Aristotle hath with singular commendation much inriched , yet can it not be denyed , but he is by the experience of latter ages found very defectiue in the historicall part thereof : And for the speculatiue , both himselfe & his followers seeme to referre it rather to profession & disputation , matter of wit and credit , then vse & practice : It is therefore a noble and worthy endeavour of my Lord of S. Albanes so to mixe and temper practice & speculation together , that they may march hand in hand , and mutually embrace and assist each other . Speculation by precepts and infallible conclusions preparing a way to Practice , and Practice againe perfecting Speculation . Now among those practicall or actiue parts of Naturall Philosophie which latter ages haue produced - Pancirollus names Alchymie for a chiefe one : And it is true that we finde little mention thereof in Antiquity , not suspected of forgery : But for mine own part I much doubt whether any such experiment be yet really found or no : And if it be whether the operation of it be not more dangerous & difficult then the effect arising from it , is or can be advantagious . But of this am I well assured , that as he who digged in his Vineyard for gold missed it , but by opening the rootes of the Vines thereby , found their fruite the next yeare more worth vnto him then gold : so whiles men haue laboured by transmutation of mettals from one species to another to make gold , they haue fallen vpon the distillations of waters , extractions of oyles , and such like rare experiments vnknowne to the Ancients , which are vndoubtedly more pretious for the vse of man then all the gold of both the Indies . SECT . 3. Of the Arts of Painting and Architecture revived in this latter age . HErevnto may be added the Arts of Horsmanship , and Herauldry , Agriculture , & Architecture , Painting and Navigation , all which haue beene not a little both inlarged and perfected in these latter ages : yet with this difference , that some of them together with the other Arts decayed , and againe revived with greater perfection : Others were neuer in their perfection till now : I will instance onely in the three latter . To begin then with the Art of painting . When the Romans arrived to the height of their Empire , they equalled , nay excelled the Graecians heerein , who before were esteemed the best in the world . Venimus ad summum fortunae , pingimus-atque Psallimus , & luctamur Achivis doctius vnctis . To Fortunes height we are aspir'd , we paint , we sing , The skilfull Greekes we passe in wrestling . Quintilian in the last chapter saue one of his last booke , shewes how much this Art was accounted of among the Ancients , and how by degrees it grew to perfection , and so doth Pliny in his 35 booke , & 9 & 10 chapters . Some inventing colours , others shadowes & landskips , and others rules of proportion , but in tract of time , it so farre againe decayed , that Aeneas Sylvius who liued about 200 yeares since , tels vs in one Epistle , videmus picturas ducentorum annorum nulla prorsus arte politas , We see the pictures madu 200 years since polished with no kind of art : And in another immediatly following , Si ducentorum , trecentorumve annorum , aut sculpturas intueberis , aut picturas , invenies non hominum , sed monstrorum portentor umque facies , If we looke vpon the sculptures or pictures made about 200 or 300 yeares since , we shall finde faces rather of monsters then men . And to like purpose is that of Durerus himselfe an excellent Painter , Penitus deperdita vltra mille annos latuit , ac tandem ante ducentos hos annos per Italos rursum in lucem prodijt : This Art lay hid in obscurity as it had bin vtterly lost aboue a thousand years ; til at length about 200 yeares agoe it againe brake forth into light by helpe of the Italian wits . The most famous Italians in this Art were Michael Angelo , & Raphael Vrbin . Some of our owne Nation , as namely Master Heliard an Exeter man borne , & many Netherlanders , whose names & Icones are published by Hondius , haue herein deserued good commendation : But Durerus of Norinberg is indeed the Man , who aswell for practice as precepts in this Art , is by the most judicious most commended . He was commonly stiled whiles he liued , the Apelles of Germany , nay Erasmus in his Dialogue of the right pronunciation of the Greeke & Latin Tongues , seemes to preferre him before Apelles : Equidem arbitror ( saith he ) si nunc viveret Apelles , vt erat ingenuus & candidus , Alberto nostro cessurum huius palmae gloriam . Truly I am of opinion , that did Apelles now liue , being as hee was of an ingenuous disposition , hee would in this Art yeeld the Bucklers to our Albertus . But for singular rules in this kinde , Lomatius may not be forgotten , whom Mr Richard Haydocke hath translated out of Italian into English , & dedicated to the euer honoured Sir Thomas Bodley . Such is the affinitie betwixt the arts of painting & building , by reason they both stand chiefely vpon proportions & iust dimentions , that Vassari , who was both himselfe , hath likewise written the liues of the most famous & best skilled in both . Vitruvius who liued but in the reigne of Augustus , is the only man in a manner among the Ancients , either in Greeke or Latine , who is renowned for the rules of Architecture : Among those of latter times , Sir Henry Wotton in his preface to his Elements of Architecture , reputes Leon Baptista Alberti the Florentine , the first learned Architect beyond the Alpes : To whom Angelus Politianus in an Epistle of his to Laurentius Medices , Duke of Florence , yeelds this testimony . Ita perscrutatus antiquitatis vestigia est , vt veterem Architectandi rationem & deprehenderit & in exemplum reuocauerit : He so narrowly traced the prints & foote-steps of Antiquity , that he both fully comprehended the manner of the ancient building & reduced it into patterne ; and in the end concludes touching his worth as Salust of Carthage , Tacere satius puto quam pauca dicere , I hold it safer to be silent then to speake in few wordes now as the most sufficient moderne Architects in most things follow the ancients , so in many things they varie from thē , & that vpō just reason . The ancient Grecians & the Romanes by their example in their buildings abroad where the seate was free , did almost religiously scituate the front of their houses towards the South : But from this the moderne Italians doe justly varie . Againe , the Ancients did determine the longitude of all roomes which were longer then broad by the double of the latitude , and the height by the halfe of the breadth & length summed together : But when the roome was precisely square , they made the heigth halfe as much more as the latitude : from which dimensions , the moderne Architects haue likewise taken leaue to vary and that vpon good discretion . The publique buildings of the Grecians and Romans were doubtles very artificiall & magnificent , and so were likewise many of those of the ancient Christians , I meane their Churches , Monasteries , Castles , bridges , and the like : But the houses of priuate men were in the memorie of our Fathers , for the most part very homely , till the Princes of Italy began to bestow more art & cost vpon them . Cosmo Medices Duke of Florence being one of the first who set vpon this worke ; the Italians were soone followed by the French after the victorious returne of Charles the eight from Naples , and they againe by vs euer since the vniting of the two roses in King Henry the seaventh , who at his comming to the Crowne , had spent the greatest part of his time in France : Before his entrance we had indeede some huge vast buildings ; but his house at Richmond & his Chappell at Westminster ( except perchaunce some would preferre Kings College Chappell in Cambridge began by Henry the sixth ) were the two first neate curious peeces that this kingdome had seene : The latter of which may well enough compare , not onely with any peece this day in Christendome , but for the bignes of it , with any thing in antiquity of that kinde . But for a stately dainty house , that of None-such excells , which King Henry the eight , saith our great Antiquarie , built with so great sumptuousnes , and rare workemanshippe , that it aspireth to the very toppe of ostentation for shew : So as a man may thinke , that all the skill of Architecture is in this one peece bestowed and heaped vp together . So many statues & liuely images there are in euery place : so many wonders of absolute workemanshippe & workes seeming to contend with Romane Antiquities , that most worthily it may haue and maintaine still this name that it hath of None-Such , according as Leland hath written of it . Huic quia non habeant similem laudare Britanni Saepe solent ; nullique parem cognomine dicunt . The Brittaines oft were wont to praise this place for that through all The Realme they cannot shew the like , & None-Such they it call . So as what Sebastianus Serlius a skilfull Architect spake of the Pantheon at Rome , may not vnfitly be applied to this pile of building , that it is vnicum exemplar consummatae Architecturae , the only patterne we haue of perfect Architecture ; whether we cast our eyes abroad into the countrey vpon the houses of Noblemen & Gentlemen , or vpon the Colleges & Schooles in the Vniversities , or vpon the dwellings of the Merchant & Artificer in the towne & citty , specially in the Metropolis ; wee shall generally find a wonderfull great change in building within these last hundred yeares , this latter as much exceeding the former , as Augustus his marble Rome did that of bricke . And if we looke into forraine parts , the Escuriall in Spaine & the Gallery in France , will yeeld to nothing Antiquity can boast of in that kinde : Yet if we may beleeue reports , the King of Chinaes pallaces , at least-wise for riches & state , put downe any thing which is to be seene in Europe at this day . Now I know the Pyramides raysed by the Egyptian Kings , & the Obeliskes by the Grecian & Romane Emperours are much spoken of , as being vnparaleld by any thing in these latter ages , and they were indeede insanae substructiones , as Pliny speakes , mad kinde of buildings , only for shew & ostentation , nothing at all for vse : yet that Obeliske , which in the yeare 1586 was raised by the direction of Dominicus Fontana , & at the charge of Sixtus Quintus ( which Thuanus tearmes , inter opera eius primum & praecipuum , the first & the principall among all the great workes which he did ) may well be counted little inferiour to the chiefest of them . It was one solide stone 107 foote in heigth , weighing 956148 pounds : It was traslated from the Vatican , where it lay in an obscure & durtie place , almost couered ouer with filth , and erected in a more eminent place neere S. Peters Church . There were disbursed about this worke ( as Fontana himselfe hath written ) 37975 Crownes ; there being imployed therein from the beginning of May to the middle of September 900 men and 70 horses . SECT . 4. Of the art of Navigation , brought to perfection in this latter age , and vpon that occasion of the situation of Ophir . THe last , but the chiefe & most vsefull of the three Arts which I last named is Navigation , in which those of former ages were so ignorant , that they ingraued Non vltra vpon Hercules pillars , that the Nations about Pontus thought no sea in the world like their owne , and doubted whether there were any other sea but that only ; whereof it came that Pontus was a word vsed for the sea in generall . That the Egyptians , held otherwise a wittie people , vsed to coast the shores of the red Sea vpon Raffs , diuised by King Erythrus : And in the time of the Romanes , the Brittaines our Ancestours had a kind of boate ( with which they crost the Seas ) made of small twigs and couered with leather , of which Lucan the Poet. Primum cana salix madefacto vimine paruam Texitur in puppim , caesoque induta juvenco Vectoris patiens , tumidum superenatat amnem . Sic Venetus stagnante pado fuscque Britannus Nauigat Oceano : The moistned osyre of the hoarie willow Is woouen first into a little boate Then cloath'd in bullocks hide vpon the billow Of a proud riuer lightly doth it floate Vnder the water-man . So on the Lakes of ouer-swelling Poe Sayles the Venetian , & the Brittaines so On the out-spread Ocean . And to like purpose is that of Festus Auienus : Navigiaiunctis semper aptant pellibus , Corioque vastum saepe percurrunt salum . Of stitched hides they all their vessels had , And oft thorow sea in leather voyage made . But that which is more obseruable is , that the Iewes were so vnskilfull in this art , as they commonly called the Mediterranean sea the great sea ; not being in those times , as it seemes , much acquainted with the Ocean : And though the Phoenicians & Carthaginians , the Tyrians & Sydonians , are much renowned in histories for great Navigatours ; yet it is thought by the learned that those voyages they performed , was onely by coasting and not by crossing the Ocean . — Haec aetas quod fata negarunt Antiquis totum potuit sulcare carinis Id pelagi immensum quod circuit Amphitrite . This age what fates to former times deni'd Through the vast Ocean now in ships doth ride Sayth Fracastorius , and Acosta , Equidem navigationem altissimo Oceano commissam neque apud Veteres lego , neque ab illis aliter Oceanum navigatum puto quam à nostris Mediterraneum : That the Ancients adventured themselues into the maine Ocean , neither doe I reade it in any of their Writers , nor doe I beleeue they otherwise sayled ouer the Ocean , then wee doe now ouer the Mediterranean Sea. And it should seeme they vndertooke not their longest voyages without Oares , which the Scripture implies in that vndertaken by Ionas , where the Marriners vpon the rising of a violent tempest were constrained to vse their Oares . I am not ignorant , that as Vatablus and Arias Montanus would make Ophir , whither Salomon sent his Nauie ( by reason of the affinitie of the name ) to be Peru in the West Indies , so Pineda spends no lesse then twelue leaues in the largest folio , to proue Tharsis , to which it is likewise commonly thought to haue gone to be Tartessus in Spaine : But for the first of these opinions , Cornelius Wytfliet , Secretary of state in the Counsell of Brabrant , in his booke intituled Descriptionis Ptolomaicae argumentum , or Occidentis notitia , hath strongly confuted it ; and so hath Pererius in his third booke vpon Genesis treating of Hauilah . But Sir Walter Rawleigh is confident that himselfe hath so knockt it in the head , as it were idle to make any more question thereof : That this question , saith he , bee a subiect of no farther dispute . It is very true that there is no Region in the world of that name , ( meaning Peru ) sure I am that at least America hath none , no not any citty , village , or mountaine so named : But when Francis Pizarro first discouered the lands to the South of Panama , arriuing in that Region which Attabaliba commaunded , ( a Prince of Magnificence , riches and dominion , inferiour to none ) some of the Spaniards vtterly ignorant of that language , demaunding by signes as they could , and pointing with their hand athwart the riuer or brooke that ran by , the Indians answered Peru , which was either the name of that brooke or of water in generall : The Spaniards therevpon conceiuing that the people had rightly vnderstood them , set it downe in the iournall of their enterprise , and in the first description made and sent ouer to Charles the Emperour , all that West part of America to the South of Pannama had the name of Peru , which hath continued euer since , as diverse Spaniards in the Indies assured me . Which also Acosta the Iesuite in his naturall & morall History of the Indies confirmeth . And whereas Montanus also findeth that a part of the Indies called Iucatan tooke the name of Iocktan , who as he supposeth , nauigated from the vtmost East of India to America : It is most true that Iucatan is nothing else in the language of that countrey , but , What is that , or What say you ? For when the Spaniards asked the name of that place , no man conceiuing their meaning , one of the Saluages answered Iucatan , which is , What aske you ? or what say you . Thus farre Sir Walter Rawleigh , yeelding the reason of his dissent from Montanus & Vatablus , holding that Ophir , to which Salomons Navy sayled for gold , was Peru in the West Indies , Wherevnto may be added out of Salmuth in his Commentary vpon Pancirollus , that in all likelihood , this land of Ophir tooke its name from Ophir the sonne of Ioctan , ( as the land of Hauilah likewise did from another sonne of his , mentioned in the same place ) who as Iosephus witnesseth , fixed his seate in the E●…st , placing the countrey of Ophir about Chersonesus , with whom accords Gaspar Varrerius in his Commentaries purposely written de Ophyra Regione , where he plainely proues Ophir to be that Aurea Chersonesus in the East Indies , which is now called Malaca Moreouer one of the principall commodities which Solomons fleete brought home was yvory , of which in the West Indies there is none to be found , it being knowne to want Elephants : And lastly out of the Text it appeares ▪ that Salomon prepared his Navy for a voyage into the East , inasmuch as his ships set forth at Ezion-Geber bordering vpon the Red sea , & thither as to the Rendevouz came the Tyrians & Sydonians , Hirams men to joyne with them : which had beene a most indirect course , had they intended their voyage toward the West . Now for Pineda his making of Tharshis ; to bee Tartessus in his owne Countrey of Spaine , though herein he follow Goropius Becanus , yet in the judgment I suppose of most men , recitasse est refutasse , the very recitall of it , is refutation sufficient . For if I should demaund Pineda where those Spanish mines are now to be seene , from whence Salomons shippes brought so much treasure , he must tell me , that either they are dryed vp , or transported to the Indies , from whence in fleetes they are yearely brought back into Spaine , as Sarrarius sports with him , in nov●…m orbem translata magnis classibus revehuntur : So as had not Spaine it selfe an Ophir or Tarshis to furnish it with gold , the poverty of it would doubtlesse soone appeere to the world . Besides Pineda heerein dissents from Acosta his owne countryman & brother of the same societie , who thinkes that by Tarshis the Hebrewes indefinitely vnderstand some remote , strange , and rich place , as we , saith he , doe by the Indies . And if we should say , that Salomons Tarshis by a little chaunge of letters was Paules Tarsus a famous citty in Silicia ( which seemes likewise to haue its name from Tarsis the 2 son of Iavan ) we therein should I thinke , shoot neerer the mark then Pineda : but I must confesse for mine own priuate judgment , I rather incline to their opinion who by Tarshis vnderstand none other then the Sea. The Israelites & Phenicians , because they knew no other Sea then the Mediterranean in the beginning , & that the people of Tarshis had the greatest shippes , and were the first Navigators in those parts with such vessels , they were therefore called Men of the Sea , & the word Tharshis vsed often for the Sea. Thus S. Hierome in his commentaries on Daniel , Ionas fugere cupiebat non in Thars●… Siliciae , sed absolutè in pelagus . Ionas desired to flye not to Tars●…s in Silic●…a but to the Sea. But Iunius and Tremelius goe farther , translating Tharshis by Oceanus , thus : Nam classis Oceani pro Rege cum classe Chir●… erat , semel ternis annis veniebat classis ex Oceàno ; afferens aurum & argentum &c. which we thus render in our last English Translation : For the King had at Sea a navy of Tharshis with the navy of Hiram ▪ once-in-three yeares came the navy of Hiram , bringing gold and silver . And from this opinion , that by Tarshis is or may be vnderstood the sea , the learned Drusius in his sacred observations dissents not ; onely hee affirmes that not Tharshis , but Iam is the commo●…●…ame for the sea , and that not in Syriack as S. Hierome would haue it , but in Hebrew . Whereas then it is said or vnderstood , that the shippes of Salomon went euery three yeares to Tharshis , if by Tharshis we vnderstand the Sea , the phrase is not improper or strange at all : for we vse it ordinarily wheresoeuer we navigate , namely , that the Kings shippes are gone to the Sea or returned from the Sea , by which it appeares , ( not to touch their opinion who deceiued by the Chalde Paraphrast , by Tharshis vnderstand Carthage ) that the voyage of Salomons Navy was neither to Peru in the West Indies , n●…r Tartessus in Spaine , but to Ophir in the East Indies , which being performed by coasting , needed perchaunce more time , but lesse skill in navigation . The perfection then of this Art seemes by Gods providence to haue beene reserued to these latter times , of which Pedro de Medina , & Baptista Ramusio haue giuen excellent precepts . But the Art it selfe hath bin happily practised by the Portugals , the Spanyards , the Hollanders , & our owne Nation , whose voyages and discoveries , Master Hackluit hath collected & reported in three several volumes , lately inlarged & perfected by Master Purchas , and it were to be wished aswell for the honour of the English name , as the benefite that might thereby redound to other Nations , that his collections and relations had beene written in Latin , or that some learned pen would be pleased to turne them into that Language . Among many other famous in this kinde , the noble spirited Drake may not be forgotten , who , God being his Guide , wit , skill , valour and fortune his attendants , was the next after Magellanus that sayled round about the world , wherevpon one wrote these verses vnto him . Drake peragrati novit quem terminus orbis Quemque semel mundi vidit vterque polus : Si taceant homines facient Te sydera notum Sol nescit comitis immemor esse sui . Sir Drake whom well the worlds end knew , Which thou didst compasse round : And whom both Poles of Heau'n once saw , Which North and South doe bound . The starres aboue will make thee knowne If men here silent were : The Sun himselfe cannot forget His fellow traveller . And for the better breeding , continuance , and increase of such expert Pilots amongst vs , it would doubtlesse bee a good & profitable worke , ( according to Master Hakcluits honest motion in his Epistle Dedicatory to the Lord Admirall , then being ) if any who hath the meanes had likewise the minde to giue allowance for the reading of a Lecture of Navigation in London , in imitation of the late Emperour Charles the fift , who wisely considering the rawnesse of his Seamen ; and the manifold shipwracks which they sustained in passing & repassing betweene Spain and the West Indies , established not only a Pilot Maior for the examination of such as were to tak●… charge of shippes in that voyage , but also founded a Lecture for the Art of Navigation , which to this day is read in the Contractation house at Sivill . The Readers of which Lecture haue not only carefully taught and instructed the Spanish Marriners by word of mouth , but haue also published sundry exact & worthy Treatises concerning Marine Causes , for the direction & incouragement of posterity : and namely these three , Alonzo de Chauez , Hieronymo de Chauez , & Rodorigo Zamerano , & to this purpose it is a commendable work of Master Hues , who for the instruction of Navigators in the principles of Geometry & Astronomy , & thereby for the improuement & advancement of the Art of Navigation , hath written & twice published in two seuerall editions a learned Treatise of the Celestiall & terrestriall Globes , and their vse , which for the better vse of such as are ignorant of the Latin tongue , and desirous to learne , I could wish were translated into our owne Language . CAP. 10. Touching diverse artificiall workes and vsefull inventions , at leastwise matchable with those of the ancients , namely & chiefly the invention of Printing , Gunnes , and the Sea-Card or Mariners Compasse . SECT . 1. Of some rare inventions and artificiall workes of this latter age , comparable both for vse and skill to the best of the Ancients . AS the Arts & Sciences haue all of them in these latter ages either beene reviued from decay or reduced to vse , or brought forward to perfection : so many secrets of Nature & rare conclusions haue beene found out & imparted to the World by Albertus Magnus , Levinus Lemnius , Fernelius , Fracastorius , Baptista Porta , Cornelius Agrippa , Cardanus , Trithemius , Delrio , and others , and many singular artificiall inventions , for the vse , ease , delight , or ornament of mankinde , as a number of Mechanicall , Mathematicall , & Musicall Instruments , Chimneyes , stirrups , paper , spectacles , Porcellan , perspectiue glasses , fining of sugars , hand-mils , gloues , hats , bands , watches , besides diverse excellent workes in stuffs , in silkes , in linnens , in hangings , in carpets , and the like , particularly set downe by Polidore Virgill de Inventoribus Rerum , and Pancirollus in his Nova-reperta , & Cardanus in his 17 booke de artibus , artificiosisque rebus , to whom notwithstanding much more might easily be added , For as truth is the daughter of time , so are vsefull Inventions too , as rightly Manilius , lib. 1. Sed cùm long a dies acuit mortalia corda Et labor ingenium miseris dedit , & sua quenque Advigilare sibi jussit fortuna premendo , Seducta in varias certârunt pectora curas , Et quodcunque sag●…x tentando repperit ●…sus , In commune bonum commentum laeta dedere . But when that tract of time had whet mens wits , And industry had moulded them , by fits Fortune pressing each man to endeavour To free himselfe from miserie , together They bend their minds to search out sundry things And what is found by observation sage , They cheerefully impart from age to age . I will onely specifie some of the rarest artificiall workes of this latter age , comparable for the workemanship with the best of the ancient . Peter Ramus tels vs of a wooden Eagle , & an iron flie made by Regiomontanus a famous Mathematician of Norinberg , whereof the first ( in imitation and emulation of Architas his doue ) flew forth of the citty aloft in the aire , met the Emperour a good way off comming towards it , & hauing saluted him , returned againe , waiting on him to the citty gates . The second at a feast whereto he had invited his familiar friends , flew forth of his hands , & taking a round , returned thither again to the great astonishment of the beholders : Both which the divine pen of the noble Du Bartas hath excellently expressed . Why should I not that wooden Eagle mention , A learned Germans late admir'd invention , Which mounting from his fist that framed her Flew farre to meet an Almaine Emperour . And hauing met him with her nimble traine And weary wings , turning about againe Followed him close vnto the Castle gate Of Norinberg , whom all their shewes of state , Streetes hang'd with Arras , arches curious built , Gray-headed Senate , and youths gallantise , Grac't not so much as only this devise . He goes on and thus describes the flye , Once as this Artist more with mirth then meat Feasted some friends whom he esteemed great , From vnder 's hand an iron flye flew out , Which hauing flowne a perfit round about , With weary wings return'd vnto her Master , And as judicious on his arme he plac't her . O divine wit , that in the narrow wombe Of a small flye could finde sufficient roome For all those springs , wheeles , counterpoise and chaines , Which stood insteed of life , and spurre , and raines . Desinamus itaque Archytae columbam mirari , cum muscam , cum aquilam geometricis alis alatam Noriberga exhibeat , saith Ramus , let vs giue ouer to wonder at Archytas his doue , sithence Norinberg hath exhibited both a Fly and an Eagle winged with Geometricall wings . Bartas likewise remembers the curious Diall & clock at Strausburgh , which my selfe haue beheld not without admiration , But who would thinke that mortall hands could mould New heauens , new starres whose whirling courses should With constant windings though contrary wayes Marke the true monds of yeares & months & dayes , Yet 't is a story that hath oft beene heard And by an hundred witnesses auer'd . Neither doth he forget that most exquisite silver spheare ( matchable with Archimedes , or that of Zapores King of Persia ) which was sent as a present from the Emperour Ferdinand to Solyman the great Turke , & is mentioned by Paulus Iouius & Sabellicus : It was carried as they write , by twelue men , vnframed & reframed in the Grand Signiours presence by the maker , who likewise deliuered him a booke contayning the mystery of vsing it . Nor may we smoother nor forget ingratelie The Heauen of siluer , that was sent but lately From Ferdinando as a famous worke Vnto Bizantium to the greatest Turke : Wherein a spirit still mouing too & fro , Made all the Engine orderlie to goe ; And though the one spheare did alwayes slowly slide , And contrary the other swiftly glide ; Yet still their stars kept all their courses euen With the true courses of the stars of heaven . The Sun there shifting in the Zodiaque His shining houses , neuer did forsake His pointed path , there in a moneth his sister Fulfil'd her course & changing oft her lustre And forme of face , ( now larger , lesser soone ) Followed the changes of the other moone . SECT . 2. Of the benefits and Inventour of the most vsefull Art of Printing . BVt leauing these , Magna nec ingenijs investigata priorum Quaeque diu latuere canam : I 'le speake of greater things which long lay hid Neither were found by search of former wits . These spoken of , are in truth but toyes & tryfles in regard of those three most vsefull inventions , which these latter ages challenge as due & proper to themselues , Printing , Gunnes , and the Marriners compasse ; of which Cardane comparatiuely speakes in high tearmes . His tribus tota Antiquitas nihil par habet , All Antiquity can boast of nothing equall to these three . Vpon these then will I insist , & with these conclude this comparison of Arts & Wits ; the rather for that there is none of them but some haue excepted against , as being not moderne but ancient inventions . I will begin with Printing , touching which Bodin outvies Cardane , Vna typographia cum omnibus omnium veterum inventis certare facile potest : Printing alone may easily contend for the prize with all the inventions of the Ancients . And Polidore Virgill hauing spoken of the famous Libraries erected by the Ancients , presently adds , Fuit illud omnino magnum mortalibus munus , sed nequaquam conferendum cum hoc quod nostro tempore adepti sumus , reperto novo scribendi genere : tantum enim vno die ab vno homine literarum imprimitur , quantum vix toto anno à pluriribus scribi possit . That was indeede a great benefit to mankinde , but not to be compared with this which our age hath found out & injoyed , since a new kinde of writing was brought to light and practised , by meanes whereof , as much may be printed by one man in one day , as could be written by many in a whole yeare ; or as Sabellicus , as much as the readiest pen-man could well dispatch in two yeares . And by this meanes , bookes which were before in a manner confined to the Libraries of Monasteries , as their onely Magazines , were redeemed from bondage , obtained their inlargement , & freely walked abroad in the light ; so as now they present themselues familiarly to the eyes & hands of all men , and he that hath but slender meanes , may notwithstanding furnish himselfe in a competent manner , there being now more good Authours to bee bought for twenty shillings then could then be purchased for twenty pounds . And besides , they then spake such languages as it pleased the Monkes to put into their mouths , who many times thorow ignorance , or negligence , or wilfulnes mistooke words and sentences , and sometimes thrust that into the Text which they found in the Margine . From whence arose such a confusion in most Authours , that it much puzled the best wits how to restore them to the right sense , as Lodouicus Viues complaines , it befell him in the setting forth of S. Augustines workes de Civitate Dei , & diuinandum saepeuumero fuit , & coniecturis vera restituenda Lectio : I was often forced to guesse at the sense & none otherwise then by conjectures could the text be restored to the true reading : And Erasmus in his preface to the workes of the same father , vix in alterius tam impie quam in huius sacri Doctoris voluminibus lusit otiosorum temeri●…as , hardly hath the rashnes of idle braines so impiously played its part in the volumes of any other , as of this holy Doctour : Yet that other complaint of his in his preface before S. Hieromes workes , touching the many and grosse corruptions which therein he found , farre exceedes this , Vnum illud & vere dicam & audacter minoris arbitror Hieronymo suos constitisse libros conditos quam nobis restitutos : This one thing may I truly and boldly affirme , that in mine opinion , S. Hieromes bookes cost him lesse paines the making , then me the mending . Againe , it cannot be denied but the fairenes of the letter beyond that of ordinary writing , addes no small grace to this invention . Mira certè Ars , sayth Cardane , quâ mille chartarum vna die conficiuntur , nec facile est iudicare an in tanta facilitate ac celeritate pulchritudo , an in tanta pulchritudine celeritas & facilitas sit admirabilior : An admirable Art sure it is , by which a thousand sheetes may be dispatcht in a day , neither is it easie to judge whether in so great easinesse and quickenesse of dispatch the fairenes of the letter , or in the fairenesse of the letter the quickenesse of dispatch and easinesse thereof , be more to be wondered at . Lastly , it is not the least benefit of printing , that by dispersing a number of Copies into particular mens hands , there is now hope that good letters shall neuer againe suffer so vniuersall a decay as in forrmer ages they haue done , by the burning and spoyling of publique Libraries , in which the whole treasure of learning was in a manner stored vp . Since then by this meanes ; bookes are become both fairer , and cheaper , and truer , and lesse subiect to a totall perishing : and since by this Art the preseruer of Arts , the Acts & writings of worthy men are made famous and commended to posterity ; it were a point of haynous ingratitude to suffer the Inventor thereof to be buried in obliuion . Some difference I confesse there is about his name , yet not such but may be reconciled without any great difficulty . Peter Ramus seemes to attribute it to one Iohn Fust a Moguntine , and in trueth shewes good cardes for it , telling vs , that he had in his keeping a copie of Tullies Offices printed vpon parchment with this inscription added in the end thereof : Praesens Marci Tullij clarissimum opus Iohannes Fust Moguntinus ciuis non atramento , plumali canna , neque aerea , sed arte quadam perpulchra manu Petri de Gerneshem pueri mei faeliciter effeci , finitum an . 1466 , 4 die mensis Februarij . This excellent worke of Marcus Tullius I Iohn Fust a citizen of Mentz happily imprinted , not with writing ynke , quill , or brasse pen , but with an excellent Art by the helpe of Peter Gerneshem my servant : finished it was in the yeare 1466 , the 4th of Februarie . Pasquier averres that the like had come to his hands , and Salmuth that one of the same impression was to be seene in the publique Librarie at Ausburg , and another ( as others ) in Emanuell College in Cambridge , and my selfe haue seene a fifth in the publique Librarie at Oxford , though with some little difference in the inscription . Yet Pollidore Virgill from the report of the Moguntines themselues affirmes , that Iohn Gutenberg a Knight , and dwelling in Mentz , was the first Inventor thereof , & therein with him accord Palmerius in his Chronicle , Melchior Guilandinus in the 26 Chapter of his Treatise touching paper & parchment ; Chasaneus in his Catalogue of the Glory of the world , the second part and 39th Consideration , Veignier in his Bibliotheque , Bibliander de communi ratione omnium linguarum , in his chapter of printing ( professing that therein he follows Wymphilingius in his Epitomie of the affaires of Germany ) Iohannes Arnoldus in his booke of the Invention of Printing ; And lastly , Munster in his Cosmographie , who addes this particular , that he smoothered it a long time , labouring to conceale it all that he might . For the reconciling then of this difference , it may well be that Gutenberg was indeed the first happy inventour of this invalueable Art : But Fust the first , who taking it from him , made proofe thereof in printing a booke : They both then deserue their commendation , but in different degrees : Gutenberg in the highest , Fust in a second or third ; & no doubt , but many since haue added much to the speede , grace and perfection thereof , whose names , though wee know not , yet perchance , haue they as well deserued of the common-wealth of learning as hee : Sure we are , that Manutius Operinus , Raphelengius , Plantin , and both the Stephens ; the Father & the Sonne , are not to be forgotten , but remembred with honour , for the furthering and perfecting of this Art. Yet some there are who writing of the affaires of the Indies , as Petrus Maffaius , Garzias ab Horto , & Paulus Iovius assure vs , that either the Germanes borrowed this Inventiō frō the 1 Chineses , or at leastwise the Chineses had the practise & vse of it long before them . Wherevnto I answer ( not to question the credit of the Authors ) though in truth ( as is well knowne ) no great friends to the German nation , that though it were long since in vse with the Chineses , yet , for ought appeareth , was it neuer , nor yet is with them brought to that perfection as it is with vs at this day : Si à veteribus tale quiddam excogitatum sit , vt nemo debita laude sraudandus , fateri quisque debeat omnia minus fuisse exculta , nitida , subtilia , elimata , nec tam spectabili literarum varietate exornata atque expolita , saith Levinus Lemnius . If any such thing were discovered by the Ancients ( either by the Chineses or otherwhere ) as they are not to be robbed of their due praise , so ought we to confesse , that all things are now more exact and perfect , and better polished with a faire variety of letters . But that the Germans should borrow it from the Chineses , as is pretended by the Spanyards , is more I thinke then is true , I am sure then is yet proued , or in likelyhood doth appeare : And the Germans themselues will neuer with patience endure such a wrong . Germania certè nunquam sibi hanc laudem patietur extorqueri , saith Salmuth , Germany will neuer suffer the praise of this Invention to bee wrested from her , And Beroaldus . O Germania muneris repertrix , Quo nil vtilius dedit vetustas Libros scribere . Quae doces premendo . Thou Germany this blessing didst invent , Then which the world more vsefull neuer saw , To write on bookes thou teachest thus by print . And with him accords Laurentius Valla , though himselfe an Italian , if those verses bee his which are ascribed vnto him in the front of his Workes . Abstulerat Latio multos Germania libros , Nunc multo plures reddidit ingenio . Etquod vix toto quisquam perscriberet anno , Munere Germano conficit vna dies . Germania drew great store of bookes from Italy , But now much more she doth . then she receiv'd , repay : What erewhile in one yeare could scarcely written bee ; Now by Germania's helpe is finisht in one day . SEC . 1. Of the vse and invention of Gunnes . AS the Invention of Printing is chiefely in vse in time of Peace , so is that of Gunnes in time of warre , with which the Aries , Onagri , Catapulta , or Balistae , Engines of the Ancients , ( which I know not well how to English , they being growne for the most part out of vse ) are no way comparable , Nec vlla ex parte huic conferendus est antiquus Aries , vires inferiores habebat , & difficilius admuros adigebatur , saith Patricius , The Ramme anciently for batterie , is in no sort to be compared with this Engine , it had lesse strength , & more difficulty there was in bringing it , and applying it to the walls . And Bodine to like purpose , ( though herein perchance he jumpe not with Lipsius in his Poliorcetica ) omitto Catapulta Veterum & antiqua belli tormenta , quae si cum nostris conferantur sanè puerilia quaedam ludicra videri possint : I passe ouer the Engines of the Ancients , which being compared with ours , are rather childish toyes then instruments for warre . And Lipsius himselfe cals it , Geniorum , non hominum inventum ▪ an invention of spirits , and not of men . Such is the force of these moderne Engines , that they not only destroy men , but cast downe walls , rampiers , towres , castles , citties , and shake the tallest shippes into shiuers , there being nothing that comes within their reach that can stand against them . It was a peece of almost incredible bignesse which by Mahomets commaund was imployed against Constantinople , ad quam trahendam adhibebantur septuaginta juga boum , & bis mille viri , as witnesseth Chalcondilas in his eight booke de rebus Turcicis , for the drawing of which were imployed seuenty yoke of oxen , and two thousand men . It is true that there is nothing more mischievous to besieged cities , and so is there nothing that helpes them more for the chasing away of the befiegers , it being so for the most part in all things , which either the Art or wit of man , or God & Nature hath framed , that the more helpefull they are being well vsed , the more hurtfull are they being abused : then fire and water there is nothing more commodious to the life of man , yet is the Proverbe true , that when they are once inraged , & passe their bounds , they become merciles : The tongue is said by Esope to be both the best and the worst meat that comes to the market : for with it we both blesse God & curse men , saith S. Iames. And yron by Pliny is rightly tearmed , optimum , pessimumque vitae instrumentum , the best & worst instrument belonging to man , But sure it seemes that God in his providence had reserued this Engine for these times , that by the cruell force & terrible roaring of it , men might the rather be deterred from assaulting one another in hostile and warlike manner ; And I verily beleeue , that since the invention and vse thereof , fewer haue beene slaine in the warres then before . Neither doth it serue , ( as is commonly objected , ) to make men cowards , but rather hardens them . For hee that dares present himselfe to the mouth of a Cannon , cannot feare the face of death in what shape soeuer it present it selfe . Howsoeuer some haue not beene wanting , who would beare vs in hand that this Invention is not of latter times , but ancient ; among whom Sir Walter Rawleigh is one , who in his History of the World , referres not only the Invention of Printing , but of Gunnes too , and Ordinance of battery to the Indians , grounding himselfe heerein vpon the report of the Portugals : And hereby , saith he , we are now made to vnderstand , that the place of Philostratus in vita Apollonij Tianei , is no fable , though exprest in fabulous words , when he saith , that the wise men which dwell betweene Hyphesis and Ganges vse not themselues to goe forth to battle , but that they driue away their enemies with thunder and lightning . But hereof I can say nothing , choosing with Camerarius , potius credere quàm cum molestia experiri , rather to beleeue it , then to endure the hazard and trouble to make tryall of it . Others referre it to Salmoneus , as witnesseth Levinus Lemnius , induced therevnto by those verses of Virgill Vidi & crudeles dantem Salmonea poenas , Dum flammas Iovis & sonitus imitatur Olympi . Quatuor hic invectus equis ac lampada quaessans Per Graium populos mediaeque per Elidis vrbem Ibat ovans , Divumque sibi poscebat honores Demens qui nimbos & non imitabile fulmen , Aere & cornipedum cursu fimulabat equorum . I saw Salmoneus there endure Most cruell paines and great , For that he dar'd the flames of Ioue , And thunder counterfeit . In Chariot drawne with horses foure , Shaking a fiery brand Through mids of Elis towne he rode , And through all Graecian land Triumphing wise : and to himselfe Audaciously did take Honours divine . Mad franticke man That did not inlie quake : With horne-foot horses , and brasse-wheeles , Ioves stormes to emulate , And lightenings impossible For man to imitate . But Servius in his Commentaries conceiues , that this imitation of thunder was by driuing his Chariot ouer a brasen bridge : And if hee vsed any Engine , it seemes to haue beene rather for rattling and terrour , then for any reall effect : And whereas great Ordinance exceed thunder , this was such that it came farre short of it : And therefore as ' Rota hath well obserued , the Poet calls it . — non imitabile fulmen . But this I leaue as a very vncertaine ground for the ancient invention of this Engine . Petrarch and Valturius vpon better shew of reason ( as they conceiue ) referre it to Archimede , found out ( as they pretend ) by him for the ouer-throw of Marcellus his shipps at the siege of Syracuse . But it were strange that both Plutarch & Liuie , who haue written largely of his admirable wit & wonderfull Engines , and particularly of the siege of that citie , should among the rest forget this rare invention ; and yet more strange that the Romanes vpon the taking of the citie should not take it vp and make vse of it : Nay , as Magius ( who hath written a chapter of purpose , to refute them who referre this invention to the Ancients ) hath obserued ; neither Heron , nor Pappus , nor Athenaeus , nor Biton in their manuscrips of the Mechanniques , ( for printed they are not ) haue described any such Engine : nor Aegidius Romanus , ( who liued & wrote in the reigne of Philip the faire King of France about the yeare 1285 , ) where he treates purposely of warlike Engines & instruments , remembers any such thing . Brightman in his exposition on the Revelation of S. Iohn , tels vs that by the fire , & smoake , & brimstone which in that place are said to haue issued out of the mouths of the horses , are to be vnderstood our powder & gunnes now in vse , & that of them S. Iohn prophesied , but how these can be said to issue out of the mouthes of horses , he doth not well expresse , nor I thinke well vnderstood . The common opinion then is , that this diuise was first found out by a Monke of Germanie , whose name many writers affirme to be deseruedly lost : But Forcatulus in his fourth booke of the Empire & Phylosophy of France , names him Berthold Swarts of Cullē , & Salmuth , Constantine AnklitZen of Friburg : Howsoeuer they all agree that he was a German Monke , and that by chaunce a sparke of fire falling into a pot of Niter , which he had prepared for Physicke or Alchimy , and causing it to fly vp , he therevpon made a composition of powder , with an instrument of brasse & yron , and putting fire to it , found the conclusion to answere his expectation . The first publique vse of Gunnes that we reade of , was thought to be about the yeare 1380 as Magius , or 400 as Ramus , in a battle betwixt the Venetians & the Genowayes fought at Clodia-Fossa , in which the Venetian hauing from this Monke belike , gotten the vse of Gunnes , so galled their enimies , that they saw themselues wounded & slaine , and yet knew not by what meanes , or how to prevent it , as witnesseth Platina in the life of Vrbane the sixth . And Laurentius Valla in the second booke & 34 Chapter of his Elegancies , ( which as himselfe testifies , he wrote in the yeare 1438 ) affirmes that the Gunne grew in vse not long before his time . His words are , Nuper inventa est machina quam Bombardam vocant , the Engine which they call the Gunne was lately found out . And Petrarch who liued somewhat before him to like purpose in his 99 dialogue of the Remedies of both fortunes , though therein I confesse he seeme to crosse himselfe , Erat haec pestis nuper rara , vt cum ingenti miraculo cerneretur : This pestilent deuise was lately so rare , that it was beheld with marueilous great astonishment . Yet I haue seene the copie of a record , that great ordinance were brought by the French to the batterie of a Castle or fort called Outhwyke , neere to Callis , and then in possession of the English , the first yeare of Richard the second ; of which fort , one William Weston was Captaine , and being questioned in Parliament for yeelding vp the fort , he doth in his excuse alalleage , that the enimies brought to the batterie thereof nine peeces de grosses Canons par les quelles les mures & les measons da dit Chastel furent rentes & percussez en plusiears lieux , of great Canons , by meanes whereof the wals and houses of the sayed Castell were in diuerse places rent in sunder and sorely battered ; and in another place , he tearmeth them huge , most greivous , & admirable Ordinance : nay more then so , I am credibly informed , that a commission is to be seene for the making of Salt-peter in Edward the thirds time , and another record of Ordinance vsed in that time some twēty yeares before his death : by all which it should appeare , that either the invention of Gunnes was sooner then is commonly conceiued , or that our Nation and the French had the vse of it with the first , howsoeuer , it is most cleare , that at least-wise in these parts of the world this invention was not knowen till in latter ages in comparison of the worlds duration . SECT . 4. Of the vse and invention of the Martiners Compasse or sea-card , as also of another excellent invention sayd to be lately found out vpon the Load-stone , together with a conclusion of this comparison touching Arts & Wits , with a saying of Bodins , and another very notable one of Lactantius . TO these inventions of Printing & Gunnes , may be added in the last place that of the Marriners compasse , of which Bodin thus confidently speakes , Cum Magnete nihil sit admirabilius in tota rerum natura , vsum tamen eius plane diuinum Antiqui ignorarunt : Though there be nothing more admirable then the Load-stone in the whole course of Nature , yet of the Diuine vse thereof were the Ancients ignorant : And Blondus , Certum est id navigandi auxilium Priscis omnino fuisse incognitum : It is certaine that helpe of sayling was altogether vnknown to the Ancients . And Cardan , a man much versed in the Rarities of Nature , inter caetera rerum inventa admiratione primum digna est ratio Nauticae pyxidis : Among other rare Inventions , that of the Marriners compasse is most worthy of admiration . By meanes of it , was Navigation perfected , the liues and goods of many thousand haue bin , and daily are preserued : It findes out a way thorow the vast Ocean , in the greatest stormes and darkest nights , where is neither path to follow , nor inhabitant or passinger to inquire ; It points out the way to the skillfull Marriner when all other helpes faile him , and that more certainely though it be without reason , sense , and life , then without the helpe thereof all the Wisards & learned Clearks in the world , vsing the vnited strength of their wits & cunning can possiblely doe : By meanes of it are the commodities of all countreys discouered , trade , & traffique , & humane societie maintained , their seuerall formes of gouernment , and religion obserued , & the whole world made as it were one Common-wealth , and the most distant Nations fellowes citizens of the same bodie politique . This wonderfull instrument we haue amply described by Cieze in his second tombe & ninth chapter de Rebus Indicis , and Bellonus in his second booke & sixteenth chapter de Singularitatibus : But for the reason thereof , I say with Acosta , Causas huius tanti prodigij alij rimentur , & Sympathiam nescio quam conentur inducere , ego summi Opificis potentiam providentiamque quoties intueor , & vehementer admiror & iucundissimè celebro . Let others search out the causes of this so wonderfull an instrument , & pretend therein I know not what Sympathie , I for my part as oft as I looke vpon it , cannot but exceedingly admire , & most willingly praise the power and providence of God. Whether it were knowne to the Ancients or no , some doubt is moued , as of all things else there is : But herein , in my judgement , without any sufficient reason . For can we conceiue that so rare a deuise & of so singular vse could be knowne to Aristotle , Theophrastus , Pliny , Dioscorides , Galen , and that we should no where in any of their workes finde the least mention thereof ? Surely , I for my part shall neuer beleeue it ; neither can I bee perswaded that so pretious and vsefull an invention could possiblely be entertained & commonly practised , and yet lost againe out of the world as if it had neuer beene . But that indeed it was not practised appeares by this , that the Ancients , when by reason of a storme or mist they had lost the sight of the lights of heauen , they had no remedy to fly vnto ; Nullum coelo nubibus obscurato à magnete aut alio instrumento petebatur auxilium , when the heauen was darkened with clouds , they had no assistance from the Load-stone or any other instrument . — Clauumque affixus & haerens Nunquam amittebat oculosque sub astra tenebat . The helme he held & neuer it forsooke ●…ut on the stars his eyes did euer looke . Saith the Poet , as long as the starres appeared ; but when they were be misted , they then wandred they knew not whither . Tres adeo incertos caeca caligine soles , Erramus pelago , totidem sine fidere noctes . On Sea we rou'd three dayes as darke as night , Three nights likewise not feeing starrie light . And in S. Pauls coasting voyage by sea , when they had lost the sight of the Sunne and Starres all hope that they should be saued was then taken away . Some notwithstanding haue beene found , who haue thought this invention ancient . Levinus Lemnius in his third booke and fourth chapter de Occultis naturae miraculis seemes to doubt of it . An hoc instramentum Nauticum superioribus seculis extitit , an nostro idaevo excogitatum , non ausi●… certo pronunciare : whether this instrument of Navigation were in being in former ages , or found out in latter times , I cannot certainely define . Now that which chiefly causes him to make a doubt thereof , is those words of Plautus , Hic ventus nunc secundus est , cape modò versoriam : where by versoriam , Lemnius would haue vs vnderstand the Marriners Compasse , and then addes , Quanqùam ut opinor haec pixidicula nostro jam tempore magis exculta sit , elimata , expolita , omniaque exactius demonstret , as in the same chapter he speakes of printing : Yet I beleeue that this instrument was in latter ages brought to exact perfection : But for Plautus I dare say he was neuer guilty of such a meaning : Turnebus by Versoriam vnderstanding the rope with which the sayle , others the rudder , with which the ship is turned : Neither of which are impertinent or improper , so as there is no necessity of applying it to the Marriners Compasse . Stephen Pasquier in his 4 Booke & 23 chapter of his Recherches of France brings it vp as high as the times of S. Lewis by the verses of one Hugh de Bercy , who liued in his raigne , and as he pretends plainely describes it : but whether the words be so plaine as he makes them , or whether they were published by some other since Bercy , but in his name , is very vncertaine , specially since no Poet or Historiographer contemporary with him , or more ancient then he , are found to make mention thereof : and yet S. Lewis died not much aboue 300 yeare since . Pineda for the more commodious placing of Tharshis in Spaine , is confident that it was in vse in Solomons time , making his vniversall wisedome , and deepe insight in the nature of all things , the principall ground of his opinion : But Solomons wisedome though it were vniversall , and deepe beyond all the children of the East , inasmuch as God gaue him latitudinem cordis , a large heart as the sand on the sea shore , yet was it finite and limited aswell in things naturall as supernaturall . I doubt not but Adam in the state of integrity knew more then Solomon , and yet I dare not pronounce him omniscious , that being an attribute , ( as is likewise Omnipotencie , vbiquity & eternity ) individually proper to the Godhead , & incommunicable to any created substance , though meerely incorporeall , whether they bee the damned or the blessed spirits . If then the holy Angels , if Adam in Paradice knew not all things , nay if the Sonne of God himselfe , as he was man confesse himselfe to be ignorant of some things , why should wee thinke it strange to affirme , that Solomon knew not all things . If there be such a secret as the artificiall transmutation of other mettals into gold , ( which by the experiments of many is confidently avouched ) it is more then probable he was ignorant of it : for had he known it , he needed not to haue sent his Navy to Ophir or Tharshis for gold ; as likewise had he knowne this secret of the Load-stone , it needed not to haue spent three yeares in going and comming , neither should his Marriners haue needed to craue the assistance of the Tyrians and Sydonians , as Pilots for the better conducting of them in their voyage . I conclude then that either Solomon knew not this secret , or if he knew it , he put it not in practise , or if he put it in practise , it was since lost and recouered againe , which to me seemeth the most vnlikely of all . Now to the authority of these three , who plead for the antiquity of this Invention , may be opposed thirteene , and those in learning nothing inferiour who pleade against it , maintaining it to haue beene an Invention of latter ages vnknowne to the Ancients , as Acosta lib. 1. histor . Ind. cap. 17. Mariana lib. 1. de rebus Hispaniae cap. 22. Maluenda lib. 3. de Antichristo cap. 24. Gomara tomo 1. Indicae Historiae cap. 10. Turnebus lib. 20. advers . cap. 4. Pancirollus in his Nova reperta tit . 11. Salmuth in his Commentaries on that place . Philander in his Comment . vpon Vitruvius lib. 10. cap. 14. Lilius Giraldus . lib. de Navig . cap. 1. Cardan de subtilitate lib. 17. Bozius de signis Ecclesiae lib. 2. Bodin in his methode of History cap. 7. Ramus in Schol. Mathemat . lib. 2. and to those may be added many more , were I ambitious in mustering vp of names , or did the cause require it . Since the writing hereof I finde that our Fuller Miscell . 4. 19. thinkes it likewise very probable , that the Tyrians anciently had the vse of the Compasse , and that Solomon might bee the Inventor thereof , but against him may be produced the reasons before pressed against Pineda , & not onely the authorities already alleadged , but vnto them we may farther adde that of Gaspar Varrerius in his Commentary De Ophyra Regione , Cujus vim nativamque lapidis in Arctos semper respectantis antiquis ignotam fuisse manifestum est It is cleere that the natiue propertie of this stone of turning alwayes to the North , was to the ancients vnknowne . But a greater doubt presents it selfe about the time and Author of this Invention , when & by whom it should first be found out & set on foot . Doctour Gilbert our Countreyman ( who hath written in Latin a large & learned Discourse of the properties of this stone ) seemes to be of opinion that Paulus Venetus brought the Invention of the vse thereof frō the Chineses . Osorius in his discourse of the acts of King Emanuel , referres it to Gama and his Countreymen the Portugals , who as he pretends took it from certaine barbarous Pirats roauing vpon the Sea about the Cape of good hope . Goropius Becanus likewise thinkes hee hath great reason to intitle it vpon his Countreymen the Germans , in as much as the 32. points of the winde vpon the Compasse borrow the names from the Dutch in all Languages . But Blondus , who is therein followed by Pancirollus , both Italians , will not haue Italy loose the praise thereof , telling vs that about 300 yeares agoe it was found out at Malphis or Melpbis a Citty in the Kingdome of Naples in the Province of Campania , now called Terra di Lavorador ; But for the Author of it , the one names him not , & the other assures vs , he is not knowne : yet Salmuth out of Ciezus and Gomara confidently christens him with the name of Flavius , and so doth Du Bartas in those excellent verses of his touching this subject . W' are not to Ceres so much bound for bread , Neither to Bacchus for his clusters red , As Signior Flavio to thy witty tryall , For first inventing of the Sea-mans dyall , Th' vse of the needle turning in the same , Divine device , O admirable frame Whereby thorow th' Ocean in the darkest night Our hugest Carracks are conducted right , Whereby w' are stor'd with trou●…h-man , guide and Lampe , To search all corners of the watery Campe. Whereby a ship that stormy heau'ns haue whorld Neere in one night into another world Knowes where she is , and in the Card descries What degrees thence the Aequinoctiall lies . It may well be then that Flavius the Meluitan was the first Inventor of guiding the ship by the turning of the needle to the North : but some German afterwards added to the Compasse the 32 points of the wind in his owne language , whence other Nations haue since borrowed it . But surely a pitty it is that the Author of such an Invention is not both more certainlie knowne & honourably esteemed : He better deserving in my judgment to be inrolled and ranked among the great benefactors of the world , then many who for their supposed merits , of mankind were deified among the Heathen . Another excellent and secret conclusion vpon this stone , pretended to be found out in these latter times , is , that by touching two needles with the same stone , they being severally set so as they may turne vpon two round tables , hauing on their borders the Alphabet written circlewise , if two friends agreeing vpon the time , the one in Paris , the other in London , ( hauing each of them their table thus equally fitted ) be disposed vpon certaine dayes & at certaine houres to conferre , it is to bee done by turning the needle in one of the tables to the Alphabet , & the other by Sympathie will turne it selfe in the same manner in the other table , though neuer so farre distant : which conclusion if infallibly true , may likewise prooue of good and great consequence : howsoeuer I will set it downe as I finde it described by Famianus Strada in imitation of the stile and vaine of Lucretius . Magnesi genus est lapidis mirabile , cui si Corpora ferri plura stylosve admoveris , inde Non modo vim motumque trahent quo semper ad vrsam Quae lucet vicina polo se vertere tentent , Verumetiam mira inter se ratione , modoque Quotquot eum lapidem tetigere styli , simul omnes Conspirare situm motumque videbis in vnum . Vt si fortè ex his altquis Romae moveatur Alter ad hunc motum quamvis sit dissitus longè Arcano se naturai foedere vertat . Ergò age si quid scire voles qui distat amicum Ad quem nulla accedere possit epistola , sume Planum orbem patulumque notas , elementaque prima , Ordine quo discunt pueri , describe per or as Extremas orbis , medioque repone jacentem Qui tetigit magneta stylum , vt versatilis inde Litterulam quamcunque velis contingerepossit . Hujus ad exemplum simili fabricaveris orbem Margine descriptum , munitumque indice ferri , Ferri quod motum Magnete accepit ab illo , Hunc orbem dissessurus sibi portet amicus ; Conveniatque prius quo tempore , queisve diebus Exploret stylus an trepidet quidve indice signes . His ita compositis si clam cupis alloqui amicum Quem procul à Te Te terrai distinet ora Orbi adjunge manum , ferrum versatile tracta , Hic disposta vides elementa in margine toto Queis opus est ad verba notis hunc dirige ferrum Litterulasque modo hano modo & illam cuspide tange Dum ferrum per eas iterumque iterumque rotando Componas singillatim sensa omnia mentis . Mira fides longe qui distat cernit amicus Nullius impulsu trepidare volubile ferrum Nunc huc , nunc illuc discurrere conscius haeret Obseruatque styli ductum sequiturque legendo Hinc atque hinc elementa quibus in verba coactis Quid sit opus sentit ferroque interprete discit . Quin etiam cum stare stylum videt , ipse vicissim Si quae respondenda putat simili ratione Litterulis varie tactis rescribit amico : O vtinam haec ratio scribendi prodeat vsu Cautior & citior properaret epistola , nullas Latronum verita insidias fluviosque morantes , Ipse suis princeps manibus conficeret rem Nos soboles scribarum emersi ex aequore nigro Consecraremus calamum Magnetis ad aras . The Loade aboue all other stones hath this strange propertie , If sundry steels thereto , or needles yee applie , Such force & motion thence they draw , that they incline To turne them to the beare which neere the Pole doth shine . Nay more , as many steels as touch that vertuous stone , In strange & wondrous sort conspiring all in one , Together moue themselues , and situate together : As if one of those steels at Rome bestir'd , the other The selfe-same way will stirre though they far distant be , And all through Natures force & secret Sympathie : Well then if you of ought would faine advise your friend That dwels far off , to whom no letter you can send ; A large smooth round table make , write down the Christcrosse row In order on the verge thereof , and then bestow The needle in the mid'st which toucht the Load , that so What note soe're you list it straight may turne vnto : Then frame another orbe in all respects like this , Describe the edge , and lay the steele thereon likewise , The steele which from the selfe-same Magnes motion drew ; This orbe send with thy friend what time he bids adeu : But on the dayes agree first , when you meane to proue , If the steele stir , and to what letters it doth moue . This done , if with thy friend thou closely would'st advise , Who in a countrey off far distant from thee lies , Take thou the orbe & steele which on the orbe was set , The christcrosse on the edge thou seest in order writ , What notes will frame thy words to them direct thy steele , And it sometime to this , sometime to that note wheele , Turning it round about so often till you finde You haue compounded all the meaning of your minde ; Thy friend that dwels far off , ô strange ! doth plainely see The steele to stir , though it by no man stirred bee , Running now heere now there : He conscious of the plot As the steele guides pursues , & reades from note to note ; Then gathering into words those notes , he clearely sees What 's needefull to be done , the needle truchman is : Now when the steele doth cease its motion ; if thy friend Thinke it convenient answere backe to send , The same course he may take , and with his needle write Touching the seuerall notes what so he list indite . Would God men would be pleas'd to put this course in vre , Their letters would arriue more speedy and more sure , Nor Riuers would them stoppe , nor theeues them intercept ; Princes with their owne hands their businesse might effect : Wee Scribes from blacke sea scaped , at length with hearty wils At th' altar of the Loade would consecrate our quils . Of this devise , how two absent friends might confer at great distance , Viginerius in his Annotations vpon T. Liuius , speaketh somewhat in the 1316 columne of his first volume ; as namely that a letter might be read through a stone wall of three foote thicke , by guiding and mouing the needle of a compasse ouer the letters of the Alphabet , written in the circumference : but the certainety of this conclusion , I leaue to the experiment of such as list to make tryall of it , and so conclude this comparison touching Wits & Arts with the words of Bodi●… : Non minus peccant qui à veteribus aiunt omnia comprehensa , quam qui illos de veteri multarum artium possessione deturbant , habet Natura scientiarum thesauros numirabiles qui nullis aetatibus exhauriri possunt . They are no lesse to blame who affirme all things to haue been found out by the ancients , then they who would thrust them out of the possession of many Arts found out by them : For the Nature of sciences includes in it infinite treasure which can neuer be exhausted Or rather with those of Lactantius worthy to be written in letters of gold , as being no lesse true and pertinent , then witty and elegant : Dedit omnibus Deus pro virili portione sapientiam , vt & inaudita investigare possent , & audita perpendere ; nec quia nos illi temporibus antecesserunt , sapientia quoque antecesserunt , quae si omnibus aequaliter datur , occupari ab antecedentibus non potest . Illibabili●…est 〈◊〉 lux & claritas solis , quia vt sol oculorum , sit sapientia 〈◊〉 est cordis humani . Quare cum sapere , id est veritatem quaerere omnibus sit innatum , sapientiam sibi adimunt qui sine vllo judicio inventa maiorum probant ▪ & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 more ducuntur . Sed hoc eos fallit quod Maiorum nomine posi●… non patant fieri posse , vt aut ipsi plus sapiant quia Minores vocantur , aut illi de●…rint quia Maiores nominantur . God hath giuen wisedome vnto all according to a competent measure , that they might both finde out things vnheard of before , and weigh things already ●…ound out ▪ Neither because they had the start of vs in time , doth it likewise follow that they haue it also in wisedome , which if it be indifferently graunted to all , it cannot bee forestalled by them which went before . It is vnimpaireable like the light and brightnes of the sunne , it being the light of mans heart as the sunne is of his eyes . Sithence then to be wise , that is , ●…search the truth , is a disposition inbred in euery man , they debarre themselues of wisedome , who without any examination approue the inventions of their Ancestours , & like vnreasonable creatures , are wholy led by others . But this is it which deceiues them , the name of Ancestours being once set in the front , they thinke it cannot be that either themselues should be wiser , because they are called Punies , or the others should in any thing be mistaken , because they are called their Ancestours . And thus haue we seene that there is in mankind no such vniversall & perpetuall decay in regard of age & life , of strength & stature , of arts & wits , as is commonly pretended : It now remaines , that in the last place wee examine their manners & conditions , vertues & vices , whether it be so that men alwayes grow worse & worse , as it is likewise generally and confidently both held and beleeved . LIB . IV. Of the pretended decay in matter of manners , together with a large proofe of the future consummation of the world , from the testimonies of the Gentiles , and the vses which wee are to draw from the consideration thereof . CAP. 1. That there is no such vniversall & perpetuall decay in the manners of men as is pretended , which is first proved in generall , and then from Religion the ground of manners . SECT . 1. That there is a vicissitude and Revolution in vertues and vices , as there is in Arts & Sciences SVCH is the neere affinitie and mutuall connexion betwixt these foure , Age , Strength , Wit , & Manners , that as the three former ordinarily follow the temper & complexion of the body , so for the most part doth the fourth too ; though I must confesse that by the freedome of the will in morall matters we are more masters of the fourth , then of the other three , which are more naturall , and consequently lesse in our power to alter or commaund ; as strength then is the comfort of age , and 〈◊〉 the grace of strength , & vertue , the guide of wit : so age without strength is tedious , strength without wit dangerous , wit without vertue hurtfull and pernicious . If then hauing matched men of latter ages with those of the former in regard of age , strength , & wit , they should not likewise proue matchable in regard of vertue , it were a blemish rather then an ornament , a discommendation then a prayse . Now though it be true that vice at this day so abounds thorow the world , as it commonly doth , and well may breed a doubt euen in the best , whether these last times be not indeed the worst , and as it were the lees & dregs of all ages ; yet when I consider that in these latter ages , ( if we compare them with the precedent since the Creation ) a great part of the knowne world hath beene converted to the Christian doctrine , and that the Authour of it hath told vs , By their fruites yee shall knowe them ; mee thinkes I should wrong both him and it , if I should yeeld that the world hath not thereby beene bettered , euen in regard of civill vertue & morall goodnes : Deus vt parens diligentissimus appropinquante vltimo tempore nuncium misit , qui vetus illud seculum fugatamque Iusticiam reduceret , ne humanum genus maximis & perpetuis agitaretur erroribus ; Redijt ergo species illius aurei temporis , saith Lactantius . God as a most tender father , the end now drawing on , sent his Messenger , who should reduce that old age and banished justice , least mankinde should alwayes be tossed vp & downe with infinite & continuall errours , so as now we haue brought backe againe vnto vs a representation of those golden times . But as I cannot easily grant that men alwayes , and in all places waxe worse and worse ; so I doe not beleiue that alwayes , & in all places they waxe better and better , or that they stand at a stay : But as in the Arts & Sciences ; so likewise in matter of manners , there is a vicissitude , an alternation & revolution as before hath beene touched in part . The world is sometimes better & sometimes worse , according to the times of warre or peace , the conditions of Princes & Lawes , and the execution of them . Sometimes vertue increaseth in one kingdome and decreaseth in another , and againe in the same kingdome one vice growes vp and another withers , at least-wise for a time . This circulation of vertue and vice hath beene obserued , and the obseruation thereof commended to posterity by the soundest & sagest writers in Antiquity : Nisi forte in rebus cunctis inest quidam velut orbis , & quemadmodum temporum vices ita morum vertantur , nec omnia apud priores meliora , sed nostra quoque aetas multa laudis & artium imitanda posteris tulit , saith Tacitus . Vnlesse perchance there be in all things a certaine circular change , & as there is by turnes an entercourse of times , so also of Customes and Manners . Neither were all things in ancient times better then ours , bur our age hath likewise left to posterity many things worthy praise and imitation And againe , vitia erunt donec homines , sed neque haec continua , & meliorum interventu pensantur . Vices there will be , as long as men are , but these Iast not alwayes , and they are often recompensed by the intervening of better times . And with him accords the graue Seneca : Hoc maiores nostri questi sunt , hoc nos quaerimur , hoc posteri nostri querentur , euersos esse mores , regnare nequitiam , in deterius res humanas & in omne nefas labi : at ista stant loco eodem , stabuntque paululum duntaxat vltra aut citra mota , vt fluctus quos aestus accedens longius extulit , recedens maiore littorum vestigio tenuit , nunc in adulterio magis quam in alio peccabitur , abrumpetque frenos pudicitia , nunc conviviorum vigebit furor , & foedissimum patrimoniorum exitium culina , nunc cultus corporum nimius , & formae cura , prae seferens animi deformitatem ; nunc in petulantiam & audaciam erumpet male dispensata libertas , nunc in crudelitatem priuatam ac publicam ibitur bellorumque ciuilium insaniam , qua omne sanctum ac sacrum profanetur , habebitur aliquando ebrietati honor , & plurimum meri cepisse virtus erit . Non expectant vno loco vitia , sed mobilia & inter se dissentientia , tumultuantur invicem fuganturque . Caeterum idem semper de nobis pronunciare debebimus , malos esse nos , malos fuisse , invitus adijciam , & futuros esse . This our Ancestours complained of , this wee complaine of , this our posterity will complaine of , that manners are corrupted , that wickednes reignes , that humane affaires grow worse & worse , but these stand where they were , and so shall remaine , being only at times a little remoued ; sometimes this way , sometimes that way , as the waues which the tide flowing carries farther in , but ebbing leaues farther off . Sometimes Adultery spreads it selfe more then any other sinne , and immodesty will endure no bridle : and sometimes againe the madnes of feasting is in fashion and the kitching the basest kinde of consuming a mans patrimony ; And then againe the immoderate decking of our bodies and care of preseruing our beautie , which too much discouers the deformitie of the mind , sometimes liberty dispensed with breaketh out in to desperate boldnes , sometimes into cruelty publique & private , and the rage of civill wars , whereby all holy things and places come to be profaned , and the time will come when drunkennes shall be had in honour , and it shall be held a vertue to swill downe much wine . Vices rest not in any one state or place , but shifting hither & thither , and sighting one against another , they both assault and put one another to flight : But howeuer it goe , it shall alwayes be truly said of vs , that wee are naught , naught wee haue beene , ( and which I vnwillingly adde ) we shall still be naught . And the same Authour hauing related a storie out of Asclepiodorus , how Phillippe of Macedon sent men downe into an old mine to search what store was left in it , and whether the couetousnes of former ages had not drawne it dry , cum magna haec voluptate legi , saith he , intellexi enim saeculum nostrum non novis vitijs sed iam antiquitùs traditis laborare , nec nostra aetate primum auaritiam venas terrarum lapidumque rimatam in tenebris male abstrusa quaesisse : Illi quoque Maiores nostri quos celebramus laudibus , quibus dissimiles querimur nos esse , spe ducti montes ceciderunt & supra lucrum sub ruina steterunt . This I read with marveilous great content : for thereby I vnderstood , that our age was not burdened with new vices , but such as were anciently practised , nor that Auarice now first searched into the veines of the earth & stones , seeking out those things which Nature hath buried in darkenes . Euen those our Ancestours , whom we so highly extoll , to whom we complaine that our selues are vnlike , in hope of lucre cut thorow mountains and vnder danger of ruine stood vpon their gaine . It cannot be denyed , but that a wicked Gouernour hath many times a good successour , and a gracelesse father a godly and vertuous sonne . Egregia est soboles scelerato nata parente : A worthles sire begets a worthy sonne . Thus Constantine succeeded to Dioclesian , Iouinian to Iulian , Alexander Seuerus to Heliogabalus , Hezekias to Ahaz , & Iosias to Ammon . And doubtles were the son alwayes worse then the faher , the successour then the predecessour , and succeeding ages then the proceeding , villny had long ere this stretched it selfe to the vtmost period , & that complaint which the satyrist vttered by way of Poeticall aggrauation had long before this time beene verified in truth and in deede : Non habet vlterius quod nostris moribus addat Posteritas . Nought hath posterity Which to our manners may yet further added be . SECT . 2. The extreame follie of the ancients , in adoring & invocating images . IN this comparison of manners , I will first begin with the Religion of the Ancients , which ouer-spread almost the whole world , because from their foule errours in matters of the first Table we shall easily guesse at their grosse irregularities in those of the second , the duties of the latter depending vpon the obseruation of the former : And besides in the very choice & exercise of their Religion will appeare much inhumanitie & brutish stupiditie ; Their Idols of gold , & siluer , & stone , and wood were to the inspired pen-men of holy writ so ridiculous , that euery where they inveigh against them as most sottish vani●…es , and the worshippers of them , as men voide of common Reason , shewing themselues more blockish then the very blockes they adored , in that being themselues made according to Gods image , they worshipped images made with their owne hands , and bestowed vpon their owne workes the Deitie of him , from whom they receiued breath and being . Their Idols are silver and gold , saith the Prophet Dauid , euen the workes of mens hands , they haue a mouth and speake not , eyes haue they and see not , they haue eares and heare not , noses haue they and smell not , they haue hands and touch not , feete haue they and walke not , they that make them are like vnto 〈◊〉 , and so are all they that put their trust in them . And the Prophet Esay hauing shewed how a man plants a tree , & when it is grown vp cuts it downe , with part thereof he baketh his bread , with part he rosteth his meate & warmeth himselfe , and with the residue thereof he maketh his god , euen his Idoll : The Carpenter stretcheth out a line , he fashioneth it with a red thread , he planeth and he pourtraieth it with the compasse , and maketh it after the figure of a man , and according to the beauty of a man , that it may remaine in an house ; then boweth he and worshippeth , and prayeth vnto it , and saith , Deliuer me for thou art my God : And therevpon inferres , they haue not knowen nor vnderstood , for God hath shut their eyes that they cannot see , and their hearts , that they cannot vnderstand . And the Prophet Ierimy much to like purpose , one cutteth a tree out of the Forrest with an axe , and another decketh it with siluer and with gold , they fasten it with nayles and hammers , that it fall not , the Idoles stand vp as a palme tree , but they speake not : They are borne because they cannot goe , and then concludes , They dote and are foolish , for the stock is a doctrine of vanity . But most liuely & elegantly , yet with scorne and derision haue we this blockish vanity described in the booke of Wisedome . Miserable are they , and among the dead is their hope that call them Gods , which are the workes of mens hands , gold & siluer , and the thing that is invented by Art & the similitude of beasts , or any vaine stone that hath beene made by the hand of antiquity . Or as when a Carpenter cutteth downe a tree meete for the worke , and pareth off all the barke thereof cunningly , & by Art maketh a vessell profitable for the vse of life , and the things that are cut off from his worke he bestoweth to dresse his meat to fill himselfe , & that which is left of these things which is profitable for nothing , ( for it is a crooked peece of wood , & full of knobs ) he carueth it diligently at his leisure , & according as hee is expert in cunning , he giueth it a proportion , & fashioneth it after the similitude of a man , or maketh it like some vile beast , and straketh it ouer with vermilion , & painteth and couereth euery spot that is in it ; And when he hath made a convenient Tabernacle for it , he setteth it in a wall , & maketh it fast with iron , providing so for it lest it fall : for hee knoweth that it cannot helpe it selfe , because it is an image that hath need of helpe : Then he prayeth for his goods , & for his marriage , and for his children , hee is not ashamed to speake vnto it that hath no life , hee calleth on him that is weake for health , he prayeth vnto him that is dead for life , he requireth helpe of him that hath no experience at all , & for his journey him that is not able to goe , and for gaine and successe in his affaires , asketh ability to doe of him that is most vnable to doe any thing . This childish foppery the Primitiue Christians also scoffed & laughed at , Quae amentia est , aut ea fingere quae ipsi postmodum timeant , aut timere quae finxerunt , saith Lactantius : What a madnesse is it either to make things which themselues feare , or to feare those things which themselues haue made . Nec intelligunt homines ineptissimi quod si sentire simulacra & movere possent , vltrò adoratura homines fuissent à quibus sunt expolita . Neither doe these foolish men vnderstand that the images they adore , had they but sense & motion , would adore them who framed & formed them . Sed haeo nemo considerat , ac mentes eorum penitus succum stultitiae perbiberunt : adorant ergo insensibilia qui sentiunt , irrationalia qui sapiunt , exanima qui vivunt , terrena qui oriuntur è coelo . Iuvat ergo velut in aliqua sublimi specula constitutum vnde vniversi exaudire possint Persianum illud proclamare , O cur as hominum , ô quantum est in rebus inane , O curvae in terris animae & coelestium inanes ! But these things none considereth , their minds being thoroughly drenched with the liquor of foolishnes : They which haue sence adore things without sence , which haue life things without life , which are from heauen things earthly . It were good then from some high tower that all might heare it , to proclaime alowd that of Persius , O cares of men ! O world all fraught With vanities ! O mindes inclined Towards earth , all voide of heau'nly thought ! And Sedulius an ancient Christian Poet , by Nation a Scot , hath excellently described this palpable folly , Heu miseri qui vana colunt , qui corde sinistro Religiosa sibi sculpunt simulacra , suumque Factorem fugiunt , & quae fecêre verentur , Quis furor est quae tanta animos dementia ludit ? Vt volucrem , turpemque bovem , torvumque draconem , Semihominemque canem supplex homo pronus adoret . Ah wretched they that worship vanities , And consecrate dumbe Idols in their hearts , Who their owne Maker God on high despise , And feare the worke of their owne hands and Art ! What fury , what great madnesse doth beguile Mens mindes , that man should vgly sh●…pes adore Of birds , or buls , or dragons , or the vile Halfe dog halfe man on knees for aide implore . To these vgly shapes doth Seneca allude : Nu●…ina vocant quae si accepto spiritu occurrerent monstra haberentur . Divine powers they call those which if they should meete hauing life put into them , would be held monsters . And one of their owne Poets seemes to ●…est at their grossenesse herein . Olim truncus eram ficulnus invtile lignum , Quem Faber incertus scamnum facere●…ne , Priapum Maluit esse deum . Euen now I was the stocke of an old figge tree , Th●… workeman doubting what I then should bee , A bench or god , at last a god made mee . It is indeed true , that the Romanes for a time were altogether without images for any religious vse , but afterward they receiued into their City those of all other Nations by them conquered , so as they who were Lords of the whole world , became slaues to the Idoles of all the World : Which bables , as witnesseth S. Augustine . that learned Varro both bewailed & vtterly condemned in expresse words : Qui primi simulacra Deorum populis posuerunt , ij & civitatibus suis timorem ademerunt , & errorem addiderunt : They who first erected Idols for the peoples vse thereby both abolished all feare of the Deitie and introduced errour . But the wise Seneca thus derides them , Simulacra Deorum venerantur , illis supplicant genu posito , illa adorant , & cum haec suspiciant , fabros qui illa fecere contemnunt : the Images of the Gods they worship , those they pray vnto with bended knees , those they adore , and while they so greatly admire them , they contemne the Artificer that made them . SECT . 3. Their grosse and ridiculous blockishnesse in the infinite multitude of their gods . THeir strange infatuation will yet appeare farther vnto vs if wee rise a little higher from the Images to the Gods which they represented , and surely whether their practice about their images , or their opinion touching their Gods were more grosse and ridiculous , it is hard to define : Whether we regard their number or their condition , or their manner of service . For their number he that reades Boccace his books de Genealogia Deorum , will easily finde them almost numberlesse ; so as the Apostle might well say , There be Gods many , and Lords many . Crinitus out of Hesiodus makes them thirty thousand strong : & the Iuppiters alone out of Varro no lesse then three hundred . There were Dij majorum gentium , which were worshipped generally throughout the greatest part of the world ; & Dij Tutelares , gods of seuerall Nations & Provinces , chosen to be their patrons & guardions , which may be gathered by those high places which Solomon built for his Idolatrous wiues , wherein they worshipped the seuerall Gods of their seuerall Nations , Ashtoreth the Goddesse of the Sidonians , and Milcom the God of the Ammorites , Cbemosh the God of the Moabites , & Molech the God of the Ammonites : so likewise for all the rest of his outlandish wiues , which burnt incense & offered vnto their Gods , whereby it appeareth that euery Nation had a God of his owne , & yet farther may it be seene by the practice of those Nations which Salmanezer transplanted into the Samaritan Cities , of whom it is recorded , that though they feared the Lord , yet they worshipped euery one his owne peculiar God , of whom there is a Catalogue in the same place set downe , The Babylonians Succoth Benoth , the Cuthites Nergall , the Hammathites Ashima , the Avites Nibhaz , & Tartak , the Sepharvites Adramelech , & Anamelek . And as seuerall Nations & Provinces chose to themselues their Gods , so did likewise the Cities as we may partly see by that rabble of them mustered vp by Rabshaketh in his Oration to King Hezekiah , where is the God of Hamah and Arpad , where is the God of Sepher-vaim Hevah & Iuah : & in imitation of the Gentiles did the men of Iudah multiply their gods according to the number of their Cities . Neither did Nations , Provinces , & Cities onely affect to haue euery one vnto themselues their owne peculiar and seuerall Gods , as their Patrons and defenders , but the same was likewise followed by all their seuerall families , who still had their Lares & Deos Penates , that is , their houshold Gods , as the Protectours of their families , whom because they adored in the secret & inward parts of their houses , the Poets vse to call Deos Penetrales : Yea and as Pliny reporteth , not only seuerall families had their seuerall Gods , but also euery seuerall person would adopt a seuerall God of his owne ; insomuch that hee thought the number of Gods to bee multiplied aboue the number of men . Major Coeli●…um populus etiam qu●…m hominum intelligi potest , cùm singuli quoque ex semetipsis singulos Deos faciant , I●…nones Geniosque adoptando sibi . We may well conceiue greater multitudes of Gods then of men , seeing euery man adop●…eth as he pleaseth both greater & small●…r gods to himselfe . All which considered , otiosum est per omnia Deorum nomina per●…urrere qui colerentur à veteribus , saith Ter●…ullian . It were an idle thing to attempt to runne through the names of all the Gods which the Ancients worshipped , they had so many old Gods & new Gods , hee Gods & shee Gods , citty Gods & countrey God , co●…mon Gods & proper Gods , land Gods & sea Gods. And with Tertull●…an heerein accords S. Augustine , Quando autem possins vno loco libri h●…us ●…morari omnia nomina Deorum aut Dearum , quae illi grandibus volum●…bus vix comprehendere potuerunt singulis rebus propria dispertie●…tes officia Numinum . How can all the names of their Gods and Goddesses bee recounted in one chapter of this booke , which themselues could not range within the compasse of many great volumes , appointing a p●…rticular God to waite on euery particular thing ; nay for some thing , saith he , they had many Gods , as namely for corne they had Segetia for the sowing of it , while it lay vnder the earth Tutelina , when it sprang vp Proserpina , Nodotus when it shut into a blade , when it spired Voluti●…a , when the eare opened Patilena , when it brake forth Host●…lina , when it blosomed Flora , when it kerned Lacturtia , when it grew ripe Ma●…uta , when it was reaped 〈◊〉 . His conclusion is , which also shall be mine for this point , Ne omnia commemoro quia me piget quod illos non 〈◊〉 : neither doe I name all , for that it grieueth me to wri●…e what they were not ashamed to act . SECT . 4. The most shamefull and base condition of their gods . THe quality & condition of their gods was doubtles much more shamefull th●…n their multitude . The common opinion touching their great god Iupiter was , that he was intombed in Creete , and his monument was there to be seene . Wherevpon Lactantius wit ily demaunds , Quomodo potest Deus esse alibi vivus alibi mortuus , alibi habere templum , alibi sepulchrum ? Tell me I beseech you how can the same god be aliue in one place and dead in another , haue a temple dedicated to him in one place , and a tomb erected in another . Nay Callimachus himselfe in his hymne on Iupiter , calleth the Cretians lyars in this very respects , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. which part of his hymne is thus translated into Latine by Bonaventura Vulcanius . At certe mendax est Creta , sepulchrum Quae posuit tibi qui haud moreris , nam semper es idem . The Cretians alwayes lyars are , who rais'd vnto thy name A sepul●…her , that neuer diest , but euer art the same . Moreouer , they gaue diuine honour to notorious common strumpets , as vnto Goddesses , to Venus , to Faula , to Lupa the nurse of Romulus , so called among the sheepheards for the common prostitution of her body , and to Flora , who hauing gained much by her meretricious trade ; she made by her will the people of Rome her h●…ire , and left a sum of money , by the vse whereof , her birth-day was yearely to be celebrated , with the setting forth of games , which in memorie of her they called Floralia . Nay , their great Goddesse Iuno ; they make both the wife and the sister of Iupiter , and Iupiter himselfe with the other gods , no better then Adulterers , Sodomites , murtherers , theeues : Neither were these things concealed or whispered in priuate , but published to the world ; they were liuely described by their Painters in their tables , by their Poets in their verses , and acted by their Players vpon their stages . Quanta maiestas putanda est . Quae adoratur in templis , illuditur in theatris , what great maiestie call yee me that , which is adored in the temples , & prophaned in the Theatres . And so farre were the worshippers of these goodly gods from punishing or censuring them therein , that they were highly applauded and approued by the people , and rewarded by the state : Neither were these things written or spoken by Lucian , or such as scoffed at Religion , but by those who professedly vndertooke the prayse of their Gods , Non enim ista Lucilius narrat aut Lucianus qui Dijs & hominibus non pepercit , sed hi potissimum qui Deorum laudes canebant , & quibus credemus si fidem laudantibus non habemus ? These things are not reported by Lucilius or Lucianus , who spared neither God nor man , but specially by them who sung the prayses of the Gods ; and to whom I pray you in such cases should we giue credit , if not to them , who purposely seeke to commend ? Besides , they worshipped ridiculous gods , as Fortunam , Fornacem , Mutam , the passions of the mind and the diseases of the body , Timorem , Pallorem , Febrem , nay Vices , Priapum , Cupidinem , non nomina colendorum sed crimina colentium , not names fit for Diuine powers to be worshipped , being nothing else but the vices of the worshippers . Heerevnto may be added their silthy gods , Crepitus ventris , Cloacina , sterquilinium , well deseruing that reproach which is cast vpon them by Aristophanes , that they were Dij Merdiuori , & so Moses calleth thē in expresse tearmes , dirty dung-hill gods , as the originall is rendred by Iunius & Tremelius . Foure whole dayes , saith Tacitus , Cremona ministred matter to sacke & to burne , and all things beside both holy & prophane being consumed into ashes ; the temple of Mephitis without the wals remained vntouched , either because it stood out of the way , or by reason of some diuine vertue of the goddesse : Now would you know what this goodly Lady was , surely none other then the Goddesse of ill sauours : and these kinde of Gods and Goddesses Lactantius deseruedly wisheth to be euer present with their worshippers : Yet not content with this , they worshipped the Devills themselues , they sacrificed vnto diuels not vnto God , saith Moses : And I say , saith the Apostle , that the things which the Gentiles sacrifice , they sacrifice to Devills and not to God. What should I speake of the Thebans worshipping a wezell , the Trotans a mouse , the Egyptians an onion or a leeke , and such like contemptible things : which notorious folly , Iuvenall , who liued a while amongst them , thus wittily derides . Porrum & caepe nefas violare & frangere morsu O sanctas Gentes quibus haec nascuntur in hortis Numina ! A leeke , an onyon ô'tis wickednesse , These once to violate & to eate no lesse , Sweete Saints they are , & holy ones I trow , To whom their gods doe in their gardens grow . And diuerse such absurd Gods they worshipped , which would make a modest man euen blush to name , as Sybilla hath truly noted : — Haec adoratis Et multa alia vana quae sane turpe fuerit praedicare Sunt enim Dij hominum deceptores stultorum : These foolish Gods and many more Like vaine , they worship and adore : Which filthy were to name in Schooles , Such filthy gods deceiue but fooles . SEC . 5. Their barbarous and most vnnaturall cruelty , in sacrificing their children to their Gods. NOw if from the multitude and quality of their Gods we proceede yet a little farther , to search into the manner of their service , wee shall easily finde that more frentike & vnreasonable , then either of the two former . Which madnes of theirs is well set forth by Seneca , Si intueri vacet quae faciunt , quaeque patiuntur superstitiosi , inveniet tam indecora honestis , tam indigna liberis , tam dissimilia sanis , vt nemo fuerit dubitaturus , furere eos si cum paucioribus furerent , nunc sanitatis patrocinium est insanientium turba : If a man had but the leasure to looke into those things , which men led with superstition both doe & suffer , he shall find them so vnbefitting honest , so vnworthy of ingenuous , so vnlike sound & sober mindes , as no man would doubt but they were starke madde , were but the number of them fewer that thus goe a madding , whereas now the only plea for themselues that they are in their right wits is the number of mad men . Alexander ab Alexandro hath of set purpose composed an intire chapter touching this point , where the maine matter hee insists vpon , that made the sacrifices of the Heathen most odious , was the effusion of humane blood in the service of their Gods ; yet had this barbarous vnnaturall practice spread it selfe well neere ouer the knowne world : It was in vse among the Troians , as it should seeme by that of Virgill , touching Aeneas : Vinxerat & post terga manus quos mitteret vmbris Inferias caeso sparsurus sanguine flammas . Their hands behind their backes he bound whom he had destined A sacrifice vnto the ghosts , & on whose flames to shed Their blood he purposed . And againe in another place , — Sulmone creatos Quatuor hic iuuenes totidem quos educat Vfeus Viventes rapit , inferias quos immolet vmbris Captiuoque rogi perfundat sanguine flammas . Sulmos foure sonnes aliue he tooke , Vfeus foure sons likewise , Whom to the ghosts he purposed eftsoones to sacrifice , And on those burning carkases to spill their captiue blood . Whereupon Lactantius cries out , quid potest esse hac pietate dementius , quam mortuis humanas victimas immolare , & ignem cruore hominum tanquam oleo pascere ? What can be more frentike then this kinde of piety , which sacrificeth liuing men for the ease of the dead , & feedes the fire of the Altar with humane blood , as it were with oyle . The Grecians in like manner were infected with this bloody and deadly disease : Sanguine placastis Divos & Virgine caesa Cum primum Iliacas Danai venistis ad or as Sanguine quaerendi reditus , animaque litandum Argolica . With blood and offring of a maid the Gods were pacifide , When first to Troy-ward yee were bound , with blood yee must againe Seeke your returne , with Grecian soule they must be satisfide The Virgine he meanes was Iphigenia , who was sacrificed in the sight of her father Agamemnon , which gaue occasion to that of Lucretius , Tantum Religio potuit suadere malorum ? Such , so much wickednes Religion could perswade . This wicked custome was likewise taken vp by the Carthaginians , as appeares by Silius Italicus : Mos fuit in populis quos condidit advena Dido Poscere caedi Deos , veniam , ac flagrantibus aris ( Infandum dictu ) parvos imponere natos Vrna reducebat miserandos annua casus . The ancient custome of that state , Queene Dido stablished , Was this , with humane sacrifice the Gods they worshipped . On burning Altars ( out alas ) their children young they slew , An yearely lot these cruelties did solemnely renew . And Lactantius reports out of Pescenius Festus , that the Carthaginians hauing for a time intermitted that kind of sacrifice , and being ouerthrown in a battell by Agathocles King of Sicill , for the paci●…ying of their God Saturne , whom by their losse they conceiued to be displeased with thē ; they sacrificed at once vnto him two hundred children , sons to the chiefe Nobility of the city ; whereby perchaunce , saith he , they gaue themselues a greater blowe , then Agathocles their professed enimy had done . The Gaules also our next neighbours were guilty of this diuelish kind of worship , if we may credit Lucan . Et quibus immitis placatur sanguine diro T●…utates , hor●…ensque feris altaribus Haesus Et Taranis Scythicae non mitior ara Dianae . And they that vse with cursed blood their Idoll Gods to please Teutates fierce , & Hesus grimme whom nought else may appease ; But sacrifice of humane flesh & Taranis likewise Worshipt as curst Diana is just after Scythike wise . Neither were the Moabites free from this horrible sin ▪ as may be seene in the 2 of Kings and the 3 , where the King of Moab tooke his own son , as some thinke , or others the King of Edoms sonne , & offered him for a burnt offering vpon the wall . And generally it was practised by the Inhabitants of the land of Canaan , Their sons & their daughters they burnt in the fire to their Gods. The parents killed with their owne hands soules destitute of helpe . Good God , that the candle of reason should be so farre dimmed , and the image of God defaced in man , as to thinke that an acceptable sacrifice , which was in truth an horrible & sacrilegious impiety , as if religion did extinguish naturall affection , or that were lawfull at the Altar or in the temple , which in the market place was most vnlawfull , and punishable in an high degree : Nonne satius esset pecudum more viuere , saith Lactantius ? were it not better to liue as beasts without all sense of religion , then to exercise it in such sauage manner : Yet was not this so strange in the barbarous nations , their religion being heerein sutable to their manners , as in the Romans , the professed Masters forsooth of Morality & Civility : Yet came this damnable practice long in vse among them too , vntill it was to be abolisht by decree of Senate , during the Consulship of Cornelius Lentulus , & Licinius Crassus : Which makes me the more to wonder that Virgill held amongst them , as the world then went ; an honest vnderstanding man , should after the publishing of this decree , commend it in Aeneas as an act of piety , and not rather censure it as a most abominable impiety . Haec culpa non illius fuit qui literas fortasse non didicerat , sed tua qui cum esses eruditus , ignorasti tamen quid esset pietas , & illud ipsum quod nefariè , quod detestabiliter fecit , pietatis esse officium credidisti , saith Lactantius . This was not so much Aeneas his fault , who was perchaunce altogether vnlearned , as thine , who being indued with knowledge , yet wast ignorant what was piety , & beleeuest that to be a pious act , which he most wickedly & detestablely committed . But that which I most admire , is , that it should creep in amongst the Iewes , the peculiar people of the true God , as himselfe complaines by the Prophet Ierimy : And they haue built the high places of Tophet , which is in the valley of the son of Hinnon , to burne their sons & their daughters in the fire , which I commaunded them not , neither came it into my heart ; By the Prophet Ezekiell , when they had slaine their children to their Idols , then they came the same day into my sanctuary to prrphane it ; & by the Prophet Dauid , They were mingled among the Heathen , and learned their workes , and they served their Idols which were a snare vnto them ; yea they sacrificed their sons & their daughters vnto Devils , and shed innocent blood , even the blood of their sons and of their daughters , whom they sacrificed vnto the Idols of Canaan , and the land was polluted with blood . Thus Ahaz made molten images for Baalim , and burnt his children for sacrifice before the Idoll Moloch , or Saturne , which was represented by a man like br●…sen body bearing the head of a calfe , set vp not far from Hierusalem , in a valley shadowed with wood , called Gehinnon or Tophet , from whence is the word Gehenna vsed for hell . The children offered were inclosed within the carkasse of this Idoll , and as the fire increased , so the sacrificers with a noise of Cymbals & other instruments filled the aire , to the end , the horrible cries of the children might not be heard ; and hence the place borrowd the name of Tophet , from Top , which signifies a timbrell ; of which most detestable impiety , able to make a mans haire stand an end and his heart tremble euen at the relation thereof : Paulus Fagius hath written at large in his Commentary vpon the Chalde Paraphrase , & before him S. Hierome vpon the tenrh of S. Matthew , and since him Wolphius in his Expositions on the second booke of Kings , added for supplement of Peter Martyrs , thus sharpely but justly censures it ; Fuit autem haec plusquam belluina immanitas ; quae enim ferae suos catulos non potius ament , amplectantur , foveant , nutriant , quam occidant , ne dum crudeliter excruciatos necent ; This monstrous inhumanity was more then brutish : for what wild beasts doe not rather loue , imbrace , nourish and cherish their young ones , then kill them & cruelly torment them to death ? SECT . 6. Their monstrous beastlinesse in the worship of Priapus & Berecynthia , as also of their doting follie in their divinations , together with a touch vpon the childish fables of the Iewish Rabbines , the absurd opinions and horrible practises of ancient Heretikes in the primitiue Christian Church , & the incredible ignorance and superstition of the Romish . I cannot tell whether their cruelty were greater in the worship of Moloch , or their beastlinesse in the worship of Priapus , described by Gyraldus at large , in his history of the Gods : And Tostatus in his 50 question vpon the 20 of Exodus . It was so obscene , as the very mention of it , cannot but offend chast eares ; Hic morbus , hoc crimen , hoc dedecus habet inter illa sacra professionem quod in vitiosis hominum moribus vix habet inter tormenta confessionem . They professe in the holding of those sacrifices , that beastly crime , which the most vitious men will hardly confesse vpon the racke . I will therefore skip ouer it as cleanely as I may , as men commonly doe ouer boggs & quagmires . The shape in which this God was represented , was such as nature hath taught vs to hide : The gestures of the Priests in seruing him , such as I wonder their Matrones & Virgines , in whom were any sparkes of modesty , could behold it with patience : And for the people who came to worshippe , the sacrifice being ended , they all stepped aside into a thicked , which was alwayes planted neere the Altar of this God , and there like bruite beasts promiscuously satisfied their lust , thereby as they conceaued best pleasing their God ; which was the cause , as it seemes , that the true God commaunded , that no groues should be planted neere the place of his worship , and if any were , they should be cut downe . This Priapus , as S. Hierome & Isidore are of opinion , was the same with that Baal-peor or Beel-phegor , whom the Moabites & Madianites adored , & the Israelites themselues for loue of the Madianitish women : And the same S. Hierome makes Maacha the mother of Asa , guilty of the same villany , in his commentaries vpon the fourth of Hosea , where he thus translates part of the fifteenth chapter of the first booke of Kings : Insuper & Maacham matrem suam amouit , ne esset princeps in sacris Pryapi , & in luco eius : Moreouer hee deposed Maacha his mother , that shee might not be chiefe in the sacrifices of Pryapus & his groues . Of much like condition to this worship of Pryapus , was that of Berecynthia , the mother of the gods , as we finde it described by S. Augustine , out of his owne experience ; his words are these . Ante eius Lecticam die solenni la●…ationis eius , talia per publicum cantitabantur , à nequissimis scenicis qualia non dico matrem Deorum , sed matrem qualiumcunque Senatorum vel quorumlibet honestorum virorum , imò vero qualia nec matrem ipsorum Scenicorum deceret audire : Such filthy stuffe was by loose lewd varlets sung before her charet on the solemne day of her lavation , as was vtterly 〈◊〉 , I will not say for the mother of the Gods , but of any Senarour , nay of any honest man , nay of the singers themselues to heare : and perchaunce , sayth he , they would haue blushed to haue spoken that before their own mothers at home , which before the mother of the Gods in the 〈◊〉 & hearing of innumerable multitudes of both sexes they boldly sang , & therevpō breaks out into this exclamation , Quae sunt sacri legia , si illa erant sacra ? quae inquinatio , si illa lavatio ? what should we call sacriledge , if this were sacrificing ? what pollution , if this lauation ? and if this be sacriledge , then surely the worshipping of God by blasphemies & cur●…ings , as did the Lyndians , is a degree beyond sacriledge ; who notwithstanding proceeded so farre in this diuelish mad custome , vt ea sacra pro violaris haberentur , si quando inter solennes ritus vel imprudenti alicui ex●…ider et bonum verbum , as witnesseth Lactantius , that they held it a violation of their sacrifice , if during their solemne Ceremonies , but a good word chaunced to slippe from any man though vnawares . Now what a lamentable case is this , to consider that the common enimy of mankinde should so farre prevaile in blinding their vnderstandings , as to conceiue that the Authour of life should be worshipped with the effusion of humane & innocent blood , the fountaine of holinesse with brutish impurity , the father of blessings with execrable cursings ? Heerevnto may be added the vaine divinations which the Romans made vpon the entrals of Beasts , vpon the flying , the feeding , the singing , the cherping of birds : But the sage Cato & those of the wiser sort well saw the doting folly of these lying vanities , Potest Augur Augurem videre , & non ridere ? Can one Diuiner looke vpon another & not smile ? And the same Cato , as S. Augustine reports it , when one asked counsell of him in sober earnest , what harme he thought aboded him because Rats had gnawne his hose , he answered with a iest , that it was no strang thing to see that , but it had beene much more straunge if his hose had devoured the Rats . Tully likewise in his disputations touching such arguments , when one to inforce the verity of divination had sayd , that a victorie which fell to the Thebanes , was foreshewed by an extraordinary crowing of cocks , he could reply vpon that with a very smooth & quicke put off , that it was no miracle cockes should crow , but if fishes had so done , that had bin wonderfull indeede . I will conclude this point , as Alexander ab Alexandro doth his last booke : Quantum debemus Christo Domino Regi & Doctori nostro , quem 〈◊〉 rum Deum veneramur & scimus , quo praemonstrante explosa monstrosa ferarum Gentium doctrina rituque immani & barbaro , veram religionem edocti ▪ humanitatem & verum Deum colimus , evictisque erroribus & infandis inep●…ijs quas Prisci coluere , quid quemque deceat & quibus sacris quàque mente Deum colere oporteat noscitamus . How much doe we owe to Christ our King & Master , whom we acknowledge and worship as true God , by whose guidance and direction , the monstrous doctrine and barbarous rites of those sauage nations being chased away , and we being taught true Religion , imbrace civility and the true God ; and the errours & vnspeakeable follies which the Ancients had in honour and reverence , being brought to light , we know what our dutie is , with what ceremonies , and with what minde God is to bee worshipped ; which is in effect the same with that of the Apostle , Thankes be to God , who hath deliuered vs from the power of darkenesse , and translated vs into the kingdome of his deere sonne . If I were disposed to inlarge this discourse , heere might easily be remembred the vnsavory tales , the childish fancies and fables of the Iewish Rabbins in their Talmud and Cabal , the most absard opinions and horrible practices of Ancient Heretiques in the Primitiue Church , the incredible ignorance & superstition among those , who for the space of many ages were commonly accounted the best , nay the only Christians : But each of these would require a large volume , and are already fully discouered by others . The first by Gala●…inus de arcanis Catholicae veritatis , and Buxdorsius in his Synagoga Iudaica ; the second by 〈◊〉 , Philastrius , Epiphanius , Augustine , ●…rateolus , Alphonsus à Castro and others ; the third by the writers of the reformed Churches , who haue set themselues to oppose the corruptions and abuses of the Church , or rather the court of Rome : And howbeit the Romanists in requitall heere of would proue their Adversaries doctrine to open a gappe to disobedience and licentiousnes ; yet I doubt not but the more sober minded among them , finde that to proceede , rather out of eagernesse , and heat of disputation , then from any solide reason or setled judgement ; since it is certaine , that since Luther awakened the world , the manners euen of the Romish Clergy themselues are not a little reformed . CAP. 2. Touching the Lawes of the Ancient Grecians and Saxons , whereof some were wicked and impious , others most absurd and ridiculous . SECT . 1. The vnjust and absurd Lawes of Solon the Athenian Emperour . AS Religion is the hinge vpon which the government of the Politicall state depends and mooues , so next after it good and wholesome Laws serue much for the bettering of a Common-wealth in matter of manners . Law being therefore defined by Plato to bee a reasonable Rule leading and directing men to their due end for a publique good , ordaining penalties for them that transgresse , & rewards for them that obey . And by Cicero to be the highest and chiefe reason grafted in nature , commaunding those things which are to be done , & forbidding the contrary . But by the Civilians most briefly and properly , Lex est sanctio sancta , jubens honesta , prohibens contraria , Law is an holy decree , ( that is , a decree not to be violated ) commaunding honest things , and forbidding the contrary . Now as the ancient Paynims were defectiue in points of true Religion : so were they likewise in making just Lawes , sometimes commaunding where they should forbid , and againe forbidding where they should commaund , rewarding where they should punish , and punishing where they should reward . I will instance onely in some particular Lawes of the Graecians , and of our Predecessours the Saxons . Among the Graecians foure Law-makers were most renowned , Solon , Lycurgus , Plato , and Aristotle , two of which actually founded Common-weales , the one the Athenian , the other the Lacedemanian . The other two onely framed them in Idea or speculation , yet all provided Lawes for them , such as they were . I will begin with Solon , accounted one of the seuen Sages in Greece , highly commended for his great wisedome in making Lawes both by Aristotle and Plato , who proposeth him and Lycurgus as patternes for all such as shall institute Common-weales , and devise Lawes for them . Solon then resolving for the releeuing of the poore to make a Law for the abolishing and cancelling all contracts and obligations of debts past , & imparting his minde therein to some of his intire friends , they seeing his resolution , borrowed great store of money , and imployed it in the purchase of land , wherevpon it followed that when Solon published his new Law , they remained exceedingly inriched , their Creditors defrauded , and he much suspected of deceipt , as to haue had secret intelligence with them , & part of their gaine . And although it seemeth that therein he had wrong , for he lost by his owne Law , as some write , 15 talents which were owing him , yet in two things he cannot be excused , the one in that he caused not his friends to restore the money which they had guilefully borrowed , and the other that without examination of the particular causes and reasons of euery mans debt , he ordained a generall abolition of all debts both good and bad , whereby aswell those which were able to pay , as the vnable were discharged , and all Creditors without difference defrauded , contrary to all equity & justice , which as Cicero saith speaking of the like case , requireth aboue all things that euery man haue his owne , & that equall regard be had to the rich aswell as to the poore ; which ( saith he ) is no way observed , cùm locupletes suum perdunt , & debitores lucrentur alienum , when rich men loose their owne , and debtors gaine that which belongeth to other men . Another of Solons absurd Lawes was , that whosoeuer in any publique sedition should be nuter 〈◊〉 & take neither pa●… , should remai●… euer after infamous : his reason was for that hee thought it not convenient that any man should so much loue his owne ease , as not to participate of the trouble of the Common-wealth whereof hee was a member , which reason of his together with the Law it selfe , Plutarch wisely and worthily rejecteth , for that it would be an assured meanes to put ( as it were ) fire to gun-powder , & to set all the Common-wealth on a ●…ame without helpe of any internall remedy . For ( saith he ) as in a sicke body all the hope of helpe within it selfe is to be expected from the pa●…s that are sound , and therefore when the body is wholly corrupted , there is no helpe of remedy but from abroad , euen so in a politique body sick with sedition , all the internall remedy is to come from the whole sound parts thereof , that is to say , such as are Neutralls , who may labour with the one side , and with the other to compound the quarrell : for otherwise where all is in tumult , no remedy can be expected , except it come from abroad , & therefore Plutarch holdeth it for the highest and principall point of Politique Science in any governour to know how either to prevent seditions that they neuer grow , or else quickly to appease them when they are growne , be they neuer so little . For as the least sparke that is may fall into such matter , that it may set an whole house on fire : so the least civill sedition may fall among such persons & in such times that it may put a whole Common-wealth in combustion ; and vtterly ruine it . SECT . 2. The vnreasonable and irreligious Lawes of Lycurgus the Lacedemonian Lawgiuer . NOw for Lycurgus if wee examine his Common-wealth and the Lawes thereof , we shall finde that he likewise failed both in true prudence and in morall vertue . For whereas a good Lawmaker ought to frame his Common-wealth no lesse to religion , justice , temperance , then to fortitude , that it may stand & flourish aswell in time of peace , as in time of warre , his Lawes tended principally to make the people valiant and warlike , wherevpon it followed that the Lacedemonians flourished so long as they had warres , and when they came to injoy peace , they fell to decay within a while , as Aristotle noteth . Whereby the weaknes of the Lawes of Lycurgus evidently appeared . For as peace is not ordained for warre , but warre for peace , as motion and labour is ordained for rest : so in like manner a Common-wealth is rather to bee framed & ordained for peace then for warre : & yet so for both , that it may stand by both : But in the Common-weaelth of the Lacedemonians this was no way performed . For the Lawes of Lycurgus tending onely to make them strong , laborious & valiant , could not make them religious , just & truly temperate . Which for ciuill discipline and peaceable government is most requisite . For as for Lawes tending to religion , wee finde none made by Lycurgus , nor any religious act of his but only one , more ridiculous then religious , as that he dedicated an Image to laughter , which he made a God , or at least would haue to be worshipped for a God , to make the people merry at their publique feasts and meetings ; & besides he opened a great gappe to injustice and to all cosenage and deceit : for hee ordained that it should bee lawfull for any man to steale any kinde of meate , so that he were not taken or discouered in the doing of it , and that boyes & children should haue so little allowed them to eate , as they should bee forced to sharke and proole for their better provision to make them thereby more industrious , nimble and quick of spirit , and others more wary and watchfull to keepe well that which they had . Insomuch that who could steale most cunningly was most commended ; But who seeth not that this was the next way to fill the Common-wealth with Theeues . For is it likely that those who from their infancy are brought vp in pilfering trifles , will afterwards , when they haue got the habit and ability thereof , forbeare to steale things of great importance ? Or can theeues practise their occupation with more safety any way to become in the end most expert , and thereby pernicious to the Common-wealth , then with the warrant and vnder the protection of the Law ? seeing the penalty which was ordained for them that were taken with the manner , was not inflicted for the injustice of the fact , but for their lacke of skill and dexterity in the performance , which must needes make euery man labour to excéll in the act of theeuery . Finally , when the Law not onely permitteth , but induceth men to deceiue sometimes , and in some things , doth it not also dispose , and as it were direct them to deceiue as oft and howsoeuer they may . Therefore good and wise Law-makers seeke to prevent euils , & to cut off the occasions of vice , and not to minister matter therevnto , which in our corrupt natures needeth a bridle to restraine it , and not a spurre to prick it forward . This may also be said in respect of another Law of Lycurgus , inducing to intemperancie and all kinde of incontinencie . For although hee ordained some things notably for the education of youth , tending as it seemed to the repression of concupiscence and dissolute life , as a very spare and homely dyet , hard bedding of reedes , or ( as some write ) no bedding at all , continuall labour and exercise , one onely garment for the whole yeare & such like ; yet it appeareth that his meaning was none other therein , but only the better to inable them to indure the labour and toyle of the warre . For he ordayned other lawes so much in fauour & furtherance of lust & all carnallity , yea in the worst kind , that it might iustly be said , he made his whole common-wealth worse then a Burdell . For he instituted certaine wrestlings , & dances , & other exercises of boyes & wenches naked , to be done in publique at diuers times of the yeare , in the presence both of young and old men , which what effect it might worke in the mindes & manners of their citizens , any man may easily judge , especially , seeing that both their lawes and customes , permitted that men should be inamored of boyes , which was held for laudable & necessary for their good education , it being presumed that their louers would carefully instruct them in vertue . Furthermore adultery which was punished with death , not only by the law of Moses , but also by the lawes of other nations , as a thing pernicious to the common-wealth , was not only permitted , but also approued by Lycurgus his lawe , ordaining , that if an old man married a young wife , she might with her husbands licence , make choyce of any young man that shee liked to haue a child by him , which her husband brought vp as his owne : And if a valiant or vertuous man , as good souldiers were there termed , liked well of another mans wife , he might demaund leaue of her husband to haue issue by her : which was not denyed , but thought convenient for their common-wealth , to maintaine a good race & breed of valiant men ; as Plutarch signifieth in defence of this law of Lycurgus . This then being so , what marvell is it that all sinne of the flesh , and beastlinesse , reigned more in Lacedemonie , then any where else in Greece , as Aristotle witnesseth : Nay , what wonder is it that Almighty God of his just judgement plagued them for it in the end , with a memorable ouerthow in the plain of Leuctra , where they lost the dominion of Greece by the occasion and for the punishment of an horrible rape committed by two of their citizens . SECT . 3. The impious & dishonest Lawes of Plato . TO Solon and Lycurgus , we may adde Plato and Aristotle , who though they founded no common-weales , as did the other two , yet they framed in writing either of them one , in which they laboured to shew both the excellencie of their owne wits , & perfection of humane policie ; wherein neverthelesse they evidently shewed the imbecillity & imperfection of both : For what can be more absurd or more impious , then the community which Plato ordained in his common-wealth , not only of goods & possessions , but also of women , to the end , that no man should haue any thing proper or peculiar to himselfe : in somuch , that Fathers & Mothers should not know their own children , neither yet any child know his owne parents ; whereby he thought to establish in the commō-wealth such a perfect vnity , that no man should be able to say , that is thine , or this is mine : But euery one haue a generall care of all ; whereas if that law were in practice , the vtter ouerthrow of the common-wealth , and of all humane society must needes followe thereon . For Matrimony being taken away , and such a promiscuous and beastly procreation introduced , the naturall loue betwixt parents and their children , brethren , kinsfolke , & allyes , & all consanguinity , kinred , & affinity would be quite abolished : horrible incest betweene kinsfolke , brethren & sisters , father & daughter , mother & sonne which all nations abhorre , would ordinarily be committed : And by occasion of quarrells , which sometimes could not bee avoided ; one brother would kill another , the father the sonne , and the sonne the father , for lacke of knowledge one of another : Besides many other great inconveniences , declared very particularly and at large by Aristotle in the second booke of his Politiques ; And Lactantius in the third of his Divine Institutions , where he proveth this imaginary community of Plato , to take away frugality , abstinence , shamefastnes , modesty , and justice it selfe , the mother of all other vertues . Sic honesta & legitima esse incipiunt quae solent flagitiosa & turpia iudicari , in asmuch as thereby those things are held honest and lawfull , which are commonly accounted foule and wicked . Sic virtutem dum vult omnibus dare , omnibus ademit , & by this meanes , while hee pretended to make all vertuous , hee made all vitious . Nam re●…um proprietas & vitiorum & virtutum materiam continet , communitas autem nihil aliud quam vitiorum licentiam : For a propriety in things , containes in it the subiect matter aswell for vertue as for vice to worke vpon , but community hath nothing in it besides the liberty of vice . Qui ergo vult homines adaequare , non matrimonia , non opes subtrahere debet , sed arrogantiam , superbiam , tumorem , vt illi potentes & elati pares se esse mendicissimis sciant ; detracta enim diuitibus insolentia & iniquitate , nihil intercrit vtrumne alij divites alij pauperes sint , cum animi pares sint quod efficere nulla res alia preter religionem Dei potest . Putavit ergo fe justitiam invenisse cum eam prorsus everterit , quia non rerum fragilium sed mentium debet esse communitas . Hee then that would bring in an equality among men , must not take away weddings and wealth , but arrogancy , pride , and swelling , that those , who by reason of their great power , are puffed vp , may know themselues to be peeres to the poorest beggars . For remoue insolencie , injustice , and vncharitablenes from the rich , and there will no inconvenience followe from hauing some poore , & others rich : Their minds being equall , which nothing but true religion can possiblely effect . Plato thought then he had found justice , when indeed he ouerthrew it , in asmuch as there ought not to be a community of things , but of minds . And farther , both Aristotle & Lactantius though vpon different reasons , shew , that the vnity which Plato sought by this meanes to establish in his common-wealth , would not follow therevpon : Non invenit concordiam quam quaerebat , quia non videbat vnde oriatur , hee found not that concord he sought for , because hee saw not from whence it sprang . Whereby appeareth his double errour , the one , that he found not that vertue he sought to plant , the other , that he foūd that vice he sought to preuent ; And so I passe to another most dishonest & vnreasonable law of his , which was this . Hauing ordained that young men should for increase of their strength & agility of body , exercise themselues naked at certaine times & in certaine places appointed for that purpose , called Gymnasia ; commaunded also not as Lycurgus did in Lacedemonia , that young girles and wenches should daunce naked amongst boyes ; but farre more absurdly , that women in the flower of their youth should daunce , runne , wrestle , ride , & doe all exercises with young men naked aswell as they , which , saith he , whosoeuer misliketh , vnderstandeth not how profitable it is for the common-wealth . But who could imagine that the Prince of Philosophers , ( for so was Plato esteemed ) could so farre forget himselfe , as hauing instituted and framed his common-wealth to all kinde of vertue , as the only meanes to arriue to perfect felicity , who , I say , considering this , could imagine , that this great Professour , Master , & Teacher of vertue , would not only permit , but also ordaine a thing so contrary to his own profession , to the end of his common-wealth , and to his owne lawes , precepts , and counsels , as the lasciuious aspect of naked women , whereby the fire of concupiscence being kindled in men , and the bridle of naturall modesty taken from women , what else could follow thereon but all beastly dissolutenes & carnality of life , aswell in the one as in the other . For precepts are giuen , and lawes ordained in vaine against incontinencie , when the occasions , provocations , & nourishments thereof are permitted , which whosoeuer vseth to admit , plaieth with the flame , as doth the fly , and commonly is burned thereby . SECT . 4. The vnnatutall & vnchast lawes of Aristotle . BUt perhaps some may thinke that Aristotle , Platoes scholler , who was the wonder of the world for his wit , and vndertooke to censure & syndicate both his Master , and all other Law-makers before him , saw cleerer in matter of lawes for the reformation of manners and the good of the common-wealth then he . Let vs then examine him a little , and we shall finde that he erred more absurdly then any of them : This may appeare by two of his lawes ; whereof the one was , that if a man had any deformed or lame child , he should cast it out like a whelpe , and expose it to perish : And the other was , that if a man had aboue a certaine number of children , which number hee would haue to bee determined according to euery mans ability , his wife should destroy the fruite in her wombe , when she found that she had conceiued ; wherein he shewed himselfe more vnnaturall and inhumane then the very bruite beasts . For , as Cicero sayth very well , these two things cannot agree together , to wit , that nature would haue procreation , and that it would not haue the creature when it is borne to be beloued and conserued ; the which appeareth , sayth he , euidently in bruite beasts , whose labour and care in the conseruation of that which is borne of them is such , that we acknowledge the force and voice of Nature therein . What then can be more dissonant from Reason and Nature , then that a man who is borne and naturally inclined to clemency , humanity and piety , should shew himselfe vnkinde and inhumane not towards beasts , but towards men , not towards strangers or servants , but towards his owne off-spring , and that not for any fault of theirs , but for some defect or deformity of body , which they could not either prevent or remedy , and ought rather to moue a man to compassion and pitty , then to cruelty . Expectet aliquis ut alieno sanguini parcant , qui non parcunt suo : non possunt innocentes existimari , qui viscera sua in praedam canibus obijciunt , & quantum in ipsis est crudelius necant , quam si strangulassent , saith Lactantius . Can any man expect they should spare other mens blood , that spare not their owne ? innocent they cannot be held , who expose their owne bowels for a prey to dogges , and as much as in them is , kill more cruelly then if they had strangled them . Besides such corporall defects doe not alwayes nor often hinder the operation of the minde and vnderstanding , and therefore it may very well happen by the execution of this inhumane Law of Aristotle , not onely that a Father shall be depriued of a sonne , but also the Common-wealth of a serviceable & notable member . For as Seneca saith , ex casa vir magnus exire potest , & ex deformi humilique corpusculo formosus animus & magnus , A worthy man may come out of a base cottage , and a beautifull high spirit out of a low deformed body . The like may be said of the other Law of Aristotle concerning abortion or the destruction of the Childe in the mothers wombe , being a thing punished seuerely by all good Lawes as in●…urious not onely to nature , but also to the Common-wealth , which thereby is depriued of a designed Citizen , as Cicero tearmes it , speaking of a woman of Miletum in Asia , who hauing procured abortion of her childe a little before her time of trauell was condemned to death , neque injuria , saith he , quia designatum reipub . civem sustulisset , & very justly for that shee had made away one that was designed to bee a Citizen of the Common-wealth : In which respect the Civill & Common Law do grievously punish all wilfull abortion after conception , and the Canonists teach it to bee a mortall sinne . And heere I cannot forbeare to say somewhat of another Constitution of Aristotles , which I know not whether it were more absurd or ridiculous : for whereas he forbade in his Common-wealth the vse of lascivious pictures and images , lest young men , and specially children might be corrupted by the sight thereof , neuerthelesse in the same Law he excepteth the Images and pictures of certaine Gods , in whom , saith he , the custome alloweth lasciviousnesse , meaning no doubt the painted tables and grauen stories of the adulteries of Iupiter , Mars , Venus , and other Gods and Goddesses , set forth euery-where among the Paynims , as well in private houses as in their Temples and other publique places . Wherein may be obserued the ridiculous absurdity of this great Philosopher , for what could it availe to take away all other wanton pictures and representations that might corrupt the mindes of youth , when hee expresly alloweth the vse of the lasciuious pictures of the Gods , which must needs corrupt them much more ? and as it were instill into them vitious affections & desires together with their religion , yea by the example of their Gods ; by the imitation of whom they could not but hope to attaine aswell to perfection of vertue , as to eternall felicity , beleeuing as they did , that they were true Gods. For how could any man be perswaded that adultery deserued punishment , or was not a great , yea a divine vertue seeing Mars taken tardy with Venus , or Iupiter stealing away Europa in shape of a bull , violating Leda in the forme of a Swan , & entring into the house of Danae by the louer like a goldē showre ; would not any man that should be religiously devoted to these Gods , be animated by the sight thereof to doe the like ? yea and children learning their religion , and not only hearing , but seeing every-where by pictures & images that such acts were committed by their Gods , could they imagine that the same were evill and not to be imitated ? This is very well declared by Lucian of his owne experience , who in his Dialogues maketh Menippus say thus , When I was yet but a boy , saith he , & heard out of Homer and Hesiod of the Adulteries , fornications , rapes and seditions of the Gods , truely I thought that those things were very excellent , and began euen then to be greatly affected towards them : for I could not imagine that the Gods themselues would euer haue committed adultery if they had not esteemed the same lawfull and good : And the like signifieth also Cheraea in Terence , who beholding a table wherein it was painted , how Iupiter deceiued Danae when hee came in at the top of the house , saith , that he was greatly incouraged to defloure a young maide by the example of so great a God : at quem Deum , saith he , qui templa coeli summa sonitu concutit , ego homuncio hoc non facerem ? ego verò illud ita feci & lubens . But what God was this trow you ? marry hee who shakes the highest Temples of Heauen with thunder ; and therefore might not I who am but a silly wretch doe the like ? yes truely I did it and that with all my heart . And it is doubtlesse most true which S. Augustine hath obserued to this purpose , magis intuentur quid fecerit Iupiter , quam quid docuerit Plato vel censuerit Cato : they rather considered what Iupiter did , then what Plato taught , or Cato thought . SECT . 5. The barbarous and vncivill lawes of the Gaules and the Saxons our Predecessours . NOw these Lawes of the Graecians were not more dishonest and vnmorall then were those of the Gaules and Saxons our Predecessours vncivill and barbarous ; I meane their ordeall Lawes which they vsed in doubtfull Cases when cleere and manifest proofes wanted to try and finde out whether the accused were guilty or guiltlesse . These were of foure sorts , as Aeneas Sylvius , Beatus Rhenanus , Iohannes Pomarius , Cornelius Killianus , and others in their Histories and Chronicles report . The first was by Campfight or Combate , the second by yron made red hot , the third was by hote water , and the fourth by cold water . For their tryall by Camp-fight , the Accuser was with the perill of his owne body to prooue the accused guilty , and by offering him his gloue or gantlet to challenge him to this tryall : which the other must either accept of , or acknowledge himselfe culpable of the crime whereof hee was accused . If it were a crime deseruing death , then was the Campe-fight for life and death , and that either on horsebacke or on foot : if the offence deserued imprisonment and not death , then was the Camp-fight accomplished when the one had subdued the other by making him to yeeld , or vnable to defend himselfe , and so be taken prisoner : the accused had the liberty to choose another in his steed , but the accuser must performe it in his owne person , and with equality of weapons . No women were admitted to behold it , nor men children vnder the age of thirteene yeares ; the Priests and people did silently pray , that the victory might fall to the guiltlesse . And if the fight were for life & death , a Beere stood ready to carry away the body of him that should bee slaine . None of the people might crye , skrecke , make any noice , or giue any signe whatsoeuer . And heerevnto at Hall in Suevia ( a place appointed for Campfight ) was so great regard taken , that the Executioner stood beside the Iudges with an axe ready to cut off the right hand and left foot of the party so offending . He that being wounded did yeeld himselfe , was at the mercy of the other to be killed or let to liue : if hee were slaine , then was he carried away and honourably buried , and hee that slew him reputed more honorable then before : But if beeing ouercome he were left aliue , then was hee by sentence of the Iudges declared vtterly voide of all honest reputation , and neuer to ride on horsbacke , nor to carry armes . The tryall by red hot iron , called Fire-Ordeall was vsed vpon accusations without manifest proofe , though not without suspition , that the accused might be faulty ; the party accused and denying the offence , was adjudged to take red hot iron , & to hold it in his bare hand , which after many prayers and invocations that the truth might be manifest , hee must either adventure to doe , or yeeld himselfe guilty , and so receiue the punishment that the Law according to the offence committed should award him . Some were adjudged to goe blinde-folded with their bare feete ouer certaine plow-shares , which were made red hot & laid a little distance one from another , and if the party in passing thorow them did chaunce not to tread vpon them , or treading vpon them receiued no harme , then by the Iudge he was declared innocent : And this kind of tryall was also practised here in England , ( as was likewise the Camp-fight for a while ) vpon Emma the mother of K. Edward the Confessour , who was accused of dishonesty of her body with Allwin B. of Winchester , and being led blind-folded to the place where nine hot Culters were laid , went forward with her bare feet , and so passed ouer them , and being past them all & not knowing it , good Lord , said shee , when shall I come to the place of my purgation , then hauing her eyes vncovered and seeing her selfe to baue passed them , she kneeling down gaue God thankes for manifesting her innocencie in her preservation , & in memoriall thereof gaue nine Lordships to the Church of Winchester , and King Edward her sonne repenting he had so wrongfully brought his Mothers name into question , bestowed likewise vpon the same Church the I le of Portland with other revenewes . A much like tryall vnto this is recorded of Kunigund , wife to the Emperour Henry the second , who being falsely accused of adultery , to shew her innocency did in a great & honourable assembly take seaven glowen irons one after another in her bare hands , & had thereby no harme . The tryall called Hot water , Ordeall was in cases of accusation as is afore sayd , the party accused being appointed by the Iudge to thrust his armes vp to the elbowes in seething hot water , which after sundry prayers and invocations he did , and was by the effect that followed judged faulty or faultles . Lastly , cold water Ordeall was the tryall , which was ordinarily vsed for the common sort of people , who hauing a cord tied about them vnder their armes , were cast into some riuer , and if they sunke down to the botttome thereof vntill they were drawne vp , ( which was within a very short limited space ) then were they held guiltlesse , but such as did remaine vpon the water were held culpable , being , as they sayd , of the water rejected & cast vp . These kindes of impious & vniust lawes , the Saxons for a while after their Christianity continued , but were at last by a decree of Pope Stephen the second vtterly abolished , as being a presumptuous tempting of God without any grounded reason or sufficient warrant , and an exposing many times of the innocent to manifest hazard . CAP. 3. Touching the insufficiencie of the precepts of the Ancient Philosophers for the planting of vertue , or the rooting out of vice , as also of the common errour touching the golden age . SECT . 1. Touching the insufficiencie of the precepts of the ancient Philosophers for the planting of vertue , and the rooting out of vice ; as also of the manners of the Ancients , observed by Caelius secundus Curio , out of Iuvenall and Tacitus . TO these lawes of the Graecians and Germans , may be added the opinions & precepts of the Ancient Philosophers , touching vertue and vice , finall happinesse and the state of the soule after this life which were as diverse one to another as they were all erronious and opposite to the truth , the growth of vertue or suppressing of vice . What could possiblely ●…ore hinder the course of vertue , then the doctrine of the Epicureans , that soueraigne happinesse consisted in pleasure ? or more strengthen the current of vice , then that of the Stoicks , that all sins were equall . The Epicureans though they graunted a God , yet they denyed his prouidence , which should serue as a spurre to vertue , and a bridle to vice . The Stoickes , though they graunted a diuine providence , yet withall they stiffely maintained such a fatall Necessity , not only in the events of humane actions , but in the actions themselues , as thereby they blunted the edge of all vertuous endeauours , and made an excuse for vicious courses . Againe , the Epicurean gaue too much way to irregular affections ; and on the other side , the Stoicke was too professed an enimy to them , though regulated by reason ; but both of them doubted , if not denyed the immortality of the soule , whereby they opened a wide gappe to all licentiousnesse , not censureable by the lawes of man , or which the executioners whereof either thorow ignorance could not , or thorow feare or fauour would not take notice of . Which hath often made mee wonder that the common-wealth of the Iewes would suffer such a pestilent sect in the bowels of it , as the Sadduces , who flatly denyed , not only the resurrection of the body , but the immortality of the soule . Since then the Christian religion , and that alone teacheth both , as fundamentall articles of our beleife , and withall a particular providence of God , extending to the very thoughts , and a particular judgement after this life , rewarding every man according to that he hath done in the flesh , whether it be good or euill ; and besides , requires a reformation of the heart & inward man , the fountaine & source of all outward actions & speeches ; it is most euident , that howsoeuer our liues bee , yet our rules tend more to vertue and honesty then did those , either of the Gentiles , or of the Iewes ; who although they were not all infected with the foule leprosie of the Sadduces , yet it is certaine , that these doctrines and rules were not in the law of Moses & the Prophets so cleerely deliuered , as now they are by Christ & his Apostles in the Gospell ; nay the law it selfe permitted vnto thē such a diuorce , though for the hardnes of their hearts , as is not now allowed . And though the Law allowed not Polygamie , yet in regard of their frequent practice , we haue great reason to conceiue , that they scarce held it to be a sinne . And the Pharises , though of all other sects they pretended , and seemed to be the most zealous & strict obseruers of the Lan●… ; yet teaching others & themselues , practising the observation thereof as they did , only in regard of outward conformity , thereby perhaps made their disciples formall Iusticiaries , but withall damnable hypocrites , boyling in malice , & lust , & couetousnes while they set a faire face on it , and made a goodly semblance of holynes , piety , and devotion . And if it so fared with the Iewes , no marvell that the Gentiles , ( their naturall inclination carrying them headlong to wickednes , and withall their religion , their lawes , the doctrine and examples of their Teachers , being as so many provocations to draw them onward ) proued such indeede as the Apostle describes them to be in the 1 of the Romanes , full of all vnrighteousnes fornication , wickednesse , couetousnes , maliciousnes , full of envy , of murther , of debate , of deceite , taking all things in euill part , whisperers , backebiters , haters of God , doers of wrong , proud , boasters , inventers of euill things , disobedient to Parents , without vnderstanding , couenant breakers , without naturall affection , such as neuer can be appeased , mercilesse , which men though they know the Law of God , how that they which commit such things are worthy of death , yet not only doe the same , but favour them that doe them . And so I passe from the roote to the fruite , from the causes to the effects , from their lawes & precepts touching manners , to their practice , & customes , & manners themselues . And heere I must freely professe my selfe to accord with Sidonius Apollinaris , veneror antiquos , non ita tamen vt aequaeuorum meorum virtutes & merita postponam : I haue the Ancients in such due respect and veneration as they deserue , yet so as I would not willingly disesteeme or vndervalue the vertues and merits of those who haue liued since , or now liue in the same age with mee . The Ancients I know well , had many great vertues , and wee no lesse vices , yet let no man be so vnwise or vnjust , to surmise that either the former ages were free from notorious vices , or the latter voide of singular vertues . And surely , he that shall reade Bohemus of the manners of the Gentiles , or the bookes of Iudges , the Kings , the Chronicles , the Prophets , and Iosephus of the manners of the Iewes , will easily acknowledge the former : Wherevnto wee may adde the testimony of Coelius Secundus Curio , a witty and learned man of this age in his Epistle prefixed to his commentary vpon Iuvenall , where he tels vs , that meeting with those verses of Horace . Damnosa quid non imminuit dies ? Aetas parentum peior avis tulit Nos nequiores , mox daturos Progeniem vitiosiorem . What doth not wastfull time impaire ? Our Fathers worse then Gransires are , We worse then they , our progenie More vitious then ourselues will be . Hee began to doubt of the trueth of them , and therevpon fell to a serious inquirie thereinto , & for his better proceeding in that search , made speciall choice of two Authours , Tacitus and Iuvenall , the one held as vnpartiall in history as the other in Satyres , to make report what they found in matter of manners in their times , and hauing thorowly consulted with them both , but chiefely with the latter ; from them he makes this relation , Quibus auditis , saith he , & nostri seculi cum illa facta contentione deprehendt longe ab illa nostram aetatem vitijs , illam à nostra multis & magnis virtutibus superari : Vpon the hearing of them , and the comparing of this present age with that , I found that ours was much surpassed by that in vice , and that againe by ours in many and great vertues . Yet long before Horace did Aratus in Phoenomenis take vp the same complaint : Aurea degenerem pepererunt saecula prolem , Vos peiorem illis sobolem generabitis . — Those golden sires a baser race begat : Your race shall be yet more degenerate . But Hesiod in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is more advised and moderate , hoping , it seemes , for better times then himselfe saw . O vtinam quinto hoc minime mihi vivere saeclo , Sed fas vel post nasci , aut ante perire fuisset . Would God this fift age I had neuer seene , But or had died before , or after beene . For with Ovid I can scarce hope that any should accord & professe , Prisca iuvent alios , ego nunc me denique natum Gratulor . Let others like old times , but I am glad That in this latter age my birth I had , SECT . 2. Touching that idle tale of the golden age first forged by Poets , and since taken vp by Historians . THat which hath deceiued many in this point is that idle tale and vaine fancie forged by the Poets , & taken vp by some Historians , & beleeued by the vulgar of the foure ages of the world . The first of gold , the second of siluer , the third of brasse , & the fourth of yron . Thus elegantly described by the wittiest of Poets . Aurea prima sata est aetas quae vindice nullo Sponte sua sine lege sidem rectumque colebat , Poena metusque aberant , nec vincla minacia collo Aere ligabantur , nec supplex turba timebat Iudicis ora sui ; sed erant sine judice tuti , &c. Postea Saturno tenebrosa in Tartara misso Sub Iove mundus erat , subijtque argented proles , Auro diterior fulvo , pretiosior aere , &c. Tertia post illam successit ahenea proles , Saevior ingenijs , & ad horrida promptior arma . Non scelerata tamen . De duro est vltima ferro Protinus erupit venae pejoris in aevum Omne nefas , fugêre pudor , verumque fidesque In quorum subiere locum fraudesque , dolique , Insidiaeque , & vis , & amor sceleratus habendi . The golden age was first , which vncompell'd , And without rule in faith and truth excell'd : As then there was not punishment nor feare , Nor threatning Lawes in brasse prescribed were , Nor suppliant crouching prisoners shooke to see Their angry Iudge , but all was safe and free , &c. But after Saturne was throwne downe to Hell , Ioue rul'd , and then the silver age befell . More base then gold , and yet then brasse more pure , &c Next vnto this succeedes the brazen age , Worse natur'd , prompt to horride warre and rage , But yet not wicked stubborne , yr'n the last , Then blushlesse crimes which all degrees surpast The world surround , Shame , faith and truth depart , Fraud enters , ignorant in no bad Art , Force , treason , and the wicked loue of gaine , &c. And from hence it seemes was that of Boetius borrowed Faelix nimium prior aetas Contenta fidelibus arvis . Nec inerti perdita luxu , Facili quae sera solebat Iejunia solvere glande , Nec Bacchica munera nor at Liquido confundere melle , Nec lucida vellera serum Tyrio miscere veneno . Tunc classica saeva tacebant Odijs neque fusus acerbis Cruor horrida tinxerat arma . Vtinam modo nostra redirent In mores tempora priscos . Thrice happy former age well pleas'd With faithfull fields , from riot free , Whose hunger readily was eas'd With akornes gathered from the tree , They skill'd not with Lyaeus juice , The liquid honey to compound , Nor knew that twice the Serian fleece In Tyrian die was to be drown'd , Alarmes of warre were silent then , And horrid arms all smear'd with blood Through malice shed of cruell men Were yet vnseene . O would to God These times so much degenerate Might turne againe to th' ancient state . But that all this adoe about the golden age is but an empty rattle & frivolous conceipt , like Apuleius his tale of a golden asse , Bodin is so confident , that he breakes forth into this assertion , Aetas illa quam auream vocant , si ad hanc nostram conferatur , ferrea videri possit . That which they call the Golden age being compared with ours , may well seeme but iron : And in truth he may boldly affirme it , if that be true which Cicero writes of it . Fuit quoddam tempus cùm in agris homines passim bestiarum more vagabantur , & sibi victu ferino vitam propagabant , nec ratione animi quicquam , sed pleraque viribus corporis administrabant . Nondum divinae religionis non humani officij ratio colebatur , nemo legitimas viderat nuptias , non certos quisquam inspexerat liberos , non jus aequabile quid vtilitatis haberet , acceperant . Time was when men like beasts wandered in the fields , and maintained their life by the food of beasts ▪ neither did they administer their affaires by justice , but by bodily strength : There was no heed given either to Religion or Reason , no man enjoyed lawfull marriage , nor with assurance beheld his owne issue , neither were they acquainted with the commodity which vpright Lawes bring with them . During this golden age flourished Camesis & Saturne , & there is no doubt but by Camesis is vnderstood Cham the son of Noah , & by Saturne Nimrod , whose son Iupiter Belus ( famous for the deposition of his father , incest with his sister , & many other villanies ) saw the last of this age . Now how vertuous these men & times were , appeares by the story of Moses . C ham like a most vngratious childe discovers and derides the nakednesse of his aged & worthy Father , & was therefore deservedly accursed to be a seruant of servants . Nimrod grandchilde to Cham , as his name signifies , was a notorious Rebell , Robustus venator coram Domino , a great Oppressour , a Robber , as Aristotle numbers robberi●… among the severall kindes of hunting : And besides he is thought to haue beene the ring-leader in that out-ragious attempt of building the towre of Babel . And such kinde of men are those Gyants supposed to haue beene , who before this are called Mighty men , men of renowne ; In as much as Moses presently adds , And God saw that the wickednesse of man was great in the earth , and that euery imagination of the thoughts of his heart was onely euill continually : And it repented tbe Lord that he had made man on the earth , and it grieued him at his heart . Quibus verbis intelligit , saith Cassanion , tantas ea-tempestate fuisse morum corruptelas , vt omne vitiositatis , nequitiaeque genus vbique regnaret . Cùm autem ex robore & potentia qua isti pollebant nominis celebritatem adepti sint , in eo animadvertere licet qualis fuerit prima mundi nobilitas aestimata , non quae pietatis , justitiae , aliusve cujusdam virtutis specie , & pulchritudine illustris appareret , sed quae solius potentiae , fortitudinisue titulo sese venditabat : Nam qui tum caeteris valentiores , robustioresque erant , ij vim aliis audacter inferentes , nobiliores , praestantioresque censebantur . Vnde fortassis illud invaluit , ut gentilitia quorundam insignia non nisi crudelium belluarum , rapaciumque ferarum & volucrium habeant imaginem . By which words he vnderstands , that such and so great was the vniversall corruption of manners in those times , as all kinde of vice and wickednesse euery-where raigned : And in that the men of that age are said to haue gotten renown by meanes of their exceeding great might , from thence we may gather how the first Nobility of the world was valued , not such as was cōspicuous by the beauty & Iustre of piety , justice , or any other vertue , but such only as gloried & contented it self with the title of strēgth & power . For those who then were more mighty and powerfull then others , and were thereby imboldened to oppresse others , were commonly held the most noble and worthy . And happily from hence it was that some families carry in their Scutchions the representation of wilde beasts or birds of prey . Howsoeuer we are sure that vpon this vniversall invndation of sinne , followed the vniversall deluge of water , washing and cleansing the earth from that abominable filthinesse which had generally infected and polluted it . And as about this time sinne was ripened , so in the very infancy of the world it grew vp so fast , that the second man in the world wilfully murthered the third , being then his only brother . And another of the same race soone after was the founder of Polygamie , and a while after it is added , Then men began to call vpon the name of the Lord , as if till then they had not done it , at least-wise in publique assemblies . And in that , Enoch not long after this , is said to haue walked with God , Iunius giues this note vpon it , id est , non est sequutus malitiam sui seculi , that is , he followed not the wicked courses of the age wherein he liued , and therefore was he translated , least wickednes should alter his vnder standing or deceipt beguile his mind . Haec est illa aurea aetas quae talia mōstra nobis educavit , this is forsooth that goodly goldē age which hath brought into the world & bred such foul mōsters . After this the world was pestered with a nūber of intollerable Tyrants , whom Hercules subdued , and yet was himselfe accounted by many a Captaine of Pyrats . And certaine it is , he was most foule , and yet I know not whether more foule , or strong in matter of lust ; and both Theseus and Peri●…hous ( whom he admitted into his society ) were of a straine much alike . But because these things happily may seeme fabulous , let vs listen to Thucidides , one of the ancientest & truest fathers of history . He then hath left vpon record , that a little before his time in Greece it selfe so great was the wildnes and barbarousnes thereof , that both by sea and land robberies were commonly practised , and that without any touch of disgrace ; it was vsually demaunded of passengers , whether they were Theeues or Pyrats . And Caesar in a manner reports the same of the Germans : Latrocinia nullam habent apud Germanos infamiam quae extra fines cuiusque civitatis fiunt , atque ea iuventutis exercendae atque desidiae mi●…uendae causa fieri praedicant . It is no discredit among the Germans to robbe , so it be without the bounds of their citties , and this they allow for the exercise of their youth & the shunning of idlenes . But particulars are infinite , wherefore I will content my selfe with one nation , & three or foure notorious vices of that Nation . The Nation shall be that of the ancient Romans , I meane before their receiuing of Christianity , because they were commonly reputed the most civill & best disciplined of the whole world . The speciall vices I will instance in , shall bee their cruelty , their couetousnes , their luxurie , their vaine-glory and ambition ; and in these will I shew their wonderfull excesse beyond latter ages , concluding with a demonstration , that the most eminent and renowned vertues of the Romanes , as their wisedome & courage , haue likewise beene at least matched by some of latter ages , and that in some other vertues , as namely in modesty and humility , they haue beene much exceeded . CAP. 4. Of the excessiue cruelty of the Romans towards the Iewes , the Christians , other Nations , one another & vpon themselues . SEC . 1. Of the Romane cruelty toward the Iewes . THe savage and barbarous inhumanity of the Romans appeares partly in their cruell handling of the Iewes & Christians , & partly of other Nations : But chiefely in their vnnaturall disposition one towards another and vpon themselues : First then for the Iewes , it is indeede true , that by putting to death the Lord of life , and crying alowd , His blood be vpon vs and vpon our children , they wilfully drew vpon themselues the Divine vengeance & that dreadfull threate : Loe the dayes shall come when they shall say , happy are the barren and the wombes that haue not borne children , and the paps that haue not giuen sucke . Yet were the Romans , though greater enemies to Christian Religion then the Iewes , appointed by divine providence , as the Executioners of that vengeance , which they performed in a most vnmercifull manner : And in regard of themselues , an vndue & vniust measure . For to let passe all other bloody massacres of them in diverse townes & citties thorow the Romane Empire , after the passion of our Saviour , and before the destruction of Ierusalem ; surely their cruelty acted in the siedge of that citty , recorded by Iosephus , was such as were able , even to resolue an heart of steele into teares of blood . It was on every side so straightly begirt , that the besieged by extreamity of famine , were forced to 〈◊〉 , not only horses , asses , dogges , rats , & mice , and the leather that couered their shields & bucklers , but also the very dung out of their stables ; yea , & a Noble woman was knowne to eate her owne child that suckt vpon her breast , wherein no doubt was fulfilled the prophecie of our Saviour , happy are the barren . Such as were taken by the Romans , were by the commaundement of Titus , crucified before the walls of the citty , to the number of fiue hundred every day , vntill at length ( as Iosephus reporteth ) there wanted both crosses for the bodies and place for the crosses . Also great numbers of them , who being forced with famine , sought to saue their liues , by yeelding themselues to ther enemies , were nevertheles killed by the mercilesse souldier , and their bowels ripped vp , in hope to finde gold therein , vpon a report , or at least a conceite , that the Iewes did swallow their gold to convay it out of the citty by that meanes . Finally , the number of those which were slaine and died during the siege , was , as witnesseth Iosephus , a million and an hundred thousand , and of the Captiues nine hundred and seventy thousand , whereof Iosephus himselfe was one , and of those , some were condemned to the publique workes , others of the stronger & handsommer sort carried in triumph , and such as were vnder the age of seventeene yeares , were sold for litle or nothing , & those which remained in their countrey , were loaden with such greivous impositions and tributes , that they liued in a continuall misery & slauery worse then death . Yet the cruelty of the Romans towards these miserable Iewes ceased not heere , but in the next age , in the time of Traiane the Emperour , within lesse then fifty yeares after the subversion of Ierusalem , infinita eorum millia , sayth Eusebius , infinite thousands of them were killed in Egypt , and Mesopotamia , in Macedonia they were vtterly extinguished , and in Cyprus they were all either put to the sword or banished ; and a law made , that it should be death for any Iew to arriue there , though he were driven thither by tempest against his will. And in a few yeares after Iulius Severus , being called out of Brittaine by the Emperour Adrian , and sent into Iudea , destroyed almost all the countrey . For as Dyon writeth , he dismantled fifty strong forts , and razed or burnt nine hundred eighty fiue townes or villages , and killed aboue fifty thousand Iewes in battell , besides an infinite number of others that died either by fire , famine , or pestilence , or were sold for slaues . Shortly after Adrians time , they were also miserablely afflicted by the Emperour Antoninus Pius , and after him by Marcus Aurelius , and againe some yeares after that by the Emperour Seuerus , who renewed the decrees of Adrian for their exclusion from the sight of their countrey , and triumphed for his great victories against them . Now though it be true , that the wickednes of the Iewish Nation was such , as they well deserued to be thus seuerely punished ; yet cannot the Romanes be excused from vnreasonable cruelty in dealing thus vnmercifully with them , as if they had beene beasts rather then men . SECT . 2. Their cruelty toward the Christians , first in regard of the insatiable malice of their persecutors . THeir dealing with the Christians , ( whom they likewise named Iewes , because our Saviours Apostles & first disciples , were all of that nation ) was yet more mercilesse because more vnjust ; They pretended the frequent rebellions of the Iewes , to be the reason of their great severity towards them : But the Christians they deadly hated and most cruelly persecuted only for their religion , whereas they suffered all religions saue the Christian , to be quietly exercised thorow their dominions . Now their cruelty towards the poore Christians appeared in the insatiable malice of their persecutors , the incredible number of those that suffered as Martyrs or Confessors , and the exquisite variety of their tortures . St. Augustine and his scholler Orosius compare the tenne persecutions of the Primitiue Christians , ( which as so many raging waues came tumbling one vpon the necke of another , ) to the tenne plagues of Egypt ; the first of which was vnder Nero , whose cruelty or luxury was of the two more monstrous & vnnaturall , cannot easily be determined . He caused Rome to be set on fire , that he might the better conceiue the flames of Troy , singing vnto it Homers verses . His father and brother he poysoned , murth●…red his master , wife , & mother , taking an exact view of her dead bodie , commending the proportion of some parts & discommending others . Besides , he made away whosoeuer was valiant or vertuous in Senate , in citty , in Province without any difference of sexe or age . No marvell then , that being of a disposition so bloody he fell as a bitter storme vpon the Christians , and his cruelty be by S Paule compared to the mouth of a Lyon. Nay by reason of that violent persecution , which vnder him the Christians endured ; hee was , as witnesseth S. Augustine commonly reputed Anti-Christ : But certaine it is , that Rome being by his commaund set on fire , he falsely accused & punished most greevously the innocent Christians for it . The second persecution was vnder Domitian , whom Tertullian calls Neronis portionem , Eusebius , ●…aeredem , the one a part , the other the heire of Nero : And Tacitus puts onely this difference betweene them , that Nero indeed commaunded cruell murthers , but Domitian not only commaunded them , but beheld them himselfe . What the world was to expect from him ; appeared in his very entrance to the Empire , retyring himselfe euery day into a private closet , where he passed his time in killing of flies with a sharp bodkin , insomuch that one demaunding who was within with the Emperour , Vibius Crispus made answer , ne musca quidem , not somuch as a flie : But from the blood of flies hee proceeded on to the shedding of the blood of men , so farre , and in so fierce a manner , — Vt timeas ne Vomer deficiat , ne marrae & sarcula desint . Well might yee doubt Least culters , mattocks , spades , yee soone should be without . The Authour of the last and most greivous persecution , was Dioclesian , whose raging cruelty towards the Christians , Lactantius sets forth in liuely colours . Nemo h●…ius tantae belluae immanitatem potest pro merito describere , quae vno loco recubans tamen per totum orbem dentibus ferreis saevit , & non tantum artus hominum dissipat , sed & ossa ipsa comminuit & in cineres furit , ne quis extet sepulturae locus . Quaenam illa f●…itas , quae rabies , quae insania est , lucem viuis , terram mor●…uis denegasse ? No man can sufficiently describe the cruelty of this so vnreasonable a beast , which lying in one place , yet rageth with his iron teeth thorow the world , and doth not only scatter the members , but breake the bones of men ; yea shewes his furie vpon their very ashes , least there should be found any place for their buriall : what rage , what madnes , what barbarous cruelty is this , to deny both the light to the liuing , and the earth to the dead ? Where Lactantius seemes to allude to that fourth namelesse beast of Daniell , which was fearefull & terrible , and very strong , it had great yron teeth , it devoured , and brake in peeces , and stamped the residue vnder his feete . And though I haue instanced only in these three , yet it is certaine , that the Authours and Instruments of these persecutions were all of a disposition much alike : Of whom the same Lactantius affirmes , that they haue borrowed the shapes of beasts , and yet were more cruell then they , pleasing themselues in this , that they were borne men , & yet had they nothing but the outward figure and lineaments of men . For what Caucasus , what India , what Hircania , saith he , ever bred or brought forth so cruell and bloody beasts ; the rage of other beasts ceaseth when their appetite is satisfied , & their hunger being slaked , they grow more mild & tame , but the rage of these never ceaseth , their appetite is never satiated with blood ; the truth whereof will easily appeare , if in the second place we doe but cast our eyes vpon the infinite multitude of innocent Christians that euery where suffered death , and for none other cause but only the profession of their religion . SECT . 3. Secondly , in regard of the incredible number of those that suffered . OMnis ferè sacro Martyrum cruore orbis infectus est , neque vllis vnquam magis bellis exhaustus est , saith Sulpitius : well nigh the whole world is stayned with the blood of the Martyrs ; neither was it euer in the like sort emptied by any warres . And Gregorie the great almost in the same words , totum mundum fratres aspicite , Martyribus plenus est , jam penè tot qui videamus non sumus quot veritatis testes habemus , Deo ergo numerabiles , nobis super arenam multiplicati sunt quia quanti sunt à nobis comprehendi non possunt . Brethren , looke abroad vpon the whole world , it is filled with Martyrs , we are hardly so many in number to behold them , as we haue witnesses of the truth , who haue sealed it with their blood , in regard of God they are numerable , but in regard of vs they are multiplied aboue the sand on the sea shore , in asmuch as we cannot comprehend their number . And happily those latter words of Gregorie had reference to that of Cyprian , himselfe a glorious Martyr , in his exhortation to Martyrdome : Exuberante postmodum copia virtutis & fidei numerari non possunt Martyres Christiani , testante Apocalypsi & dicente , post haec vidi , &c. The strength of courage and faith afterwards increasing , the Christian Martyrs could not be numbred , according to that testimonie in the Apooalyps . After these things I beheld , and loe a great multitude , which no man could number of all nations , & kindreds , and people , & tongues , stood before the Throne and before the Lambe , cloathed with long white robes , and palmes in their handes : Wherevnto might be added , that other Propheticall passage of the same booke ; The wine-presse was troden without the cittie , and blood came out of the wine-presse vnto the horse bridles by the space of a thousand & six hundred furlongs . Which Prophesi●… we may well conceiue , to haue beene accomplished to the full , when the very axes & swords of the Executioners were blunted with executions , and themselues were forced to giue ouer and sit downe , being vtterly wearied therewith , when the day failing , the bodies of the executed , were burnt in the night , to giue light to passengers ; and thirty three Romane Bishops successiuely from S. Peter to Sylvester , were all martyred , when hundreds , thousands , yea tenne or twenty thousands were slaughtered at once : Lastly , when by the testimony of S. Hierome in his Epistle to Chromatius . and Heliodorus , ( if it be his ) there was not a day in the yeare to which aboue fiue thousand might not justly be assigned , the Kalends of Ianuarie only excepted . Funditur ater vbique cruor , crudelis vbique Luctus , vbique pauor & plurima mortis imago . Piteous lamenting , dreadfull feare , and blood-shed every where , And many a ghastly shape of death did euery where appeare . SECT . 4. Thirdly , in regard of the various and divelish meanes and instruments which they devised and practised for the execution or torture of the poore Christians . NOw though the Romane cruelty sufficiently appeare in the malice of the principall persecutors of the Christians , and the infinite number of Martyrs that suffered , yet doubtlesse the various and diuelish meanes and instruments , which they diuised and practised for their dispatch or torture doth more euidently proue it . Quae autem per totum orbem singuli gesserint enarrare impossibile est ? Quis enim voluminum numerus capiet tam infinita tam varia genera crudelitatis ? saith Lactantius . Those things which in this kinde thorow the world were euery where acted , to recount were impossible . For what number of volumes can containe so infinite and diverse kindes of cruelty ? And againe , dici non potest huiusmodi iudices quanta & quam gravia tormentorum genera excogitaverint , vt ad effectum propositi sui pervenirent . It cannot be expressed , how many and how greivous kindes of torments those Iudges divised , that they might attaine the end of their purpose . And Gregory to like purpose , Quae poenarum genera novimus quae non tum vires Martyrum exercuisse gaudemus ? What kinde of punishment can we conceiue which we reioyce not then to haue exercised the strength of the Martyrs ? They were burned in furnaces , they were put into vessels of boyling oyle , they were pricked vnder the nayles with sharpe needles , their breasts were seared , their eyes boored , their tongues cut out , they were rosted at a soft fire with vineger & salt powred vpon them , they were throwne headlong downe the mountaines & rocks vpon sharpe stakes , their braines were beaten out with malles , their bodies were scraped with sharpe shels and the tallents of wild beasts , they were fryed in iron chaires , , and vpon grid-irons , their entrals were torne out and cast before their faces , they were crucified with their heads downeward , they were hanged by the middles , by the haire , by the feete , their bones were broken with bats , they were torne a sunder with the boughes of trees , and drawne in peeces with wilde horses , they were tossed vpon buls hornes , and throwne to Libards & Lyons ; they were couered vnder hogs-meate , and so cast to swine , they were stabbed with penknifes , they were dragged thorow the streets , they were fleyd aliue , they were couered in the skins of wild beasts and torne in peeces with dogges , as witnesseth Tacitus , they were set to combate with wild beasts , as witnesseth the Apostle of himselfe , Non mihi si centum linguae sint , oraque centum Ferrea vox , omnes scelerum comprendere formas , Omnia paenarum percurrere nomina possem . An hundred tongues , an hundred mouths , an yron voice had I , I could not all those torments name , nor kindes of villany . SECT . 5. Of their extreame cruelty towards others , their very Religion leading them thereunto , as witnesseth Lactantius . ANd least we should thinke that this cruelty of the Romanes towards the Iewes & C●…ristians was onely in regard of their Religion , their owne Histories informe vs of the like vpon other Nations , nay their owne very Religion was ( it seemes ) their strongest motiue & greatest inducement to cruelty : Nec vllam aliam ad immortalitatem viam arbitrantur , quam exercitus ducere , aliena vastare , delere vrbes , oppida exs●…indere , liberos populos aut trucidare , aut subij●…ere servituti , saith Lactantius , They conceiue there is no other way to immortality but by leading Armies , laying waste other mens Dominions , razing cities , sacking townes , rooting out or bringing vnder the yoke of slauery free-borne people . Si quis unum hominem jugulaverit , pro contaminato & nefario habetur , nec ad terrenum hoc domicilium Deorum admitti eum fas putant , ille autem qui infinita hominum millia trucidaverit , cruore campos inundaverit , flumina infecerit , non modo in templum , sed etiam in coelum admittitur , apud Ennium sic loquitur Africanus . Si f●…s caedendo coelestia scandere cuiquam est Mi soli coeli maxima porta patet . Scilicet quia magnam partem generis humani extinxit ac perdidit . O quantis in tenebris Africane versatus es , vel potius Ô Poeta , qui per caedes & sanguinē patere hominibus asoensum in coelum putaveris . Cui vanitati & Cicero assensit ; Est vero inquit Africane , nam & Herculi eadem ipsa porta patuit , tanquam ipse planè cum id fieret , janitor fuerit in coelo . Equidem statuere non possum , dolendumne an ridendum putem , cum videam & graves , & doctos , & ut sibi videntur sapientes viros in tam miserandis errorum fluctibus volutari . Si haec est virtus quae nos immortales facit , mori equidem malim quàm exitio esse quamplurimis . If a man kill but one , he is held for a villaine , neither is thought fit to admit him to the houses of the Gods heere vpon earth , but he who murthers infinite thousands , waters the fields , & dies the rivers with blood , is not onely admitted into the Temple , but into Heauen ; Thus in Ennius speakes Africanus . If man by murdering may climbe Heauen , assuredly , The widest gate of Heauen is open laid for me . Forsooth , because he had extinguished and made away a great part of mankinde . O with how great darknesse art thou compassed Africanus , or rather thou Poet , who thoughtest that by slaughter & blood an entrance was opened for men into Heauen ; yet to this vanity euen Cicero himselfe assents ; It is euen so Africanus , saith he ; for the same gate was open vnto Hercules , as if himselfe had then beene a Porter in Heaven when that was done . Truly I cannot well determine whether I should rather grieue or laugh when I see graue & learned , & ( as to thēselues it seemes ) wise men , so miserably tossed vp and downe in the waues of Errour : if this be the vertue which makes vs immortall , for mine owne part I professe I would rather die then bee the death of so many . Yet had this doctrine ( as it seemes ) generally taken such deep roote in the mindes of the Romanes , that hee who shed most blood was held the worthiest & the holiest man , that is most like the Gods , and fittest for their hahitation , which is the chiefe reason , as I conceiue , that we reade of such wonderfull slaughters committed by them , euen to the astonishment of such as haue beene acquainted but with the principles of Christian Religion . Within the space of seuenteene yeares their warres only in Italy , Spaine , & Sicily consumed aboue fifteene hundred thousand men , Quaesivi enim curiosè , saith Lypsius , I haue diligently searched into it . One Caius Caesar , ô pestem , perniciemque generis humani , O plague & mischiefe of mankinde , professeth of himselfe , and boasteth in it , that hee had slaine in the warres eleuen hundred ninety two thousand , yet so as the slaughter of his Ciuill warres came not into that account , but onely during his commaund a few yeares in Spaine and France . Quintus Fabius slew of the French one hundred & ten thousand . Cajus Marius of the Cimbri two hundred thousand . Aetius one hundred sixty two thousand of the Hunnes . Polybius writeth that Scipio at the taking of Carthage gaue charge that all should be put to the sword without sparing any ; And then addes , that this was a common fashion of the Romans , Videntur enim , saith he , terroris gratia hoc illi facere , itaque frequenter videre est quando Romani civitates capiunt , non homines modo occidi , sed canes etiam dissecari , & aliorum animalium membra truncari . It seemes they did it to terrifie others , and therefore it hath beene often seene that the Romanes vpon the taking in of a City , not onely slew the men , but also cut in sunder the dogs , & mangled other liuing Creatures . Servius Galba at his being in Spaine hauing assembled the Inhabitants of three cities vnder a pretence of consulting with them about their welfare , on a sudden slew seuen thousand of them , among whom were the very flowre of their youth . Likewise Licinius Lucullus Consull in the same countrey , put to the sword twenty thousand of the Caucaei by the hands of his souldiers sent into the city against the expresse covenants of their rendring . Octavianus Augustus hauing taken Perusia , sacrificed three hundred of the principall Townsmen , which yeelded themselues ( as it had beene beasts ) before an Altar erected to Divus Iulius , Antonius Caracalla being incensed against the citizens of Alexandria for some petty jeasts broken vpon him ; entering into the citty in a peaceable manner , & calling before him all their youth , he surrounded them with armed men , who at the signe giuen , fell instantly vpon them , and slew euery mothers son of them , & then vsing the like cruelty vpon the residue of the Inhabitants , hee vtterly emptied a spatious & populous citty . Volesus Messalla Proconsull of Asia , tooke off with the axe the heads of three hundred in one day , & then walking in & out among the dead bodies with his hands behind him , as if he had performed some noble act , he cryes out , ô rem verè regiam , an exploit worthy a Prince . But me thinkes that of Sulpitius Galba exceedes them all , who entering into Portugall in an hostile manner laid waste the countrey , the Inhabitants wondering thereat , & not knowing the reason , neither being guilty to themselues of any offence , they send Ambassadours to renew their former league , he entertaines them , and seemes to take pitty on them that they were thus afflicted , but it may be , saith he , it was your wants that caused you to make some spoyles & shew of warre , I will remedy the matter , I will range you into three parts , & will seat you in a good & fat soile where you may lead the rest of your life more happily & securely : Come with your wiues & children into such a valley , & there will I assigne you your portions . They miserable people come on joyfully , being ranged into three bands ; to the first of which when hee came , he bids them lay aside their weapons , as being now friends & fellowes , which being laide aside , he sets his souldiers vpon them , and kils them all vpon the place , in vaine calling vpon the Gods , & his faith giuen them . The same course he tooke with the second & third band , before the report of his first bloudy act could come vnto them . Neither did their cruelty extend only to men , but to townes & citties . Sempronius Gracchus , if we may credit Polybius , razing & laying waste three hundred in Spaine . Nec habet omne aevum opinor quod adstruat his exemplis praeter nostrum , sed in orbe alio , saith Lypsius . I suppose no age can afford examples matchable to these , except ours , but that in another World ; where he instances in the Spanish cruelties vpon the naked Indians . It is true indeed that Theodosius a Christian Emperour for a small matter in comparison , caused seauen thousand Innocents of Thessalonica being called together into the Theater , as for the beholding of some playes , to be slaine by souldiers vpon the place , and though hee might well for the present purpose bee numbred among the ancient Romane Emperours , yet as a Christian I rather choose to excuse him , & that justly , in as much as being admonished by S. Ambrose he heartily repented of that bloudy fact : & therevpon at the instance of that worthy Prelate made a Law that from thenceforth thirty dayes should passe betwixt the sentence of death and the execution thereof , in as much as the guilty , though spared for a time , might notwithstanding afterwards be executed . But the guiltlesse being once executed , could neuer againe bee restored . SECT . 6. Of their cruelty one towards another by the testimony of Tacitus and Seneca , and first in their civill warres . NOw that which yet much more aggravates the Romane cruelty is this , that they were not onely thus hard-hearted towards strangers , but without naturall affection , implacable , mercilesse one towards another , as appeareth partly in their factions & civill warres , partly in the tyrannie of their Emperours & inferiour Gouernours , & partly in their bloudy games & pastimes . What a miserable complaint is that which is made by Tacitus . Legimus cum Aruleno Rustico Petus Thrasea , Herennio Senefioni Priscus Heluidius laudati essent capitale fuisse , nec in ipsos modo Authores , sed in libros eorum saevitum , delegato Triumviris ministerio vt monumenta clarissimorum ingeniorum in comitio ac foro vrerentur , scilicet illo igne vocem populi Romani , & libertatem Senatus , & conscientiam generis humani abolere arbitrabantur , Expulsis insuper sapientiae professoribus , & omni bona arte in exilium acta , ne quid vsquam honestum òccurreret . Dedimus profectò grande patientiae documentum , & sicut vetus Respub : videt quid vltimum in libertate esset , ita nos quid in servitute : adempto per inquisitiones etiam loquendi , audiendique commercio , memoriam quoque ipsam cum voce perdidissemus , si tam in potestate nostra esset oblivisci quam tacere . Wee read that when Petus Thrasea was praised by Arulenus Rusticus , and Priscus Heluidius by Herennius Senesio , it was made a capitall crime , neither did their rage extend only to the Authours , but to their bookes . Cōmand being giuen from the Triumviri , that the monuments of those rarewits should be burnt in the pleading & market places . Forsooth in that flame they made accoūt at one blaze to extinguish the voice of the people of Rome , & the liberty of the Senate , & the conscience of mankinde . Besides the Professours of wisedome & all ingenuous Arts were banished , that nothing carrying the face of honesty might any-where appeare . Then did wee shew a singular example of Patience , & as former ages saw the vtmost of liberty , so we of servitude . Moreouer the mutuall commerce of speaking & hearing being by inquisitions abridged , wee had surely lost our memory together with our voyce , had it bin aswell in our power to forget , as to be silent . Yet more pitifull is that sad complaint of Seneca touching his times : Adeo in publicum missa nequitia est , & in omnium pectoribus evaluit vt innocentia non rara sed nulla sit . Numquid enim singuli aut pauci rupêre fidem ? undique velut signo dato ad fasque nefasque miscendum coorti sunt . — Non hospes ab hospite tutus , Non socer à genero , fratrum quoque gratia rara est : Lurida terribiles miscent aconita Novercae , Imminet exitio vir conjugis , illa mariti , Filius ante diem patrios inquirit in annos . Sed quota pars ista scelerum est ? Wickednesse is become so common , and hath taken in all breasts such deep rooting , that innocency is not onely rare , but no-where to be found : Neither haue single persons , or some few onely transgressed the Law , but as it were at the giuing of a signe men are on all sides euery-where risen vp to the blending & confounding of right and wrong . — The host his guest betrayes ; Sonnes father in lawes , twixt brethren loue decayes , Wiues husbands , husbands wiues attempt to kill , And cruell step-mothers pale poysons fill , The son his fathers hasty death desires . And yet how small a part is this of the present villanies . But the Civill warres was it which chiefly discovered the bloudy & vindictiue disposition of this Nation . Before which , as testifieth Saint Augustine , their dogges , their horses , their asses , their oxen , & all such beasts as liued vnder the service & for the vse of men , of tame became so wild , that they forsooke their mansions & masters , & got them into mountaines & woods , not without the danger of such as offered to reduce them to their former condition . And surely this wildnes of the beasts served as a fore-runner of that fiercenesse & inhumanity which afterwards appeared in their Masters . The sedition of the Gracchi being appeased , Lucius Opimius Consull executed 3000 as being guilty of that conspiracie by judiciall processe , ex quo intelligi debet , saith S. Augustine , quantam multitudinem mortuorum habere potuerit turbidus conflictus armorum quando tantam habuit judiciorum velut examinata cognitio . From whence we may probably gather what multitudes died in the confused conflict of Armies , since so great a number was made away by a legall tryall . But Sylla was he , who vnder pretence of chastising the out-rages of Marius , filled the city with bloud . Illo bello Mariano atque Syllano exceptis his qui foris in Asia ceciderunt , in ipsa quoque vrbe cadaveribus vici plateae , fora , theatra , templa completa sunt , vt difficile judicaretur quando victores plus funerum ediderunt vtrum prius vt vincerent , an postea quia vicissent . In the warres of Marius & Sylla , besides those which were slaine in the fields abroad , in the city it selfe their streets , their market places , their theaters , their temples were all strewed ouer with carcases , so as it was hard to judge when the Conquerours slaughtered more , either first that they might conquer , or afterwards hauing conquered . Sylla alone quem neque laudare , neque vituperare quisquam satis dignè potest , quia dum quaerit victorias Scipionem se populo Romano , dum exercet , Hannibalem representavit , whom no man can sufficiently either commend , or dispraise , for that in pursuing his victories hee shewed himselfe as another Scipio to the Romane state , in making vse of them another Hannibal , hee alone I say , by his infamous proscription , bereaued the city of foure thousand & seuen hundred Citizens , whose names he commaunded to be registred in the publique Records , videlicet ne memoria tam praeclarae rei dilueretur , forsooth lest the memory of so notable a fact should be extinguished , neither were they of the baser ranke of the people , there being among them no lesse then one hundred & forty Senatours , besides infinite slaughters committed either by his commaund or permission , neither did he thus rage against those onely who bore Armes against him , but to the number of the proscribed he added the most peaceable citizens if they were rich , he also drew out his sword against women , as not being satisfied with the slaughter of men , Id quoque inexplebilis feritatis indicium est , saith Valerius , that was likewise a signe of most vnsatiable cruelty , that hee commaunded the heads of such as he had slaughtered to be cut off & brought into his presence , though retaining neither life nor visage , vt oculi●… illa , quae ore nefas erat manderet , that he might feed vpon them with his eyes , because with his mouth he could not : the eies of Marius he plucked out befo●…e he depriued him of life , & then brake in pieces all the parts of his body , & Marcus Ple●…orius because he fell into a sound at the sight of that execution he cōmanded presently to be slain vpon the place , novus punitor misericordiae , apud quem iniquo animo scelus intueri scelus admittere fuit , a rare punisher of mercy , with whom vnwillingly to behold a wicked act , was to commit wickednesse ; but perchance though he thus tyrannized vpon the liuing , he spared the dead , no such matter , for digging vp the ashes of C. Marius , who was sometime Questor , though afterwards his enemy , hee threw them into the river Amen , En quibus actis foelicitatis nomen sibi asserendum putavit , behold with what goodly acts he purchased to himself the name of happinesse . vix mihi verisimilia narrare videor , I scarce seeme to my selfe to report likelyhoods , saith Valerius : And S. Augustine tells vs , that some counselled him , sinendos esse aliquos vivere , vt essent quibus possit imperare : that he should doe well to suffer some to liue , lest there should be none whom he might commaund . And from Quintus Catulus he deservedly wrested that bitter speech , Cum quibus tandem victuri sumus si in bello armatos , in pace inermes occidimus , with what forces are we likely to vanquish our owne enemies if wee thus kill our own men both armed in warre & vnarmed in peace . And from Lucan it drew those excellent verses , Sylla quoque immensis accessit cladibus vltor , Ille quod exiguum restabat sanguinis vrbi Hausit , dumque nimis jam putrida membra recidit , Excessit medi●…ina modum , nimiumque secuta est Quâ morbi duxêre manus . After these barb'rous butcheries revengefull Sylla came , The little bloud that yet remain'd in Rome he spilt the same , And whilst he off the rotten parts doth cut , the reme●…die Due measure too much doth exceed , his hands the maladie Pursue too farre . And that herein he deliuered no more then trueth , or rather indeede came short of it , may sufficiently appeare by this one bloody act ; Sylla having vpon his credit received to favour foure Legions ( which make vp twenty foure thousand ) of the adverse part ; he caused them notwithstanding in publique to be cut in peeces , calling in vaine for mercy at his treacherous hand . And when the Senate hearing their groanes and scritches stood amazed at it ; the satisfaction he giues them , was none other then this . Hoc agamus Patres Conscripti pauculi seditiosi iussu meo puniuntur : My Lords let 's to the businesse , as for the tumult you heare , it is only a few mutinous souldiers are punished at my commaund . Vpon which , Lypsius giues this just censure : Nescio quid magis hic mirer , hominem id facere potuisse an dicere : I know not whether of the two I should more wonder at , that a man could either so doe , or so speake . Yet me seemes we need not much wonder at it , since the Senatours themselues were drawne out of the Senate house , as it had beene a prison to execution . Nay Mutius Scevola , being both a Priest & a Senatour , was slaine , imbracing the very Altar in the temple of Vesta , then which nothing among the Romans w●… held more sacred , and was like to haue quenched with his blood that fire , which was alwayes kept burning by the care of Virgins : Quae rabies exterarum gentium , quae saevitia barbarorum , huic de civibus victoriae civium comparari potest , saith S. Augustine : What rage of forraine nations , what cruelty of barbarians was ever comparable to this victory of fellow citizens vpon each other . Yet was the fire of these broyles scarce quenched before the flame burst out afresh in the civill warres , betwixt Sertorius & Catiline , Lepidus and Catulus , Caesar and Pompey ; of which Lucan . — Alta sedent civilis vulner a dextrae Heu quantum terrae potuit pelagique parari Hoc quem civiles hauserunt sanguine dextrae ? Deepe sticke the wounds which civill armes haue made : What lands , what seas might haue bin purchased , Even with that blood which civill warres haue shed ? And againe , — Desuntque manus poscentibus arvis : They wanted hands For tillage of their lands . And in another place , — Generis quo turba reducta est Humani ? Hard it was to finde What was become of mankind . Yet after all this , again vpon the death of Caesar in the Senate the Triumuiri , Octavius , Lepidus , and Antony , vnder pretence of revenging his death & reforming the state , like the true schollers of Sylla ordained the like proscription as he had done , proscribing at once the heads of three hundred Senatours , and two thousand Romane Knights : Reade Appian , & in him a most liuely description of the incredible cruelty of those times , some making themselues away , some flying , some hiding themselues in wells and draughts , servants , & wiues , & children , hanging and howling about their masters , and husbands , and parents , but not able to helpe them : Heu scelera quibus nihil acerbius Sol ille vidit visur●…sque est ab ortu omni ad occasum , peream ego nisi humanitatem ipsam perijsse dicas fero & ferino illo aevo , they be the words of Lypsius the great patron of the Romane vertues . O horrible cruelty , then which the Sunne neuer saw or shall see any thing more greivous from the rising to the fall thereof . Let me not liue , if you would not beleeue that humanity it selfe was vtterly lost out of the world , in that bloudy and barbarous age . SECT . 7. Secondly , of the cruelty of their Emperours towards their subiects , their Captaines towards their souldiers , their Masters towards their slaues , and generally of their whole nations . YEt within a while after pax cum bello de crudelitate certabat & vicit , peace contended with warre which should be more cruell and overcame : I will instance only in Tiberius and Caligula , the third and fourth Emperours , and content my selfe only with a part of Suetonius his testimony concerning their monstrous cruelties . Touching the first , specie gravitatis & morum corrigendorum , sed & magis naturae obtemperans , saith he : Vnder a colour of gravity & reformation , but in trueth by a powerfull inclination in his nature he did many such outragious acts , as it gaue occasion among others to the casting out of these verses on him ▪ Fastidit vinum , quia iam sitit iste cruorem , Tam bibit hunc avidè quam bibit ante merum . He loatheth wine , & now he after blood doth thirst , Drinks this as greedily as wine he dranke at first . Nullus à poena hominum cessanit dies , ne religiosus quidem ac sacer ; no day was priviledged from executions , no not the most solemne holy dayes . Because Virgins by a received custome were not to be strangled ; he caused the hang-man first to deflower a Virgine , & then to strangle her . He thought death so light a punishment , that when he heard Carnulius had by death prevented his tortures , he cryed out , Carnulius me evasit , Carnulius hath escaped me . His thoughts were so intent vpon nothing else but horrible executions , that having by familiar letters invited a Cittizen of Rhodes to come to him to Rome , and being informed of his comming , he commaunded him instantly to be put to the racke , and his errour being discovered , to be put to death , least it should be divulged . Having caused men to be drawne on to fill themselues with wine , hee would suddainely commaund their privy parts to be fast bound with lute-strings , that so for want of meanes for avoyding their vrine , they might endure miserable torments . Caligula , a man of much like temper , succeeded him in the Empire , but in cruelty farre exceeded him . Many of honourable ranke being first branded with infamous markes , he condemned to the mines , or the beasts , or shut them vp like beasts in cages , or sawed them asunder in the middest . And that not for great matters , but either because they had no good opinion of his shewes , or had not sworne by his Genius : He forced fathers to be present at the execution of their sons , and to one , excusing himselfe by reason of his sickenesse , he sent his litter for him , inviting him to mirth and iollity . Having recalled one home , who in his Predecessours dayes was sent into banishment , he asked him how hee spent the time while he was abroad , who answered by way of complement , that he incessantly prayed for the speedy death of Tiberius , & his succession to the Empire : wherevpon , conceiving that his banished men prayed likewise for his death ; he presently dispatched away messengers to the Ilands where they liued in exile , commaunding them all to bee put to the sword . When he desired that a Senatour should be torne in peeces ; he hired one , who entring in to the Senate house , should assault him as an enimy to the state , and stabbing him with stillettoes , should leaue him to be torne by others . Neque ante satiatus est quam membra , & artus , & viscera hominis tracta per vicos atque ante se congesta vidisset : Neither was he satiated before with his eyes he beheld the members & bowels of the man dragged thorow the streets and cast before him . Hee did not commonly execute any , but with many & soft strokes , his commaund being now generall and commonly knowne : Ita feri vt se mori sentiat , so strike him that he may feele himselfe to die ; Being offended with the multitude for crossing his desires , he was heard to say , Vtinam populus Romanus vnam cervicem haberet , I could wish the people of Rome but one necke ; meaning to chop them off at one blowe . He was wont openly to complaine of the vnhappy condition of his times , that they were not made famous by any publique calamity : That Augustus his government was memorable by the slaughter at Varia ; & that of Tiberius by the fall of the scaffolds at Fidenae : but his was like to be buried in oblivion , by the calme and prosperous current of all things . And therevpon would he often wish , for the overthrow of his armies , famine , pestilence , fire , earth-quakes , and the like , & when he was sporting or feasting himselfe , he abated nothing of his inbred and wonted cruelty , but shewed the same fiercenesse both in his words and deedes : Many times while he was dyning were some examined vpon the racke in his presence , and other had their heads stricken off . At Putzoll at the dedication of a bridge , having invited many vnto him from the shore , on the suddaine he giues order for the tumbling of them downe headlong into the sea , & such as tooke hold of any thing to saue their liues , he causes to be beaten off with poles & oares . Being one day very free at a great feast , he suddainely brake forth into a great slaughter : And the Consuls , who were next him , demaunding the reason thereof , his answere was , Quid ? nisi vno meo nutu jugulari vtrumque vestrum statim posse , nothing but this , that at a becke from me , both your throates may presently be cut . In the middest of his ieasts , when standing neere the statue of Iupiter , he demaunded Apelles the Tragedian , which of the two , himselfe or Iupiter seemed the greater ; Apelles making a pause , he commaunds him to be sliced in peeces with rods , now and then commending his voyce calling for mercy , as being sweetely tuneable in the very groaning . As oft as he kissed the necke of his wife or mistresse , he would commonly adde , tam bona cervix simul ac iussero demetur , so faire a necke may be taken off the shoulders when I list : And sometimes he boastingly threatned , that he would wrest it out of the heart of Coesonia his darling with the racke , why he so affectionately loued her , so as it might truly be said of him , that he was indeed none other then lutum sanguine maceratum , a lump of clay soked in blood , and of his times might iustly be verified , what Seneca in his preface to his fourth booke of naturall questions speakes of Caius , sciebam olim sub illo in eum statum res humanas decidisse vt inter misericordiae opera haberetur occidi●… vnder him things were brought to that passe as it was reckoned amogst the workes of mercy to be slaine . Neitheir was this the disposition only of their Emperours , but of their inferiour governours & officers , happily by imitatio of their Emperours : in masters towards their slaues , in Generals towards their souldiers , and generally the whole multitude one towards another . Ved●…us Pollio was wont vpon every light occasion , as sometimes for the breaking of a glasse or some such trifle , to cast his slaues into his pond of Lampres , to be devoured by them : Vt in visceribus earum aliquid de servorum suorum corporibus & ipse gustaret , saith Tretullian ; that the entralls of his Lampres might rellish somewhat of the flesh of his slaues : But Pliny giues this censure vpon it : Invenit in hoc animali documenta sae●…ae , non tanquam ad hoc feris terrarum non sufficientibus , fed quia in alio genere totum pariter hominem distrahi spectare non p●…terat . He found out in this fish a new kinde of cruelty , not but that the wilde beasts of the earth were sufficient to effect the same , but because he could in none other kind be hold the whole man to be torne in peeces ▪ Not much inferiour to this , was the rigorous cruelty of their Generalls towards the souldiers , masked vnder the vizar of strict discipline . It is in this kind a memorable example , that Seneca●…elates ●…elates of Piso , who finding a souldier to returne from forraging without his companion , as if he had slaine him whom he brought not backe with him , condemned him to death ; his execution being in readines , and he stretching forth his necke to receiue the stroke of the axe , behold in the very instant his companion appeares in the place ; wherevpon the Centurion , who had the charge of the Execution , commaunds the Executioner to sheath his sword , and carries back the condemned souldier to Piso , together with his companion , thereby to manifest his innocency , and the whole army waited on them with joyfull acclamations : But Piso in a rage gets him vp to the Tribunall , and condemnes both the souldiers , the one for returning without his companion , & the other for not returning with him ; and herevnto addes the condemnation of the Centurion for staying the execution without warrant , which was given him in charge ; & thus constituti sunt in eodem loco perituri tres ob vnius innocentiam : Three , were condemned to die for the innocency of one . In more ancient times , three of the Albanes named Curiatij , combating with three of of the Horatij Romanes for the Empire , by consent of both their states , two of the Romanes were vanquished by the three Albanes , and the three Albanes againe by one of the Romanes , whose sister having married one of the Albanes , because she wept to see her brother weare the spoiles of her husband , she was instantly dispatched by him . Huma●…r hu●…us vnius foeminae quam vniversi populi Romani mihi videtur fuisse aff●…tus , saith S. Augustine ; the disposition of this one woman seemeth to me more humane then that of the whole body of the people of Rome . Heere vnto may be added that bloody speech , cast forth by the daughter of Appi●…s Coecus , who being crowded by the multitude , as she came 〈◊〉 seeing some publique shew , Vtinam , inquit ; revi vis●…at frat●…r ; aliamque classem in Siciliam ducat atque istam multitudinem perditum eat , quae me malè nunc miseram convexavit : I wish , saith she , my brother were aliue againe , that he might conduct another fleete against Sicilie , and so make away this multitude which thus troubles me : Now her brother Publius Claudius lately before had lost many thousands of the Romanes in an expedition by sea against the Sicilians , and with them his owne life . SEC . 8. Thirdly , of their cruelty one towards another in their sword-fights : In which first is considered the originall and increase of these games , aswell in regard of their frequencie , as both the number and quality of the fighters . ANd no marveill this speech should fall from her comming frō a publique shew , in asmuch as the whole body of this people made the effusion of humane blood , and the slaughtering of men their common sport and pastime . Some they cast to beasts , some they set to fight with beasts , some to fight one with another . These they called Gladiatores , swordplayers , & this spectacle , munus gladiatorium , a sword-fight ; in which their skill in defence was not somuch regarded or praised , as the vndaunted giving or receiving of wounds , and life vnfearefully parted with : neither mattered it who had the hap to surviue , he being reserved but for another dayes slaughter . And here I shall craue pardon , if I descend a little to particulars , and insist somewhat largely vpon some of them ; The matter in it selfe seemes to require it , being no doubt very strange to such as are not acquainted with the Romane history , so strange , that in a people so renowned for their morall vertues , it might happily seeme incredible , but that I make it good by the testimony of graue Authours , and which is more ; their owne : The testimony of any man against himselfe being in reputation of law of sufficient validity , without either legall exception , or iust suspition . If the Apostle judged the testimony of Epimenides the Poet , forcible against his owne countrey-men the Cretians , why should not wee judge the testimony of the most approved Romane Historiographers , Poets , & Oratours weighty enough , being alleadged against the Romane Nation . First then , I will consider the cruelty of the act it selfe , together with some aggravating circumstances . Secondly , the cruell disposition of the people , in entertaining it with that heat and fervencie of affection , as is wonderfull . Thirdly , that the Christian Religion was it which first cryed out against it by the pennes of her Divines , and then cryed it downe by the edicts of her Emperours . The beginning of these kinde of shewes originally sprang from a superstitious conceite , ( suggested no doubt by the common enimy of mankind ) of sacrificing with the blood of men for the Manes or Ghosts of their deceased parents or neere friends . Iunius Brutus was the first we reade of that began it in honour of his fathers funeralls , about 500 yeares after the Cities foundation . He exhibited to this purpose in the market place , 22 paires of sword-players : Hoc scilicet erat expiare manes patris , vel potiùs placare diabolum , saith Peter Martyr : This forsooth was to appease his fathers Manes , or rather to please the Devill . After this , they grew so common , that men by their testaments appointed them at their funeralls . Some there are , saith Seneca , who vndertake to dispose of matters , even beyond the tearme of their liues , taking order for stately monuments , pompous funerals , & ad rogum munera , and at the end of their funerals , the exhibiting of sword-fights . And whereas it was in vse only at the funerals of great men , within a while private men tooke it vp , privatorum memorijs Legatariae editiones parentant , saith Tertullian in somewhat an harsh African phrase I confesse , but doubtlesse his meaning is , that even private mē by legacies in their last wils , provided for these sword-fights , which by the Romans were called Editiones . Neither was this vsed at the funeralls of men only , but of women too . Iulius Caesar exhibiting it at the death and for the honour of his daughter , which none ever did before him ▪ and so from a small brooke , it increased to a great and mighty sea , and from matter of Religion , became a matter meerely of honour in those that gaue it , and of pleasure in those that beheld it . Transijt hoc genus Editionis ab honoribus mortuorum ad honores viventium : These shewes passed from the honour of the dead to the honour of the liuing : The Aediles , the Pretors , the Quaestors , the Consuls , the Priests , the Emperours exhibited them at their birth dayes , at the dedication of publique works & at triumphes , and by degrees they came to set solemne dayes , which they held as festivall , and at the last , not the Magistrates alone , but private men exhibited them at all times , without difference of persons or dayes . Iuvenall speaking of some that of base fellowes were become rich , addes Munera nunc edunt & verso pollice vulgi Quemlibet occidunt populariter . Sword-playes they doe bestow , and when they turne the thumbe , They murther whom they list . And Martiall tels vs of a Cobler that exhibited them , Das gladiatores sutorum regule Cerdo , Quodque tibi tribuit Subila , sica rapit . Braue king of Coblers , thou sword-players dost maintaine , And what thine awle doth get , the sword soone spends againe . The number of sword-players thus exhibited , grew in the end to a multitude incredible . Caesar in his Edileshippe exhibited three hundred and twenty paire . Gordianus sometimes 500 , & never lesse then an hundred every moneth . Traian by the space of 123 dayes without intermission tenne thousand ; but that of Nero exceedes all , and almost beleife it selfe : Exhibuit ad ferrum quadringentos Senatores sexcentosque Equites Romanos : He brought forth to the sword-fight foure hundred Seanatours and six hundred Romane Knights So that in regard of those excessiue number thus wilfully cast away thorow the Romane Empire , we may justly complaine with Lypsius , Non temere à funere ortares , quae revera funus & pestis orbis terrae , credo , imò scio , nullum bellum tantam cladem vastitiemque generi humano intulisse , quam hos advoluptatem ludos , numerum cum animis vestris recensete dierum quos dixi hominumque , mentior , si non vnus aliquis mensis Europae stetit vitenis capitum millibus , aut tricenis 〈◊〉 ▪ It seemes vpon good reason to borrow its originall from Funeralls ; it being in trueth the very funerall and plague of the World , I thinke , nay I know that no warre euer made such havocke of mankinde as those games of pleasure ▪ Doe but count the number of dayes & men which I named , & let me●… not be credited , if one moneth sometimes did not cost Europe twenty thousand or thirty thousand heads ▪ Yet was the expence infinit which these bloudy games cost the masters of them in hiring , in dyeting , in disciplining , in arming , in bringing forth their sword-players , in preparing the Theater & the like ▪ And in this regard as for some noble and meritorious act , they had ti●…es & honours bestowed vpon them , & pillars with inscriptions erected to them , and during their shewes they had the power of publique Magistrates : And though those whom they exhibited in the●…e games at first were ●…ues onely or captiues , over whom they had ●…us vit●… & neci●… , power of life & death , yet afterwards they drew into the sand free men , Knights , Sen●…ours , yea Histories not onely affirme , that Commodus the Emperour did himselfe play the Gladiator in person , but his Statue in that fashion starke naked with his naked sword in his hand is yet to be seene at Rome in the palace of the Farnesi . But that which passeth all bounds of humanity , moderation and modesty is , that Domitian exhibited women in these sword-fights , of which Statius , Stat sex us rudi●… insci●…que ; ferri Et pugnas capit improbus viri●…es , Credas ad Tanaim serumque Phasin Thermodonti●…as calere turmas . Th' vnskilfull sexe not fit for broyles ▪ In bloody fights to manlike toyles : You at Tanais would haue thought Or Phasis , Amazons had fought . SECT . 9. Secondly , of the fervent and eagen affection of the people to these games , as also that they were in vse in the Provinces , and namely among the Iewes , but refused by the Graecians , and why . NOw the affection of the people to these bloody games was such , that at the death of a great man they would call for them as due , & mutine if they had them 〈◊〉 . The market-place being not able to containe the multitude that flockt vnto them , they had Theaters & Amphitheaters built if not purposely , yet specially for these shewes , which places were of incredible both charge & capacity , some one of them being sufficient to hold aboue a hundred thousand persons , & yet all little enough in regard of the infinite troupes that resorted thither . Equidem existimo , saith Tully , nullum tempus esse frequentioris populi quam illud Gladiatorium : Truly I thinke there is at no time a greater concourse of the people then at the sword-playes . And againe , Id autem spectaculi genus erat quod omni frequentia atque omni genere hominum celebratur , quo multitudo maximè delecta●… ; that kinde of shew is it which is most frequented with company of all sorts , & with which the multitude is most delighted . They left all other sporrs to run to this , Primo actu placeo cum interèa rumor venit Datum iri gladiatores , populus convolat ▪ Tumultuantur , clamant , pugnant de loco . They be the words of the Comicall Poet , My first act pleased them well , when in the meane while a rumor was rais'd that the sword-players were at hand , at which noise the people flocke thither : They striue tumultuously , they cry out , they fight for their places . When the day was ser , they sought the time long before it came , as appeares by that of Seneca , Quicquid interjacet grave est , tam mehercules quam quando dies gladiatorij muneris dictus est , transire medi●…s dies volunt . Whatsoeuer fals in between is troublesome , as are the dayes which come between the publishing of the day of the sword-playes & the comming of it . Being assembled , and the sword-players entred the fight , Irascitur populus & injuriam putat quod non libenter pereunt , saith the same Seneca , the multitude growes angry and hold it a wrong and scorne done them , if they dye not willingly . With whō Lactantius accords in sense , & almost in words , Irascuntur etiam pugnantibus nisi celeriter è duobus alter occisus est , & tanquam humanum sanguinem sitiant , oderunt mor●…s 〈◊〉 . They are displeased with the sword-players except one of them be presently slaine : And as if they thirsted for humane bloud , they are impatient of delayes . Such as were wounded , and lay weltering in their blood , they desired to be searched ; Ne quis illos simulata morte deludat , lest any should deceiue them with a faigned death : And this was not done onely by men , but by women , by Virgines , by Uirgines devoted to Religion , by the Vestall Virgines themselues . — Consurgit ad ictus Et quoties Victor ferrum jugulo inserit illa Delicias putat esse suas , pectusque jacentis Virgo modesta jubet converso pollice rumpi . — Rise vp at euery stroke shee must ▪ And whiles into the throat the Victors knife is thrust , That 's th' onely sport , and then the modest Vestall Priest Turning her thumb commaunds to stab him through the brest . Besides this , some of them bathed their hands in the bloud of the slain , as Lampridius obserues in the life of Commodus ; And which of all is most horrible to imagine , they sucked the recking bloud out of the fresh wounds . For which we haue the testimony of Pliny : Now a dayes , saith he , you shall see them that are subiect to the falling euill to drinke the very bloud of Fencers & sword-players as out of liuing cups ; a thing that when we behold within the same shew-place , Tigres , Lyons , & other wilde beasts to doe , we haue it in horrour as a most fearefull and odious spectacle , and these monstrous minded persons are of opinion , that the said bloud for sooth is most effectuall for the curing of that disease , if they may suck it breathing warme out of the man himselfe , if they may set their mouth close to the veine , to draw thereby the very heart bloud , life and all ; How vnnaturall soeuer otherwise it be holden for a man to put his lips so much as to the wounds of wild beasts for to drinke their bloud . So as it seemes they still retained the nature of that wolfe which Romulus their founder sucked , and as their walls were tempered with bloud Fraterno primi maduerunt sanguine muri With brothers blood the walls at first imbrewed were . So were their mindes ; And yet as if in all this they had done marvellous well , they proclaimed these games , they set vp bills in publique places to signifie the time & the number of the dayes they lasted , together with a list of the names and qualities of the sword-players , and sometimes the more to content and provoke the multitude , but too forward of themselues , they set forth and exposed to publique view those Tragicall sports in painted tables , artificially done and to the life , which practise was first begun by Terentius Lucanus , as witnesseth Pliny : All which considered , I haue often wondered at two things , the one that Sathan should so farre prevaile vpon this people in blinding their vnde●…nding , being otherwise held a wise Nation , & great Professors of Morality ; the other , that the Divine Vengeance should suffer such prodigious Cruelty to passe so long vnrevenged : yet Bodin rightly and truly obserues , that by Gods judgement at Fidenae fifty thousand men beholding a sword-fight , were at once slaine by thr fall of a Theater : which notwithstanding this foule practise infected most of their Provinces and Colonies , and so farre wrought it vpon the Iewes themselues , that Agrippa exhibited vnto them vna commissione paria septingenta , seuen hundred paires of Fencers at one sitting , exceeding therein the Romanes themselues . And a kinde of shadow hereof we haue resembled in the 2. of Samuel and the 2. Abner said to Ioab , Let the young men now arise and play before vs : and Ioab said , let them arise : Then there arose and went ouer twelue of Beniamin by number which pertained to Ishbosheth the son of Saul , & twelue of the servants of David , & euery one caught his fellow by the head , and thrust his sword in his fellowes side , so they fell downe together . In which combate , saith Peter Martyr in his Commentaries on the place , their meaning was not to decide the controversie by the event of the conflict , for the sparing of blood as was intended in the duells betwixt David and Goliah , the Horatij & the Curiatij , sed nihil aliud hic quaeritur quam vt homines barbarico & belluino more sese mutuo sauciantes & cadentes , spectantium oculos pascerent horrendo spectaculo : Heere they sought for nothing else but that men wounding and killing one another in a barbarous and a beastly manner , and so falling downe dead before them they might feed the eyes of the beholders with an horride spectacle . Now for the Graecians , though it be true that the Athenians indeed desired the sword-playes after the Romane manner , yet Demonax gaue them a short & wise answere , prius evertendam esse aram misericordiae quàm tanta atrocitas publicè reciperetur , that the Altar erected to Mercy was first to bee demolished before so outragious cruelty could with reason be admitted . SECT . 10. Thirdly , these bloudy spectacles were cryed out against by the tongues and pennes of Christian Divines , and then cryed downe by the Lawes and power of Christian Emperours . BVt after the bright beames of the glorious Gospell of Iesus Christ began to shine through the world , these bloudy games were cryed out against by the writings of Christian Divines , and at last cryed downe and vtterly abolished by the power and edicts of Christian Magistrates . Lactantius is full and round in this point , Qui hominem quamvis ob merita damnatum in conspectu suo jugulari pro voluptate computat , conscientiam suam polluit tam scilicet quam si homicidij quod fit occultè spectator & particeps fiat ; hos tamen ludos vocant in quibus humanus sanguis effunaitur , adeò longè ab hominibus facessit humanitas , vt cùm animas hominum interficiant ludere se opinentur nocentiores ijs omnibus quorum sanguinem voluptati habeant . Hee that makes it his pastime to behold a man put to death , though justly deserving it , staines his Conscience as much as if he w●…re guilty of secret murther , yet these they call games in which the bloud of men is shed , so farre is manhood abandoned from men , that they thinke it but a sport , being in trueth themselues more worthy to suffer then they , in the shedding of whose bloud they thus delight . And before him Cyprian , Paratur gladiatorius ludus , ut libidinem crudelium luminum sanguis oblectet ; The sword-playes are prepared , that the bloud gushing out may satiate the wicked longing of their cruell eyes . And before him againe Tertullian , Qui ad cadaver hominis communi lege defuncti exhorret , idem in amphitheatro derosa & dissipata , & in suo sanguine squalentia corpora patientissimis oculis desuper incumbit . Hee that startles at the sight of the Corpes of a man dead by the common course of Nature , most patiently and contentedly beholds them in the Amphitheater mangled and all to be goared with their owne blood . Now as the pens and tongues of the Christians were thus armed against this Monster , so were likewise their Lawes & Swords . Constantine the first Christian Emperour was he that first gaue it a deadly wound . Vetuit Idolis sacrificari , vetuit gladiatorum caedibus pollui vrbes ; Hee forbade sacrificing to Idoles , and the pollution of cities by the slaughter of sword-players . And the Law it selfe we haue inserted into the Code , Cruenta spectacula in otio civili & domestica quiete non placent , quapropter omninò gladiatores esse prohibemus ; such bloudy spectacles in these peaceable time we like not , and therefore straightly forbid all kinde of sword-playes . Yet after this ( such was the madnesse of the people vpon them ) that they were vehemently desired & brake out by starts , but it was a resolute and worthy answere of Theodosius to them earnestly solliciting him for the restitution of these games , Pium Principem oportet non tantum regnare , sed etiam spectare clementer ; it behooues a religious Prince not only to reigne but to looke mildely and mercifully , that is , not to accustome himselfe to such cruell spectacles . And to the same purpose writes Prudentius to Honorius . Iam solis contenta feris infamis arena , Nulla cruentatis homicidia ludat in armis , Nullus in vrbe cadat cujus sit poena voluptas . Th' infamous sand is now with beasts content , In bloudy armes manslaughter is not playd , Nor pleasure made of death and punishment . SECT . 11. The Romans being thus cruell towards others , likewise turned the edge of their cruelty vpon themselues , partly by a voluntary exposing themselues to present death in those publique shewes , either for money , or vpon a bravery , or by laying violent hands vpon themselues ; which by their gravest writers was held not onely lawfull and commendable , but in some cases honourable . THus we see how these bloudy shewes had their birth from Paganisme , but their death frō Christianity , yet before we conclude this point touching the Romane cruelty , it shall not be amisse to consider how by the just judgment of God , they who were thus barbarously cruell towards others , turned the edge of their cruelty vpon their own breasts , and became likewise most vnmercifull and vnnaturall towards themselues ; not onely by a voluntary exposing of themselues to death in their Theaters , by encountring with men and beasts , but by holding it lawfull , yea in some cases both commendable and honourable , to lay violent hands vpon themselues , & to cut off the threed and extinguish the lampe of their owne liues . For the first , it is certaine that many of them were well content to sell their liues for money , — Quanti sua funera vendant , Quid refert ? vendunt nullo cogente Nerone . What skils it for how much their death they sell ? They sell 't , yet them no Nero doth compell . saith Iuvenal . and Manilius to like purpose . Nunc caput in mortem vendunt & funus arenae Atque hostem sibi quisque parat cum bella quiescunt . In th' Amphitheater to death and slaughter they their head Doe sell , and seeke out enemies when warres are quieted . And with this did the Christians vpbraid them , Nec vitae quidem suae parcunt , sed extinguendas publicè animas vendunt , saith Lactantius , Neither doe they so much as spare their owne liues , but sell their soules to bee publiquely extinguished , and sometimes they did it vpon a bravery to shew their courage , as appeares by that of Tertullian in his exhortation to Martyrdome , Quot otiosos affectatio armorum ad gladiū vocat , certè ad feras ipsas affectatione descendunt , & de morsibus & cicatricibus formosiores sibi videntur ? How many idle companions onely thorow a vaine affectation of applause are drawne into the sword-fights , nay encounter with wilde beasts , seeming to themselues more beautifull by the scarres and wounds which they there receiue . Neither did they only thus voluntarily expose their liues for a prize or v●…ine-glory to the rage of men or beasts , but which was more cruell , their greatest Clearkes held it not lawfull only , but commendable , and in some cases honourable , to cut off the threed of their owne liues ▪ Heerevpon he cryes out in the Tragedie . Vbique mors est optime hoc cavit Deus , Eripere vitam nemo non homini po●…est , At nemo mortem , mille ad hanc aditus patent . Death's every-where , God would it so should be , Life every man from man , death none can take , A thousand wayes thereto wide open lye . And lest we should thinke this to be but a Poeticall fiction , whereby men are made to speake what the Poet pleaseth , let vs heare the wisest & worthiest among them speaking in good earnest in this matter . Quintilian affirmes , that nemo nisi sua culpa diu dolet , no man is long in paine or s●…rrow vnlesse it be thorow his owne fault , meaning that killing himselfe he may be rid of it when he pleaseth . Yea euen Seneca himself approues of this selfe-homicide in diuerse places , and though himselfe of a contrary Sect , yet he highly commends that speech of Epicurus , Malum est in necessitate vivere , necessitas nulla est : Quidni nulla si●… ? patent vndique ad libertatem viae multae , breves , faciles , agamus Deo gratias quod nemo in vita teneri potest . Indeed it is a misery to liue in necessity , but there is no necessity for a man so to liue , there are many , and short , and easie wayes to free our selues , let vs giue thankes to God that no man can bee compelled to liue whether he will or no. And againe , Si me quidem velis audire , hoc meditare , exerce te vt mortem & excipias , & si ita res suadebit , a cersas , interest nihil an illa ad nos veniat , an ad illam nos . If thou wilt follow my counsell , so prepare thy selfe , that thou mayst entertaine death , nay if need be , thou mayst send for it . For it matters not whether death come to vs , or we goe to death . Yea he mockes and derides those that make any scruple thereof , bono loco res humanae sunt , quod nemo nisi vitio suo miser est , placet ? Vive : si non placet , licet eo reverti vnde venisti , the condition of our estate in this is happy , that no man is miserable but by his own default : Doth thy life please thee ? liue ; if it please thee not thou mayst returne when thou wilt frō whence thou camest . And in another place , Quocunque respexcris ibi malornm finis est , vides illud praecipitem locum ? illac ad libertatem descenditur . Vides illud mare , illud flumen , illud puteum ? Libertas illic in imo sedet ; vides illam arborem , brevem , horridam , infaelicem ? Pendet inde libertas . Vides iugulum tuum , guttur tuum , cor tuum ? effugia servitutis sunt . Nimis mihi operosos exitus monstras , & multum animi atque roboris exigentes . Quaeris quod sit ad libertatem iter ? quaelibet in corpore toto vena . Which way soever thou lookest , there is an end of all evills to be found . Dost thou see an high and steepe place ? by falling down from it , thou shalt fall into liberty . Seest thou such a sea , or such a river , or such a pit ? liberty lies in the bottome of them , if thou haue the heart to cast thy selfe into them . Dost thou see a tree whereon others haue beene hanged ? there hangs liberty , if thou wilt hang thy selfe . Dost thou see thine owne necke , throate , heart ? they are all places of escape to flie from bondage . Are these too hard and painefull meanes to get out , & wouldest thou yet know the way to liberty ? Every veine in thy body is a way to it . To conclude this point , Pliny would haue vs beleeue that our mother earth having pitty on vs , doth bring forth poysons to dispatch our selues out of this wretched world with an easie draught , without wounding the bodie , or shedding the blood , when there shall be due occasion . And to this purpose , the fact of Cato & Pomponius Atticus , are by their Historians highly commended , as is likewise that of Rasias , by the Authour of the bookes of Macchabees , as a manfull and noble act . But among Christians , though it be sometimes practised , yet it is not taught by them ; nay by the Christian religion , it is straightly forbidden & condemned , and so farre as punishment may light vpon the dead , it is punishable , not only by the Common , but by the Cannon & Civill Lawes . The Romanes are generally much commended for their courage , their wisedome , their iustice : But I would demaund what courage it is for a man to runne away from misery , that he may not grapple with it or looke it in the face ? What Wisedome , to commend their cittizens for dispatching themselues at their owne pleasure , so robbing the state of a member , and perchaunce a very serviceable one , such as Cato was ? What iustice , that men either thorow weakenes of mind , or strength of passion not alwayes capable of reason , should be permitted to giue sentence , and doe execution vpon themselues ? And least we should thinke that this was the onely vice this Nation , ( somuch renowned for civility and vertue ) was subject vnto ; I will likewise in passing touch their Covetousnesse , which was in truth insatiable , and th●…en take a larger view of their luxurie , spreading it selfe into many branches , but all of them most excessiue , & were they not recorded by their owne writers almost incr edible . CAP. 5. Of the excessiue Covetousnesse of the Romanes , and their insatiable thirst , of having more , though by most vniust and indirect meanes . SECT . 1. Of the excessiue covetousnesse of the Romanes in generall , by the testimonies of Petronius Arbiter , Iuvenall , Galgacus , and Hanniball ; and in particular Caecilius Claudius , Marcus Crassus , and specially Seneca the Philosopher are taxed for this vice . THe rapine and covetousnesse of the Romanes was such , that being Lords in a manner of all the knowne world , yet therewith they rested not content . Orbem jam totum Victor Romanus habebat , Qua mare , qua tellus , qua sydus currit vtrumque , Nec satiatus erat , Now the victorious Romane all the world had won , Sea , land , and all where both the starres their course doe runne , Yet was not satisfied . These are they , whom braue Galgacus in the life of Iulius Agricola justly stiles Raptores orbis , vnjust robbers of the world who having left no land , saith he , to be spoyled , search also the sea , whom not the East nor West haue satisfied : To take away by maine force , to kill and to spoile falsely they call Empire , and when all is laid waste as a wildernes , that they call peace . This vnquenchable desire of theirs , Hanniball likewise both truly and wittily expressed ; before whom , whē Antiochus mustered a great army prepared against the Romanes , richly furnished with weapons inamiled , ensignes , saddles , bridles , and trappings , imbossed and imbrodered with gold and silver , being demaunded by the King , whether all that gallant shew were not sufficient for the Romanes , his answere was short but sharpe , taxing aswell the Cowardize of Antiochus his souldiers , as the covetousnes of the Romanes : Plane satis esse credo Romanis haec etsi avarissimi sint , yes truly I beleeue heere is enough for the Romanes though they be most excessiuely couetous . But this honour of theirs afterwards increased infinitely , as appeares by that of Iuvenall , Vberior nunquam vitiorum copia , nunquam Maior avaritiae patuit sinus . Was never yet more plenteous store of vice , Nor deeper gulfe lay ope of avarice . And Manilius , Nullo votorum fine beati , Victuros agimus semper , nec viuimus vnquam . Never contented with our present state , W' are still about to liue , but liue not till too late : Every man sayth he wishing for that he hath not , but making no reckoning of that he hath . Nec quod habet numerat tantum quod non habet optat For particulars , Pliny tells vs , that when Asinius Gallus & Martius Censorinus were Consuls died Cecilius Claudius , who signified by his last will & testament , that albeit he had sustained exceeding great losse during the troubles of the civill warres , yet he should leaue behind him at the thoure of his death , of slaues belonging to his retinew foure thousand one hundred & sixteene , in oxen three thousand and six hundred yoke , of other cattell two hundred fifty seaven thousand , and in ready coine , h three score millions of sesterces , besides a very great summe he set out for defraying his funerall charges . And for Marcus Crassus , the same Authour in the same chapter affirmes , that he was wont to say , that no man was to be accounted rich and worthy of that title , vnlesse he were able to despend by the yeare , asmuch in revenew , as would maintaine a legion of souldiers . And verily , saith Pliny , his owne lands were esteemed worth two hundred millions of Sesterces ; and yet such was his avarice , that he could not content himselfe with that wealthy estate , but vpon an hungry desire to haue all the gold of the Parthians , would needs vndertake a voyage against them ; in which expedition hee was taken prisoner by Surinas , Lieutenant Generall for the King of Parthia , who stroke off his head , and powred gold melted into his mouth to satisfie his hunger after it . But I most wonder at Seneca the Philosopher , who every where in his writings bitterly inveighs against these co vetous desires , & yet within foure yeares space gathered he three thousand times three hundred thousand Sesterces , which amounts in our coyne to 2343750 pounds , and in casting vp this summe , both the Translatour of Tacitus his Annales , and Master Brerewood precisely accords . And whatsoever faire pretence he make in his bookes of mortification and contempt of the world , yet certaine it is , that beside this masse of treasure , he had goodly farmes in the countrey , as appeares by his owne Epistles , and in the citty spacious gardens , & princely sumptuous palaces , the one mentioned by Iuvenall . Sat. 10. Senecae praedivitis hortos : The gardens of Seneca the rich : The other by Martiall : lib : 4. Epigram : 40 , Et docti Senecae ter numeranda domus : Three houses of Seneca the learn'd . SECT . 2. Of their wonderfull greedinesse of gold , manifested by their great toyle and danger in working their mines , fully and liuely described by Pliny . BVt that which much more aggravates this vice of the Romanes is , that commonly they gathered their riches either by violent rapine , extortion , & oppression , or by cunning slights , & base practises , or lastly by the infinite toyle of such as therein they imployed , not without the indangering of the liues of many thousands . I will begin with the last ; and that I may the more cleerely and effectually expresse it , I will deliver it in the words of Pliny , where he thus speakes of the earth , torne and rent in sunder for rich mettals and pretious stones . The misvsages , saith he , which she abideth aboue and in her outward skin , may seeme in some sort tollerable , but we not satisfied therewith , pierce deeper and enter into her very bowells , wee search into the veines of gold & silver , we mine & digge for copper & lead mettals , and for to seeke out gemmes & some little stones , we strike pits deepe within the ground . Thus we plucke the very heart-strings out of her , and all to weare on our finger one gemme or pretious stone . To fulfill our pleasure & desire , how many handes are worne with digging & delving , that one ●…oynt of our finger might shine againe . Surely , if there were any Devils beneath , ere this time verily these mines ( for to feede covetousnes & riot ) would haue brought them vp aboue ground . And againe in his proeme to his 33 booke , we descend , saith he , into her entralls , we goe downe as farre as to the seate & habitation of infernall spirits , and all to meete with rich treasure , as if the earth were not fruitefull enough , & beneficiall vnto vs in the vpper face thereof , where she permitteth vs to walke and tread vpon her . Now the infinite toyle , the fearefull and continuall danger of these workes , he notably describeth in the fourth chapter of the same booke . The third manner of searching of this mettall is , saith he , so painefull and toylesome , that it surpasseth the wonderfull worke of the Gyants in old time . For necessary it is in this enterprice and businesse to vndermine a great way by candle light , and to make hollow vautes vnder the mountaines , in which labour the Pioners worke by turnes , successiuely after the manner of a releife in a set watch , keeping every man his houres in just measure , and in many a moneths space , they never see the sunne nor day-light . This kinde of worke & mines they call Arrugiae ; wherein it falleth out many times , that the earth aboue head chinketh , and all at once without giving any warning setleth & falleth , so as the poore Pioners are overwhelmed & buried quicke : yet say , they worke safe enough , and be not in jeopardy of their liues by the fall of the earth , yet be their other difficulties which impeach their worke : For other whiles they meete with rockes of flint and ragges , which they are driven to cleaue & pierce thorow with fire & vineger ; yet for feare of being stifled with the vapour arising from thence , they are forced to giue ouer such fire-workes , & betake themselues oftentimes to great mattockes & pickaxes , yea and to other engines of iron , weighing one hundred & fiftie pound a peece , where with they hew such rockes in peeces , & so sinke deeper & make way before them . The earth and stones which with somuch adoe they haue thus loosed , they are faine to carry from vnder their feete in scuttles and baskets vpon their shoulders , which passe from hand to hand evermore to the next fellow . Thus they moyle in the darke both day & night in these infernall dungeons , and none of them see the light of the day , but those that are last , & next vnto the pits mouth or entry of the caue . Howbeit , be the rocke as ragged as it will , they count not that their hardest worke : For there is a certaine earth resembling a kind of tough clay , which they call white Lome ; this being intermingled with gravell or gritty sand , is so hard baked together , that there is no dealing with it ; it so scorneth and checketh all their ordinary tooles & labour about it , that it seemeth impenetrable . What doe the poore labourers then ? They set vpon it lustily with iron wedges , they lay on load vncessantly with mighty beetles , & verily they thinke there is nothing in this world harder then this labour , vnlesse it be this vnsatiable hunger after gold , which surpasseth all the hardnes & difficulty that is . Now notwithstanding the great danger and toyle of those workes , infinite was the number which the Romanes imployed therein , as may in part appeare by the same Authour in the same chap : Here sayth he , commeth to my remembrance an Act of the Censors extant vpon record , as touching the gold mine of Ictimulum a towne in the territory of Verselles , which act contained an inhibition , that the Publicanes , whofarmed that mine of the Citie should not keepe aboue fiue thousand Pioners together at worke there : By which restraint it should seeme , that their vsuall practise was to keepe more , and this haue wee by Polybius fully cleared , affirming that in the Spanish mines at New Carthage , no lesse then forty thousand men were daily imployed . SECT . 3. Their vnmercifull pilling and poling , robbing and spoyling the provinces , not sparing the very temples and things sacred . YEt had all this beene in some sort tollerable , had they not herevnto added the pilling & poling , the robbing & spoiling of their provincials ; sometimes by open force & rapine , but commonly vnder the colorable pretences of tributes or Fees. Demades was wont to say when he was advanced to any place of government ; ad auream messem se venisse , that he was come to a golden harvest ; and this was surely the conceite of the Romane Presidents when they went to their charges every one like another Iason , promised to himselfe the bringing backe of a golden fleece , these were in truth those Harpyes . — Quarum decerpitur vnguibus orbis , Quae pede glutineo quae tetigêre trahunt . Whose clawes spoyle all the world , whose glewie feet Draw to themselues what ere they touch or meet . That which Cicero charged Verres with , in the government of Sicilie , was doubtles the common practise of them all in like places ; as in part appeares by the conclusion of C. Gracchus his speech to the people after his returne to Rome from the government of Sardinia , as Gellius relates it ; the bagges , saith he , which I carried forth with me full of money , I brought backe emptie ; whereas others returned home those barels full of silver , which they sent forth filled with wine . They had officers vnder them for their collecting of their tributes , whom they named Publicanes ; which word wee haue still retained in our Gospells ; but so as it there appeares , they were an odious kind of people , by reason of their vnjust and vnmercifull exactions ; whence some ( though improperly in regard of the word , yet not impertinently in regard of their snarling and biting conditions ) haue stiled them Publicani , quasi publici canes , and if these were dogges , sur●…ly the Presidents themselues were wolues & lyons , not leaving the bones till the morrow , as the Prophet describes the Princes & Iudges of Israel . One of them while he was yet trembling at S. Paules sermon touching Righteousnesse , temperance , & the iudgement to come , yet such a corrupt habit had he gotten , that even then he groped him for a bribe , though a man most vnlikely to afford it , aswell in regard of his doctrine and profession , as his poore estate . But some where haue I read of this vnhappy Felix , that hee was inexplebilis avaritiae gurges , an vnsatiable gulfe of covetousnes . Such a one , I am sure , was Sylla , who raised out of the lesser Asia alone , twenty thousand talents yearely : Yet Brutus & Cassius went farther , forcing them to pay the tribute of tenne yeares within the space of two , and Anthony in one ; by which computation they payd in one yeare two hundred thousand talents , a mighty summe . L. Paulus held one of their best cittizens , pretending to make the Epirotes free , as were the Macedonians whom he had conquered , vnder that pretence , calling out tenne of the chiefe of every citty , he advised them to bring forth their gold & silver , which done , he divided his cohorts among them , & gaue in charge to the Tribunes & Centurions what his pleasure was : In the morning his commaund was executed by the Townesmen , and at foure of the clocke signe was given to his souldiers for the sacking of the Townes . Tantaque praeda fuit , sayth Livie , vt in equitem quadringenti denarij , peditibus duceni dividerentur : So great was the spoyle , as there fell to the share of an horse-man foure hundred denarij , and of a foote-man two hundred . Nay , in Italy it selfe Plemminius Lieutenant to Scipio Africanus proceeded so farre vpon the Locreans , over whom he was set with a garison , that he abstained not from sacrilege , neither did he spoyle other Churches alone , but that of Proserpina , robbing & carrying away , intactos omni aetate the sauros , treasures till then vntoucht . These were strange outrages , that of Galba was indeede lesse outragious but more base , he being Proconsull in Spaine vnder Nero , the Taraconians sent him for a present a Crowne of gold , affirming that it weighed fifteene pounds . Hee received it , & causing it to be weighed , found it to want three pound , which he exacted from them : Postposito omni pudore , sayth Fulgosus , laying aside all shame , as if it had beene a due debt . And to shew he was no changeling , even after his comming to the Empire , hee gaue with his owne hand to a certaine musitian that pleased him , out of his owne purse 20 Sesterces about three shillings English , & to his steward at the making vp of his bookes , a reward from his table . This was base , but that of Iulius Caesar most dishonest , who in his first Consulship stole out of the Capitoll three thousand weight of gold , laying vp asmuch gilded copper instead thereof . He sacked in an hostile manner certaine townes of the Portugals , though they disobeyed not his commaunds , but freely & friendly opened their gates vnto him for his entrance . In France he robbed the Oratories & Temples of the Gods , stored with rich offerings & ornaments , & laid waste their Cities , Saepius ob praedam quam ob delictum , saith Suetonius , oftner for loue of booty then for any offence by them committed , and afterwards supplied the expence of his civill warres , his triumphes , his shewes to the people , evidentissimis rapinis & sacrilegijs , by most notorious pillaging & sacrilege . And no marveill , since as witnesseth Cicero in the third booke of his Offices , he had alwayes that of Euripides in his mouth . Si violandum est jus , imperij gratia , Violandum est : If right for ought a man may violate , 'T is for a kingdome . And I see not , but that he might as safely hold that justice is to be violated for treasure , by which Empire is to be gotten & maintained , as for Empire it selfe . SECT . 4. Of the base and most vnconscionable practises of Tiberius and Caligula , nay even of Vespasian himselfe for the heaping vp of treasure . NOw if this were the opinion & practise of Iulius Caesar , what should we expect from Nero , Tiberius , & Caligula , of whom the first wasted Italy by contributions and borrowing of money , ruined the provinces , and impoverished the confederates of the people of Rome , and the citties which were called free : Yea the Gods themselues were not priviledged from being made a prey : But the temples in the citty were robbed , & the gold carried away , which the people of Rome in all ages , either in triumphes or vowes , in prosperity or feare had dedicated to the Gods : Yea in Achaia & Asia not onely consecrated gifts , but the images of the Gods were taken away ; Acratus and Secundus Carinates being sent thither of purpose . The second being presented with a goodly fish , he sent it to be sold in the market , and being designed here by Cn. Lentulus one of the Augures , and a man of great revenewes , neuer left him till thorow feare and anguish hee had brought him to his graue . Also to pleasure Quirinus who had beene Consull , a wonderfull rich man , but childlesse , in hope to be his heire , he condemned his wife Lepida a noble and worthy Lady divorced from her husband after twenty yeares marriage , and accused of contriuing his death by poyson long before . Venon likewise King of Parthia , who being driven out of his owne Kingdome , and betaking himselfe to the trust of the people of Rome , came to Antiochia with infinite treasure , he caused most perfidiously to be robbed both of it and his life , and of his life for it . Verum ut hoc in eo horrenda fuerunt , ita quae sequuntur dedecoris plena , as these things in him were horrible , so were those that followed most abominable and shamefull , saith Fulgosus , in reference to Caligula , the successour to Tiberius aswell in vice as Empire . Some with threats he forced to name him their Heire , and if they recouered after the making of their wils , he dispatched them by poyson , holding it ridiculous that they should long liue after their wills were made . For the bringing in of money he set vp stewes both of boyes & women in the palace it selfe , and sent some thorow the streetes to invite men thither for the increasing of the Emperours revenewes , and hauing by this and such like wretched meanes amassed huge summes of treasure , he to satiate his appetite contrectandae pecuniae cupidine incensus , being inflamed with a longing desire of touching money , would sometimes walke vpon heapes of gold , and sometimes as they lay spred abroad in a large roome , rolle himselfe ouer them starke naked . O ingentem nimiamque avaritiam quae in tanto imperio tantum Principem excaecatum in eam vilitatem abjectionemque deduxisti , vt neque dedecus suum , neque imperii ignominiam agnosceret , saith Fulgosus , most transcendent & excessiue covetousnes which blinded so great a Cōmander , & cast him into such extremity of basenes as to become a publike Pander & a poysoner for loue of mony , which no ingenuous minded man though pressed with extreame necessity would practise though in private . But this was in these Monsters no miracle , I more wonder at Vespasian , who had the reputation ( perchaunce by reason of their villany ▪ ) of a good Emperour , yet euen he was so impotently covetous , that hee not onely called for the arreareages due in Galbaes time , but raised new tributes , & laid vpon the Provinces more grievous impositions , doubling them in some places , Negotiationes vel privato pudendus propalam exercuit , he publiquely practised such kinde of traffick , as euen a private man would shame to doe ; taking vp commodities at a cheap hand , that afterward he might vent them at dearer rates : neither did he spare to sell honours to such as sued for them , or absolutions to such as were accused , whether they proued guiltlesse or guilty , hee was thought of set purpose to haue made choice of the most ravenous poling officers hee could any-where finde out , and to haue advanced them to the highest places , that being thereby growne rich , hee might condemne their persons , and confiscate their goods , and these men hee was commonly said to vse as sponges , Quod quasi & siccos madefaceret , & exprimeret humentes , because he both moistned them being dry , and wrung them out being moistned . Nay which was more base , he laid an imposition vpon vrine , and being by his son Titus put in minde of the basenesse of it , he tooke a peece of money receiued for that vse , and putting it to his sonnes nostrils , demaunded of him whether he felt any other sauour from it then from any other money , adding withall , Bonus odor lucri ex re qualibet , the smell of gaine is good from any thing whatsoeuer . SECT . 5. That the whole Nation was deepely infected with the same vice . ANd to speake a truth , the whole body of this people was so farre possessed with this dropsie , that Salvianus makes it their Nationall disease , Avaritiae inhumanitas proprium Romanorum malum , inhumane covetousnesse is the disease proper to all the Romanes . And with him accords Mithridates in Iustin , Non temerè se lupi vberibus alitos jactare , omnet enim habere luporum animos inexplebiles , sanguinis , imperij , divitiarumque avidos esse & jejunos ; that they did not without reason boast themselues to be nourished from the dugg of a shee wolfe , inasmuch as they haue all of them insatiable mindes of wolues , greedily thirsting after Empire , bloud and riches . And this well appeared in two publique Acts of theirs , the one was , that a peece of Land being in controversie betweene the Ardeatines and the Aricinians , they both by joint consent referred themselues to the arbitration of the Romanes , binding thēselues to stand to their award : but they adjudg'd it to themselues . The other was that the Senate hauing taken great summes of money of certaine tributary Cities to make them free , forced them afterward to pay their old tribute without restoring vnto them the money they had paid for their freedome ; which saith Cicero was turpe imperio , a shame to their Empire , Piratarum enim melior fuit fides quam Senatus , for the faith of pirats was better then the faith of the Senate . This was most dishonest , yet I know not whether that which followes were not more dishonourable . Their greatest men tooke to farme their basest tributes before mentioned , & worse then those , yea and sued for them , Non aliter quam militarem aliquam praefecturam aut civilem Magistratum , they bee the words of Euagrius , none otherwise then it had beene some great Commaund in the warres , or some principall office in the City . And Iuvenal speaking of those who from small matters were raised to great fortunes thus describes them . Conducunt foricas , & cur non omnia ? cum sint Quales ex humili magna ad fastigia rerum Extollit quoties voluit fortuna jocari . They draughts ( and why not all things else ? ) doe hire , Being such as fortune when she would be merrie , To highest place doth raise from lowest mire . What marvell then if Seneca complaine , Haec ipsa res tot magistratus tot judices detinet quae Magistratus & Iudices facit pecunia . This selfe-same thing which keepes in so many Magistrates and Iudges , In their places , is it which makes both Magistrates and Iudges , to wit , money ; Mercatoresque & venales invicem facti , quaerimus non quale sit quid sed quanti , & being become Merchants on all hands , we seeke not so much of what quality things are , but of what price . And all kinde of offices being thus purchased with money , as the places of Iudicature were commonly bought , so was Iustice openly sold. Omnium sermone percrebuit in his judicijs quae nunc sunt , pecuniosum hominem , quamvis sit nocens , neminem posse damnari , saith Cicero . It is rife in euery mans mouth in these Courts of Iustice , which now are , that a monied man , though he bee guilty cannot be condemned : and againe , nihil tam sanctum quod non violari , nihil tam munitum quod non expugnari pecunia possit : there is nothing so sacred which with money may not be violated , nothing so fenced which may not be razed . Nay Catiline could say of Rome , ô vrbem venalem & maturè perituram si emptorem invenerit ! O mercenary city and soone to bee ruined by sale if it might finde but a Chapman . Not without reason then haue some found in the word ROMA , Radix Omnium Malorum Avaritia , Covetousnesse is the roote of all mischiefe , taking the first letters of those wordes as they lye in their order for the making vp of that name . And not without proper signification did Rome take to her selfe the Eagle for her Ensigne , which as Iob speaketh , dwelleth and abideth on the rock , vpon the cragge of the rocke & the strong place : from thence she seeketh the prey , and her eyes behold a farre off , her young ones also suck vp blood , and where the slaine are , there is he . So as generally might be verified of them , what Claudian writes of Ruffinus . Plenus sevitiae , lucrique cupidine fervens , Non Tartassiacis illum satiaret arenis Tempest as pretiosa Tagi , non stagna rubentis Aurea Pactoli , totumque exhauserit Hermum Ardebit majore siti . Greedy of filthy gaine , and full of cruelty , Nor can Tartessian sands him of the pretious Tage , Or golden streames of red Pactolus satisfie , Might he all Hermus drink his thirst the more would rage . Or Strozza of Scaurus . Scaurus habet villas , vrbana palatia , nummos , Pinguiaque innumeris praedia bobus arat : Huic tamen assiduè maior succrescit habendi Nunquam divitijs exsatiata fames . Scaurus hath farmes , coine , cities , palaces , With many an oxe his fertile fields he plowes : Yet wealth his hunger neuer satisfies , But his desire to haue still greater growes . CAP. 6. Of the Romane Luxury in matter of Incontinency and Drunkennesse . SECT . 1. A touch of the Romane Luxurie in generall , and in particular of the sins of the flesh . NOw as the Romane Covetousnes was vnsatiable , & their cruelty vnquenchable : so was their Luxury most incredible , were it not recorded by their owne Writers . Nunc patimur longae pacis mala , saevior armis Luxuria incumbit , victumque vlciscitur orbem , Nullum crimen abest facinusque libidinis ex quo Paupertas Romana perit . Now suffer we the plagues and mischiefes of long peace , Now is the conquer'd world reveng'd by luxurie , Far worse then armes , and since Rome's poverty did cease , There wanteth no attempt or crime of lecherie . Pariterque & luxuria nata est , & Carthago sublata , saith Pliny , no sooner was Carthage vanquished by vs , but we by luxurie : and these two covetousnesse and luxurie mutvally made way each for other : Luxuriamque lucris emimus luxuque rapinas . We draw on luxurie by vnjust gaine , And rapine by luxurie is drawne on againe : Eiusmodi tempora constat à Tacito in annalibus esse descripta quibus nulla unquam fuerunt turpissimis vitijs foediora , neque aut virtutum steriliora , aut virtutibus inimicitiorae , as witnesseth Causabon in his preface to Polybius : It is evident that those times are by Tacitus described in his Annals , then which neuer were any more fruitfull in most shamefull and abhominable vices , or of vertues more barren , or to vertue more opposite : The branches of the Romane luxurie were monstrous excesse in all kinde of vncleannesse & incontinency , in diet , in apparell , in retinew of servants , in buildings & furniture of their houses , in bathings & anointings of their bodies , in prodigall gifts , and lastly , in setting foorth their playes & Theatricall shewes . I am not ignorant that Meursius a Netherlander hath composed an entire booke purposely of this subject , intituling it , De luxu Romanorum , of the Romane Luxurie , and concluding it with this censure , damno , damno luxum vestrum Romani , & in hac sententia concludo , O ye Romanes , I damne I damne your Luxury , and with this sentence I conclude : yet is it certaine that hee hath omitted many materiall Collections which might haue beene added , and the most obserueable in him I shall not faile to make choice and vse of . First then for their excesse in the sinnes of the flesh it is evident that they acted more then is now commonly knowne to Christians , and I rather desire the foulenesse thereof should be eternally buried in oblivion , then by exposing it to publique view defile my penne with it , and perchaunce teach whiles I reprehend . The Apostle in the first to the Romanes hath given vs a touch thereof ; yet so as no doubt but hee concealed much that he knew , and many things by them were practised , which came not to his knowledge . Though this infection were so generally spread , & had taken so deepe root amongst them , that they made but a jest of the foulest sinnes in that kinde . They had certaine pastimes , which they tearmed Ludos Florales , in honour of Flora , a notorious strumpet . Qui ludi tanto devotius quanto turpius celebrari solent , saith S. Augustine in his second booke de Civitate Dei , and 27 chapter ; which games of theirs the more dishonestly , the more devoutly they were celebrated . In these the common queanes , which got their maintenance by that trade , ran vp & downe the streetes by day-light , & in the night with burning torches in their hands , having their whole bodies starke naked , and expressing the most beastly motions & gestures , and vttering the most filthy speeches & songes that could possiblely be imagined . To these the Poet alludes . Turba quidem cur hos celebret meretricia ludos , Non ex difficili cognita causa fuit . Why queanes these playes doe celebrate I trow , 'T is not so difficult the cause to know . Yet to these shamefull , or rather shamelesse pastimes were their youth admitted , thereby adding , as it were fire to tinder , nay their sagest Senatours , gravest Matrones , and severest Magistrates were well content to grace them with their presence , as it had bin some very commendable or profitable exercise : But these Florall playes were but once a yeare , their enterludes in the Theater , acted vpon the open stage were almost daily , yet so abominable , that the godly d●…voute Fathers of the Primitiue Christian Church can hardly write of them with patience , specially Salvianus , whose words to this purpose are very smart and piercing : Talia sunt , saith he , quae illic fiunt vt ea non solum dicere , sed etiam recordari aliquis sine pollutione non possit . Alia quippe crimina singulas sibi in nobis vendicant portiones , vt cogitationes sordidae animum , impudici aspectus oculos , auditus improbi aures , ita vt cum ex his vnum aliquid erraverit , reliqua possint carere peccatis , in Theatris vero nihil horum reaetu vacat , quia & concupiscentijs animus & auditu aures , & aspectu oculi polluuntur , quae quidem omnia tam flagitiosa sunt , vt explicare ea quispiam atque eloqui salvo ore non valeat . Quis enim integro verecundiae statu dicere queat illas rerum turpium imitationes . illas vocum ac verborum obscaenitates , illas motuum turpitudines , illas gestuum foeditates , quae quanti sint criminis vel hinc intelligi potest quòd & relationem sui interdicunt . His conclusion is , Quae cum ita sint , ecce qualia aut omnes aut penè omnes Romani agunt . Of such a nature they are which are there acted , that a man cannot speake of them , nor well remember them without some touch of pollution , Other offences challenge to themselues but a part of vs , as impure thoughts the mind , vnchast sights the eyes , wicked speeches the eares ; so that when one of these is tainted , yet the rest may be cleere from pollution , but in the Theatre none of them is free from the guilt of infection , in asmuch as the minde is there defiled with corrupt thoughts , the affections with naughty desires , the eares by hearing , and the eyes by seing , all which are so lewd , that no man without blushing can somuch as name them , much lesse fully describe them . For what modest man is there , who can rccount those representations of beastly actions , those filthy speeches , & motions , & gestures , which how sinfull they are , we may from hence conjecture that they cannot well be related : which being so , behold what manner of things all , or at least-wise the greatest part of the Romanes practise . And this may wee adde to Salvianus , that the Actors of these Comedies were by the state it selfe highly regarded and richly rewarded , as if they had done some profitable peece of service for the Common-wealth . But this kinde of luxurie , as being loathsome in the very handling I briefely passe over , as men lightly skippe over quagmires and proceede to their luxury in diet , and first of their excesse in drinking . SEC . 2. Of their excesse in drinking . THis we may partly guesse at , by that which Ammianus Marcellinus writes of their pots , graviora gladijs pocula erant , their pots were heavier then their swords : Among the rest , they had a kind of cups which Horace cals ciboria . — Oblivioso lavia massico Ciboria imple . Goe fill the biggest cups you may , With liquor that driues care away . Thought to be the leaues of the Egyptian beane , which are so broad , that Dioscorides for their largenesse compares them to a bonnet , Theophrastus to a Thessalian hat ; & Pliny thus describes them vnder the name of Colocassia . The leaues of Colocassia are exceeding large and comparable to the broadest that any tree beareth , of these plaited and infolded one within another , the Egyptians make them cups of diverse formes & fashions , out of which they take no small pleasure to drinke ; whereby the leaues of Colocassia , Adrianus Iunius conceiveth Horace his Ciboria to be described . Such a kinde of cup , it seemes , was that , which that mad fellow speakes of in Plautus , vpon casting the dice. Iacto basilicum propino magnum poclum Ille ebibit . I threw the principall chaunce , and therevpon begin an health in the greatest bowle , and hee instantly pleadges me the whole . Now the principall chaunce was Venus . — Quem Venus arbitram Dicet bibendi , Whom Venus shall name To be Judge of the game . And this Lord of misrule in their compotations or drunken meetings , cald Modiperator , or Magister ; his office was to prescribe rules , and to see them executed , and there he commaunded as a Soveraigne Monarch in his kingdome . Nec regna vini sortiere talis , Nor shalt thou any more by chaunce of dice Win Bacchus kingdome or the drinking price . Their rules of drinking they borrowed , for the most part , from the Grecians , the most debosht drunken Nation , I thinke that ever was , in somuch , as their very name is for that quality growne into a proverbe , both in Latine & English. Of these rules , one was to drinke downe the evening starre , and drinke vp the morning starre , ad Diurnam stellam matutinam potantes , saith Plautus . another commonly practised among them , was the drinking of so many healths as there were letters in their Mistresses name . Naevia sex Cyathis , septem Iustina bibatur , Quinque Lycas , Lyde quatuor , Ida tribus . Six healths to Naevia drinke , seaven to Iustina , To Lycas fiue , to Lyde foure , and three to Ida. And yet it should seeme by Plutarch in his Symposiaks , that they had a superstitious conceite of drinking foure healths , perchaunce because an euen number . Aut quinque bibe , aut tres , aut non quatuor : Three drinke , if more , Fiue , but not foure . These drunken matches were in a manner the dayly trade of their Poets . Nulla manere diu nec vivere carmina possunt , Quae scribuntur aquae potoribus , Who nought but water d●…inke , their rime Cannot endure or liue long time . Nunc est bibendum , nunc pede libero Pulsanda tellus . Now let vs drinke out wit , And daunce & frolicke it . Neither were their very women free from this excesse . Nay Seneca assures vs , that in this practise they put downe the men themselues ; Non minus pervigilant , non minus potant & oleo & mero viros provocant ; aequè invitis ingesta visceribus per os reddunt , & vinum omne vomitu remetiuntur , aeque nivem rodunt solatium stomachi aestuantis : They no lesse sit vp late in the night , they drinke no lesse then men themselues , nay they challenge men to the annointing of their bodies , and the swilling down of wine , regorging what they eate & drinke aswell as they ; neither doe they forbeare to chaw vpon snow , as men do for the refreshing of their boyling stomackes . SECT . 3. The same amply confirmed by the testimony of Pliny . THis vice of excessiue drinking is by some thought to be the Epidemicall , proper disease of this age : But he that will be pleased patiently to pervse , & advisedly to consider this ensuing discourse , which I shall heere annexe out of Pliny , will I presume alter his opinion therein , not by excusing the present , but by not excusing the former ages , and the better learne to detest this beastly vice in both . Thus then writeth he , no lesse sharpely then elegantly of this vice , and the great excesse thereof in his time . If a man marke and consider well the course of our life , we are in no one thing more busie & curious , nor take greater paines then about wine , as if Nature had not given to man the liquor of water which of all other is the most wholesome drinke ; and wherewithall other Creatures are well contented : But we thinking it not sufficient to take wine ourselues , giue it also to our horses , mules , & labouring beasts , and force them against nature to drinke it . Besides such paines , so much labour , so great cost & charges we are at to haue it , such delight & pleasure we take in it , that many of vs thinke they are borne to nothing else , and can skill of none other contentment in this life : Notwithstanding when all is done , it transporteth & carrieth away the right wit and mind of men , it causeth furie & rage , and induceth , nay it casteth headlong as many as are given therevnto into a thousand vices & misdemeanours ; and yet forsooth to the end that we may take the more cups , and powre it downe the throate more lustily , we let it runne thorow a strainer for to abate & geld , as it were , the force thereof ; yea and other devices there be towhet our appetite therevnto , and cause vs to quaffe more freely ; nay to draw on their drinke men are not affraid to make poysons , while some take hemlocke before they sit downe , because they must drinke perforce then or else die for it ; others the powder of the Pumish stone and such like stuffe , which I am abashed to rehearse , & teach those that be ignorant of such lewdnes . And yet we see those that be the stoutest & most redoubted drinkers , even those that take themselues most secured of danger , to lie sweating so long in the baines & brothell houses for to concocke their surfet of wine , that otherwhiles they are carried forth dead for their labour : You shall haue some againe , when they haue beene in the hot house not to stay so long as they may recover their beddes , no not so much as to put on their sherts , but presently in the place all naked , as they are puffing & labouring still for winde , catch vp great cans and huge tankards of wine ( to shew what lusty and valiant Champions they be ) set them one after another to their mouth , power the wine downe the throate without more adoe , that they might cast it vp againe and so take more in the place , vomiting and revomiting twice or thrice together that which they haue drunke , and still make quarrell to the pot , as if they had beene borne into this world for none other end but to spill and marre good wine , or as if there were no way else to spend & waste the same but thorow mans body . And to this purpose were taken vp at Rome these forraine exercises of vauting and dauncing the Moriske , from hence came the tumbling of wrastlers in the dust and mire together , for this they shew their broad breasts , bare vp the heads , and carry their necks farre back , in all which gesticulations , what doe they else but professe that they seeke meanes to procure thirst , & take occasion to drinke : But come now to their pots that they vse to quaffe and drinke out of : are there not grauen in them faire pourtraites thinke you of adulteries ? as if drunkennesse it selfe were not sufficient to kindle the heat of lust , & to teach them wantonnesse . Thus is wine drunke out of libidinous cups , and more then that , he that can quaffe best & play the drunkard most , shall haue the greatest reward . But what shall we say to those ( would a man thinke it ? ) that hire a man to eat also as much as he can drinke , & vpon that condition covenant to yeeld him the price for his wine-drinking and not otherwise . You shall haue another that will injoyne himselfe to drinke euery denier that he hath wonne at dice. Now when they are come to that once , & be thoroughly whittled , then shall you haue them cast their wanton eyes vpon mens wiues , then fall they to court faire Dames and Ladies , and openly bewray their folly euen before their jealous and sterne husbands , then I say the secrets of their hea●…t are opened and displayed . Some you shall haue euen in the midst of their cups make their wills euen at the board where they sit , others againe cast out bloudy and deadly speeches at randome , & cannot hold but bluit out those words which afterwards they are forced to eat againe , for thus many a man by a lavish tongue in his wine hath come by his death & had his throat cut . And verily the world is now grown to this passe , that whatsoeuer a man saith in his cups is held for sooth , as if truth were th●… d●…ughter of wine But say they escape these dangers , certes speed they neuer so well , the best of them all neuer seeth the Sunne rising , so drowzie and sleepie they are in bed euery morning , neither liue they to be old men , but die in the strength of their youth . Hence commeth it that some of them looke pale with a paire of flaggie cheekes , others haue bleared and sore eyes , and there be of them that shake so with their hands that they cannot hold a full cup , but shed and powre it downe the floore . Generally they all dreame fearefully , which is the very b●…ginning of their hell in this life ) or else haue restlesse nights . And finally if they chance to sleepe ( for a due guerdon and reward of their drunkennesse ) they are deluded with imaginary conceits of Venus delights , defiled with filthy abominable pollutions : & thus both sleeping & waking they sin with pleasure . Well what becomes the morrow after ? they belch sowre , their breath stinketh of the barrell , and telleth them what they did ouer night , otherwise they forget what euer they did or said : they remember no more , then if their memory were vtterly extinct . And yet our jolly drunkards giue out and say that they alone enjoy this life , and rob other men of it : But who seeth not that ordinarily they loose not onely the yesterday past , but the morrow to come ? Of all Nations the Parthians would haue the glory for this goodly vertue of wine bibbing : & among the Greekes Alcibiades indeed deserved the best game for this worthy feate . But here with vs at Rome , Nivellius Torquatus , a Millanois wan the name from all Romanes and Italians both . This Lombard had gone thorow all honourable degrees of dignity in Rome , he had beene Pretor , and attained to the place of a Proconsull . In all these offices of state he wonne no great name : but for drinking in the presence of Tiberius 3 gallons of wine at one draught & before hee tooke his breath againe , he was dubbed Knight by the surname of Tricongius , as one would say , the 3 gallon Knight . And the Emperour sterne , seuere and cruell otherwise though he was , now in his old age , ( for in his youthfull dayes hee was giuen ouermuch to drinking of wine ) would delight to behold this worthy & renowned Knight with great wonder and admiration . For the like rare gift & commendable quality men thinke verily that C. Piso first rose , and afterwards was advanced to the Provostship of the City of Rome by the said Tiberius : and namely for that in his court being now Emperour he sate two daies & two nights drinking continually , & neuer stirred foot from the board . And verily Drusus Caesar ( by report ) in nothing more resembled his Father Tiberius than in taking his drinke . But to returne againe to noble Torquatus , herein consisted his excellencie , that he did it according to art ( for this you must take withall , there is an Art of drinking , grounded vpon certaine rules and precepts ) Torquatus ( I say ) dranke he neuer so much , was not knowne at any time to falter in his tongue , neuer eased himselfe by vomiting , neuer let it goe the other way vnder board : how late soeuer he sate vp at the wine ouer night , he would be sure to relieue the morning watch & sentinel . He drunk most of any man at one entire draught before the pot went frō his head : & for smaller draughts besides , he went beyond all other in number , his winde he neuer tooke whilst the cup was at his mouth , but justly observed the rule of drinking with one breath : hee was not knowne to spit for all this : & to conclude , he would not leaue a drop behinde in the cup , not so much as would dash against the pavement , and make the least sound to be heard , a speciall point & precise law to prevent the deceit of those that drinke for a wager . A singular glory no doubt in him & a rare felicity . Tergilla challenged M. Cicero the younger , son to that M. Cicero the famous Oratour , & reproached him to his face , that ordinarily he dranke 2 gallons at once , and that one time aboue the rest when he was drunke he flung a pot at M. Agrippa his head . And truly this is one of the fruites and feates of drunkennesse . But blame not young Cicero if in this point yet he desired to surmount him that slew his father , M. Antonius I meane ; for hee before that time strained himselfe , and stroue to win the best game in this feate , making profession thereof , as may appeare by a booke which he compiled and set forth with this title , Of his owne drunkennesse : wherein hee was not ashamed to avow and justifie his excesse and enormities that way , and thereby approued ( as I take it ) vnder pretence and colour of his drunkennesse all those out-rages of his , all those miseries and calamities that he brought vpon the whole world . This Treatise he vomited & spued out a little before the battle of Actium , wherein he was defeated . Whereby it may appeare very plainely , that as hee was drunken before with the bloud of the Citizens : so still he was the more bloud-thirsty : For this is a property which necessarily followeth this vice , that the more a man drinketh , the more he may , and is alwayes dry . And heerein spake to good purpose a certaine Embassadour of the Scythians , saying , that the Parthians the more they drunke the thirstier they were . SECT . 4. In particular this excesse of the Romans in drinking is confirmed by the practise of Anthony , specially at his being with Cleopatra , as also by the practise of Clodius sonne to Esope the Tragoedian in drinking of dissolued pearle . NOw because Pliny hath instanced in Anthony as one of the most notorious drunkards among the Romanes , not onely for the practise but for the defence thereof , notwithstanding his eminent place and great commaund , it shall not bee amisse a little farther to enquire into some particulars touching his great excesse therein . It is a most shamefull one which Cicero chargeth him with : Sed haec quae robustioris improbitatis sunt omittamus ; loquamar potius de iniquissim●… genere levitatis Tu istis faucibus , istis lateribus , ista gladiatoria totius corporis firmitate , tantum vini in Hippiae nuptiis exhauseras , ut tibi necesse esset in Populi Romani conspectu vomere postridie . O rem non modo visa foedam , sed etiam auditu ! si inter coenam in tuis immanibus illis poculis , hoc tibi accidisset , quis non turpe diceret ? in coetu verò populi negotium publicum gerens , magister Equitum , cui ructare turpe esset , is vomens frustis esculentis vinum redolentibus , gremium suum & totum tribunal implevit . But those villanies which require more strength let vs omit , & speake rather of his wicked kind of lightnesse . Thou with those chaps of thine , with those sides , with that ruffian-like strength of thy whole body at the wedding of Hippia didst take in so much wine , that the next day thou must needes vomit in the open view of the people of Rome , a filthy act not onely to be seene but to be heard , if at supper-time in the midst of those thy monstrous pots the same had fallen out , who would not haue cryed out shame on thee ? but now the Master of the Horse being about a publique businesse in an assembly of the people where it had beene a shame for such a man to belch , vomiting out gobbets of flesh smelling strongly , therewith filled both his owne bosome and the whole court of Iustice. This was indeed very foule in it selfe though but once done , euen without the Oratours Rhetoricall aggravation : but his dayly practise of excessiue drinking during his abode with Cleopatra was lesse excusable , because more frequent ; touching which Pliny relates two memorable stories , though in different kindes , the one was this . Here by the way ( saith he ) I cannot choose but remēber the device of Queene Cleopatra , full of fine wit , and as wicked and mischievous with 〈◊〉 . For at what time Anthony prepared the expedition and journey of 〈◊〉 against Augustus , and stood in some doubt & jealousie of the said Queene , for all the faire shew that she made of gratifying him , and doi●…g him all pleasure , he was at his taster , and would neither eate nor drinko a●…her ●…able without assay made . Cleopatra seeing how timorous he was , and minding yet to make good sport and game at his needlesse feare and foolish curiosity , caused a Chaplet to be made for M. Anionius , hauing before dipped all the tips and edges of the flowres that went to it in a strong and ranke poyson , and being thus prepared , set it vpon the head of the said Anthony . Now when they had s●…tten at meat a good while , and drunke themselues merry ; the Queene began to make a motion & challenge to Anthony for to drinke each of them their chaplets ; and withall beg an vnto him in a cup of wine seasoned and spiced as it were with those flowres which she ware her owne selfe , O the shrewd and vnhappy wit of a woman when shee is so disposed ! who would euer haue misdoubted any danger of hidden mischiefe heerein ? Well , M. Anthony yeelded to pledge her : off goeth his owne garland , and with the flowres minced small , dresseth his owne cup. Now when he was about to set it to his head , Cleopatra presently put her hand betweene and stayed him from drinking , and withall vttered these words ; My deare heart and best beloued Anthony , now see what she is whom thou so much dost dread & stand in feare of , that for thy security there must waite at thy cup and trencher extraordinary tasters ; a strange and new fashion ywis , and a curiosity more nice then needfull ; loe how I am not to seeke of meanes and oportunities to compasse thy death , if I could finde in my heart to liue without thee ; which said , she called for a prisoner immediatly out of the gaole , whom she caused to drinke off the wine which Anthony had prepared for himselfe : no sooner was the goblet from his lips againe , but the poore wretch died presently in the place . The other story he thus relates ; Two onely pearles there were together , the fairest & richest that euer haue beene knowne in the world , and those possessed at one time by Cleopatra the last Queene of Egypt , which came into her hands by the meanes of the great Kings of the East , and were left vnto her by descent . This Princesse when Marcus Antonius had strained himselfe to doe her all the pleasure he possibly could & had feasted her day by day most sumptuously and spared for no cost : in the height of her pride and wanton brauery ( as being a noble Curtezan and a Queene withall ) began to debase the expence and provision of Anthony , and made no reckoning of all his costly fare . When hee thereat demaunded againe how it was possible to goe beyond this magnificence of his , she answered againe , that she would spend vpon him in one supper 100 thousand Sestertij . Anthony who would needes know how that might be ( for he thought it was impossible ) laid a great wager with her about it , and shee bound it again and made it good . The morrow after when this was to be tryed , and the wager either to be wonne or lost , Cleopatra made Anthonie a supper ( because she would not make default , and let the day appointed passe ) which was sumptuous & royall enough , howbeit there was no extraordinary service seene vpon the board : Whereat Antonius laughed her to scorne , and by way of mockery , required to see a bill with the account of the particulars . Shee againe sayd , that whatsoever had beene served vp already , was but the overplus aboue the rate and proportion in question , affirming still , that shee would yet in that supper make vp the full summe that shee was seased at : yea her selfe alone would eate aboue that reckoning , and her owne supper should cost six hundred thousand Sestertij : and with that , commaunded the second service to be brought in . The Servitours that waited at her trencher ( as they had in charge before ) set before her onely one crewet of sharpe vineger , the strength whereof is able to dissolue pearles . Now shee had at her eares hanging those two most pretious pearles , the singular and onely jewels in the world , and even Natures wonder . As Anthony looked wistly vpon her , and expected what she would doe , shee tooke one of them from her eare , steeped it in the vineger , and so soone as it was liquefied , dranke it off . And as she was about to doe the like by the other : L. Plancius the judge of that wager , laid fast hold vpon it with his hand , and pronounced withall , that Anthony had lost the wager : whereat the man fell into a passion of anger . There was an end of one pearle : But the fame of the fellow thereof may goe therewith . For after that this braue Queene , the winner of so great a wager , was taken prisoner and deprived of her royall estate , that other pearle was cut in twaine , that in memoriall of that one halfe supper of theirs , it should remaine vnto posterity , hanging at both the eares of Venus at Rome in the temple Pantheon . And yet , saith the same Pliny , as prodigall as these were , they shall not goe away with the prize in this kinde , but shall loose the name of the chiefe & principall in superfluity of expence . For long before their time , Clodius the sonne of Aesope the Tragaedian Poet , the only heire of his father who died exceeding wealthy , practised the semblable in pearles of great price : so that Anthony need not be over proud of his triumvirate , seeing that he hath to match him in all his magnificence one little better then a stage-player : Who vpon no wager at all laid ( & that was more princely and done like a King ) but only in a bravery , and to know what tast pearles had , mortified them in vineger and drunke them vp . And finding them to content his palate wonderous well , because he would not haue all the pleasure by himselfe , and know the goodnesse thereof alone , he gaue to every guest at his table one pearle a peece to drinke in like manner . The madnesse of Clodius , Horace thus describes . Filius Aesopi detractam ex aure Metellae ( Scilicet vt decies solidum exsorberet ) aceto Diluit ingentem baccam , qui sanior ac si Illud idem in rapidum flumen iaceretue cloacam . The sonne of Esop from Metellas eare , ( That he at once ten thousand sols might drinke ) Pluckt off , and it dissolv'd in vineger , As wise as if h 'had thrown 't into a sinke . SECT . 5. Of excessiue drinkers among the Romans in regard of the quantity of the liquor ; and how both their Princes and people were all generally tainted with this vice . THese were luxurious drinkers in regard of the pretiousnes of the liquor , such as I thinke this age hath not heard of , & God forbid it should . Now for excesse in quantity of wine at one draught or one sitting , Lypsius hath written a large Epistle , wherein he hath made a collection of many examples , borrowed from the ancient Historians to that purpose , the title of it is , de potoribus & Edonibus , of excessiue drinkers and eaters , and beginning with the first of these he thus makes his entrance . Quos vbi & quando non est invenire ? in veteri & nostro aevo , in noto & novo orbe videas , & Plinij dicto , nulla in parte mundi cessare ebrietatem . Which kind of men where and when shall you not finde ? you may see them aswell in the old as in our age , both in the knowne and new world , and to vse Plynies speech , no part of the world is free from them . To let goe the Graecians , and those Romanes already named , out of Spartianus he tels vs of one Firmus , who vnder Aurelian was Deputy of Egypt ; this man being challenged by Barbarus a famous drinker , Situlas duas plenas mero duxit , he tooke off two buckets full of wine . Bonosus was such another who lived about the same time , of whom the same Emperour , as witnesseth the same Authour , was wont to say , non vt vivat natus est , sed vt bibat , he was borne not to liue but to drinke : & being hang'd for some misdemeanour , they jeasted on him , amphoram pendere non hominem , that a barrell or tankard hung there , not a man : But that which Capitolinus reports of the Emperour Maximinus is almost incredible : Bibisse saepe in die vini Capitolinam amphoram , that he often dranke in one day an Amphora of the Capitoll , an Amphora containing of our measure nine gallons , counting a gallon and a pinte to the Congius , whereof the Amphora containes eight ; Trepidarem haec scribere , saith Lypsius , sed bonus & priscae fidei Author adserit , quam ego non sugillem : I should feare to write these things ; but that I vouch it from an Authour of good credit , which I durst not impeach or question . Yet one instance beyond this againe he brings out of Vopiscus , in the life of Aurelian of one Phagon , who dranke out in one day plus orca , what measure this Orca held , I cannot well determine ; neither could Lypsius himselfe , yet thus much he confidently affirmes of it , Scio vas vin●…rium fuisse & amphora quidem majus , sed quanto mihi latet , I know for certaine that it was a vessell of wine , and that bigger then the Amphora , but how much I know not . Now that which most of all infected the state with this beastly vice , was , that the Emperours themselues were deepely infected with it , both heartily affecting it themselues , and highly rewarding it in others . Tiberius Nero propter nimiam vini aviditatem , saith Suetonius , by reason of his excessiue drinking , was nick-named Biberius Mero ; and besides , Piso , whom Pliny told vs before , he advanced to the Provostship of the city for that quality ; he likewise for the same promoted Flaccus Pomponius to the presidentship of the Province of Syria , stiling them in his letters patents , Iucundissimos & omnium horarum ami●…os , his most pleasant companions & friends for all seasons : But that which exceeded the rest , and indeede reason it selfe , was that ignotissimum Quaesturae candidatum nobilissimis anteposuit ob epotam in convivio propinante se vini amphoram , that he preferred a base fellow , who was a sutor for the Treasurershippe , before the most noble & worthy that stood in competition with him , only for the taking off of an Amphora of wine at a feast which himselfe had began . Now who would not striue to excell and exceed in this lewd practice , when it was in such request & esteeme with the greatest Commaunders ? the multitude soone conforming themselues to their manners , specially in naughtines , and being therevnto encouraged by commendation & rewards . And how farre this vnmanly vice had infected the Commons , may appeare by that of Macrobius , who affirmes , that at that time when Lex Fannia was made against drunkennes , eo res redier at vt plerique ex plebe Romana vino madidi in comitium venirent , & ebrij de Reipub : salute consulerent ; to such a passe were things brought , that the greatest part of the common people of Rome came loaden with wine into the Counsell-house , and being drunke , consulted of the safety of the state . SECT . 6. Of the costlinesse and curious workemanshippe of the vessell out of which they dranke , which was likewise a meanes to draw them on to excessiue drinking . NOw as I began this discourse of drunkennesse with the greatnes , so will I end it with the costlinesse & curious workemanship of the vessels out of which they dranke ; which was likewise a meanes to draw them on to excessiue drinking . The world ( saith Pliny ) is given to such inconstancie , as touching silver plate , that a wonder it is to see the nature of men , how variable they be in the fashion and making of such vessell : For no workemanship will please them long . One while we must haue our plate out of Furnius his shop , another while we will bee furnished from Clodius : And againe in a new fit , none will content vs but of Gratius his making ( for our cupbords of plate & tables , forsooth , must beare the name of such & such goldsmiths shops : ) Moreover , when the toy takes vs in the head . all our delight is in chased and embossed plate ; or else so carved , engraven , and deep cut in , as it is rough againe in the hand , wrought in imagerie or flower worke , as if the painter had drawne them . These celatures in their drinking cups were so fram'd , that they might put them on or take them off at pleasure , & were therefore called Emblemata : Such was that , whereof the Satirist speakes . — Stantem extra pocula caprum . — A goat standing out from the cup. Two of this kinde wrought by the hand of Mentor , cost Lucius Crassus the Oratour one hundred thousand Sestercies : Sometimes were they made of Onix stones drawne out of the mountaines of Arabia , sometimes of mother of pearle , or some rare pretious shels . Cum perfusa mero spumant vnguenta Falerno , Cum bibitur concha . Whē their Falernian wines mingled with oyntments crop , And when they drinke in shels . And all these kindes they richly inameld with pearles and pretious stones ; we drinke , saith Pliny , in rooes of pearle , and garnish our pots with emeralls ; it delights vs to hold the Indies in our hands as a provocation to drunkennes , and gold is now become but an accessorie . And for this reason had they some at their feasts set to watch their drinking vessell . — Custos affixus ibidem Qui numeret gemmas vnguesque observet acutos . Fast by some one is set to watch & tell the plate , Least any be purloind by some lime fi●…gred mate . Neither were they content to garnish their cups with pearle and pretious stone , but made them of entire gemmes , they thought not themselues dainety enough , saith Pacatus , nisi luxuria intervertisset annum , nisi hibernae poculis rosae innatassent , nisi aestivam in gemmis capacibus glaciem fal●…rna fregissent , vnlesse luxury had chaunged the season of the yeare , vnlesse winter roses swam vpon the top of their po●…s , vnlesse their pleasant wines dissolved the summer yce in a large gemme . And such a one was that which Tully mentions ; Erat etiam vas vinarium ex vna gemma praegrandi trulla excavata , cum manubrio aureo : There was likewise a drinking cuppe for wine made of one entire gemme or pretious stone , with a great hollow bowl & an handle of gold . They had also drinking vessells of Murrin & Crystall of wonderfull great prices . Video isthic Cristallina quorum accendit fragilitas pretium , omnium enim rerum voluptas apud imperitos ipso , quo fugare debet , periculo crescit ; Video Murrina pocula , parum scili●…et luxuria magno fuerit , nisi quod vomant capacibus gemmis inter se propinarent : I there see , saith Seneca , their Cristall glasses , whose very brittlenes inhaunces their price : For among the vulgar , their delight in things is increased by the very daunger , which should rather induce them to shun it . I likewise see their Murrin cups , their luxurie being not held sufficient , vnlesse they may in large gemmes drinke that which soone after they vomit vp againe . The price of some of these , Pliny takes the paines particularly to relate : Crescit indies eius rei luxus Murrino octoginta Sestertiis empto , capaci plane ad sextarios tres calice : The excessiue luxury hereof increaseth daily , a Murrin cuppe of three quarts being sold for foure score thousand Sesterces ; one of these bought for three hundred thousand , Petronius , who had beene Consull , brake in peeces a little before his death out of a spite to Nero , vt mensam eius exhaeredaret , that he might disinherit his table thereof . Another of Cristall , mentioned by the same Authour , I may not forget ; alius hic furor , heere is another kinde of madnesse , one Cristall bowle being bought by the mistris of a family , and shee not ouer rich neither , cost her one hundred & fifty thousand Sesterces . Herevnto might not vnfitly be added the beastly formes of many of their cups , Vitreo bibit ille Priapo , Saith Iuvenall ; and Pliny to like purpose , in poculis libidines caelare iuvat & per obscaenitates bibere . But I passe from their drunkennesse to their gluttony . CAP. 7. Of the excessiue gluttony of the Romanes . SECT . 1. Of their costly tables , their huge platters , the quality ; order , and number of their waiters ; and also of their Art and Schooles of Carving : TOuching their excesse in gluttony , it is an Ocean both boundles and bottomles , whether we consider the rarity or the variety of those dishes which at their solemne feasts they presented : But before I come to the furnishing of their tables , it shall not be amisse to say somewhat touching the tables themselues , vpon which they placed , and some monstrous platters in which they served in their provision , and the number & order of their wayting servants . They had tables of silver & some of gold . Sustentatque tuas aurea mensa dapes . Tables of gold thy dainties doe sustaine . But their most pretious which they had in greatest request were of Citron , as appeares by the same Poet in another Epigram : These , as witnesseth Petronius Arbiter , they fetched from Africa . — E●…ce Aphris eruta terris Citrea mensa Tables of Citron brought from Africa . With whom Pliny the rein accordeth , who in his naturall history hath a discourse proper to this purpose . The Moores , saith he , that border vpon the mountaine Atlas , are stored with abundance of Citron trees , from whence commeth that excessiue expence & superfluity about Citron tables made thereof : And our dames at home by way of revenge twit vs their husbands therewith , when we would seeme to find fault with the costly pearles which they weare : There is at this day to be seene a board belonging sometimes to Tullius Cicero , which cost him tenne Thousand Sesterces ; a strange matter , considering he was no rich man ; but more wonderfull , if we call to mind the severity of that age wherein he lived . Much speech there is besides of Asinius Gallus his table , sold for an eleven thousand Sesterces : Moreouer there are two other which King Iuba sold , the one was prized at fifteene thousand Sesterces , and the other held little vnder ; a round summe , & the price of a good faire Lordship : which incredible prizes are notwithstanding confirmed by Seneca , who farther tels vs , they were valued according to their knottinesse : video istic mensas et aestimatum lignum censu Senatoris , eo praetiosius quo illud in plures nodos arbor is infoelicitas torsit : I see there th●…ir tables , and a peece of wood valued at a Senatours revenew , somuch the more pretious , as the vnhappy tree is wrested into diverse knots . To which passages of Seneca & Pliny , Tertullian seemes to allude , for having produced the instances of Tully & Asinius Gallus mentioned by Pliny , though with some addition to the prices , he presently addes : Hem quantis facultatibus aestimauêre ligneas ma●…ulas , at what high rates did they value these spots in wood . Besides , these tables they supported with Yuorie feet . Tu libicos Indis suspendis dentibus orbes , Fulcitur testa fagina mensa mihi . Thy Lybian tables Indian teeth doe reare : My Beechen bord an earthen caske doth beare . And these yuorie feete were artificially carved into the shape of Lyons or the like , which was so common , that without these , their greatest dainties could not rellish to their pallates , Nil Rhombus nil dama sapit , putere videntur Vnguenta atque rosae , latos nisi sustinet orbes Grande ebur : & magno sublimis pardus hiatu : Nor buck nor Turbet tast , sweet ointments yeeld no sent , And roses stinke , vnlesse huge gaping yvorie Pards Bearing aloft their large round tables giue content . Yet such was the store which one man possessed of these , that it exceeded some hundreds . Cum mensas habeat fere trecentas , Pro mensis habet Annius ministros . An hundred ta les Annius hath thrice told , And waiters at his tables manifold . And Dion reports of Seneca , that notwithstanding his severe and Stoicall profession , hee was stored with foure hundred of those Citron tables . Touching their platters or chargers , no longer since , saith Pliny , then in the dayes of Claudius the Emperour , Drusillanus a slaue of his surnamed Rotundus , the Senescall or Treasurer vnder him in high Spaine , had a silver charger of fiue hundred pound weight ; for the working whereof , there was a forge framed aforehand of set purpose , and the same was accompanied & attended with eight more of a smaller size , weighing fifty pound a peece : Now I would gladly know if it might please you , saith Pliny , how many of his fellowes , such sl●…ues I meane as himselfe , there must be to carry the said vessell and serue it vp to the table , or what guests they might be who were to be served with such huge plate : h But this is nothing to that Charger of Vitellius , who whiles he was Emperour caused one to be made & finished that cost i a million of Sesterces ; for the making whereof , there was a fu●…nace built of purpose in the field ; alluding to this monstrous platter Mucianus in his second Consulship , when he ripped vp in a publique speech the whole life of Vitellius now dead , vpbraided the memoriall of him in these very tearmes , calling his excesse that way , Patinarum paludes , platters as broad as pooles or ponds : And verily , sayth he , that platter of Vitellius came nothing behind another , which Cassius Seuerus reproached Aspr●…nas withall , whom hee accused bitterly , and said , that the poison of that one platter had killed one hundred & thirty persons , who had tasted thereof . Matchable to these , was the famous platter of Esope the Tragaedian , saue that it was more notorious for the daintinesse of the provision which he served in it , then for the massines of the dish it selfe . Their waiters were sometime●… naked wenches Tiberius ( sayth Suetonius ) sent to Sextius Claudius , that he would come & sup with him , vpon condition , that he should change nothing of his wonted fashion , vtque nudis pu●…llis ministrantibus coenaretur ; a message worthy of him , who as the same Authour reports in the same place , erected a new office , à voluptatibus , only to devise new pastimes & pleasures . But Seneca describes the order & number of their waiters more particularly : They had waiting on them , saith he , puerorum infoelicium greges , whole troopes of vnfortunate Ganymedes , they had exoletorum agmina , armies of Exoletes growne to mens estat●… , these they ranged into severall b●…nds according to their nations & complexions , they of the same band were all of a smoothnes alike , or had the same lēgth of downy mosse in their chin ; nay speciall care was had , that their haire might be sutable , as in length , so in colour and kind : ne quis cui rectior est coma crispulis misceatur , that none whose haire grew long & straight , should be rāked with the curlepates . He farther tells vs of the infinite number of their Cookes and Bakers , and such like officers ; Per quos signo dato ad inferendam canam discurritur , by whom the wayters run presently vpon the signe given for the car●…ying in of supper : his conclusion is Dij boni quantum hominum vnus venter exercet , good God , what a number of men doth one belly set a worke ; and in another place , Conviuia mehercule horum non posuerim inter vacantia tempora , cum videam quam solliciti argentum ordinent , quam diligenter exoletorum suorum tunicas succingant , quam suspensi sint quomodo aper à coquo caesus exeat , quanta celeritate signo dato glabri ad ministeria decurrunt : quanta arte scindantur aues in frusta non enormia , quam curiose infoelices pueruli ebriorum sputa detergant . Truly for my part , I should not put their feasts among their vacant or leasure times , when I see how sollicitous they are about the ordering of their plate , how diligently they tucke vp the coates of their Exoletes , how carefull they are in what manner the Bore come out of the Cookes hands and bee served in , how suddainely the smooth-●…inne Catamites runne to the dresser vpon the sound given , with what singular art their birdes are cut vp into competent portions , how studiously and curiously their vnhappy boyes wipe out the spuing and spitting of their drunken Masters . And to this their artificiall carving and ordering their dishes on the table doth the Satyrist allude , where he intimates Schooles and Masters of that Art , who taught their Schollers by dishes fashioned in wood after what manner , and with what gesture of the body they should cut them vp . Sed nec structor erit , cui cedere debeat omnis Pergula , disoipulus Tripheri doctoris , apud quem Sumine cum magno lepus , atque aper , & pygargus , Et Scythicae volucres , & phoenicopterus ingens , Et Getulus oryx , hebeti lautissima ferro Caeditur , & tota sonat vlmea coena Subura . The carvers at my board disciples neuer were To Doctour Trypherus , with whom none may compare , Sowes milkie teats , the hare , the boare , white buttockt roe , Phesant , Getulian goat , huge Phenicopter too , All dainties with blunt knife he carves as is most meet , And th'Elmen supper sounds through all Subura street . SECT . 2. That after-ages sometimes reformed the abuse of former times : of the great number and chargeable hire of their Cookes ; of Apicius his wastefulnesin belly-cheere , that such wastefulnesse was common among them . NOw for their provision , I may say with Budaeus , Majora sunt ista omninò nostrae aetatis captu , it was beyond the reach and conceit of our age , so as Pliny heerein hath proued a true Prophet , nos fecimus quae posteri fabulosa arbitrentur , wee haue done those things which posterity will not beleeue , but account fabulous . In the handling heereof it shall not be impertinent first to obserue that after-ages sometimes reformed the abuse of former times . Thus Latinus Pacatus in his Panegyricke commends Theodosius for his sobriety and frugality in regard of his Predecessors , in as much as there was then no need ad penum Regiam flagitare remotorum littorum piscem , peregrini aeris volucrem , alieni temporis florem , to take vp and purvay for the Emperours vse and provision a fish of a remote coast , a bird of a strange ayre , or a flowre of a contrary season : Then goes hee on to describe the excessiue Luxury of former ages in respect of the present . In like manner Macrobius in a conference at a supper betwixt Horus and Cecinna , makes Horus to declaime against the Luxury of his owne times , but Cecinna answeres him by proouing that Antiquity was much more faulty that way . Among other instances and reasons alleadged by him , this is one ; that Peacockes egges were formerly sold for fiue pence a peece , which then were nothing worth to be sold : and againe , that anciently so many Lawes were made against it , as Lex Orchia , fannia , didia , Licinia , Cornelia , and others , and then concludes , nisi pessimis effusissimisque moribus viveretur , profecto opus tot legibus ferendis non fuisset , vetus verbum est , Leges bonae ex malis moribus procreantur : Except men had then liued in a most inordinate and licentious manner , they had neuer needed the making of so many lawes ; it being an old saying , that good Lawes are ●…ccasioned by euill manners . Another argument for their excessiue gluttony in former times might be taken from the number and excessiue hire of their Cookes and their wonderfull expences in their Kitchins and at their Tables . For the number of their Cookes , Aspice culinas nostras , saith Seneca & concursantes inter tot ignes coquos nostros ; Looke into our Kitchins , and marke the number of our Cookes running vp and downe among so many fires . And in another Epistle , innumer abiles esse morbon mirab●…is , coquos numera , In Rhetorum ac Philosophorum scholis solitudo est : At quam celebres culinae sunt ? quanta circa nepotum focos juvéntus premit ? Do you wonder that our diseases are innumerable ? number our Cooks if you can : The S●…ho les of Rhetoricians & Philosophers are empty : but how are our Kitchins frequented ? what multitudes of youth presse about th●… chimneyes of vnthrifts ? And for their hire , they were wont to complaine , saith Pliny , that the hire of a Cooke was as much as the price of an horse , whereas now a dayes we can hardly get them for the price of three horses : nullusque jam prope mortalis aestimatur pluris , quam qui peritissime censum Domini mergit ; and scarce any man is in greater request , then he that can most artificially waste his Masters substance . And what infinite wast they made this way , the onely story of Apicius a famous belly-god may suffice to shew : who ●…auing spent a million of Sesterces in his Kitchin & sent going besides many great gifts of Princes , and a mighty revenew of the Capitoll in riotous feasting and banqueting , being deepe in debt , he began at last , though sore against his will , to looke into his reckonings , & take an account of his estate , & found that all being cast vp , he had yet left vnto himselfe cleare one hundred thousand Sesterces , and therevpon velut in ultima same victurus , veneno vitamfinivit , as if hee should hau●… beene forced poore man to liue in a hunger-starved fashion he poysoned himselfe : Quanta luxuria est cui sestertium centies egestas fuit , how great was that Luxurie to which one hundred thousand Sesterces seemed poverty ? This notable vanity & folly of Apicius , the Epigrammatist most deservedly scoffes at . Dederas Apici bis trecenties ventri , Sed adhuc supererat centies tibi laxum , Hoc tu gravatus ne famem & sitim ferres . Summa venenum potione duxisti , Nil est Apici tibi gulosius factum . Apicius thou didst on thy gut bestow Six hundred thousand : yet when this was spent One hundred thousand stil remaind , which thou Fearing to suffer thirst and famishment In poyson'd potion drankst : Apicius Of all thy facts this was most gluttonous . And no marveile Apicius should runne so farre vpon the score and consume such a masse of treasure by this meanes , since it was vsuall to lavish out and devoure whole patrimonies at a sitting , — Vna comedunt patrimonia mensa . Quid est coena sumptuosa flagitiosius , & equestrem censum consumente , & tricies tamen Sestertio adijciales coenae frugalissimis Viris constiterunt ? What is more ●…ewde , saith Seneca , then a sumptuous supper wasting a Knights revenewes ? yet it stands the most frugall commonly , if it be solemne , in three hundred thousand Sesterces . And he that shall but look into their bils of fare , and take a particular view of the number of their Courses at a feast , & of their dishes at a Course , & of the prises of their dishes , together with their long & often sittings , will rather wonder that they spent so little , then that they brought going so much . SECT . 3. Of their long and often sitting and vsuall practise of vomiting euen among their women , as also of the number of their courses at a sitting , together with the rarity and costlinesse of their severall services . FOr their long sittings Suetonius reports of Tiberius , that he spent a whole night & two dayes out-right in nothing else but eating & drinking , Noctem continuumque biduum epulando , potandoque consumpsit : And of Nero , Epulas è media die ad mediam noctem protrahebat , he held out his feasts from noone day till midnight . And of Vitellius for often sittings , that he feasted vsually three times , sometimes foure times a day , euery sitting being valued at foure hundred thousand Sesterces , facilè omnibus sufficiens vomitandi consuetudine , being easily able to goe thorow them all by a continuall custome of vomiting : which it seemes was among them a common practise : Vomunt vt edant ; edunt vt vomant : epulas , quas toto orbe conquirunt , nec oncoquere dignantur : they vomit that they may eate , and eate againe that they may vomit , and those delicates which they hunt for thorow the world , they vouchsafe not so much as to concoct , nay the very women practised it , aeque invitis ingesta visceribus per os reddunt , & vinum omne vomitu remittunt , as well as men they eate against their stomaches that which they soon returne by their mouths , and all their wine they quickly send backe by vomiting : And from hence ( as I conceiue ) did they vsually rise from their great feasts so colourlesse and indispos'd , — Vides , vt pallidus omnis Coena desurgat dubia ? quin corpus onustum Hesternis vitijs , animum quoque praegravat vnà , Atque affigit humo divinae particulam aurae . Seest thou how pale they from their doubtfull supper rise ? The body furthermore surcharg'd with riotise Of yesterday , weighs downe the soule , and in the mire Of this base earth doth plunge the sparke of heav'nly fire . The number of their Courses at a sitting were vsually seauen , and that sometimes when they sate privately , — Quis fercula septem Secreto coenavit avus ? Which of our Auncesters vpon Seuen services did sup alone ? But that monster Heliogabalus had serued in at one feast two and twenty severall courses , Exhibuit aliquando & tale convivium vt haberet viginti d●…o fercula ingentium epularum ; he once made such a feast that hee had serued in , two and twenty Courses , all of the choisest fare . For their variety of dishes we may partly guesse at them by that adventitious supper ( as Suetonius calls it ) which was made Vitellius by his brother , in qua duo millia lectissimorum pis●…ium , septem avium apposita traduntur , in which are said to haue beene serued in two thousand of the choisest fish , and seuen thousand fowle . Now for the delicacie and prices of their dishes , it certainely exceeded their variety and number , they were farre fetcht and deare bought Quicquid mare aut terra , aut etiam coelo gigneretur , ad satiandam ingluviem suam natum existimans faucibus ac dentibus suis subdidit , saith Macrobius of Anthony , he devoured with his chaps and teeth whatsoeuer the Sea or Earth or Aire brought forth , as if all had beene borne only to satisfie his luxury . And Salust of Metellus Proconsull in Spaine , Epulae verò exquisitissimae , neque per omnem mudò provinciam , sed trans maria ex Mauritania volucrum & ferarum incognita antea plura genera His feasts were most exquisite not onely of all the dainties which were to bee had in those parts ; but many kindes of birdes and beasts before vnknowne in that Countrey were brought from beyond the Seas and out of Mauritania . Quis ganeonum aut l●…conum possit vel ausit imitari ? Quis nostrum hodie aves aut feras trans mare coenae causâ conquirit : Which of our thriftlesse Belly-gods can or dare imitate him ? which of vs now a dayes sends for birds or beasts beyond the Seas to make a Supper ? Yet was this practise among them no rare matter , as may appeare by that of Petronius Arbiter . Ingeniosa gula est siculo scaurus aequore mersus Ad mensam vivus deducitur ▪ inde Lucrinis Eruta littoribus vendunt conchylia coenis Vt renovent per damna famem ; jam phasidos vnda Orbata est avibus , mutoque in littore tantum Solae desertis aspirant frondibus aurae . The throat is witty , thence the Guilthead that doth cliue Sicilian sea is brought vnto the board aliue . Shelfish they sell that in the lake of Lucrin grew To sup on , by their losse their hunger to renew . The bankes of Phasis now are dumbe , the birds are gone , And on forsaken boughs now breathes the wind alone . And least we should thinke that he speakes Poetically and hyperbolically , the graue Seneca in his sober and sad manner goes beyond it . Non est necesse omne perscrutari profundum , nec strage animalium ventrem onerare , nec conchylia vltimi maris ex ignoto littore eruere , Dij istos Deaeque perdant quorum luxuria tam invidiosi imperij sines transcendit , ultra phasin capi volunt quod ambitiosam popinam instruat , nec piget à Parthis à quibus nondum poenas repetivimus , aves petere , vndique convehunt omnia vota fastidienti gulae quod dissolutus delicijs stomachus vix admittat ab vltimo portatur Oceano . There is no necessity of searching the deepe , nor of filling our bellies with the slaughter of beasts , nor of dragging shell-fish of the most remote seas & the vnknowne shore : The Gods & Goddesses plague them , whose luxury cannot bound it selfe within the lists of so large & so much envied an Empire : It must be taken beyond the river Phasis , which should serue the provision of their ambitious kitchin , neither are they ashamed to borrow birdes from the Parthians , vpon whom they haue not yet taken revenge , from all places they hunc after that which they long for to satisfie their yawning appetite ; nay they fetch that from the farthest part of the Ocean , which their stomacke weakened with delicacies , will hardly admit . And a while after , ô miserabiles quorum palatum nisi ad pretiosos cibos non excitantur , pretiosos autem non eximius sapor aut aliqua faucium dulcedo , sed raritas & diffi●…ultas parandi facit . O wretched men , whose pallates are not stirred but with pretious meates , specially when that which makes them pretious is not any singular rellish or excellent , sauour they haue , but onely their scarcitie and difficulty of procuring them . And heerein Latinus Pacatus in his Panygeri ke a●…cords well with Seneca , if he goe not a straine beyond him ; Ho●…um gulae angustus erat orbis noster , namque appositas dapes non sapore sed sumptu aestimantes , illis demum cibis acquiescebant , quos extremus Oriens aut positus extra Romanum Colchus Imperium , aut famosa naufragijs maria misissent : This our world was too narrow for their throates : for not valuing their Cates by their tast but by their cost , they rested content only with that provision which they got from the vttermost parts of the East , or Colchus seated beyond the Romane Empire , or seas infamous with shipwrackes . — Magis illa placent quae pluris emuntur . That pleaseth most Which dearest cost . SECT . 4. Of the sumptuous provision of two platters furnished out , the one by Vitellius , the other by Aesope the Tragaedian , as also of the horrible excesse of Caligula and Heliogabalus . THese dainties wee may partly guesse at by the furnirure of two famous platters , the one of Vitellius , which for the huge bignesse thereof , he was wont to call Minerva's buckler , in this he blended together the liuers of guiltheads , the braines of fesants and peacockes , the tongues of Phaenicopters , & the melts of Lampres brought from the Spanish & Carpathean Seas , by the Masters of shippes and Gallies . The other of Aesope the Tragaedian , which he furnished out with the rarest singing birds , or such as imitated mans voyce ; they cost him six thousand Sesterces a peece , and the whole platter six hundred thousand : Nulla alia inductus voluptate nisi vt in his imitationem hominis manderet , induced herevnto by none other pleasure , sayth Pliny , but that thereby he might eate the imitation of mankind , or perhaps imitatione hominem , mankind by imitation . To these may be added the horrible excesse of Caligula & Heliogabalus , the former of which , videtur natura edidisse vt ostenderet quid summa vitia in summa fortuna possent , whom nature seemes to haue brought forth , to shew what effects the greatest vices joyned with the greatest fortune could produce . This man , saith Suetonius , nepotinis sumptibus omnium prodigorum ingenia svperavit , in thristles expences exceeded the wits of all the prodigalls that ever were , commentus porten●…osissima genera ciborum atque caenarum , inventing most monstrous kindes of meates & suppers , the most orient pearles that were to be gotten , he dissolved in vineger and swallowed downe , and set before his guests bread & victuals of gold , aut frugi hominem esse oportere dictitans , aut Caesarem , commonly saying , that a man neede bee thrifty or Caesar ; yet notwithstanding , saith Seneca , being assisted with the inventions of all his companions , he could hardly finde the meanes to spend the tribute of the Provinces at one supper . Which I wonder Seneca should affirme , considering he practised the dissolving & swallowing of pearles . Now for Heliogabalus , Lampridius thus begins his story . Vitam Heliogabali Antonini impurissimam nunquam in literas as misissem , ne quis fuisse Romanorum Pricipem sciret , nisi ante Caligulas , & Nerones , & Vitellios Vitellios idem h●…uisset Imperium : The most beastly life of Heliogabalus Anto●…inus I would neuer haue committed vnto writing , that it might not haue bin knowne , that ever there was such an Emperour of the Romanes , vnlesse Caligula , & Nero , & Vitellius had before sate in the same throne . Of him then , besides his other most abominable filthinesse , he reports for his excesse in diet , that at one supper he caused to be served in the heads of six hundred Ostriches , only for the eating of their braines , being neere the sea , he neuer tasted fish but in places farthest distant from the sea , all his diet was vpon fish : And in the In-land he fed the countrey clownes with the melts of lampres & pikes . To be briefe , coenas & Vitellij & Apicij vicit , he exceeded the suppers both of Vitellius & Apicius . SECT . 5. Of the excessiue luxurie of more ancient times . WHAT should I speake of more ancient times , of the Dictator Caesar , who borrowed of Hirrius six thousand lampres by weight , for the furnishing out of a triumphall supper , and by weight to be repaid againe ; and if such were his store of lampres , what shall we conceiue of his other provision . Of Fabius Gurges , so called for devouring his patrimonie thorow his throate . Of Metellus Pius , who made suppers vltra Romanorum ac mortalium etiam morem , not only beyond the custome of the Romanes , but of mankind . Of Metellus Pontifex , of whom Macrobius having specified the dainties served in at his table in all kindes , concludes , Vbi iam lux●…ria tunc accusaretur quando tot rebus farta fuit coena Pontificum ? who should then accuse luxurie when the table of the high Priest was furnished with such varietie of rarities ? Of Hortensius , who vsually watered , if I may so speake , his plane trees with wine , in somuch , that one day being to plead in a cause , wherein Cicero was likewise retained , he sollicited him to chaunge turnes with him , that so he might returne the sooner to his country farme , to powre wine on his planes with his owne hand ; and so curious he was about his fish-ponds , that the same Cicero some-where calls Phillip & him , Piscenarios , pond-men or fish-mongers , & so charie withall of his fish , that sooner should you get by his good will , ex equili rhedarias mulas quàm ex piscina barbatum mullum , his coach mules out of his stable then one barble out of his pondes : yet was a mule sold sometimes for the price of an house . — Pluris mula est quam domus empta tibi . More for a mule then for a house thou pai'st . Of Asinius Celer , who laid downe for one mullet six thousand Sesterces , as Tertullian , seaven thousand , as Macrobius , eight thousand , as Pliny , In qua re luxuriam illius seculi eo magis licet aestimare ; saith Macrobius , quod Plinius secundus temporibus suis negat fa●…ile mullum repertum qui duas pondo libras excederet , at nunc & maioris ponderis passim videmus , & pretia haec insana nescimus : wherein we may the sooner guesse at the luxury of that age , in asmuch as Plinius Secundus affirmes that in his time , 't was hard to finde a mullet of aboue two pound weight , whereas now wee haue them every where of a greater quantity , and yet are not acquainted with those madde prices . Of Lucullus a great states-man , whom Tully & Pompey meeting by chaunce in the market place , out of a desire they had to know what his daily faire might be , invited themselues to suppe with him that night , but vpon condition , he should giue no warning thereof , for that they desired not to put him to charge : He began at first to put them off with excuses for that time , wishing them rather to agree on the next day ; but they importuning him for the present , he demaunded of them , whether or no they would then suffer him to giue order in what roome they should sup ; that they permitted : wherevpon he presently dispatches away a message in their hearing , that he would that night suppe in Apollo ; within a while they follow after , and finde all things ready in a pompous and princely manner , but knew not the true reason , all the cunning lying in the word Apollo : For he had so disposed of his roomes , that being distinguished by names , their provision & charge when he sate in them was accordingly allotted to thē ; by which meanes his steward and cooke , as soone as they heard the roome named , knew presently what to provide . Now among the rest , that which bore the name of Apollo was chiefest , the summe alotted therevnto , being , as witnesseth Plutarch , Quinquaginta millia drachmarum , which Budaeus●…asts ●…asts vp to 5000 Crownes , and addes withall , hujusmodi multa à Plutarcho referuntur fidem omnino excedentia , si ex presenti seculo aestimentur : Many such things are reported by Plutarch , which if they should be valued by the scantling of our present times , would seeme altogether incredible . Of Sergius Aurata or Orata , who borrowed his name from a fish so called , because he loued it most ; the first he was that adjudged the price to the Lucrine oysters for tast . Of Licinius Crassus , who , as witnesseth Cicero , being held a graue & stayd man , and most eminent among the citizens of the best ranke & note , mourned in blacke for a Lamprey which died in a pond adjoyning to his house , as it had beene for his daughter ; and therevpon was afterward commonly called Licinius Murena . Or lastly , of Octavius , Admirall of the Navy , who finding that the Scarus was not to be had in the Italian Seas , dispersed an incredible multitude of them , being brought thither in shippes , betweene Hostia & Campania , miroque ac novo exemplo pisces in mari , tanquam in terra fruges aliquas seminavit ; by a strange and new example sowed fishes in the sea , as it had beene corne in the field : And the same man , tanquam s●…mma in hoc vtilitatis publicae verteretur , as if herein had consisted the well-fare and chiefe happines of the state for fiue yeares imployed his vtmost endeavours , that if among other fishes any fisher-man by chaunce lighted vpon a Scarus , hee should againe restore him to the sea safe & sound . Belike this was the same Octavius , of whom Seneca relates this pleasant stroy : Mullum ingentis formae , ( quare autem non pondus adijcto & aliorum gulam irrito ? quatuor pondo & ad Selibram fuisse aie●…ant ) Tiberius Caesar missum sibi cum in macellum deferri & venire iussisset , amici inquit omnia me fallunt , nisi istum mullum aut Apicius emerit aut Publius Octavius . Vltra spem illi coniectura processit , licitati sunt , vicit Octavius & ingentem consequutus est inter suos gloriam , quum quinque millibus HS emisset piscem quem Caesar vendiderat , ne Api ius quidem emerat . Tiber. Caes being presented with a goodly mullet of a vast quantity ( but why doe I not adde his weight , that so I may provoke the appetite of others ? he was sayd to weigh foure pounds & halfe ) sent it presently to the market there to be sold ; and my friends , quoth he , I am much mistaken , if either Apicius or Publius Octavius buy him not : It fell out beyond expectation ; they both cheapned it , but Octavius carried it away , and thereby got him wonderfull applause among his companions , that he had with fiue thousand sesterces bought a fish which the Emperour sold , and Apicius durst not buy . For mine owne part I cannot tell , whether I should more wonder at the base parcimony of Tiberius , or the riotous prodigality of Octavius , that the one being an Emperour should send a fish which was given him for a present , to the market to be sold ; or the other , being but a private man , should buy it at such a rate , Yet it should seeme by the Satyrist , this price was not so rare , but others outvied it . — Mullum sex millibus emit , Aequantem sane paribus sestertia libris . He for a mullet did six thousand pay , Which equall pounds did with those thousands weigh . By which proportion it seemes , they equalled a thousand Sesterces to a pound of fish . SECT . 6. Of their wonderfull nicenesse in the strangenesse , weight , and newnesse of their fishes , as also of diverse other their strange curiosities about them , and of the vastnesse of their fishponds , and great store of fishes in them . ANd no marveile since those fishes among them were in greatest request which were brought from remote Seas , their own being in a manner drawne dry , Mullus erit dominae quem misit Corsica , vel quem Tauromenetanae rupes quando òmne per actum est , Et jam defecit nostrum mare . That 's th' only Mullet which from Corsica is sent , Or from Sicilian rocks , for all our Sea is spent , And altogether failes . And of the Lampry to like purpose in the same Satyre . Virroni murena datur quae maxima ve●…t Gurgite de Siculo . A Lamprey one on Virto did bestow , The greatest that Si●…ilian gulf●… did know . Of their weight they were so curious and observant , that they had them weighed many times at their very tables in the presence of their guests , many standing by and noting it in their table bookes , as witnesseth Ammianus Marcelli●…us . Poscuntur etiam 〈◊〉 aliquoties trutinae ut appositi pisces & volucres ponderentur , & glires quorū magnitudo saepius delicata non sine tedio praesentium vt antehac invsi●…ata laudatur assiduè , maximè cum haec eadem numerantes notarij prope triginta adsistant , cum thecis & pugillaribus . The ballances are sometimes sent for in the middest of their feasts , that the fishes which are set before them , & the birds , & the reare-mice may be weighed , whose excessiue greatnes not without tediousnesse to some present , as being a thing heretofore vnvsuall , is dayly magnified and extolled , specially when almost thirty Notaries standing by , set downe the exact weight in their table-bookes . To which custome the Poe●… alludes . — Laudas insane trelibrem Mullum . A Mullet thou doest praise Mad man that three pound waighs . And as the weight much commended their fish & inhanced their price , so did the newnesse & freshnesse thereof : they being come to such a nicenesse & delicacy at last that parum videtur recens mullus nisi qui in convivae manu moreretur , that mullet seemed not new enough which died not in the guests hand . To this purpose they brought them aliue in glassen bottles filled with water , into the roomes where they sate : in cubile natant pisces , & sub ipsa mensa capitur , qui statim transferatur in mensam , our fishes swimme in our chambers , and that very fish is taken vp vnder our board which is instantly serued in , to our board They took a marveilous delight to see their mullets change colour whiles they were expiring , Mullum expirantem versicolore quadam & numerosa varietate spectari proceres gulae narrant : The headmen and peeres of Luxury affirme that the mullet when he lies a dying shewes himselfe in many and those very various and changeable colours . But Seneca hereupon cannot hold but desires leaue to leaue his matter a while , and to lash these gluttons . Permitte mihi quaestione sepositâ castigare luxuriam : and then goes on . Quo pervenêre deliciae ? & pro putrido jam piscis affertur qui non hodie eductus , hodie occisus est ; nescio de re magna tibi credere , ipse oportet mihi credam huc afferatur , coram me animam agat ; ad hunc fastum pervenere ventres delicatorum , vt gustare non possint piscem nisi quem in ipso convivio natantem , palpitantemque viderint , To what passe is our daintinesse now come ? it is held for a stinking fish which is not that very day drawne out of the water & kild : I cannot trust thee in a matter of so great moment , bring him hither that he may expire in my presence : to such an highth are our belly-gods come , that they cannot taste the fish vnlesse they see him in the very feast swimming and panting . And to this end , saith he , cursu advehitur & gerulis cum anhelitu & clamore properantibus datur via , he is brought in in a posting speed , and way is giuen to the Porters making haste with panting and out-cryes . His conclusion is , non tempero mihi quin vtar interdum temerariis verbis , & proprietatis modum excedam : non sunt ad popinam dentibus & ventre , & ore contenti , oculis quoque gulosi sunt . I cannot refraine but that sometimes I must vse vnadvised and improper words , they are not content to play the gluttons with their jawes and belly , and mouth , but they must doe it with their eyes too . And Meursius herevpon inferres , Quae malum hae deliciae ? vix credamus nisi ab ipsis authoribus haberemus , quorum fidem hic negare sit piaculum . What a mischiefe , what a nicenesse is this ? we should not beleeue it , but that we haue it from those authors whose credit once to question were a kinde of impiety . Yet that Sammonicus Severus writes to Severus the Emperour touching the serving in of the Acipenser or Sturgeon is mee thinkes a degree beyond all that hath beene yet spoken , it therein appearing that indeed they made their belly their God. Dignatione vestra cum intersum convivio sacro animadverto hunc piscem à coronatis ministris à Tibicine introferri . When your sacred Majesty is pleased to admit me to your feast , I obserue that this fish is euer serued in with musicke : the wayters that beare him wearing garlands or chaplets on their heads . Wherevpon Macrobius makes this Comment , Quasi quada●… non deliciarum sed numinis pompa , as it had beene not for delight , but for devotion to some divine power . Since then they were thus curious in the choice of their fish , wee need not much marveile at him in Iuvenal , who — Circaeis nata forent an Lucrinum ad saxum Rutipinove edita fund●… Ostrea , callebat primo deprendere morsu Et semel aspecti littus dicebat Echini . No sooner did he taste an Oister , but he knew Whether it from Circes towne , or Lucrin lake they drew , Or from Richborow deepe ; and Lobsters also he , What shore them bred can tell when first he doth them see . But rather that of Martiall touching the Lampryes in Domitians fish-ponds at Baiae . Piscator fuge ne nocens recedas Sacris piscibus hae natantur vndae , Qui norunt Dominum , manumque lambunt Illam qua nihil est in orbe majus . Quid quod nomen habent & ad Magistri Vocem quisque sui venit citatus . Angler wouldst thou be guiltlesse ? then forbeare , For they are sacred fishes which swimme heere , Who know their Soveraigne and will lick his hand , Then which none 's greater in the worlds command : Nay more th'haue names , and when they called are , Doe to their severall owners call repaire . Which latter part is confirmed by Pliny , Spectantur & in piscinis Caesaris genera piscium ad nomen venire , quosdamque singulos . In the Emperours fish-ponds are seene a kinde of fishes which come at the calling of them by their names , and that particular and single ones . And of Antonia the wife of Drusus he reports , that at Baulos she hung jewels as it had beene eare-rings in the gilds of a Lamprey which she loued ; and that Hortensius the Oratour was seene to shed teares for the death of one whom he dearely affected . These kinde of fish-ponds for the keeping of Lamp●…eyes besides the Emperour diverse private men had , and that so large as is almost incredible what is reported of them , were it not written by Authors of good credit . The same Hirrius whom we mentioned before , receiued for the yearely rents of his buildings raised about his fish-ponds , as witnesseth Varro , twelue thousand Sesterces ; All which hee disbursed againe in the feeding of his fishes : his farme he sold , and specially in regard of his fish-ponds for foure hundred thousand Sesterces . And Cato ( as writeth the same Author , being Guardian to Lucullus , sold out of his fishponds so much fish as hee receiued for it fourty thousand Sesterces . But Columella making report heereof out of Varro , whether vpon a mistake or no I know not , makes t●…e summe ten times as much : his words are , attamen ijsdem temporibus quibus hanc memorabat Varro luxuriem maxima laudabatur severitas Catonis , qui nihilominus & ipse tutor Luculli grandi aere sestertium quadringentorum millium piscinas pupilli sui venditabat . In those very times in which Varro mentions this Luxury , the severity of Cato was highly commended ; yet he being guardian to Lucullus , sold his Wards fishponds for a great summe of foure hundred thousand Sesterces ; the difference is great betweene Varro and Columella , but it should seeme , the one speakes of the fish alone , and th●… other of the fishponds with it . Howsoeuer the summe was doubtlesse very great , which argued their great store of fish , and yet their prices being so great withall , it must needes argue that their Luxury was vniversall , and greater then either their prices or store . SECT . 7. Of their excessiue gluttony in foule as well as in fish , together with their luxurious appurtenances to their solemne feasts , as also that their gluttony rose with their Empire , and againe fell with it . NOw as their Luxurie shewed it selfe chiefly in their fish , so likewise did it in birds , though not happily so much , yet foule enough to discouer their insatiable appetites : Gellius to this purpose alleageth a notable passage out of a set speech of Favorinus , an ancient Orator , which he vsed in reproach of their luxurious suppers , when he perswaded the Licinian Law for the cutting off of superfluous charge that way , which is the more remarkeable , because in those times . Praefecti popinae atque luxuriae negant coenam lautam esse , nisi quum libentissime edis , tum auferatur , & alia esca melior atque amplior succenturietur . is nunc flos coenae habetur inter istos , quibus sumptus & fastidium pro facetijs procedit : qui negant vllam avem praeter ficedulam totam comesse oportere : caeterarum avium atque altilium , nisi tantum apponatur vt à cluniculis inferiori parte saturi fiant , convivium putant inopia sordere : superiorem partem avium atque altilium qui edint eos palatum non habere . The masters of the Art of Cookerie and Luxurie deny it to be a rich supper , vnlesse that meate which you feed vpon with a good stomack be taken off , and more dainty and full dishes be mustered in place thereof . That is now held the flowre of delicacle , when in steed of merriment , costlinesse euen to loathing is substituted : they deny that any bird is to be eaten whole but onely the * gnat-snapper , & except such a quantity of other birds and fatted foule be serued in , and set on , as a man may glut himselfe only with the hinder part of them , they hold it but a poore feast : and such as taste the fore-part , they censure as hauing no palate . The fowle which they specially hunted after and most delighted in , were Phoenicopters , Peacockes , Thrushes and Pigeons . For the first of these I know not what kinde of bird it was , but Martial thus describes it . Dat mihi penna rubens nomen sed lingua gulosis Nostra sapit , Quid si garrula lingua foret ? Red wings gaue me my name , my tongue 's a dainty cate , To gluttons : would be more if that my tongue could prate . Their peacockes grew in greatest request in Varroes time , De pavonibus nostra memoria greges habere caepti , & vaenire magno , ex ijs Aufidius supra sexagena millia nummum in anno dicitur capere : Flockes of peacockes began to be kept in our time , and to be held at high rates , Aufidius is sayd to receiue yearely for these birds sixty thousand Sesterces ; their bodies being commonly sold for fifty , and their egges for fiue pence a peece . What reckoning they made of their thrushes in part appeares by that of Martiall . Inter aves turdus si quid me judice certum est Inter quadrupedes mattea prima lepus . 'Mongst birds the thrush , 'mongst beasts the hare , In my conceite the choisest are . Of thrushes they had marvellous great abundance , and yet were they very deare ; both which , we haue testified by Varro vpon his owne knowledge . In this farme alone , saith he , which is ordained for an Ornithon or the keeping of birdes , Quinque millia scio venisse turdorum denarijs ternis vt sexaginta millia ea pars reddiderit eo anno villae ; I know to haue beene sold fiue thousand thrushes for three pence a peece , so as that commodity alone brought in that yeare three score thousand Sesterces . And no marveill , since the places in which these were kept , were , as writeth the same Authour , as large as the whole mannor house it selfe . Now for Pigeons , a paire were commonly sold for two hundred Sesterces , if they were faire , for a thousand . And Lucius Accius hauing it seemes some excellent breed , would not sell them vnder foure hundred pence the paire ; and this in Varro's age , which was more severe . But afterwards in Columella's time they were held at foure thousand Sesterces , his words are worth the noting , Pretijs earum domini complent arcam , sicut eximius Author Marcus Varro nobis affirmat , qui prodidit , etiam severioribus suis temporibus paria singula [ Columbarum ] millibus singulis Sestertiorum solita vaenire , nam nostri pudet seculi , ( si credere volumus , ) inveniri qui quaternis millibus nummûm binas aves mercantur . The owners of them fill their chests with the money which they receiue for them ; as that renowned Authour Marcus Varro affirmes , who witnesseth that even in his times , which were more severe , a paire of pigeons were vsually sold for a thousand Sesterces : For , of the age in which we liue , I cannot speake without blushing , some being found therein ( if it be not a matter beyond beleife ) who haue laid downe for two of those birds foure thousand sesterces . Yet were they not content with these store-houses at home , but mustered in the provinces abroad whole cohorts of fowlers & hunters to bring them in provision ; as Latinus Pacatus hath elegantly expressed it . Vt taceam infami saepe delectu scriptos inprovincijs aucupes ductasque sub signis venatorum cohortes militasse conviuiis . Not to speake of their infamous leavying of fowlers mustered within the Provinces , and whole bands of hunters marching vnder severall colours ; the end of whose warres , was , to make worke for their feasts : In which , their curiositie likewise about their very bread was such , that the number of them was not the least , saith Gellius in his 15 booke , cap. 19. To whom that of M. Varro in his Satyre , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 might not vnfitly be applied , si quantum operae sumsi●…i vt tuus pistor bonum faceret panem eius duodecimam philosophiae dedisses , bonus iampridem esses factus , nunc illum qui norunt volunt emere millibus centum , te qui novit nemo centussi : If thou hadst bestowed but the tweft part of that paines in the studie of Philosophie , which thou hast that thy Baker might make thee good bread , thou thy selfe mightest long since haue beene made good ; whereas now they that know him , will be content to lay down for him fiue hundred pounds , but for thee , such as know thee scarce one hundred pence . Now if I should herevnto adde the appurtenances to these feasts , as their infinite variety of sawces , whereof Seneca , inventae sunt mille conditurae quibus aviditas excitaretur , a thousand kinde of sawces are found out for the stirring vp of the appetite ; their bathings & annointings before their feasts , their perfumes & sweet odours in diverse kinds at their feasts ; Cr●…o sparsa humus , the very floore was strowed over with saffron : the changing of their apparell , as also the roofe of the roome where they sate , with some new device in it at the bringing in of every several course . And lastly , of their damnable practice after their feast ended , not fit to be named among Christians , I should tire both my s●…lfe , & the Reader , and some of these I shall perchaunce haue fitter occasion to speake of , when I come to treate of their luxury in buildings and in apparell . And though it be true in the condition of the state , as in the course of private men . Nemo repente fit turpissimus . No man ever arriued to the heighth of villany at first dash , yet when their Empire was at the height , their riches & fulnesse bred such excessiue luxurie , as is scarcely matchable in all respects in any nation at any time : But doubtles as farre beyond all that latter ages haue afforded as was the vast extent of their dominions . Neere about the second Punike warre they were come to that passe , that Cato the Censor openly complained , non posse salvam esse vrbem in qua piscis pluris quam bos vaeniret , that it could not goe well with that city , in which a fish was sold for more then an oxe . But in Tiberius his time it was come to another passe , when one fish was valued at the price of aboue tenne oxen , Tres mullos triginta millibus nummûm vaenisse graviter conquestus est , saith Suetonius of that Emperour : He greivously complained that three mullets were sold for thirty thousand Sesterces , which is two thousand Sesterces vpon a fish beyond any yet spoken of ; which I wonder was forgotten by Pliny in that place where he purposely mentions the excessiue prices of fishes : But as their Empire declined so did their luxury , as we haue heard before out of Macrobius and Latinus Pacatus ; by which it appeares that Vices haue their rising , their raigning , and their falling , as all other things haue : As their fewell increaseth , so doe their flame : but that once failing they are soone extinguished . SECT . 8. That their riot did not only shew it selfe in the delicious choyce of their fare , but in their voracity and gurmandizing , in regard of the quantity some of them devoured at a meale . NEither did their excessiue luxurie shew it selfe only in the delicious choyce of their fare , but there were among them , who likewise strangely exceeded in voracity & gurmandizing , in regard of the quantity and weight thereof . Maximinus the Emperour devoured many times in one day quadraginta libras carnis , vt autem Cordus dicit , etiam sexaginta : forty pounds of flesh , or as Cordus hath it , Sixty . Clodius Albinus another Emperour , did eate somuch , quantum ratio humana non patitur , as humane reason cannot well comprehend it : Nam & quingentas ficus passarias quas Graeci Callistruthias vocant jeiunum comedisse Cordus dicit , & centum Persica Campana , & melones ostienses decem , & vuarum Lavicarum pondo viginti , & ficedulas centum , & ostrea quadraginta : In the morning fasting , he dispatched fiue hundred dried figges , as writeth Cordus , & an hundred peaches of Campania , and tenne melones of Ostia , and twenty pound weight of grapes of Lavica , besides an hundred * gnat-gnappers , & forty oysters . Dij talem terris avertite pestem , God from such monsters vs defend . But Phago , in whom Aurelian tooke singular delight for his wonderfull eating , surpassed in my mind both the former , ridding at one meale in the Emperours presence , aprum integrum , centum panes , vervecem & porcellum , a whole bore , an hundred loaues , a weather , & a young pig : and it should seeme , that this serving in of whole bores was a thing not vnvsuall , even when they sate alone & in private . — Quis feret istas Luxuriae sordes ? quanta est gula quae sibi totos Ponit apros , animal propter convivia natum . This filthy luxury who can endure ? how great a beast Is that same gut , which would whole bores Ordained for feasts ) to be before him set . And the other Satyrist to like purpose . Rancidum aprum antiqui laudabant , non quia nasus Illis nullus erat : sed , credo , hac mente , quòd hospes Tardiùs adveniens , vitiatum commodiùs , quam Integrum edax dominus consumeret . Our Ancestours well lik't a rancid boare , not that They had no nose , but ( as I thinke ) if guests came late , 'T was thought much fitter they should eate a tainted one , Then the feasts founder should devour one all alone . Mark Anthony , saith Plutarch , having but twelue guests provided eight boares , one set to the fire after another , that whensoever he came in , sooner or latter , one at least might come in prime . Nay Caranus , saith Athenaeus , set before every guest a boare in a severall dish . Now I haue beene long , I confesse , in this point , but their infinite vanity & extreame madnesse therein hath made me so , the rather for that this excesse is commonly brought as a reason of the generall decrease of mankind now a dayes , aswell in strength & stature , as age & duration : And though it be true , that we exceed this way too much , wasting that in superfluous and riotous pampering of our bodies , which would be farre better bestowed on such as want necessaries ; yet it is as true , that they as farre exceeded vs this way , as we come short of them in riches & dominion : And yet I doubt , much of that which hath beene spoken , will hardly be beleeued , though I haue alleadged their owne Authous , and for the most part in their owne words , thereby to adde the greater weight , and procure the greater credit therevnto . Nam vetera nunc ferè hoc fatum habent , vt etsi vera , vix videantur , an sui magnitudine , an nostra declinatione , sayth a great Antiquarie , speaking of this very thing : These ancient records are for the most part subject to this destiny , that although they be true , yet they seeme not so , either thorow their owne excesse , or our comming so farre short of them : But I hope I shall prepare a way to an easier beleife of that which is past , by that which is now to follow , touching their luxurie in building & appar●…ll , and other prodigall expences every way sutable to their luxurie in diet , if not exceeding it . CAP. 8. Of the Romanes excessiue luxurie in building . SECT . 1. Of their excesse in the great variety of their farre fetcht and deare bought marble . THe chiefest materialls of building , in which the Romanes most generally exceeded , was the great variety of their farre fetcht & deere bought Marble : of which Pliny , as being himselfe an eye-witnesse speakes so feelingly , and yet withall so wittily , that he best deserues to be heard : Though I professe to make choyce of his words , as they lie heere & there , and sute best with the present purpose . It now remaines , ( saith he ) to write of the nature of stones , that is to say , the principall point of all enormous abuses , and the very height of wastfull superfluities . For all things else which we haue handled heretofore even to this booke , may seeme in some sort to haue beene made for man , But as for Mountaines , Nature hath framed them for her own selfe , partly to strengthen , as it were certaine ioints within the veines & bowels of the earth , partly to tame the violence of great rivers , and to breake the force of surging waues & inundations of the sea . And yet notwithstanding for our wanton pleasures , and nothing else wee cut & hew , we loade and carry away those huge hills and inaccessible rockes , which otherwise to passe only over , was thought a wonder . Our Ancestours in time past , reputed it a miracle , & in a manner prodigious , that first Hanniball and afterwards the Cimbrians surmounted the Alpes : But now even the same mountaines we pierce through with pickaxe & mattocke , for to get out thereof an hundred sortes of marble ; we cleaue the Capes and Promontories , we lay them open for the sea to let it in ; downe we goe with their heads , as if we would lay the whole world even , and make all levell . The mighty mountaines , set as limits to bound the frontiers of diverse countreyes , and to seperate one nation from another , those we transport and carry from their natiue seate : Ships we build of purpose for to fraught with marble : the cliffes & toppes of high hills they carry to and fro amid the waues & billowes of the sea . Now let every man thinke with himselfe what excessiue prices of these stones he shall heare anon , and what monstrous peeces and masses he seeth drawne & carried both by land and sea , & then let him consider withall how much more faire & happy a life many a man should haue without all this , and how many cannot choose but die for it , whensoever they goe about to doe , or if I should speake more truly , to suffer this enterprise . Also for what vse else or pleasure rather , but only that they might lie in beds & chambers of stones , that forsooth are spotted , as if they never regarded how the darkenesse of the night bereaveth the one halfe of each mans life of those delights & joyes . SECT . 2. Of their excessiue sumptuousnesse in their temporary or transeunt buildings , made only for pastime to last but for a short time . NOw their buildings were either private or publique : and the publique again , either meerly for pleasure or for vse : such were their places for civill assemblies , their bridges , their Aqueducks , their draughts vnder ground , their market places & high wayes ; & these , though respectiuely to their severall ends they were very sumptuous , yet because they were for publique vse , I will not touch , but will only insist vpon their excessiue snperfluity , cast away vpon those which were only for publique pleasure , or the vaine delight of private men . Among those that were destined to none other end , but game & pastime , their Theaters & Amphitheaters first present themselues to our view , and among these , the renowned Theater of Scaurus . This Scaurus , saith Pliny , when he was Aedile , caused a wonderfull peece of worke to be made , and exceeding all that ever haue beene known wrought by mans hand , not only those that haue beene erected for a moneth , or such a thing , but even those that haue beene destined for perpetuity , and a Theatre it was : The stage had three lofts one aboue another , wherein were 360 columnes of marble ; the base or nethermost part of the stage was all of Marble , the middle of glasse ( an excessiue superfluity , neuer heard of before or after ) as for the vppermost , the boards , planks & floores were gilded ; the columnes beneath were 40 foot high wanting twaine : and betweene these columnes there stood of statues & images in brasse to the number of 3000. The Theater it selfe was able to receiue 80000 persons to sit well and at ease . As touching the other furniture of this Theater of Scaurus in rich hangings which were cloth of gold , painted tables the most exquisite that could bee found , Players apparell , and other stuffe meet to adorne the stage , there was such abundance thereof , that there being carried back to his house of pleasure at Tusculum the surplusage thereof , ( ouer and aboue the daintiest part whereof hee had dayly vse at Rome ) his servants and slaues there , vpon indignation for this waste and monstrous superfluities of their Master , set the said countrey house on fire , and burnt as much as came to an hundred millions of Sesterces . Yet was this magnificent peece of building , by the testimony of the same Pliny but Temporarium Theatrum , a Theater set vp but for a short time : And in another place , vix vno mense futurum in vsu , scarce to indure for a moneth . Such a kinde of worke was Caligula his bridge , novum & inauditum spectaculi genus , a new and vnheard of kinde of shew : It reached from Putzoll to Bauly three miles and a quarter : Hee built it vpon ships in a few dayes , and in emulation of Xerxes , ouer this hee marched with the Senate and the Souldierie in a triumphant manner , and in the view of the people , vpon this he feasted and passed the night in dalliance and gaming : but like Ionas his gourd , it was suddenly vp , and suddenly downe , Immensum opus perpendenti , sed cui laudem vanitas detrahit ; nam quo fine structum nisi vt destrueretur ? a marveilous great worke indeed , but such as the vanity thereof depriued it of commendation , for to what end was it raised but to be demolished : thus sported he , saith Seneca , with the power of the Empire , and all in imitation furiosi & externi , & infoeliciter superbi regis , of a forraine , frentique , and vnluckie proud King. Of like nature were those buildings set vp by the commaund of Caracalla , ( whom we may not vnfitly or vnjustly call another Caligula ) Vbicunque hyematurus erat aut etiam putabatur hyematurus , cogebantur amphitheatra & circos struere , et ea ipsa mox diruenda , wheresoeuer hee wintred , or but intended to winter , they were constrained to erect Amphitheaters and Cirkes for publique games , and those within a while to bee taken downe againe : So as vpon the matter they were put to that excessiue charge onely for the imaginary vse of one man. SEC . 3. Of their infinite expence in their permanent Amphitheaters , and the appurtenances belonging thereunto , namely their Curtaines and Arena . BVt I passe by these transeunt buildings , and come to their permanent , among which the Amphitheater began by Vespasian , but finished and dedicated by Titus was one of the most famous , Cujus summitatem aegrè visio humana conscendit ; the height whereof was such , that the eye of man could hardly reach it . It was reared saith Cassiodore ; divitiarum profuso flumine ; with rivers of treasure powred out , it contained onely vpon the steps or degrees sufficient , and easie seates for eighty seuen thousand , so as the vacant places besides might well containe ten or twenty thousand more . Martiall preferres it before all the rare great workes of Rome . Omnis Caesareo cedat labor Amphitheatro , Vnum praecunctis fama loquatur opus . To Caesars Amphitheater all other workes must vaile , To sound this one aboue them all Fames trump shall neuer faile . And in another place hee bestowes vpon it the title of Venerable . Hic vbi conspicui venerabilis Amphitheatri , Erigitur moles stagna Neronis erant . In that place where sometimes stood cruell Nero's ponds , That venerable peece th'Amphitheater stands . Now as the masse of treasure was infinite which they cast away in the raising of these buildings ; only to make the people sport , so was it incredible what they spent in the furnishing of them , and setting foorth their games therein : Quid dicendum est de ijs qui populari levitate ducti , vel magnis vrbibus suffecturas opes exhibendis muneribus impendunt ? saith Lactantius : what shall we say of them who being led with popular applause , spend in exhibiting sword-fights , treasure enough for the building or maintaining of great Cities ? And Ambrose to like purpose , Magistratus in Theatris , mimis , athletis , gladiatoribus , alijsque hujusmodi generibus hominum totum patrimonium suum largitur & prodigit , vt vnius horae favorem vulgi acquirat . The Magistrate vpon Theatricall games , jeasters , wrastlers , swordplayers , & such kind of men , lavishes out his whole patrimony , and that onely to purchase the applause of the people for an houre : And surely wee may well conceiue and beleeue as much whether we consider their frequency , or their appurtenances : for the former of which Augustus alone is said to haue set foorth publique games in his owne name for himselfe foure and twenty seuerall times : And for other Magistrates who either were absent or wanted meanes to goe thorow with it three and twenty . Nay Titus at the dedication of his Amphitheater held them for an hundred dayes together . Now for the appurtenances I may say , — Materiam superabat opus . The workmanship did farre the stuffe exceed . They were beyond the strangenesse of their buildings , their whole furniture was sometimes of siluer , as that of Iulius Caesar , and C. Antonius , sometimes of gold , thus Nero for the ostentation of his greatnes to Teridates King of Armenia couered ouer not the stage only , but the whole Theater with gold : All the instruments then vsed and furniture thereof were likewise guilded , and the vaile or curtaine which hung ouer them to keepe th●…m from the heat of the Sunne was all of purple , imbroadered with starres of gold , ex quo & dies ille aureus appellatus , from whence that was euer after called , the golden day . To these kinde of curtaines which were doubtlesse of very great charge , being coloured and shadowing so spacious a place doth Lucretius allude , Et vulgo faciunt id lutea rufaque vela , Et ferrugina cum magnis intenta theatris Per malos vulgata trabesque trementia pendent : Namque ibi concessum Caveai subter & omnem S●…nai speciem , patrum , matrumque , Deorumque Inficiunt , coguntque suo fluitare colore . So doe those curtaines yellow , russet , red , When o're the Theaters streacht out and spred , On masts and beames they trembling hang : for then The scaffolds vnderneath , and all the Scene Of Gods , of Fathers , and of Matrons graue , They with their colours die , and cause to waue . Herevnto may be added the Arena , the place below in which their games were exhibited , so called , for that it was strowed ouer with sand for the drinking in of the bloud which was spilt vpon it , and officers they had purposely for this businesse , who in the Lawes and Writings of the Christian Doctours are tearmed Arenarij , Sanders , who as they first strowed it ouer , so betweene whiles during the same sitting , they renewed it againe , as appeares by those verses of Martial , where hee speakes of a Lyon suddenly inraged who slew two of those Sanders , Nam duo de tenera juvenilia corpora turba , Sanguinem rastris quae renovabat humum : Saevus & infoelix furiali dente peremit , Martia non vidit majus Arena nefas . Two youthfull bodies of that company , Which did with rakes the bloudie ground renew ; With furious tooth the savage Lyon slew , A fouler deed the sand did neuer see . This place Nero in steed of sand caused to be strowed ouer with dust of gold , himselfe being to try a match of Chariot-driving therein : and so did Caius Caligula , Edidit & Circenses quosdam praecipuos minio & Chrysocolla constrato Circo ; he set forth certaine notable games in the Circus , being strowed ouer with vermilion and dust of gold . SECT . 4. Of their incredible expence in the ●…iring and arming , and dieting of their sword-players , in the hunting , bringing home , feeding , and keeping of their wilde beasts , in other admirable shewes to the astonishment of the beholders , in refreshing the spectators with pretious and pleasant perfumes , & the like , & lastly in casting their largesse among the people , neither was this ▪ the pract●…se of the Emperors only , but of private men . BVt the greatest expence of all was the multitude of Fencers who were all hired for great prizes ( and great reason , their liues being exposed to evident hazard ) besides the arming and dieting of them before they entred , and if they exhibited beasts , it is almost past credit , the relations that are made by Historians touching their number . The Emperour Probus commaunded to be let loose at once , a thousand Ostrichges , a thousand stagges , a thousand wilde boares , and a thousand fallow deere , besides wilde goates , wilde sheepe , and other beasts , all which he gaue ouer to the mercy , or rather the rage of the people , euery one to catch what he could ▪ the Circus being set all ouer with tall and mighty trees , which by the Souldiers were taken vp by the rootes as they grew in the woodes , and there planted with greene turfe about them , and fastned with beames and yrons . The next day hee let in to the same place centum jubatos leones , one hundred maned or crested Lyons ▪ which with roaring filled the ayre as it had beene with thunder , one hundred Leopards of Lybia , one hundred of Syria , one hundred Lyonesses , and three hundred beares . Now if wee should cast vp the expence he was at for the hunting , for the bringing home , for the feeding and keeping of all these , it is not for an ordinary reach to comprehend : yet stood he not alone in this kinde . Gordianus exhibited in one day an hundred wilde beasts of Lybia , and in another , one thousand beares , as Capitolinus in his life witnesseth . And they striued as it should seeme who should outvy one another in rarity of shewes , & riotousnesse of expence , euen Titus himselfe , who in their stories is named , Deliciae generis humani , the delight or delicacy of mankinde , marveilously exceeded this way . He set forth the whole tragedie of Orpheus , so that creeping rockes and running woods were exhibited in the Arena , as Martial hath well expressed it . Quicquid in Orp●…o Rhodope spectasse theatr●… Dicitur , exhibuit Caesar Arena tibi . Repferunt 〈◊〉 , mirandaque sylva cucurrit , Quale fuisse nemus creditur Hesperidum . What Rhodope in Orpheus Theater did see Th'Amphitheater that exhibits vnto thee O Caesar : Rockes doe creep , and woods doe moue apace , The Orchard such they say of Atlas daughters was ▪ Nay there were that together with Land-Beasts brought in Sea-Monsters , as the Sea-calfe and the Sea-horse , which Calphurnius at the games of Carinus testifies that himselfe beheld , Nec solum nobis sylvestria cernere monstra Contigit , Aequoreos ego cum certantibus vrsis Spectavi vitulos & equorum nomine dignum Sed deforme pecus . Nor onely did I see wood Monsters there , But Sea-calves also tugging with the beare , And that mis-shapen vglie beast withall , Which we not without cause the Sea-horse call . And that which was more strange , they brought in the Sea it selfe , and therein ships , representing the forme of a sea-fight . But Heliogabalus went beyond all conceit : Fertur in Euripis vino plenis naves Circenses exhibuisse , they be the words of Lampridius , he is said to haue exhibited shippes in the Circus , sayling and contending in wine . It was in Hortensius a great folly and vanity to water his plane trees with wine , but for shippes to sayle and contend in wine was a most monstrous superlatiue madnesse . Now amid all these sights , it was ordinary to refresh the spectatours with pleasant perfumes from gummes , or sweete water , or oyntments , or balsamum , or saffron mixed with wine , or somewhat in that kinde , which they conveyed in close pipes through the whole Amphitheater ; and the fight ended , they commonly cast a largesse among the people , wrapping vp the names of those things in little pellets , which they intended to giue , and every one as he could catch them , brought them to the Masters of the games , who delivered them the thing it selfe specified in their pellet . Such gifts Titus cast abroad by the space of an hundred dayes ( as witnesseth Dion ) for so long his games lasted , and many of them were of good value , as appeares by the testimony of the same Authour , not only meate , and drinke , and apparell , but vessells of silver and gold , horses , cattell , slaues , and the like ▪ but it is wonderfull what Nero did in this kinde , to the forenamed hee added curious pictures , pearles , and pretious stone , yea naves insulas , agros , ships , houses , farmes : O res vix Suetonio fidissimo testi credendas , things hardly to bee credited , though delivered by Suetonius a most faithfull Historian Neither was this the practise of Emperours only , but even of private men . Cicero testifies of Milo , that in these kind of games he wasted three patrimonies ; and Vopiscus with some indignation relates the like of Messalla , Legat hunc locum Iunius Messalla , quem ego liberè culpare audeo ; ille enim patrimonium suum Scaenicis dedit , haeredibus abnegavit : Let Iunius Messalla reade this place , whom I dare freely accuse , for that he hath cast away his patrimony vpon stage-players , and defrauded his heires thereof ; and then reckoning many particulars of his wastfull riot that way , at length he thus concludes , Et haec quidem idcirco in literas misi , vt futuros editores pudor tangeret , ne patrimonia sua proscriptis legitimis haeredibus mimis & bal●…tronibus deputarent : These things haue I therefore committed to writing , that such as heereafter set forth these kind of games , might blush to conferre their patrimony vpon jesters and base raskalls , excluding their lawfull heires . SECT . 5. Of their superfluous expence , as in the number and largenes , so likewise in tbe beauty and ornament of Bathes ; which were likewise of little other vse then for pleasure . BVt leaving their Theaters & Amphitheaters which were onely for pleasure , let vs take a view of their Bathes , which were likewise of little other vse , at least-wise as they vsed them ; as appeares by that of Artemidorus , Balneum nihil aliud suo aevo fuisse quam transitum ad coenam , that a bath in his time was nothing else but a passage to supper , so as they which often tooke repast , washed as often ; it being noted of Commodus the Emperour , that he washed seaven or eight times in a day . And among the Christians , Sisinius a Bishop was censured as intemperate for washing twise in a day : Yet a wonder it is to consider , to what an infinite height these kind of buildings for Bathings amounted , aswell in regard of their number & largenesse , as their beauty & ornament . Agrippa , as witnesseth Pliny , during his Aedilship , built for publique and free vse one hundred & seaventie , and the same Authour there addes , that at Rome in his time their number was infinite : and for their largenesse , some of them , sayth Olimpiodorus , were ingenti , & Cassiodorus mirabili magnitudine , of a●… huge & wonderfull bignesse : Ammianus is more particular , Lavacra in modum Provinciarum extructa , Bathes built in the manner of Provinces ; the Antoninian , or rather Dioclesian Bathes alone , were so capacious , as they contained for the vse of washing , Sellas mille sexcentas , easque è marmore polito factas , one thousand six hundred severall seates , and those all of polished marble . Neither was the ornament & beauty of these bathing places vnsutable to their number and largenesse ; which Seneca in his eighty sixt Epistle hath most elegantly expressed , and withall bitterly censured , where speaking of the meanesse of the Bath which Scipio Africanus vsed , while he lived in banisnment , where Seneca wrote that Epistle , he thus goes on : At nunc quis est qui sic lavari sustineat , pauper sibi videtur ac sordidus nisi parietes magnis & pretiosis orbibus praefulserint , nisi Alexandrina marmora numidicis crustis distincta sint , nisi illis vndique operosa & in picturae modum variata circumlitio praetexatur , nisi vitro condatur Camera , nisi Thasius lapis quondam rarum in aliquo spectaculum templo , piscinas nostras circumdederit , nisi aquam argentea epistomia fuderint , & adhuc plebeias fistulas loquor : Quid cum ad Balnea libertinorum pervenero ? quantum statuarum ? quantum Columnarum & nihil sustinentium , sed in ornamentum positarum & impensae causâ ? eo deliciarum venimus vt nisi gemmas calcare nolimus : But who is there now , who would be content to wash as he did , he seemes to himselfe poore & base , whose walls doe not shine with great and pretious circles , vnlesse betweene the marble of Alexandria , be inlaid the shavings of that of Numedia , vnlesse they haue a border round about it with diverse colours in manner of pictures , vnlesse their arched roofe be covered over with glasse , vnlesse the Thasian stone , heretofore a rare sight in some Temple , compasse our ponds ; vnlesse silver cockes powre vs forth water ; & as yet haue I spoken but of the ordinary & common pipes , how much beyond all this are the Bathes of freed men ? how many statues , how many pillars haue you there , for none other vse , but only for ornament & expence ? we are now come to that delicacie , that we can tread vpon nothing but jewels . By which liuely description a man should thinke , he rather spake of the pallaces of some great Princes , then of their common Bathing roomes , ordained for none other vse , then the washing off of the swet & filth of their bodies . Yet with Seneca in some parts of his description Statius accords . Nil ibi plebeium nunquam Temesaea notabis Aera , sed argento foelix propellitur vnda Argentoque cadit , labrisque nitentibus instat , Delicias mir●…ta suas . There 's nothing vulgar , there 's no Temesaean brasse , But happy waters there through silver conduits passe , From silver fall , and into glistering cisterns runne , ( Admiring their delights ) with expedition , Thereby signifying , that not only the pipes , thorow which the water ranne , and the cockes & conduites , out of which it ranne , but the cisterns too , into which it fell were all of pure silver . And touching the glasse , he touches that too . Effulgent Camerae , vario fastigia vitro , In species animosque nitent . The arched roofes doe shine & glister gloriously , Of diverse glasse compos'd , both to the mind & eye . Pliny goes farther , and tells vs , that not only the sides of the cisterns , in which they bathed were of silver , but the seats & footing or the bottōe , so as they could hardly stand for sliding vpon it , vt eadem materia & probris serviat & cibis , so as the same matter , saith he , is made to serue both at our tables , and for base vnworthy offices . SECT . 6. Of the endlesse masses of treasure which they powred out in the erecting & adorning of Temples , for the worship of those images which they forged to themselues , or at leastwise knew well enough were no Gods. BEfore wee enter into their private houses , it shall not bee amisse in passing from their Bathes by the way , to cast a glance vpon their Temples & Statues . Had their temples beene consecrated to the honour & service of the true God , I should haue highly commended their great expence in the building & beautifying of them , as a worke of piety and devotion : But being dedicated to Idolls & Devills , & such as themselues , at leastwise the wiser sort amongst them , either laughed at , or beleeved not , the excessiue charge which that way they were at , was not onely excessiue vanity & folly , but most prophane & impious both superstition & superfluity . The number of their Temples onely in the citty of Rome , was foure hundred twenty foure , the greatest part of which was no doubt very magnificent , shining with gold , and jeat , and marble , as appeares by that of Rutilius . Confunduntque vagos delubra micantia visus Ipsos crediderim sic habitare Deos. And glistering temples wandring eyes confound , So dwell the Gods I thinke on heavenly ground . And these chiefely , as I conceiue doth Claudian intend speaking of Rome . — Quae luce metalli , Aemula vicinis fastigia conserit astris . Who with her mettalls light doth shine ; And with the neighbour starres her tops confine . But most elegantly and fully hath Arnobius expressed it : Sint ergo haec licet ex molibus marmoreis structa , laquearibus aut renideant aureis , splendeant hic gemmae , & sydereos evomant variata interstitione fulgores , terra sunt haec omnia & ex 〈◊〉 vilioris materiae concreta : Though they be built with piles of marble , and their vautes shine with gold ; though they glister with pretious stone , which dart forth & sparkle abroad beames like the starres in a various distance , yet all these things are but earth , made of the dregges of the basest matter . Amongst them all , that of the Capitoll was most eminent & stately , it tooke its name , as witnesseth Arnobius , à Capite Toli , from the head of a man so named , which at the laying of the foundation was digged vp : It was foure times ruined , and three times againe reedified : It was first built by the Tarquines , Secondly by Sylla , but dedicated by Lutatius Catulus ; in which . Augustus bestowed vpon the seate of Iupiter Sedecem millia pondo auri & quingenties Sestertiûm in gemmis , sixteene thousand weight of gold , and fiue hundred times an hundred thousand Sesterces in jewels : Thirdly by Vespasian ; fourthly & lastly , by Domitian . The height whereof was such , that Silius brings in Iupiter , thus prophecying of Domitians raysing it . Aurea Tarpeia ponet Capitolia rupe , Et junget nostro templorum culmina coelo . He on Tarpeian rocke shall place the golden Capitole , Andshall advance his Temples top as high as heavenly pole . With whom Tertullian fully agrees in sense , and almost in words : Nam etsi à Numa concepta relligio est , nondum tamen aut simulachris aut templis res divina apud Romanos constabat , & nulla Capitolia coelo certantia , sed temeraria de Cespite altaria : Though religion were first brought in by Numa , yet then had the Romanes neither images nor temples for divine service , no Capitoll contending with heaven for height , but altars were set vp of the turfe that came next to hand . And no doubt but the length & breadth were every way answereable to the height ; the excessiue charge that Domitian was at in the building heereof , Martiall after his flattering manner hath wittily described , telling him , that thereby hee had so fa●…re obliged Iupiter & all the Gods , that if they should empty their coffers and make sale of all they had , they could never make him sufficient recompence , but would be forced to turne ●…anke-rupts . Q●…antum iam superis Caesar coeloque dedisti , Si repetes , & si Creditor esse ve●…is ? Grandis in Aetherio licet anctio fiat Olympo , Coganturque Dei vendere quicquid habe●…t Conturbabit Atlas , & non erit ●…cia tota Decid●…t tecum qua pater ipse deûm . Pro Capitolinis quid enim tibi solvere templis Quid pro Tarpeiae frondis honore potest ? &c. Expectes & 〈◊〉 Auguste necesse est , Nam tibi quod solvat non habet Arca Iovis If Caesar , wh●…t on Gods & heaven thou hast bestow'd , Thou shouldst as Creditour call in , and all that 's ow'd , Though in the Etheriall skies portsale of all were made , And all the Gods were forc't to sell what ere they had , Atlas would bankerupt proue , and to the prince of heaven Not one ounce would remaine to make all reckonings even . For for the Capitols great temples how can he , Or for Ta●…peian oakes & laurels satisfie ? &c. Thou must , ô Caesar , needes a while forbeare & stay , For why , Io●…es coffers yet haue not wherewith to pay . By which it appeares what account they made of the Gods , to whom they dedicated these Temples : Nay Domitian himselfe the founder of the Capitoll , is so bold with them , as if they had indeed beene his debtours , or at least-wise his companions to stile himselfe in his edicts , Dominus & Deus noster sic fieri iubet , our Lord & God so commaunds , vnde institutum posthac vt nec scripto quidem nec sermone cuiusquam appellaretur aliter : And from thence forth was it ordained , that no man should giue him other title either in writing or speech . Now for the riches & ornament of the Capitoll , we may in part giue a guesse at it by this , that there was spent only vpon the gilding of it supra duodecem millia talentorum , aboue twelue thousand tallents : It was gilded all over , not the inner roofe only , but the vtter covering which was of brasse or copper , but the doores were layd over with thicke plates of gold , which remained till Honorius his raigne , and then in a dearth of coyne , Stilicho mandasse per hibetur ( saith Zozimus ) vt fores in Capitolio Romano quae auro magni ponderis erant obductae laminis ijs spoliarentur : Cum autem qui hoc facere iussi erant , idagerent , in parte for●…um scriptum reppererant , [ infoelici Regi servantur : ] Quod eventus docuit : nam Stilicho paulo post infoeliciter perijt . 〈◊〉 is said to haue given commaund , that the doores of the Capitoll , which were laid over with massie gold , should be robbed of those plates , and when they who had it in charge put it in execution , they found ingraven vpon a part of the doore these wordes , [ They are reserved for an vnfortunate King ] which the event proved to be true , for Stiliche within a while after perished vnfortunately . Next to the Capitoll was the Pantheon , the Temple of honour , of Fortune , of the City , strange Idolls , and that of Peace inferiour to none . It was built by Vespastan , three hundred foote in length it was , and in breadth two hundredth ; so as Herodian defervedly calls it , Maximum & pulcherimum omnium in vrbe operum ▪ the greatest and fairest of all the workes in the city : Wherevnto he addes , ditissimum , ornamentis auri & argenti excultum , the most sumptuous in ornaments of gold & filver : of which Iosephus thus writes , Omnia in hoc templum collata & disposita sunt ob quae homines videndi cupiditate antea per totum orbem vagabantur . Vpon this temple were bestowed all the rarities which men before traveiled thorow the world to see . And Pliny , ex omnibus quae retuli clarissima quaeque in vrbe , jam sunt dicata à Vespasiano Principe in te●…plo Pacis , of all the choyce peeces that I haue spoken of , the most excellent are laid vp and dedicated by Vespasian the Emperour in the temple of Peace : Thus they made Idolls to themselues , which the simplest of them could not but discerne were no Gods , and then without measure or reason , powred out infinite masses of treasure in the serving & worshipping of them . SECT . 7. Of their wonderfull vanity in erecting infinite numbers of statues , and those very chargeable , & that to themselues . YEt in this was some pretence of Religion , but in their Statues they worshipped themselues , vainely imagining thereby to aeternize their names . Quidam aeternitati secommendari posse per statuas aestimantes eas ardenter affectant , atque auro curant inbracteari , saith Ammianus Marcellinus , some hoping to recommend themselues to eternity by statues , infinitely affect them , causing them to be overlaid with gold . This itching humour of theirs , pene parem vrbi populum dedit quàm natura procreavit : in time begat almost as many inhabitants to the city as nature brought forth , meaning that the number of their statues , did in a manner equall their citizens : And no marveile , they being sine numero , without number , in somuch as they filled every corner , pestered their streetes and straightned their wayes , which gaue occasion to that Edict of Claudius , whereby private men were inhibited the erecting of statues to themselues , but by leaue first obtained from the Senate , such only excepted as had done some publique service . For the prize of the stuffe whereof they were made , the most common and basest of them were of Marble , the rest of yvorie , & silver , and gold , and those solide & ma●…sie , Statuas sibi in Capitolio non nisi aureas argenteasque poni permisit , ac ponderis certi , they be the wordes of Sutonius touching Domitian , he forbad any statues to be erected to him in the Capitoll , saue only of gold & silver , & those of a certaine weight , which weight perchaunce those verses of Statius expresse , Da Capitolinis aeternum sedibus aurum , Quo niteant sacri centeno pondere vultus . Grant to the Capitoll eternall gold , wherein Those sacred faces of one hundred weight may shine . But that of Commodus fare exceeded this weight , Statuam mille librarum auream habuit ▪ he had a Statue erected to him of a thousand pound weight . Now as they were at this great charge in the making and erecting of their Statues : So were they likewise in the guarding of them . They were kept with no lesse caution , then they were set vp with care & cost : And to this purpose maintained they an Officer of great honour who had the title of Comes Romanus giuen him . This man with his souldiers walked thorow the streets of the citie in the night to see good order : but chiefly to provide that no wrōg should be offred to the Statues ▪ thus prodigally carefull they were of their owne shadowes , and as prodigally carelesse of the liues of others : so as I cannot easily determine whether their cruelty were greater in the one , or their folly in the other . SECT . 8. Their prodigall sumptuousnesse in their private buildings , in regard of their largenesse and height of their houses , as also in regard of their marble pillars , walls , roofes , beames , & pavement full of Art and cost . NOw for their dwelling houses and private buildings . Claudian speaking of Rome thus sets them out in generall . Qua nihil in terris complectitur altius aether Cujus nec spatium visus , nec corda decorem , Nec laudem vox vlla capit . On earth nought higher doe the Heavens embrace : Her largenesse sight , her beauty hearts , her praise Tongue comprehends not — It was the vaunt of Augustus , marmoream se relinquere quam lateritiam accepisset ; that he left the City of marble hauing found it of brick : but S. Hieroms complaint , Vivimus quasi altero die morituri , & aedificamus quasi semper in hoc seculo victuri , we so feed as if we were to die to morrow , & so build as if we were here to liue for euer . The largenesse of their houses was strange , and such as a man would wonder what vse they could haue of it : The wordes of Valerius are to this purpose very pertinent , where speaking of Quintius Cincinnatus , to whom the Dictatorship was offered , though he plowed but foure acres of land , with some indignation he addes , angustè se habitare nunc putat cuius domus tantum patet quantum Cincinnati rura patuerunt ; he thinkes he is straightned in his dwelling , whose house is no larger then were all Cincinnatus his grounds . Some of Neroes slaues had Kitchins that tooke vp aboue two acres of ground ; and the Lands of those who laid the ground of their Empire were of lesse extent then the Cellars of some that came after ▪ so that by this proportion their houses came almost to the greatnes of Cities , domos atque villas cognover is in vrbium modum exaedificatas , they be the words of Salust wee may vnderstand their houses & farmes to bee built in the manner of Cities . Nay they went beyond them : aedificia privata laxitatem vrbium magnarum vincentia , private mens houses exceeded the largenesse of great Cities . And of these sometimes they joyned two or three together , as Catiline in his Oration to his Souldiers vpbraides his enemies ; and in this sense it seemes is Martial to be vnderstood . Et docti Senecae ter numeranda domus . And leerned Seneca's thrice to be numbred house . Neither was the height of their houses disproportionable to the largenesse . Aedificant auro sedesque ad sydera mittunt . They build with gold and raise their seats vnto the starres . There were of them who built to the height of their chiefest Temples that of Hercules and Fortune , nay exceeded the Capitoll it selfe . Aedificator erat Centronius , & modo curvo Littore Caietae summa nunc Tyberis arce . Nunc Praenestinis in montibus alta parabat Culmina villarum , Graecis longeque petitis Marmoribus , Vincens Fortunae atque Herculis aedem . Vt spado vincebat Capitolia nostra Posides . Centronius was a builder , sometimes on Crooked Caietas shore , sometimes vpon Tiburs high top raising his palaces , And on Praenestine hils fetching from Greece And farre away his marbles , to controll ( As th'Eunuch Posid did our Capitol ) The Church of Fortune and of Hercules . Yet to this height they farther added somewhat by planting gardens & orchards & groues vpon their house toppes : therein like Antipodes running a contrary course to nature , as Seneca truly and justly taxes them . Non vivunt contra naturam qui pomaria in summis turribus serunt , quorum sylvae in tectis domorum ac fastigijs nutant , inde ortis radicibus quo improbae cacumina egissent ? Doe they not liue contrary to the rules of Nature , who make themselues orchards vpon their highest towres , whose woods shake vpon the tops of their houses , their roots there springing vp where the top should haue reached ? Neither was the riches and ornament vnsutable either to the largenes or height of their building . Thither they called to their great expence the most skilfull Architects from Greece and Asia , and all the parts of the knowne world , Quibus ingenium & audacia erat , etiam quae natura denegavisset , per artem tentare , whose wit and daring was such , that by art they attempted to effect that , which Nature seemed to deny . Among the rest of their ornaments , their infinite number of marveilous high pillars , and those of diverse sorts of the choisest kinds of marble was not the least . The height of some of them was 38 foot , and to their height was their beauty and greatnes euery way answerable . Pueros reperti in littore calculi leves , & aliquid habentes varietatis delectant , nos ingentium 〈◊〉 columnar●…m sive ex Aegyptijs arenis , sive ex Afric●… solitudinibus ad 〈◊〉 porticu●… aliquam vel capacem populi coenationem ferunt . Children are delighted wit●… pebble stones or shells of diverse colours taken vp from the shore , and we with diverse spots of huge marble pillars , drawne hi●…her from the sands of Egypt , and the deserts of Afri●…a , for the supporting of a gallery or some spatious dining roome . Their number was likewise very great , Pendent innumeris fastigia nixa columnis . Whose roofe doth rest on pillars numberlesse . Sometimes an hundred of them stood together At tua ●…entenis incumbunt tecta columnis . Thy roofe vpon an hundred pillars stayes ▪ Sometimes as many more , as in the house built by Gordianus in the Prenestine way , ducentas columnas vno peristylo habens , hauing in one entry or gallery two hundred pillars distinguished by fifties from diverse countrves , and all of an equall height . And if wee desire to know the price of some one of these , Crassus tels vs ●…ecem column●… centum millibus nummûm emi , I bought ten pillars for one hundred thousand Sesterces . And as their pillars were of solide marble , so their walls were artificially crusted ouer with peeces of diverse colours Miram●… parietes tenui marmore inductos , cùm fciamus quale sit quod absconditur , 〈◊〉 nostris imponimu●… ▪ We stand wondring at the walls laid ouer with thinne crusts of marble , though we know well enough what lyes vnder them , wee are content to cosen our owne eyes To this Lucan alludes , Nec summis crustatadomus , sectisque nitebat Marmoribus . Nor was the house with crusts of marble lin'd , Nor with hewen stones of pretious marble shin'd . And Fabianus Papyrius , In hos igitur exitus varius ille secator lapis , vt tenui fronte parietem tegat : To this purpose is that diversly coloured stone sawed into diverse peeces , that with a thinne surface it may couer the wall . The first inventor or setter vp of this device was Mamurra , as witnesseth Pliny out of Cornelius Nepos . But their beames exceedes these wals being all guilded ouer . Auratasnè trabes an mauros vndique postes Mirer ? But whereat should I wonder most , The golden beames or yvorie post ? Non tanarijs domus est mihi ful●…a columnis ▪ Nec Camera auratas inter eburna trabes . Nor is my house on Spartan pillars plac't , Nor yvory roofe with guilded beames is grac't . And they were laid ouer either with thick guilding or plates of gold . — Crassumque trabes absconder at aurum ▪ Thick gold did hide the beames . As were likewise their roofes . — Crasso laquearia fulta metallo . — Thick mettall lin'd the roofes . This their best Authors euery-where testifie and censure . Quò pertinent haec atria columnata ? quò variae istae colorationes ? quò aurata lacunaria ? to what vse are their entries set with rowes of pillars of diverse colours ? to what end are their roofes guilded ? they be the words of M●…sonius in Stobaeus . The roofe of the Capitoll , saith Pliny , was not guilded till the razing of Carthage , Quae nunc & in privatis domibus auro teguntur ▪ which now a daies euen in private mens houses are covered with gold ▪ Nay he goes farther and tels vs , that this practise passed from the roofs and beames , to their chambers and walls , Qui & ipsi jam tanquam vasa inaurantur , which are now guilded as well as our drinking vessels . With whom S. Hierome accords , Auro parietes , auro laquearia , ●…uro fulgent . capita columnarum , with gold their walls , with gold their roofes , with gold the heads of their pillars shine . And heerein they had diverse shapes artificially exprest , as it appeares by Statius , and pretious stones heere & there glistering among . Vidi artes veterumque manus varijsque metalla Viva modis , labor est auri memorare figuras , Aut ebur , aut dignas digitis contingere gemmas . Their ancient workes their liuing mettals I Of sundry forts did see , a labour t' were To tell the shapes of gold , the yvory , The pretious stones on fingers fit to weare . But that which I thinke was more costly then gold , was their admirable variety and change of roofes , with-drawing one face , and exhibiting another at their pleasure , Versatilia Coenationum laquearia ita coagmentant , vt subinde alia facies , atque alia succedat , & toties tecta quoties fercula mutentur . They so fram'd the moueable roofes of their dining roomes that one face succeedes another , which they vary as often as they serue in a new course . And it should seeme by Rutilius that in these they somtime represented groues with birds singing in them . Quid loqu●…r inclus●…s inter laquearia sylvas Vernul●… qua vario carmine ludit avis . They pleasant groues within their rooofes doe shut , Where birds doe chant and vary many a note . And from these sometimes they cast downe flowres in such abundance that they buried men vnder them Oppressit in triclinijs versatilibus parasitos suos violis & floribus , sic vt animam aliqui efflaverint , cum eripi ad summam non possent , saith Lampridius of Heliogabalus , He so ouer-loaded his jesters in his dining roomes that had changeable roofes , with violets and other flowres , that some of them died vpon the place , being brought to that passe as at last they could not be rescued . Nay so curious they were , that the very floore which they trode vpon must answere the roofe , Impenditur cura vt lacunaribus pavimentorum respondeat nitor , a speciall care must be had , that the shining of the floore must bee answereable to the roofe . And in another place , domus etiam qua calcatur pretiosa , divitijs per omnes angulos dissipatis : pretious things are spred there euen where men tread , riches being scattered thorow euery corner of the house . And this excessiue curiosity Statius glances at . Dum vagor aspectu vultusque per omnia duco , Calcabam nec opinus opes : Nani splendor ab alto Defluus , & nitid●…m referentes aiera testae Monstravere solum , varias vbi picta per artes Gaudet humus , suberant que novis Asarota figuris . Whilst to and fro my wandring eyes survaid All things , vnwares on riches did I tread , Downe from aboue came light , the roofe the aire Reflecting on the soyle , shewed what lay there , The artificiall pavement seem'd to smile , And figures new were pictur'd on the tile . SECT . 9. The profuse expences of Domitian and Nero in their buildings , as also of Caligula in his madde workes . NOw as the greatest part of these was ordinary even in private mens houses , so we may well conceiue that the palaces of the Emperours farre exceeded them . I will instance only in two , those of Domitian & Nero. Touching the former , Plutarch treating of the sumptuous furniture of the Capitoll , thus writes . Quod si quis hu●… Capitolij magnificum instructum miretur , idem si Domitiani in aula vnam porticum vel basilicam , vel balneum , vel pellicum dietam viderit , exclamet cum epicharmo . Non liberalis aut benignus tu clues , Pro●…ustone gaudes . Not bountifull nor liberall Art thou , but plainely prodigall . If any wonder at this magnificent structure of the Capitoll , the same man if in Domitians palace he should behold but one gallery , or hall , or bath ; or parlour for his Con●…ubines , he would presently cry out with Epicharmus , &c. where he makes all the glory of the Capitoll , which we haue in part opened before , to bee but as a triflle or toy , in comparison of Domitians owne house . The other was that of Nero , which himselfe named domum auream , a golden house ; and Suetonius in his life thus describes it . Vestibulum eius fui●… , in quo Colossus centum viginti pedum staret ipsius effigie , tanta laxitas vt porticus triplices milliarias haberet . Item stagnum maris instar , circumseptum aedificijs ad vrbium speciem . Rura insuper arvis atque vinetis & pascuis sylvisque varia cum multitudine omnis generis pecudum ac ferarum , in caeteris partibus cuncta auro lita distincta gemmis vnionumque conchis erant . Caenationes laqueatae tabulis eburneis versatilibus vt flores , & fistulatis vt vnguenta desuper spargerentur , praecipua Caenationum rotunda quae perpetuo diebus ac noctibus vice mundi circumageretur : Ejusmodi domum cum absolutam dedicaret , hactenus comprobavit , vt se diceret quasi hominem tandem habitare caepisse . In the porch was set a Colossus shaped like himselfe of one hundred and twenty foote high , the spaciousnes of the house was such , that it had in it three galleries , each of them a mile long , a standing poole like a sea , beset with buildings in the manner of a citty ; fields , in which were areable grounds , pastures , vineyards , and woods , with a various multitude of tame & wilde beasts of all kindes . In the other parts thereof , all things were covered with gold , and distinguished with pretious stones or mother of pearle . The supping roomes were roofed with yvorie plankes , that were moueable for the casting downe of flowers , and had pipes in them for the sprinkling of oyntments . The roofe of the principall supping roome was round , which like the heaven perpetually day & night wheeled about . This house when he had thus finished and dedicated , hee so farre forth approved of it , that hee said , hee had began to dwell like a ma●… . I had thought nothing could be added to this extreame madnesse of Nero & Domitian , which made me resolue here to conclude this chapter ; but I know not whether that Caligula , though perchaunce in somewhat a different kinde exceed them both Fabricavit & de Cedris liburnicas gemmatis puppibus versicoloribus velis magna thermarum , & porticuum , & tricliniorum laxitate , magnaque etiam vitium & pomiferarum arborum varietate : quibus discumbens de die inter choros at Symphonias littora Campaniae perag●…et . In extructionibus Praetoriorum atque villarum omni ratione posthabita , ni il tam efficere concupiscebat quam quod posse effici negaretur , & jactae itaque moles infesto ac profundo mari excisae rupes durissimi Silicis , & Campi montibus aggere aquati , & complana●…a fossuris 〈◊〉 iuga , incredibili quidem celeri●…ate , cum morae culpa capite lueretur . He buil●… of Cedar , barges or gallifoists , their sternes being set with pearle and pretious stone , carrying sayles of diverse colours , having in them bathes , galleries , and parlours of great largenesse , with great varietie of vines and trees bearing fruite , lying along in these amid his musicke of voyces and instruments , he was carried vp & downe vpon the coast of Campania . In the building of his countrey or mannour houses , setting aside all reason , hee desired nothing somuch to be done , as that which was denied could be done : so as that he would lay huge mighty piles in the deepe sea , to stop the course of it , he would cut thorow rockes of the hardest flint , equall the Champian to the mountaines , and levell the toppes of high hills ; and all this he did with speed incredible , the least delay being presently punished with death . SECT . 10. That the Romanes luxurious excesse in their houshold-stuffe and the ornaments of their houses , was sutable to that of their buildings . WEE may adde as an appendix to their luxury in buildings , that in their houshold-stuffe , and the ornaments of their houses ; their excesse in their tables , and dishes , and cups I haue already touched , as being appurtenances of their luxury in diet , passing by these then we may take a survey of the rest . And first of their beds : These were either Tricliniares or Cubiculares , such as they vsed for diet , or lodging , in their supping roomes , or their chambers . These by degrees came to be of silver , then were they gilded , & lastly of pure massy gold : which Carvilius Pollio first brought in vse : And Suetonius reports of Iulius Caesar , in aureo lecto veste purpuria decubuisse , that hee layd him downe in a bed of gold with a purple covering . And Gellius of more ancient times out of Favorinus Stratus ; auro , argento , purpura , amplior aliquot hominibus quam Dijs immortalibus adornatur : a bed for some men is furnished more magnificently with gold , & silver , & purple , then for the Gods immortall . These they likewise perfumed with rich & pretious odours , which the Epigrammatist deservedly laughs at . Quid thorus à Nilo ? quid Sindone tectus olenti ? Ostendit stultas quid nisi morbus opes . What meanes thy bed from Nile , & quilt perfumed so ? What doth thy sicknes but thy foolish riches show ? Next their beds wee may set their Chariots , which were in a manner running beds , as their beds were a kind of standing chariots . These Heliogabalus had not only of gold , but set with pearle and pretious stone . And such a one belike was that whereof Martiall speakes , Aurea quod fundi pretio carruca paratur . That for a mannours price thou boughtst a golden coach . So as that which the Poet fained of the Chariot of the Sunne , might indeed be verified of theirs . Aureus axis erat , temo aureus , aurea summae , Curvatura rotae , radiorum argenteus ordo . The axel-tree was gold . the beame , the wheele , The spokes of silver were — Their harnesse belonging to these was likewise very costly , & the Caparizons of their horses & mules imbroidered with gold & silver . Of these Nero when he journied had never lesse then a thousand ; his mules being shod with silver , and his muleters richly apparelled : but Poppaeia his wife therein exceeded him , causing the choisest of her traveiling beasts to be shod with gold : Yet Heliogabalus went a straine farther , and put it to a baser vse ; as he made water in Myrrinis & Onichinis , in Murrin vessels and of the Onix stone , so made he his stoole pans of gold : Which Pliny out of Messala likewise reports of Anthony , in contumeliam naturae vilitatem auro fecit opus proscriptione dignum , to the reproach of nature he vsed gold to the basest offices , a worke even worthy proscription . And the same doth Martiall vpbraid Bassa with : Ventris onus misero nec te pudet excipis auro , Bassa . Thy bellies load thou doest exonerate , O Basse , in gold , yet shamest not thereat . Their caldrons , their seething pots , their gridirons , & frying-pans were vsually of silver , as witnesseth Vlpian , & Pliny , vasa coquinaria ex argento fieri queritur ; Calvus the Oratour complaines , that our very kitching vessels are all of plate . The same Pliny affirmes , that the price of a candelsticke was the salarie or stipend of a Tribune , which was fifty thousand Sesterces : Nay a little hatchet or axe , if we may credit Martiall , was sould for foure hundred thousand . Cum sieret tristis solvendis auctio nummis , Haec quadringentis millibus empta fnit . When sale was made that debts might be defraid , Foure hundred thousand for this was well paid . Now for ornament of their houses , they bought them pictures of excessiue prices : the counterfeit taken from a table made by Pausias , wherein was represented his mistris Glycera with a chaplet of flowers in her hand , curiously plaited and twisted ; Lucius Lucullus bought of Dyonisius a Painter of Athens , and it cost him two talents of silver . Cydias in a table , represented the Argonautes , for which Hortensius the Oratour was content to pay one hundred fòrty foure thousand Sesterces . And what difference is there heerein betweene vs and children , sayth Seneca , who value counterfeit rings , and jewels , and bracelets at high prizes , nisi quod nos circa tabulas & statuas insanimus chariùs inepti , saue that wee dote about statues and pictures , playing the foole at a deerer rate . But as they were luxurious in the price , so were they likewise in the worke it selfe , which many times was lascivious & beastly . Quae manus obscaenas depinxit prima tabellas , Et posuit casta turpia visa domo Illa puellarum ingenuos corrupit ocellos Nequitiaeque suae noluit esse rudes . The hand that first lascivious picture drew , And filthy sights in houses chast did shew He maids chast eyes did first corrupt , and he Would haue them traind vp in their lechery . Thus did Tyberius adorne his chambers , Cubicula plarifariam disposita tabellis ac sigillis lascivissimarum picturarum ac figurarum adornavit . So did Hor. Speculato cubiculo scorta dicitur habuisse disposita , &c. They had likewise for ornament the shells of Tortoisses artificially wrought , & ingentibus emptas , bought at wonderfull high rates . But I leaue their houses , together with the stuffe & ornament thereof , and come to their apparell and ornament of their bodies , in which they exceeded as much or more then in their houses . CAP. 9. Of the Romanes exessiue Luxury in their dressing and apparell . SECT . 1. How effoeminate they were in regard of their bodies , specially about their haire . THeir effoeminate softnes and nicenes in regard of their bodies , Seneca hath well both obserued and censured : Adhuc quicquid est boni moris extinguimus levitate & politura corporum , muliebres munditias antecessimus , colores meretricios matronis quidem non induendos viri sumimus , tenero & molli ingress●… suspendimus gradum , non ambulamus , sed repimus : whatsoeuer is yet left of good fashion we extinguish it by the decking and trimming of our bodies , we haue exceeded the neatnesse of women , euen wee men weare light and whorish colours , not becomming matrons , we fashion our gate to a wanton & mincing pace , we doe not walke but creepe . And of the same hee grievously complaines in the proeme to the first booke of his Controversies : Capillum frangere , & ad muliebres munditias vocem extenuare , mollitie corporum certare cum foeminis , & immunditijs se excolere munditijs nostrorum adolescentium specimen est : it is now held the accomplished gallentry of our youth to frisle their haire like women , to speak with an affected smalnes of voice , and in tendernes of body to match them , & to bedeck themselues with most vndecent trimmings . But their extreame curiosity in plaiting and folding their haire , he in another place most liuely describes , and as sharply , but justly reprooues : Quomodo irascuntur , si tonsor paulo negligentior fuit tanquam virum tonderet ? quomodo excandescunt si quid ex juba sua decisum est ? si quid extra ordinem jacuit , nisi omnia in annulos suos reciderūt ? Quis est istorum qui non malit Remp. turbati , quàm comam ? Qui non solicitior sit de capitis sui decore , quā de salute ? qui non comptior esse malit , quā honestior ? How doe they chafe if the barbour be neuer so little negligent , as if he were trimming a man ? How doe they take on if any thing belopped off of their feakes or fore-tops ? if any thing lye out of order , if euery thing fall not euen into their rings or curles , which of these would not rather choose that the state whereof he is a member should be in combustion then his haire should bee displatted ? who is not much more sollicitous of the grace of his head then of his health ? who maketh not more account to be fine then honest ? Euen Iulius Caesar himselfe was this way too too nice , Circa corporis curam morosior , vt non solum to●…deretur diligenter ac raderetur , sed velleretur etiam , vt quidem exprobraverunt : He was too studious about the care of his body , so as he was not onely curiously cut , but shaven , nay had his haires pluckt off with pincers , which some vpbraided him with . No marveile then if Nero exceeded this way : Circa cultum habitumque adeo pudendus , so shamefull was hee in the dressing of himselfe , that he alwayes wore his haire after the Greeke fashion plaited behind . These plaitings they likewise besmeered with oyntments and perfumes , Et matutino sudaus crispinus amomo Quantum vix redolent duo funera . And Crispin sweating with his oyntments and perfume , Two funerals scarce smell so much I dare presume . And for the face they vsed so much slibber-sauce , such dawbing and painting , that a man could not well tell , — facies dicatur an vlcus . May it a face or els a botch be call'd ? Suetonius reports it of Otho , that he shaved every day , and rubbed his face ouer with moistned bread , idque instituisse à prima lanugiue , ne barbatus vnquam esset , and that this he practised from the time of his first appearance of the haires on his chinne , that he might neuer haue a beard . Neither were these things onely practised by them , but Schooles they had to teach them , and open shoppes to sell what they had in this kinde . SECT . 2. Of the prefsing , plaiting , store , die , and prize of their garments , as also of their rings and jewels of inestimable value . NOw as they were thus effoeminate and curious about their Bodies , so were they likewise about the apparelling of them , Their garments were artificially pressed ; ponderibus ac mille tormentis splendere cogentibus , with waights and a thousand rackings and tortures to make them shine the brighter . Sic tua suppositis perlucent praela lacernis . So doe thy presses shine with garments vnder-laid . And as they were thus artificially pressed , so were they most curiously plaited , as appeares by this , that Hortensius hauing one day with much adoe composed himselfe to the looking-glasse , he commenced a suit against his fellow in office , for that meeting him by chaunce in a narrow way , he had disordered the plaites of his Robe , & capitale putavit quod in humero suo locum ruga mutasset , he held it a capitall matter that a fold vpon his shoulder was displaced . And therefore Tertullian alluding heereunto accompts it among the commodities of his cloake , that it needed no Artificer , qui pridie ●…ugas ab exordio formet , who the day before he wore it , should set in due forme & order the plaites thereof : & a while after , etiam cum reponitur nulli cippo in crastinum demandatur : whē it is laid aside , it is not cōmitted to the stocks till the morrow . Of these they had such variety and store , that Nero was neuer seene twise in the same garment , & when a Praetor intending to set forth the most sumptuous & magnificēt shewes he could devise , came to Lucullus to borrow of him some store of short clokes ; his answer was , that he would take a time to see if he had so many as the Praetor desired ; and the next day sending to know what number would serue the turne , it being told him an hundred , ducentas accipere jussit , he bid them take two hundred . But Horace speaketh of a farre greater number , no lesse then fiue thousand . — Chlamydes Lucullus vt aiunt Si posset centum scenae praebere rogatus , Qui possum tot ? ait tamen & quaeram , & quot habebo Mittam . Post paulò scribit sibi millia quinque Esse domi chlamydum , partem vel tolleret omnes , Lucullus asked once , if he could lend Vnto the stage one hundred cloakes , replyed How can I man , so many ? yet I le send As many as I haue when I haue tried , Soone after writes , fiue thousand cloaks I haue , Take all , or part , as many as you craue . Sic micat innumeris arcula synthesibus Atque vnam vestire tribum tua Candida possint Apula non vno quae grege terra tulit . The chest with supper garments infinite , Shines in like manner , and thy fleeces white From more then one flock in Apulia shorne By one whole tribe suffice well to be worne . When they went to the publique Bathes , they had of these so many brought after them as might well suffice a dozen men ; At their publique feasts they chaunged often only for ostentation to shew their variety , at least so often as severall courses were served in : Vndecies vna surrexti Zoile coena Et mutata tibi est Synthesis vndecies . Eleuen times at one supper thou O Zoilus didst arise : As many times thou didst I trow Thy mantle change likewise . Neither was the price vnsutable to their store , they dared to lay downe for a cloake ten thousand Sesterces . Millibus decem dixti Emptas lacernas munus esse Pompillae . Pompilla gaue thee thou didst boast , A cloake that might ten thousand cost . And in another Epigram , Emit lacernas millibus decem Bassus . Ten thousand Bassus for a cloake did pay . Now that which principally hoised vp the price of the garments to this immoderat hight , was the rich dye which they borrowed frō shelfish Quibus eadem mater luxuria paria paenè etiam margaritis pretia fecit , which our Luxury , saith Pliny , hath brought to prizes almost equall to those of pearles . A pound of violet purple in the time of Augustus , as witnesseth Cornelius Nepos , who liued and wrote during his raigne , was sold for an hundred pence , in steed whereof the Tyrian double dye grew in vse , which could not be bought for a thousand . Their lightnesse farther appeared in the light apparell which they wore ; This is the making of that fine say , whereof silke cloath is made , saith Pliny ) which men also are not abashed to pvt on and vse , because in summer time they would goe light and thin . And so farre doe men draw back now a dayes from carrying a good corslet and armour on their backs , that they thinke their ordinary apparell doth over-loade them . And these transparent garments the Satyrist thus deservedly inveighs against . — Sed quid Non facient alij cùm tu multitiasumas Cretice , & hanc vestem populo mirante perores In Proculas & Pollineas ? Est maecha Labulla , Damnetur si vis , etiam Carfinia : talem Non sumet damnata togam . Sed Iulius ardet , Aestuo , Nudus agas , minus est insania turpis . En habitum quo te leges acjura ferentem Vulneribus crudis populus modò victor , & illud Montanum positis audiret vulgus aratris . Quid non proclames in corpore judicis ista Si videas ? quaero an deceant multitia testem ? Acer & indomitus , libertatisque magister Cretice pelluces ? What will not others doe , since Creticus doth vse Light garments , and therein Pollineas doth accuse And Proculas , while as the vulgar sort therefore Both game and wonder makes . Labulla playes the whore Condemne her if thou wilt , condemne Carfinia too , Yet will she not condemn'd weare such a gowne I trow . But Iuly scaldeth , and I fry . Plead naked then , Lesse shame 't is to be mad . Behold the weed wherein The conquering people yet fresh bleeding from the warre And hardie mountainer leauing both plough and share May heare thee talke of law and right , didst thou but see A judge in such attire , what out-cryes would there bee ? Would lawne a witnesse fit ? Thou Creticus so sad , So fierce , so free , art in transparent garments clad . Heereunto they added rings and jewels of inestimable value at the battle of Cannae the Carthaginians gathered frō the fingers of the slaughtered Romans who died in that battle threc modii , which by Hannibal were sent to Carthage as a token of the greatnes of his victory . Nonnius the Senatour , being proscribed by Anthony , betooke himselfe to flight , and of all his goods carried with him onely one ring , wherein was set an opall Quem certum est , seftertiis viginti millibus aestimatum , which it is certaine was valued at twenty thousand sesterces . Rings they wore vpon euery finger , Per cujus digitos currit levis annulus omnes , On whose each finger was a gold ring set . Nay for euery joint they had a ring , and that set with a pretious stone , exornamus annulis digitos , & in omni articulo gemma disponitur , we garnish our fingers with rings , & vpon euery ioynt shines a pretious stone , saith Seneca ; & Pliny some will haue the little finger loaden with three rings ; nay now adayes , the middle finger onely excepted , all the rest are charged with them , atque etiam privatim articuli minoribus alijs , yea and every ioint by themselues must haue some lesser rings & gemmals to fit them . And if as all this had bin too litle , they wore vpon one ioint pretious stones . Sardonichas , Smaragdos , Adamantas , Iaspidas vno . Versat in articulo Stella Severe meus . Sardonyx , Smaragd , Iasper , Diamond , My Stella weares on one ioint of his hand . Parum scilicet fuerit in gulas condi maria , nisi manibus , auribus , capite , totoque corpore à foeminis juxta virisque gestarentur : forsooth it was too little that the seas were made for our gluttony , vnlesse we also wore them vpon our hands , in our eares , vpon our heads , and over our body , saith Pliny , speaking of the great abundance of pearle and purple , that was worne aswell by men as women . To this luxury of theirs in the vse of rings may not vnfitly be added , that the rings which they wore in summer , in winter they layd aside , and insteed of them vsed others , distinguishing them into summer and winter rings . Luxuria ( saith Probus ) invenerat alios annulos aestivos alios vero hyemales . And Iuvenal . Sat. 1. — Cum verna Canopi Crispinus Tyrias humero revocante lacernas , Ventilet aestivum digitis sudantibus aurum , Nec sufferre queat major is pondera gemmae . — When an Egyptian slaue Crispin , a Tyrian cloake shall on his shoulders haue , And summer gold-ring on his sweating fingers weare , Nor can endure the weight of greater gemme to beare . SECT . 3. The great excesse and immodesty of their women in the same kinde . NOw if their men were heerein thus effoeminate , wee may well conceiue their women exceeded more : Video sericas vestes , si vestes vocandae sunt , in quibus nihil est quo defendi aut corpus , aut denique pudor possit . Quibus sumptis , mulier parum liquidò nudam se non esse jurabit . Haec ingenti summa ab ignotis etiam ad commercium gentibus accersuntur , vt Matronae nostrae , ne adulteris quidem , plus sui in cubiculo quam in publico ostendunt . I see their silken clothes , if they may be called clothes , wherewith neither their bodies nor shame are covered ; which a woman wearing , cannot safely sweare that she is not naked : Yet are these at huge prizes , fet from Nations with whom we haue no traffique , that our women may expose no lesse to the publique view , when they come abroad , then they doe to their Paramours in the bed . This immodesty of the women is thus also taxed by Horace . Cois tibi paene videre est Vt nudam . In her lawne shee doth appeare Almost , as if shee naked were . Now besides this , they were so loaden with costly ornaments , that one Poet tells vs. Pars minima est ipsa puella sui , The least part of her selfe a maiden is . And another , Matrona incedit census induta Nepotum . The Matron jets attir'd in all her heires estate . And a third . Perque caput ducti lapides , per colla manusque , Et pedibus niveis fulserunt aurea vincla . The head , the necke , the hands were deckt with pretious stone , And chaines of gold did shine their snowie feete vpon . I my selfe haue seene , sayth Pliny , Lollia Paulina , late wife and after widow to Caius Caligula the Emperour , when shee was dressed and set out , not in stately wise , nor of purpose for some great solemnity , but onely when shee was to goe to a wedding supper , or rather to a feast when the assurance was made , & great persons they were not that made the said feast ; I haue seene her , I say , so beset and bedeckt all over with emerauls and pearles ranged in rewes one by another round about the tyre of her head , her cawle , her borders , her perruke of heire , her bungrace & chaplet at her eares pendant , about her necke a carcanet , vpon her wrests in bracelets ; and vpon her fingers in rings , that she glistered and shone again as she went. The value of these ornaments she esteemed & rated at foure hundred hundred thousand Sesterces , and offered openly to proue it out of hand ; by her books of accounts & reckonings . Their ropes of pearle were so rich , that S. Hierome tells vs , vno filo villarum insunt pretia , vpon one rope hang the prizes of diverse Lordships . And Tertullian , vno lino decies Sestertium inseritur , vpon one twine were threaded vp tenne hundred thousand Sesterces . And againe , saltus & insulas tenera cervix fert , the tender necke carries woods and Ilands vpon it ; nay , one pearle which Iulius Caesar bought for Servilia the mother of Brutus , Sexagies Sestertio mercatus est , cost him sixtie hundred thousand Sesterces : But specially they exceeded in the jewels they wore in their eares . Quare vxor tua locupletis domus censum auribus gerit , sayth Seneca , why doth thy wife weare in her eares the revenewes of a rich familie : And in another place , Video vniones , non singulos singulis auribus comparatos : iam enim exercitatae aures oneri ferendo sunt . Iunguntur inter se & insuper alij binis supponuntur . Non satis muliebris insania viros subiecerat , nisi bina ac terna patrimonia auribus singulis pependissent . I see their pearles not fitted single to their eares , which are now invred to the bearing of weight ; they are coupled together , and others are added to the two first , the madnesse of our women had not sufficiently brought men into subjection , did they not hang two or three patrimonies at each eare . And with him Pliny accords , Binos ac ternos auribus suspendere foeminarum gloria est , to hang these by couples or more in each eare , is the pride of our women . And their luxury ( sayth he ) hath found out a name for this , calling it Crotalia , as if they gloried in the sound and striking of the pearle each against other . Nay he goes farther , affectantque iam & pauperes lictorem foeminae in publico vnionem esse dictitantes : It is come to that passe , that even the poorer sort affect the same fashion . Their common saying being , that a pearle is the womans serjeant to waite vpon her when shee shewes her selfe abroad . But their extreame folly heerein , hath Tertullian after his African manner wittily expressed , Graciles aurium cutes Kalendarium expendunt , the tender libbets of their eares consume their Kalender , that is saith the learned Iunius in his notes on that passage , vniversum domus censum qui praescribitur in Kalendario : the whole revenew or expence of their house , which was set down in their Kalender , or rentrole , or count-booke : Yet had this beene more tollerable , had they not worne them vpon their feete too . Pliny can hardly speake of this with patience ; Let our women , ( sayth he ) haue their pearle & pretious stones vpon every finger , about their necks , in their eares , vpon their chaplets and treases , etiamnè pedibus induitur ? must they needes weare them vpon their feete ? And in another place , but not without some indignation too , Quin & pedibus nec crepidarum tantum obstragulis , sed totis soculis addunt : neque enim gestare iam margaritas nisi calcent ac per vniones etiam ambulent satis est : Nay , they garnish their feete with them , and not only the higher , but the lower part of their slippers ; so as now it is not held sufficient to weare pearle , vnlesse we tread and walke vpon it . And the same hath Tertullian likewise observed , in peronibus vniones emergere de luto cupiunt , the pearle in their shooes labours to keepe it selfe out of the mire . But Lampridius tells vs of Heliogabalus , that he wore jewels curiously engraven on his feete , which ( sayth hee ) moved laughter to all men , quasi possent sculpturae nobilium artificum videri in gemmis quae pedibus adhaererent , as if the gravings of famous Artificers could be discerned in jewels that were set on his feete . SEC . 4. More of the excessiue nicenes of their women , as also of Caligula his monstrous phantasticalnesse in his apparell , together with their extreame vanity in the multitude of their servants and slaues waiting on them . BEsides all this excesse in apparell , their nicenesse was such , that if but an haire were amisse , they called a councell about them , for the reforming of it . — Tanquam famae discrimen agatur Aut animae . — As if their credit or their life in question were . Nay , if but tenuis radiolus , the least beame pierced thorow any little hole of their fanne , or a fly chaunced to sit vpon it , queruntur quod non sint apud Cymmerios natae , sayth Ammianus Marcellinus , they presently complaine , that they were not borne among the Cymmerians . Their looking-glasses were in height & breadth answereable to their bodies , ingraeven in their borders with gold and silver , and embossed with pretious stone : Et pluris vnum ex his foeminae constitit quam antiquarum dos fuit illa quae publicè dabatur imperatorum pauperum filiabus : Some one of these hath stood a woman more then was the dowry of the Ancients : Yea that which by publique allowance was givē the daughters of the poorer Emperours . And within a while after , jam libertinorum virgunculis in vnum speculum non sufficit illa dos quam dedit Populus Romanus filiae Scipionis : Now adayes that dowry , which the people of Rome gaue with Scipio his daughter , will not suffice to buy a glasse for the daughter of a manu-missed slaue . Now that dowry was vndecem millia aeris , eleven thousand asses : what then shall we thinke of the daughters of their free-borne Citizens , of their Knights , of their Sen●…tours : Surely these , as they were superiour in meanes and ranke , so were they likewise in expence . I will conclude this discourse of apparell with Caligula his monstrous phantasticallnesse therein , described by Suetonius , Vestitu neque patrio neque civili , ac ne virili quidem aut denique humano semper vsus est . Hee vsed not the apparell of his countrey , nor that which was civill or manlike , and sometimes not somuch as humane : for at times would he imitate Deorum insignia , the ensignes of the Gods : And at other times againe , would he come abroad & sit in judgement , in socco muliebri in womens slippers , wherein Suetonius seemes to allude to that story , which is by Seneca reported more at large . Caesar ( sayth he ) gaue to Pompeius Poenus his life , if he giue it who takes it not away : But being acquitted and giving thankes , he reached forth his left foote for him to kisse : Now they who goe about to excuse him heerein , as being not done out of insolency , aiunt , socculum auratum imo aureum margaritis distinctum ostendere eum voluisse , say for him that it was but to make shew of his gilded , nay golden slipper set with pearle . To their excesse in apparell , may not vnfitly be added the extreame vanity in the multitude of their servants & slaues wayting on them . Ammianus speakes of fifty attending , whē they went to the publique Bath : And in another place he cals them familiarum agmina , troopes of houshold servants : and Pliny , mancipiorum legiones , legions of slaues , which as a traine they drew after them . Horace tells vs , that Tigellius had often two hundred that followed him at heeles : But Athenaeus much exceedes him , decem ●…mò viginti mille , & plures quoque servos habent , non quaestus causà vt ille Graecorum ditissimus Nicias , sed plerosque in publico comitantes●… . They haue tenne , nay twenty thousand servants and more , not somuch to make againe of them as did Nicias , the richest of the Graecians , but the greatest part to waite on them when they went abroad . And me thinkes , Seneca againe outvies Athenaeus , Familia bellicosis nationibus maior , a family more populous then some warlike Nations . Nelther were the women in this excesse inferiour to the men , but rather went beyond them . Marcellinus describes the order of ranging their servants when they went abroad , as it had beene an army marching in the field : And S. Hierome calls one part of them , an army , noli ad publicum subinde procedere & spadonum exercitu praeeunte viduarum circumferri libertate : Doe not walke abroad with an army of Eunuches , marching before you after the manner of licentious widowes : insomuch as they were driven to haue their Nomenclatores , controllers or remembrancers to tell them the names of their servants and people about them , so many they were . Many of these they bought at a deare rate , and clad richly : They vsually payd for a slaue six thousand Sesterces : And Iulius Caesar layd downe such incredible prizes for some of them , that himselfe was ashamed thereof : Sic vt rationibus vetarct inferri , so as he gaue speciall charge it should not be brought into his accounts . But their Ieasters were commonly the dearest : Morio dictus erat viginti millibus emi , Redde mihi nummos Gargiliane : sapit . A foole I bought for twenty thousand price : Restore it back , Gargilian , he is wise . And for the rich apparelling of them at times , wee haue a memorable place in Seneca , diligentius quàm intra privatum larem vestita & auro culta mancipia , & agmen servorum nitentium ; their slaues are more carefully apparelled and decked with gold when they appeare in publique , then within doores , and the troopes of their Servants shining and glittering . SECT . 5. Of their prodigall , or rather prodigious gifts of their Emperours , and the extreame vnthriftinesse of private men . I May happily seeme to some to haue beene tedious in dwelling too long vpon the excessiue Luxury of this people : but surely their extreame folly & madnesse therein haue made me so : And if not the rarity , yet the variety of the matter hath beene such as I presume it cannot quickly cloy the appetite of an attentiue Reader . And though much hath beene said , yet much more might be added , specially touching their prodigall , or rather prodigious gifts , which their great Patron Iustus Lypsius thus censures . Si quis Midas fuisse fingatur qui omnia tacta faciat aurea defecerit inaurare quantum isti sunt largiti : If we could faine a Midas that should turne all he touched into gold , surely he would be weary to make the gold they gaue . And againe , Vbi estis qui novum orbem & novas in eo divitias reperist●… ? huc ite , ostendent & effundent eas Duumviri isti vnâ largitione : where are you that speake of a new world , and the great treasure that is there to be found ? Come hither and behold two Duumviri ( meaning Anthony and Octavius ) that will empty it all at one gift : And would you know to what great good purpose all these profuse largitions were ? the same Author shall tell you , though somwhat against his will , vt ad imperium veniant , imperium paenè ipsum donant : They in a manner giue away the Empire , that they may come vnto it . Quid ? donant ? perdunt certè , & quomodo tot isti pecuniar●… cumuli sine aperta pernitie Provinciarum , Civiumque colligi potuere : What said I , they giue away ? nay they rob and spoyle the Empire , in as much as so great masses of treasure could not possibly bee gathered without the evident ruine as well of the Citizens as of the Provincials . Caligula in lesse then a yeare scattered and consumed those infinite heapes of gold and silver which Tiberius his Predecessour had layd vp , vicies ac septies millies sestertium , seuen and twenty hundred millions of Sesterces . Of Vitellius , Iosephus yeeldes this testimony , Octo menses ac dies quinque potitus imperio jugulatur in media vrbe , quam si vivere diutius contigisset , ejus luxuriae satis esse imperium non potuisset ; hauing raigned eight moneths & fiue dayes he was slaine in the midst of the City , whose luxury should he haue liued longer , the Empire could not haue satisfied : And lest wee should thinke Iosephus passionate heerein , as being a Iew and oppressed by the Romanes , against the testimony of Tacitus himselfe a Romane and partiall for his Countrey wee cannot except : let vs then heare his evidence touching the same Vitellius : Ipse abundè ratus si praesentibus frueretur , nec in longum consultans novies millies sestertium paucissimis mensibus intervertisse creditur , he holding it fully sufficient if he injoyed th●… present , and not caring for the future , within the compasse of a few moneths , is said to haue set going nine hundred millions of Sesterces ; which summe Budoeus casting vp , thus pronounces of it , hanc ego summam non minorem ducenties vicies quinquies centenis millibus esse dico , I affirme that this summe is no lesse then twenty fiue hundred thousand Crownes . And for Nero , divitiarum ac pecuniae fructum non alium putabat quam profusionem , he thought there was no other end of money and riches but to cast them away . Those hee held base fellowes , who tooke any account of their expences , but gallant and noble spirits , if they wasted and lavished it out : He in nothing so much commended & admired his Vncle Caius , as for that in so short a space hee brought going the infinite masses of treasures which Tiberius had hoarded vp , Quare nec largiendi nec absumendi modum tenuit , so as he neuer ended giuing and wasting : — Velut exhausta redivivus pullulet arca Nummus . As if when nought did in the chest remaine , Moneyes would grow there and revive againe . When once he had giuen so vnreasonable a summe , that his mother Agrippina thought it fit to restraine his boundlesse prodigality , she caused the whole summe to be laid before him on a table as hee was to passe by , that so the sight of it might worke in him a sense of his folly ; but he suspecting it belike to be his Mothers device , commaunds presently so much more to be added therevnto , and withall was heard to say aloud , Nesciebam me tam exiguum dedisse , I knew not that I gaue so little . To Terridates ( which scarce seemes credible to Suetonius himselfe ) during his abode in Italy by the space of nine moneths he allowed dayly octingenta nummûm millia , eight hundred thousand Sesterces : And besides at his parting for a farewell , bestowed on him Sestertium millies , no lesse then an hundred millions ; the rest of his prodigall gifts were not disproportionall thereunto , so that in the whole , bis & vicies millies sestertium donationibus Nero effuderat , he cast away in prodigall needlesse gifts two and twenty hundred millions of Sesterces . Menecrates a fidler , and Specillus a fencer , triumphalium virorum patrimonijs aedibusque donavit , hee rewarded with the patrimonies and houses of Triumphers : Nay Luxuriae tam effraenatae fuit , saith Orosius , so luxuriously wastefull he was , beyond all reason and measure , vt piscaretur retibus aureis quae purpureis funibus extr●…bebantur , that he would not fish but with nets of gold drawne with purple coloured coards . Neither was his gaming vnanswereable to his giuing , Quadringenis in punctum sestertijs aleam lusi : , he adventured foure hundred Sesterces vpon euery pick of the dice. But yet all this might perchance seeme more tollerable in their Emperours , had not their private men according to the proportion of their meanes gone beyond them in these mad monstrous prodigalities . Pyramides Regum miramur , saith Pliny , cùm P. Clodius quem Milo occidit Sestertium centies & quadragies octies domo empta habitaverit , quod non secus ac regum insaniam miror . Doe we wonder at the Pyramides of the Aegyptian Kings , since Clodius whom Milo slew dwelt in an house which cost one hundred forty eight hundred thousand Sesterces , which truely I as much admire as the madnes of those Kings . And going on , touches Milo himselfe vpon the same veine : Itaque & ipsum Milonem sestertium septingenties aeris alieni debuisse inter prodigia animi humani duco : And Milo himselfe to haue beene indebted seuen hundred hundred thousand Sesterces , I cannot but ranke it among the prodigies of humane wit. Curio the son ran in debt , as witnesses Valerius , Sestertium sex centies , sixe hundred hundred thousand Sesterces , — Decies centena dedisses Huic parco paucis contento , quinque diebus Nilerat in loculis . Ten hundred thousand were you pleasd to giue Unto the sparing man , so well content With litle , yet might he but fiue dayes liue , In fiue dayes all would be consum'd and spent . Sayth Horace of Tigellus . And Martial of Cinna . Bis quartum decies non toto tabuit anno , Di●… mi●…i non hoc est Cinna perire citò ? An hundred thousand eighteene times Lesse then one yeare did spend : Tell me , O Cinna , is not this To come soone to an end . CAP. 10. Of the Romanes extreame arrogancie and confidence in admiring and commending themselues together with their grosse and base flattery , specially to their Emperours : and lastly their impudent , nay impious vain-glory and boasting of their owne Nation and City . SECT . 1. Of their extreame arrogancy in admiring and commending , and euen deifying themselues . THus haue we seene the Covetousnes and Cruelty , but specially the prodigious Luxury of this Nation ( so renowned in History for their Vertucs , as if they had beene the onely patternes and Masters of morality ) in part displayed : Neither were these three vices the onely ones which they were generally and notoriously subject vnto , I might instance in many more , but will onely touch by the way their extreame arrogancy and confidence admiring and commending themselues & their owne personall abilities , their grosse and base flattery to others , specially their Emperours both liuing and dead ; and lastly their impudent , nay impious vain-glory and boasting of their owne Nation and City . For the first of those , so farre they were from humility , that their greatest Moralists , no not the Stoicks themselues any where in their writings remember it as a vertue , it being indeed the proper vertue of Christian Religion ; Nay so farre they were from ranging it among the Vertues , that they held it a Vice , — Faciunt animos humiles formidine Divûm . To feare the gods doth much abase the mind . No marueile then that whereas wee finde the pen-men of holy Scripture publishing to the world , and registring to posterity their owne infirmities , those men on the other side vaunt euery-where of their worth and sufficiency . Martial , if he haue nothing else to brag of , will stand vpon his singular gift in trifling . Ille ego sum nulli nugarum laude secundus . In praise for toyes I second am to none . Ovid thus boldly concludes his Metamorphosis . Iamque opus exegi quod nec Iovis ira , nec ignis Nec poterit ferrum , nec edax abolere vetustas . Now haue I finished the worke , which nor Ioues ire , Nor sword abolish shall , nor ravening time , nor fire . And in another place : Mantua Virgilium laudet , Verona Catullum , Romanae gentis gloria dicar ego . Let Mantua Virgill praise , Catull Veron But glory of Rome let me be tearm'd alone . And Horace is no way behind him . Exegi monumentum are perennius Regalique situ Pyramidum altius , Quod non imber edax , non Aquilo impotens Possit diruere , aut innumerabilis Annorum series & fuga temporum . A monument then brasse more lasting , I , Then Princely Pyramids in site more high , Haue finished , which neither fretting showres , Nor blustering windes , nor flight of yeares and houres , Though numberlesse can raze . And though it be true that they divined aright , yet doubtlesse , such arrogant confidence , or rather confident arrogancie touching the fruites of their owne braines , would better haue sounded out of other mens mouths , and more modesty ( the very grace and crowne of other vertues and gifts ) haue much better beseemed them . What a vaine-glorious vnsavory verse was that of Tullies owne making , touching the good government of the state during his Consulship . O fortunatam natam me Consule Romam . O happy Rome & fortunate Through me , and through my Consulate . But their Emperours went farther ; Dioclesian calling himselfe the brother of the Sunne & Moone , and in salutations , not admitting any to farther familiarity then the kissing of his toe . Nay Augustus , somuch magnified by them , made a supper , in which Suetonius witnesseth , Deorum Dearumque habitu discubuisse convivas , & ipsum pro Apolline ornatum , that his guests sate downe in the habite of Gods and Goddesses , and himselfe attired like Apollo : But this was but a play , though such as Augustus himselfe blushed to heare of . Domitian ( as before hath beene touched ) went to it in good earnest , sending out his writes with this forme , Dominus & Deus noster sic fieri jubet , Our Lord & God so commaunds it to be : vnde institutum posthac vt ne scripto quidem ac sermone cujusquam appellaretur aliter , from thence forth it was ordained , that he should neither by the writing nor speech of any man be otherwise named : Yet these were but words , Caligula proceeded to deedes . — Divûmque sibi poscebat honores , Assuming and challenging to himselfe , not the name only but the honours due to the Gods : Hee caused the statues of the Gods , among which was that of Iupiter Olympicus , to be brought out of Greece , and taking off their heads , commaunded his owne to be set on insteed thereof , and standing betweene Castor and Pollux , exhibited himselfe to bee worshipped of such as resorted thither , Templum etiam numini suo proprium & Sacerdotes & excogitatissimas hostias instituit , he farther erected a Temple ; and instituted both Priests , & most exquisite sacrifices to the service of himselfe . In his temple stood his image of gold taken to life , which every day was clad with the same attire as was himselfe , his sacri fices were phaenicopters , peacockes , bustards , turkeyes , pheasants , & all these were daily offered , and at nights in case the moone shined out full and bright , he invited her to imbracements & to lie with him , but the day he would spend in private conference with Iupiter Capitolinus , sometimes whispering and laying his eare close to him , and sometimes againe talking aloud as if he had beene chiding : Nay being angry with heaven , because his interludes were hindred by claps of thunder , and his banquetting by flashes of lightning , ad pugnam provocavit Iovem , he challenged Iupiter to fight with him , & quidem sine intermissione Homericum illum exclamans versum , and without ceasing roared out that verse of Homer . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , None is , ô Iupiter , more mischievous then thou . Insteed of which verse of Homer , some copies haue this Hemistichium , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Dispatch thou me Or I will thee . Wherevpon Seneca inferres ( as well he might ) Quanta dementia fuit ? putavit aut sibi noceri , ne à Iove quidem posse ; aut se nocere etiam Iovi posse : what extreame madnesse was that , to thinke that either Iupiter could not hurt him , or that himselfe could hurt Iupiter ? Good God ? who would imagine that pride & selfe-loue should so farre intoxicateand infatuate a man ( captivated to sinne and sensuality ) as to make him vtterly to forget himselfe to be a man , and commaund others to worshippe him as a God , or which is more , aboue God! But surely heerein I must confesse , they be somewhat the more to be pittied , and the rather to be pardoned , for that the Gods whom they worshipped , had not only bin men , but like themselues , too notoriously wicked : And withall I am perswaded , the grosse flattery of their subjects , but specially the Poets , drew them on to the acting of that , which perchaunce of themselues they were inclinable enough vnto . SECT . 2. Of their grosse and base flattery , specially toward their Emperours both living and dead . HOw notable doth Martiall play the Parasite with Domitian , telling him , that if the Gods should sell all they had , they would not be able to satisfie their debt to him , but would be forced to turne bancke-rupts . Grandis in Aetherio licet auctio fiat Olympo Coganturque Dei vendere quicquid habent Conturbabit Atlas , &c. And againe , Exspectes & sustineas Auguste necesse est , Nam tibi quod reddat non habet arca Iovis . But this in Martiall a professed flatterer , is more tollerable then in Virgill & Lucan , who carry the name of graue and sad Poets , yet the one divides the Empire betweene Iupiter & Augustus . Divisum imperium cum Iove Caesar habet . 'Twixt Ioue & Caesar th' Empire shared is . And the other professes , that all the outrages committed in their civill warres , were nothing displeasing vnto them , but rather acceptable and advantagious , in regard they holpt to prepare a way for Nero's comming to the Empire . His Caesar Perusina fames mutinaeque labores , Accedant fatis , aut si quid durius istis : Multum Roma tamen debet civilibus armis Quod tibi res acta est . Adde Caesar to these fates Modena broiles , Perusin famine , or else harder toiles : Yet Rome to civill arms thou art in debt Since all this worketh to thy benefit . And againe Quod si non aliam venturo fata Neroni Invenêre viam , Iam nihil ô Superi querimur scelera ista nefasque Hac mercede placent . If other way the fates could not invent For Nero's comming , then we rest content , This villanie , ô Gods , this foule offence Mislikes vs not with so great recompence . And when Domitian challenged to himselfe divine worship , how ready were they to sooth him in it . Magisteria Sacerdotij ditissimus quisque & ambitione & licitatione maxima vicibus comparabant , Every one as he was richest by great sutes and bribes , got him a turne in the Magistracie of the Priest-hood ; nay quidam eum latialem Iovem consalutârunt , there wanted not some among them , who saluted him by the name of Iupiter Latialis . But this I must acknowledge , as it was foule in the highest degree , so was it vnvsuall : For though , as noteth Prosper in their petitions to their Princes , they vsually stiled them , Numini vestro , Perennitati vestrae , to your divine power , to your eternity : Quae vanitas non veritas tradidit atque execrabilia sunt , which vanity not verity hath found out , and are indeed abominable . Nay the Emperours themselues in their Rescripts , shamed not to write , Perennitas nostra , aeternitas nostra , numen nostrum , &c. And we sometimes reade , oracula Augusti for Edicta . Yet Deorum honor Principi non ante habetur quam agere inter homines desierat , saith Tacitus : We doe not commonly giue the honour of the Gods to our Princes as long as they liue ; thereby implying , that assoone as they were deceased , they did it . Though Augustus , while he was yet living was worshipped as a God , not in Rome perchaunce and Italy ( for that he refused ) yet abroad in the Provinces : Wherevpon temples were erected vnto him , and a Colledge of Priests both men and women : and coynes were stamped with rayes or beames about his head : whence the Poet : Praesenti tibi maturos largimur honores . To thee while thou dost liue Honours divine we giue . Now the Ceremonies of the Apotheosis or deifying their Emperours , ( as appeares in Herodian and others ) was briefely thus . After the Princes death , the body being sumptuously and honorablely interred , they framed an image of waxe , resembling in all respects the party deceased , but palish and wanne as a sicke man ; and so being laid at the entry of the palace in an yvory bed , covered with cloath of gold the Senate & Ladies assisting in mourning attire ; the Physitians daily , resorted to him to touch his pulse and consider in college of his disease , doctorally at their departure , resolving that hee grew in worse and worse tearmes and hardly would escape it . At the end of seaven dayes ( during which time , saith Xiphilinus , there stood a page with a fanne of peacockes feathers to keepe off the flies from the face , as if he had beene but asleepe ) they opened and found by their learning , ( the crisis belike being badde ) that the patient was departed . Wherevpon some of the Senate appointed for that purpose , and principall gentle-men taking vp the bed vpon their shoulders , carried it thorow Via sacra into the Forum , where a company of young Gentle-men of greatest birth standing on the one side and maydes of the other , sung hymnes & sonnets the one to the other in commendation of the dead Prince , entuned in a solemne and mournfull note , with all kind of other musicke and melodie , as indeed the whole ceremonie was a mixt action of mourning and mirth , as appeareth by Seneca at the consecration of Claudius : who thus floutes at it . Et erat omnium formosissimum ( funus Claudij ) & impensa curaplenum , vt scires Deum efferri , tibicinum , Cornicinum , omnisque generis aeneatorum tanta turba , tantus Conventus , vt etiam Claudius audire possit . It was the goodliest shew and the fullest of sollicitous curiositie , that you might know a God was to be buried ; so great was the rabble of trumpetters , cornetters and other Musitians , that even Claudius himselfe might haue heard them . After this , they carried the herse out of the citie into Campus Martius , where a square tower was built of timber , large at the bottome , and of competent height to receiue wood & faggots sufficiently , outwardly bedeckt & hung with cloath of gold , imagerie worke , and curious pictures . Vpon that tower stood a second turret in figure and furniture like to the first , but somewhat lesse , with windowes and doores standing open , wherein the herse was placed , & all kinde of spiceries and odours , which the whole world could yeeld , heaped therein : And so a third and fourth turret , and so forth , growing lesse and lesse toward the toppe : The whole building representing the forme of a lanthorne or watch-tower , which giveth light in the night . Thus all being placed in order , the Gentle-men first rode about it , marching in a certaine measure : then followed others in open coaches with robes of honour , and vpon their faces vizards of the good Princes , and honourable personages of ancient times . All these Ceremonies thus being performed ; the Prince which succeeded taketh a torch , and first putteth to the fire himselfe , and after him all the rest of the company , and by and by as the fire was kindled out of the toppe toppe of the highest turret , an Eagle was let fly to carry vp his soule into heaven , and so he was afterward reputed , and by the Romanes adored among the rest of the Gods ▪ Marry ; before the consecration it was vsuall , that some Gentlemen at least , should bestow an oath to proue their Deitie , Nec defuit vir Praetorius quise efligiem cremati euntem in coelum vid●…sse iurasset , sayth Suetonius of Augustus : neither was there wanting one who had beene Praetor ( Dion names him Numerius Atticus ) to sweare , that he saw his Effigies mounting into heaven . The like was testified of Drusilla , sister and wife to Caius , by one Livius Geminius a Senatour , of which Dio thus writes . One Livius Geminius a Senatour swore , that he saw Drusilla ascending vp into heaven , and conversing with the Gods , wishing to himselfe and his children vtter destruction if he spake an vntruth , calling to witnesse both sundry other Gods , and specially the Goddesse her selfe of whom he spake . For which oath he received a million of Sesterces , which makes 7812l l 10s s Sterling . What a deale of fopperie and impiety was here mixed together . Yet this lesson , as Sir Henry Savill frō whom I haue borrowed the greatest part of this last narration ( conjectures , they may seem to haue learned of Proculus Iulius , who took an oath not much otherwise for Romulus deitie , whō the Senate murdered and made a God ; from whence this race of the Roman Gods may seeme to haue taken beginning . And I doubt not , but many of the wiser sort of the Romanes themselues secretly laughed at this folly , sure I am that Lucan durst openly scoffe at it . — Cladis tamen huius habemus Vindictam quantum terris dare numina fas est Bella pares Superis facient civilia divos : Fulminibus manes , radijsque ornabit & astris , Inque Deum templis jurabit Roma per vmbras . Yet of this slaughter such revenge we haue As heavenly powers may give , or earth can craue : Gods like to those aboue these civill warres Shall make , and Rome with lightning , beames , & starres Shall them adorne , and in the temples where The Gods doe dwell shall by their shadowes sweare . It is true , that in our time after the death of the late Charles in France , his image was laid in a rich bed , in triumphant attire , with the Crowne vpon his head , and the coller of the order about his necke , & forty dayes at ordinary houres , dinner and supper was served in with all accustomed ceremonies , as sewing , water , grace , carving , say taking , &c. all the Cardinalls , Prelats , Lords , Gentlemen , & Officers attending in far greater solemnity , then if he had been aliue . Now this I confesse , was a pe●…ce of flattery more then needed , but not comparable to that of the Romans , in making their Emperours Gods , which they might well haue conceived , was neither in the power of the one to giue , nor of the other to receiue . Yet was not this honour conferred vpon their Emperours alone ; Tully , as wise as he would be held , would needes haue his daughters deified , and the same did Adrian by Antinous his minion , which no doubt might as wel be justified as Caligula's , making his horse a Priest , or the same Adrians erecting monuments to his dead dogges . SECT . 3. Of their impudent , nay impious vaine-glory , and boasting of their owne nation and city . YEt their inordinate preposterous Zeale in extolling every where their Empire and cittie beyond measure , and modesty , and truth , seemes to haue exceeded this toward their Emperours ; & from hence I beleeue hath chiefely growen in the world so great an admiration of them in many things beyond all succeeding ages , and their deserts : But certaine it is , that never any people vnder the Sunne , more daringly chalenged to themselues the toppe of all perfection . Nulla vnquam Respub . nec maior nec sanctior , nec bonis exemplis ditior fuit , sayth Livie , Never was there any common-wealth more ample or holy , or rich in good examples . Gentiu●… in toto orbe praestantissima vna & in omni virtute haud dubie Romana exstitit , saith Pliny : The Romane Nation hath beene doubtlesse of all others in all kinde of vertue the most excellent . Nulla Gens est quae non aut ita subacta sit , vt vix exstet ; aut ita domita , vt quiescat ; aut ita pacata , vt victoria nostra imperioque laetatur , sayth Tully : There is no Nation which either is not so vtterly vanquished , as it is extinguished ; or so mastered , as it is quieted ; or so pacified , that it rejoyceth in our victorie and Empire and Claudian , Haec est exiguis quae finibus orta tetendit In geminos axes , parvaque à sede profecta Dispersit cum sole manus . Small were her confines when she first begun , Now stretcheth to both poles ; small her first seat , Yet now her hands shee spreadeth with the Sunne . This seemed not enough vnto Caecilius , against whom Arnobius writes , for he sayth , that the Romans did , Imperiu●… suum , vltra solis vias , prapagare : They inlarged their dominion beyond the course of the Sun. And Ovid , he commeth not a steppe behind them in this their exaggerated amplification . For he sayth , that if God should looke downe from heaven vpon the earth , he could see nothing there without the power of the Romanes . Iupiter , arce sua , totum cum spectet in orbem , Nil , nisi Romanum , quod tueatur , habet . Yea , and ( as Egesippus recordeth ) there were many that thought the Romane Empire so great , and so largely diffused over the face of the whole earth , that they called orbem terrarum , orbem Romanum , the globe of the earth , the globe of the Romanes , the whole world , the Romane world . Hyperbolicall speeches , which though Lypsius put off with an animosèmagis quam superbè dicta , as arguing rather magnanimitie then ostentation ; yet Dyonisius Halicarnassaeus somewhat more warily limits them thus : Romana vrbs imperat toti terrae quae quidem inaccessa non sit , the citty of Rome commaunds the whole earth , where it is not inaccessible : But Lypsius himselfe more truly , quicquid oportunum aut dignum vinci videbatur vicit , it overcame whatsoeuer it could well overcome , or thought worthy the ouercomming . And Macrobius ( though himselfe a Roman ingenuously acknowledgeth Gangem transnare aut Caucasum transcendere Romàni nominis fama non valuit The fame of the Romans as great as it was , yet was neuer so great as to be able to swimme ouer the Riuer Ganges , or climbe ouer the mountaine Caucasus , so that euen their fame came short of their swelling amplifications vsed by their Orators and Poets , but their Dominion came much shorter , as is expressely affirmed by the same Author , Totius terrae quae ad coelum puncti locum obtinet , minima quaedam particula à nostri generis hominibus possidetur . Though the whole Earth compared with the Heauens bee no bigger then a Center in the midst of a Circle , yet scarce the least parcell of this little earth , did euer come into the hands of the Romans . Yet how could a man well devise to say more then Propertius hath said of that City . Omnia Romanae cedant miracula terrae Natura hic posuit quicquid vbique fuit . All miracles to Rome must yeeld , for heere , Nature hath treasur'd all what 's euery-where . Except Martial perchaunce out-vy him . Terrarum Dea gentiumque Roma Cui par est nihil & nihil secundum . Of Lands and Nations Goddesse , Rome , and Queene , To whom novght peere , nought second yet hath beene . Which Frontinus seemes to borrow from him , but with some addition of his owne , Romana vrbs indiges terrarumque Dea , cui par est nihil & nihil secundum . Now saith Crinitus , alleaging those words of Frontinus , Eos dicimus ferè indigetes , qui nullius rei egeant , id enim est tantum Deorum , wee vsually call those indigites , which want nothing , for that is proper to the Gods. Hubertus Golzius in his treasure of Antiquity hath effigiated two peeces of coine , the one with a Greeke Inscription 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the other with this in Latin , ROMA DEA , the meaning of both being that Rome was a Goddesse , neither was this figuratiuely , but properly vnderstood , she hauing advanced her selfe into the number of the Gods , as witnesseth Dion in Augustus ; nay erected Temples , and addressed sacrifices to her selfe , as testifie Victor and Onuphrius in their descriptions of Rome , which Prudentius a Christian Poet both glances at , and deservedly derides , — Colitur nam sanguine & ipsa More Deae , nomenque loci se●… numen hàbetur , Atque Vrbis Venerisque pari se culmine tollunt Templa , simul geminis adolentur thure deabus . Shee Goddesse-like is worshipped with blood , A places name is hallowed for a god : As high as Venus Cities Church doth rise , And joint to both they incense sacrifice . And Lucan , as to a Goddesse , directs his prayer solemnely vnto her , — summique ô numinis instar Roma saue c●…ptis . — And thou as greatest power divine , Favour , O Rome , this enterprise of mine . Her Temple was situate vpon mount Palatine , as appeares by that of Claudian , bringing in the Provinces as suppliants to visite the Goddesse . Conveniunt ad tecta Deae , quae candida lucent Monte Palatino . They meet at th'Goddesse Temple which doth shine So white and glorious on mount Palatine . But this was in truth such a mad drunkennesse with pride and self-loue , that Lypsius himselfe cannot hold from crying out , O insaniam aedificijs & inanimato corpori non vitam solùm attribuere , sed numen . O strange madnesse , to ascribe vnto houses and stones and a dead body not life onely , but a deity : And being now a Goddesse , shee might well take to her selfe that of old Babylon , a type of her pride , I sit as a Queene , and am no widdow , & shall see no sorrow , and challenge to her selfe aeternity as most blasphemously she did , as is to be seene in the coine of the Emperour Probus , in which we haue Rome set forth sitting in her Temple in a victorious triumphant manner , hauing on the one side this inscription , Conserv : vrbis suae , and on the other , Romae aeternae , and so is it expressely named both by a Symmachus , and b Ammianus Marcellinus . And Suetonius testifies in the life of Nero ( cap. 11 ) that of all their seuerall kindes of playes , pro aeternitate imperij susceptos appellari maximos voluit , those which were exhibited for the aeternity of the Empire should bee had in greatest state , in which persons of all orders and sexes played their parts . Whereby S. Hierome , not without good reason expounds those words in the Revelation , I saw a woman sit vpon a scarlet coloured beast , full of names of blasphemy , and so doth Prosper Aquitanicus , aeterna cùm dicitur quae temporalis est vtique nomen est blasphemiae , in that she is called eternall , being transitory , it is doubtlesse a name of blasphemy . CAP. 11. Wherein the objections brought in behalfe of the Romanes touching their pretended Iustice , prudence and fortitude are examined and fully answered . SECT . 1. The first objection touching the pretended Iustice of the Romanes answered out of Lactantius . BVt happily it may be said , that as fertile grounds abound as well in weedes as wholesome hearbes : so the Romanes had many vertues no lesse commendable , then odious & detestable vices , which to be ignorant of were childish simplicity , to dissemble or suppresse , envious partiality . The principall of these vertues are pretended to bee their justice , their prudence , and their fortitude . But if there bee a chaine of all the Vertues , ( as both Aristotle and their own great Oratour haue taught ) so that he who truly possesseth one , is owner of all , and he that wants but one , vpon the matter hath none at all , but shadowes insteed of substances , then certainly the Romans , whom we haue prooved to be excessiuely cruell , covetous , luxurious , ambitious and vain-glorious , could not properly be said to be either just , wise , or valiant , but rather formall then just , crafty or cunning then wise , adventurous or daring then valiant . And I would willingly learne , how they who with such an insatiable thirst of gaine and glory ( as hath beene shewed ) robbed , spoyled , oppressed , not the provincials onely , but their owne fellow Citizens , can be said to be just , or how they who admitted so many so base Gods and Goddesses , and honoured them with such beastly prophane services , can be said to be wise ; or lastly how they who were wholly drowned in softnes and in delicacy , could be truly valiant ; And I will neuer doe that wrong to Christian Religion , as not to beleeue , but that it hath yealded more just , more wise , more valiant , then Pagan Rome euer did . And therein if Tertullian in his Apologetique , Cyprian against Demetrianus , Lactantius in his Institutions , and Augustin in his bookes de Civitate dei erre not , I am sure I am right . I will first then take a view of their ●…ustice , Nec est difficile dicere , cur Deorum cultores justi & boni esse non possint ( saith Lactantius , striking indeed at the very root of their injustice ) it is not hard to say why the worshippers of such Gods cannot be either just or good , he goes on and particularizeth in the seuerall branches of their injustice . Quomodò enim sanguine abstinebunt qui colunt cruentos Deos Marte●… atque Bellonam ? quomodò aut parentibus parcent qui expulsorem patris sui Iovem , aut natis ex se infantibus qui colunt Saturnum ? quomodò pudicitiam tuebuntur qui colunt Deam nudam & adulteram , & quasi apud Deos prostitutam ? quomodò se à rapinis & fra●…dibus abstinebunt qui Mercurij furta noverunt , docentis non fraudis esse decipere sed astutiae ? quomodo libidine coercebunt qui Iovem , Herculem , Liberum , Apollinem , caeterosque venerantur quorum adulteria & stupra in mares & faminas non tantùm doctis nota sunt , sed exprimuntur etiam in Theatris , atque cantantur vt sint omnibus notiora . Possuntne inter haec justi esse homines , qui etiamsi natura sint boni ab ipsis tamen Dijs erudiantur ad injustitiam ? ad placandum enim Deum quem colas , iis rebus opus est quibus illum gaudere ac delectari scias , sic fit vt vitam colentium Deus pro qualitate numinis sui formet : quoniam religiosissimus est cultus imitari . How should they abstaine from blood who worship bloody Gods as Mars and Bellona ? how should they either spare their Parents who worship Iupiter , or their children who worship Saturne ? How should they haue a care of their chastity who worship a naked and adulterous Goddesse , as it were the prostituted strumpet of the Gods ? How should they abstaine from rapine and cosenage who are acquainted with the thefts of Mercury teaching , that to deceiue was not fraude but wylinesse ? how should they bridle their lust who adore Iupiter , Hercules , Bacchus , Apollo and the rest , whose adulteries and incontinencies both with males and females are not onely knowne to the learned , but are acted and sung in their Theaters , that so they may bee knowne to all . Is it possible for men in this case to be just ? who though they were naturally well disposed , yet by the examples of their very Gods are they taught injustice . For to please the God you worship . it is requisite you doe such things as you know he is delighted with , and may giue him content : so as according to his owne quality and condition he formes and conformes the liues of such as worship him , in as much as imitation is the most religious kinde of worship . Yet notwithstanding all this , it seemes by the same godly Father that they stood much vpon their owne just and vpright dealing , reproaching the Christians with the contrary , which giues him occasion in another place thus to expostulate the ●…atter with them . Audent igitur homines improbissimi justitiae facere mentionem qui fer as immanitate vincunt , — Lupi ceu Raptores atra in nebula quos improba ventris Exegit caecos rabies . Like ravening wolues whom in a gloomie day , Their bellies rage driues forth to seeke their pray . Verùm hos non ventris , sed cordis rabies efferavit , nec atra in nebula , sed aperta praedatione grassantur : nec eos vnquam conscientia scelerum revocat , ne sanct●…ac pium nomen justitiae ore illo violent , quod cr●…ore innocentium tanquam rictus bestiarum madet . Doe these most dishonest men dare mention justice who exceede the sauage Beasts in cruelty , &c. But these not so much the fiercenesse of their stomacks , as of their owne wicked hearts hath inraged , neither doe they slinke in the darke , but make havocke & lay waste by open violence . Neither are they euer touched with any remorse of Conscience for prophaning the holy and divine name of justice with those mouthes which like the chapps of beasts are died with the blood of Innocents . And lest we should conceiue he thus speaks by reason of their cruelty towards the Christians , he goes on in the same Chapter , and tels vs , Non de nostro sed ex illorum numero semper existunt qui vias obsideant armati maria praedentur , vel si palam grassari non licuit , venena clam temperent , qui vxores necent vt dotes earum lucrentur , aut maritos vt adulteris nubant : qui natos ex se pueros aut strangulent , aut si nimium pij fuerint exponant : qui libidines incestas , nec à filia , nec à sorore , nec à matre , nec à sacerdote contineant ; qui adversùs cives suos , patria ●…que conjurent . Qui denique sacrilegia committant & Deorum quos colunt , templa dispolient . They are not of ours , but yours , who rob by the high wayes , and turne pyrats by Sea. Or if open violence will not serue the turne , they prepare poyson , who make away their wiues , that they may gaine their dowries , or their husbands , that they may marry with their Adulterers , who either strangle their infants , or if they bee very devout , expose them , who forbeare not incestuous lustes with their owne daughters , their sisters , their mothers , no nor with their consecrated Priests , who treacherously conspire against their owne Country ; Lastly , who commit sacriledge , and robbe the Temples of those very Gods whom they worship . And least wee should imagine , that he speakes of the Gentiles in generall , and not rather of the Romanes in particular , he referres vs to the testimonies of Seneca & Lucilius . Qui volent scire plura , Senecae libros in manum sumant , qui morum vitiorumque publicorum , & descriptor verissimus , & accusator acerrimus fuit . They who desire to vnderstand more hereof , let them take into their hands Seneca's bookes , who both most truly describes , and most sharpely censures the publique manners and vices . And to the testimonie of Seneca , he addes that of Lucilius : Sed & Lucilius tenebrosam istam vitam circumscriptè breviterque depinxit his versibus : Lucilius also hath briefely and pithily painted out that base kinde of life . Nunc vero à mane ad noctem f●…sto atque profesto , Totus item pariterque die populusque patresque Iactare , indufori se omnes , decedere nusquam Vni se , atque eidem studio omnes dedere , & arti , Verba dare vt cautè possint , pugnare , dolose Blan●…iri , certare , bonum simulare virum se , Insidias facere , vt si hostes sint omnibus omnes . From morne to night on dayes profane or festivall , They meete at th' common place commons and fathers all , There they bestirre themselues , thence will they not depart , One selfe same study all attending and one art .. How closely they may cheat , striue , flatter cunningly , Contend , and as good men pretend sincerity , Yet vndermine , as each were others enimy . Nostro autem populo quid tale potest obijci ? Cuius omnis religio est sine scelere & sine macula vivere ? But now vnto those of our profession what can be objected in this kinde ? whose religion consists wholy in this , to liue without wickednes and pollution ? Nay so much he stands vpon the powerfulnes of Christian Religion , that he makes it beyond all the rules of Morall Philosophy , strongly effectuall to expell vice , and plant in men all kinde of vertue : Da mihi virum qui sit iracundus , maledicus , effraenatus : paucissimis Dei verbis tam placidum quâm ovem , reddam . Da cupidum , avarum , tenacem , jam tibi eum liberalem dabo , & pecuniam suam proprijs plenisque manibus largientem . Da timidum doloris ac mortis : jam cruces & ignes & Phalaridis taurum contemnet . Da libidinosum , adulterum , ganeonem ; jam sobrium , castum , continentem videbis . Da crudelem , & sanguinis appetentem ; jam in veram clementiam furor ille mutabitur . Da injustum , insipientem , peccatorem ; continuò & aequus , & prudens , & innocens erit . Ad quòd efficiendum non mercede , non libris , non lucubrationibus opus est . Gratis ista siunt , facilè , citò : pateant modo aures , & pectus sapientiam sitiat . Giue me a man that is wrathfull , foule-mouthed , vnruly , with a few words of Gods booke , I will make him as gentle as a lambe . Giue me one that is close-fisted ▪ covetous , greedy of money : I will send him backe vnto thee , liberall , bountifully distributing his money with his own hands Giue me one that is fearefull of torment and death , he shall soone des pise crosses , and fires , and Phalaris his bull . Giue me a lecher , an adul terer , a haunter of brothell houses ; you shall see him sober , chast , continent . Giue me one that is cruelly disposed , and thirsting after blood , that fury of his shall be changed into true clemency . Giue me one who is vnjust , vnwise , a sinner ; he quickely shall be just , wise , vpright . For the effecting whereof , there is no need of a reward , of bookes , of watchings , those things are done gratis , easily , suddainly : onely let the eares be open , and the heart long for wisedome . Thus writes Lactantius , and much more to this purpose , attributing a quickning efficacie to the divine oracles of Gods word , in the reformation of manners , which was not to be found in the writings of any of the Heathen . SECT . 2. The same answere farther confirmed by the testimonie of Saint Augustine . St Augustine presses them farther , that their Gods never taught them to be good , or at least-wise , that their Priests never published any precepts tending that way in the name of their Gods. Dicatur in quibus locis haec docentium Deorum solebant precepta recitari , & à Cultoribus eorum populis frequenter audiri ; sicut ostendimus ad hoc Ecclesias institutas , quaquaversum religio Christiana diffunditur . Let it be shewed in what places such precepts , given by direction of their Gods , were wont to be read and heard of the people , who came frequently to worship them , as we shew that among vs , temples are to that purpose erected , as far●…e as Christian Religion is spread : Where ( sayth he in another place ) out of the Prophets , the Gospells , the Acts of the Apostles , the Epistles , many things are read to the people being assembled , against covetousnes & luxury , so excellent , so divine , as if they were rather thundrings from heaven , then wranglings from the Philosophers Schooles . And for the particular point in matter of justice , hee floutes at Salust for saying , that jus bonumque apud eos non legibus magis quàm natura valebat , right and equity did as much prevaile with them , through the goodnes of their Nature , as by the force of the Lawes , Ex hoc jure ac bono credo raptas esse Sabinas ; quid enim justius & melius quàm filias alienas fraude spectaculi inductas non à parentibus accipi , sed vi vt quisque poterat a●…ferri : From this loue of right I trow it was that the Sabin women were ravished . For what can be more just , then not to receiue from their parents hands , but to take and carry away by violence other mens daughters , drawne on vnder the pretence of beholding a spectacle . From the same loue of this right too belike Iunius Brutus being Consull , caused Lucius Tarquinius Collatinus , husband to Lucretia , an innocent and good man and his Collegue to quite both his office and the city , only because he bore the name & was of kinne to the Tarquins : Quod scelus favente vel patiente populo fecit à quo populo consulatum idem Collatinus sicut etiam ipse Brutus acceperat : And this most vnjust act he did by the favour or connivence of the people , from whom Collatinus had received his Consulship as well as Brutus . From the loue of this right , it likewise came to passe that Marcus Camillus , who had done his countrey so great service , being questioned through the insolency of the Tribunes & the envy of his great vertues , tam ingratam sensit quam liberaverat Civitatem , vt de sua damnatione certissimus in exilium sponte discederet , & decem millibus aeris absens etiam damnaretur , mox iterum à Gallis vindex patriae futurus ingratae : He found that city which hee had saved so ingratefull , that being fully assured , hee should haue sentence passe against him , he put himselfe into voluntary banishment , & being absent , they laid a mulct vpon his head of 10000 asses , though he were afterward recalled to free his vnthankfull countrey from the forces of the Gaules . To these examples of injustice in other places he addes the vnjust putting to death of Rhemus by his brother Romulus , their vnjust warre vpon the Albans the mother of Rome , the vnjust exile of Scipio Affricanus at Linternum in Campania , where he ended his dayes , giving straight charge , ne saltem mortuo in ingrata patria funus fieret , that being dead , his funeralls should not be solemnized in his vngratefull Countrey . Nay Salust himselfe he confutes by testimonies drawne from his owne writings , where he tells vs , that discord , covetousnes , ambition , and other mischiefes which were wont to waite vpon prosperity , post Carthaginis excidium maxime aucta , after the fall of Carthage mightily increased , and from that time , Majorum mores non paulatim vt antea sed torrentis modo praecipitati , the ancient manners not by degrees as before , but like a torrent were carried downe headlong . By which confession of Salust , it appeares , that it was not somuch the goodnesse of their Nature , as the aemulation and feare of Carthage that bridled them , and kept them in order . S. Augustines conclusion in the fore alleadged chapter is : Multa commemor are jam piget foeda & injusta quibus agitabatur illa Civitas : Cum potentes plebem sibi subdere conarentur , plebsque illis subdi recusarent & vtriusque partis defensores magis studiis agerent amore vincendi quàm aequum & bonum quicquam cogitarent . So many were the foule and vnjust acts with which this Citty was burdened , that it grieveth me to recount them whiles the Nobility sought to trample vpon the Commons , and these againe refused to obey them , & the chiefe abettours on both sides were rather carried with faction then louc of justice . Nusquam tuta fides , — Faith is no where to be found , is the complaint of one of their Poets ; and of another , — Qua terra patet fera regnat Erinnys , Infacinus jurasse putes . As farre as land doth reach doth fierce Erinnys rage , A man would thinke they sworne had to all outrage : And of a third , Simplicitas , cujus non audeo dicere nomen : Simplicity , whose name I dare not speake for shame . SEC . 3. Another answere , that none can be truly just which are not truly religious , nor any truly religious which professe not the Christian Religion . ANd to speake a truth , so naturall is the vnion of true religion with justice , that we may boldly deeme there is neither , where both are not : For how should they be vnfainedly just , whom Religion doth not cause to bee such , or they religious , who are not found such by the proofe of their just actions ? If they which imploy their labour and travaile about the publique administration of Iustice , follow it only as a trade with vnquenchable and vnconscionable thirst of gaine , being not in heart perswaded that Iustice is Gods owne worke , and themselues his Agents in the businesse ; the sentence of right , Gods owne verdict , and themselues his Priests to deliver it : formalities of justice doe but serue to smoother right , and that which was necessarily ordained for the common good is through shamefull abuse , made the cause of common misery . It is moreover the proper effect of true Religion , to qualifie all sorts of men , and to make them in publique affaires the more serviceable , Governours the more apter to rule with conscience , inferiours for conscience sake the willinger to obey . Gaudere & gloriari ex fide semper volumus ( sayth the good Emperour Theodosius ) scientes magis religionibus quàm officijs & labore corporis , vel sudore Rempub. nostram contineri : We will alwayes rejoyce and glory in our faith , aswell knowing that our Empire consists rather by Religion , then any other meanes . And doubtles the Christian Religion hath heerein the start of all others , that it strikes so much vpon the soule , whereby it is brought to passe , that men fearing God , are thereby a great deale more effectually then by positiue lawes restrained from doing evill , in asmuch as those lawes haue no farther power then over our outward actions only , whereas vnto mens inward cogitations , vnto the privy intents and motions of their hearts , Christian Religion serveth for a bridle . What more savage , wilde , and cruell then man , if he see himselfe able , either by fraud to over-reach , or by power to over-beare the lawes wherevnto he should be subject . Wherefore in so great boldnesse to offend ; it behooveth that men should be held in awe , not by a vaine surmise , but by a true apprehension of that which no man may thinke himselfe able to withstand . Summum praesidium regni est justitia ob apertos tumultus , & religio ob occultos : The chiefe safeguard of a kingdome is justice against open disorders , & religion against secret . And our best writers of the Primitiue Church forgat not to presse this against the Ethnicks , Vos scelera admissa punitis , apud nos & cogitare peccare est ; vos conscios time t is nos etiam conscientiam solam , sine qua esse non possumus , saies Minutius Faelix : You punish wicked acts committed , with vs to thinke wickedly is a sinne ; you feare to be convinced of guiltinesse , we feare the guiltinesse of our conscience , which wee alway carry about with vs , and without which we cannot be . But aboue all , Tertullian notably vrgeth this point . Tanta est prudentia hominis ad de●…onstrandum bonùm quanta authoritas ad exigendum , tam illa falli facilis quam ista contemni . Age ideo quid plenis dicere , non occides , aut docere , ne irascaris quidem ? quid perfectius prohibere adulterium an etiam ab oculorum solitaria concupiscentia arcere ? quid eruditius de maleficio , an et de maleloquio interdicere ? quid instructius injuriam non permittere an nec vicem injuriae sinere ? Such is the wisedome of man to direct what is good , as is his authority to exact it , the one may as easily be deceived , as the other contemned . Which commaunds more fully ? either he who sayth , thou shalt not kill , or he who charges not to be angry : which of the two is more perfect , to forbid adultery , or to restraine the eyes from concupiscence ? whether more wisely done , to forbid evill deedes , or evill words ? whether more like to do good , the not permitting of injuries , or the not suffering the revenge of them ? And besides all this , the Ethnickes only threatned the death of the body to malefactors , but we ( sayth the same Tertullian ) feare to offend God , & pro scientiae plenitudine , & pro latebrarum difficultate , & pro magnitudine cruciatus , non duiturni , verum sempiterni : in regard of the fulnes of his knowledge , the difficulty of being hid , and the greatnes of the punishment , not for a long time , but for ever . And thus haue we seene that the ancient Romanes , neither were , nor indeed had the meanes to be so just as is pretended ; or as the Christians were , whom they persecuted . But it will be said , that howsoever they might bee defectiue in matter of justice , yet they excelled in wisedome and courage : Let vs then take a view of these , and first of their wisedome . SECT . 4. The second objection touching the pretended wisedome of the Romans , answered by taking a briefe view of of their courses , but specially by the testimony of Pliny . IF we should speake of true wisedome , it is only that which serues to make vs wise vnto salvation , which without true Religion can never be attained , as Lactantius most divinely : Omnis sapientia hominis in hoc vno est , vt Deum cognoscat & colat , hoc nostrum dogma , haec sententia est : quanta itaque voce possum testificor , proclamo , denuntiö , hoc est illud quod Philosophi omnes in tota sua vita quaes●…erunt , nec vnquam tamē investigare , comprehendere , aut tenere valuerunt , quia religionem aut pravam retinuerunt , aut totam penitus sustulerunt : All the wisedome of man consists only in this , that he know and worship God , this is our doctrine , this our opinion , and this with as loud voyce as I can , I testifie , professe , proclaime : This is it which all the Philosophers during their whole life haue sought , and yet could never finde out , comprehend , or attaine vnto , because they either retained a corrupt religion , or wholy extinguished it . I would willingly learne how they , who ( as hath already beene proved ) worshipped stockes and stones , the workes of their owne hands , or such a rabble of filthy , wicked , odious Gods , and that in such a beastly or cruell manner like men voyde of common reason , could be sayd to be wise ? Or how they , who suffered the most notorious vices of their Gods to be described by their Poets , acted by their Players , drawne to life by their Painters , whom they highly applauded and rewarded , as if thereby they meant to instruct their youth in vertue , could be said to be wise ? Or how they , who wasted such infinite masses of treasure in such vaine buildings , banquettings , & spectacles could be said to be wise ? Or they , who by their sword-playe●… or wilde beasts ( only to satisfie their beastly pleasure ) devoured so many millions of men , as might haue served to inlarge or preserue their Empire , could bee said to bee wise ? Or how they , who gaue way to men to make themselues away vpon all occasions as they thought fit , nay exhorted them to it , & commended them for it ( which must needes bee a meanes to weaken their state ) could be said to be wise ? Lastly , how they , who professed that they most desired to traine vp their citizens to a militarie course of life , and yet suff●…red them to wallow in all kinde of luxurie , could be said to be wise ? What great peece of wisedome did they ever shew in the making of their Lawes , or in their stratagems of warre , which hath not bin exceeded , or at least-wise equalled by the Christians in latter ages . But the notable follie of the whole body of this state , notoriously appeared in one action of theirs , which I finde thus at large described and censured by pli●…y their Country-man , and a great admirer of his owne Nation . Certes , when I consider and behold the monstrous humors of these prodigall spirits , my mind is drawn away still from the progresse of mine intended journey , & forced I am to digresse out of my way , and to annexe vnto this vanity of Scaurus as great folly of another , not in Masonry and marble , but in Carpentry and timber : And C. Curio it was , he who in the civill warres betweene Caesar and Pompey lost his life in the quarrell of Caesar. This Gentle-man desirous to shew pleasure vnto the people of Rome , at the funeralls of his father deceased , as the manner then was ; and seing that he could not out-goe Scaurus in rich and sumptuous furniture , was put to his shifts , and devised to surpasse him in wit , since hee could not come neere him in wealth . And what might his invention be ? Certes it is worth the knowledge ; if it were no more but this , that we may haue joy of our owne conceites and fashions , and call our selues worthily as our manner is Majores , that is to say superiour every way to all others . This Curio then in aemulation of Scaurus caused two Theaters to bee framed of timber and those exceeding bigge , howbeit so as they might bee turned about as a man would haue thē ; approach neere one to the other , or bee removed farther asunder as one would desire ; and all by the meanes of one hooke apeece that they hung by , which bare the weight of the whole frame ; the counterpoise was so even , and all the whole fabrique thereof sure and firme . Now he ordered the matter thus , that to behold the severall stage-playes and shewes in the fore-noone before dinner , they should be set backe to backe , to the end , that the stages should not trouble one another ; and when the people had taken their pleasure that way , he turned the Theaters about in a trice against the after-noone , that they affronted one another , and toward the latter end of the day , and namely when the fencers and sword-players were come in place , he brought both the Theaters neerer together ( and yet every man sate still & kept his place according to his rank & order ) in somuch as that by the meeting of the hornes or corners of them both together in compasse , he made a faire round Amphitheater of it , & there in the middst betweene hee exhibited indeede vnto them all joyntly a sight and spectacle of sword-fencers , fighting at sharpe , whom hee had hired for that purpose . But in truth a man may say more truly , that hee carried the whole people of Rome round about at his pleasure , bound sure enough for stirring or removing . Now let vs c●…me to the point and consider a little better of this thing . what should a man wonder at most therein , the deviser or the devise it selfe ? The workeman of this fabrique , or the Master that set him a worke ? Whether of the twaine is more admirable , either the verturous head of him that devised it , or the bold heart of him that vndertooke it ? To commaund such a thing to be done , or to obey , and yeeld , and goe in hand with it ? But when wee haue sayd all that we can , the folly of the blind and bold people of Rome went beyond all , who trusted such a ticklish frame , & durst sit there in a seate so moueable ▪ loe where a man might haue seene the body of that people , which is Commaunder and ruler of the whole earth , the Conqueror of the world , the disposer of kingdomes & Realmes at their pleasure , the divider of countryes and Nations at their wils , the giver of lawes to forraine states , the vicegerent of the immortall Gods vnder heaven , and representing their image vnto all mankind , hanging in the aire within a frame at the mercy of one onely hooke , rejoycing , & ready to clap hands at their owne daunger : What a cheape market of mens liues was heere toward ? what was the losse at Cannae to this hazard ? how neere vnto a mischiefe were they , which might haue hapned heereby in the turning of a hand ? Certes , when there is newes come of a city swallowed vp by a wide chink , and opening of the earth , all men generally in a publique commiseration doe greeue thereat , and there is not one but his heart doth yearne ; and yet behold the Vniversall state and people of Rome , as if they were put into a couple of barkes , supported betweene heaven and earth , and sitting at the deuotion only of two pinnes or hookes . And what spectacle doe they behold ? a number of Fencers trying it out with vnrebated swords ? Nay ywis but even themselues rather entred into a most desperate fight , and at the point to breake their neckes every mothers sonne , if the scaffold failed never so little and the frame went out of joynt . SECT . 5. The third objection touching the pretended fortitude of the Romans answered , in asmuch as their Empire is by their owne writers in a great part ascribed to Fortune , & by Christians may be referred to Gods speciall providence for the effecting of his owne purposes , rather then to any extraordinary worth in them . NOw that which is most of all stood vpon , aswell by the Romanes themselues , as by their Proctours & Patrons is their great fortitude & courage , as appeares in their subduing the greatest part of the knowne world : and in truth , placing their chiefe happinesse in the honour and glory of their names ; & withall , supposing that there was for the purchasing thereof no readier meanes , then the sacryficing of their liues for the inlarging & advancement of their Empire ; they were in this regard for the most part , even prodigall of their blood : But shall we call that fortitude , which neither aimed at justice , nor was guided by true wisedome , or rather obstinacie & adventurous boldnes ? It is very true , that they were often in their warres very successefull : but — Careat successibus opto , Quisquis ab eventu facta notanda putat . May that mans actions never well succeed , Who by th' event doth censure of the deed . By the confession of their owne writers they owed as much to Fortun●… as their valour , whom therefore they made a Goddesse and placed in heaven . Te facimus Fortuna Deam coeloque locamus . Thee , Fortune , we a Goddesse make , And grant thee place in heaven to take . These two Fortune & Fortitude , Ammianus so chayneth & linketh together , as neither of them could well be wanting in the raysing of their Empire : Roma vt augeretur sublimibus incrementis foedere pacis aeternae virtus convenit atque fortuna , quarum si altera defuisset ad perfectam non venerat summitatem : That Rome should rise to that height & greatnes , Fortitude & Fortune made a league of eternall peace , so as had either of them beene wanting , it could never haue risen to that perfection . Both of them performed their parts heerein , seeming to striue which should precede the other , which Plutarch disputes at large in his booke de fortuna Romanorum , and Florus hath briefely , but roundly & cleerely expressed . Ad constituendum Romanum imperium virtutem ac Fortunam contendisse videri , that to the stablishing of the Romane Empire , Fortitude & Fortune seemed to contend which should be most forward . Now if themselues attributed as much to fortune as to their fortitude wee may well conceiue that the latter was short of the former rather then otherwise . And surely , if by Fortune we should vnderstand Gods Providence , we may safely say , that for the effecting of his owne purposes ( though happily vnknowne to thēr ) ather then for any extraordinary worth or merit in them , he conferred vpon them the Empire of the world . As Augustus Caesar was by Gods speciall providence directed in taxing the world , that so euery man repairing to his owne Citty , Christ by that meanes might be borne in Bethleem , as was fore-told by the Prophet Micah : so likewise was he by the same hand and power settled in the Empire , that he might thorow the world settle an vniversall peace , when the Prince of Peace was to be borne into it , as was foretold by another Prophet , They shall beate their swords into plow-shares , and their speares into pruning hookes . And may we not well conceiue that the world was therefore by the divine Providence brought vnder the yoake of the Roman government , made subject to their Lawes , and acquainted with their language , that so when the Emperours themselues should become Christians , as afterwards they did , the propagation of the Gospell of Iesus Christ might finde an easier passage . The Romans then perchaunce might challenge , that as due to their owne worth in the conquering of the world , which is rather to be ascribed to the hand of Heauen , disposing these earthly Monarchies for the good of his Church , or for the chastising of his enemies : To which purpose he gaue to Nebuchadnezzar such great victories and large Dominions . Thou O King art a King of Kings , for the God of heaven hath giuen thee a kingdome , power , and strength , and glory , which was not for any extraordinary worth or vertue that we read of in Nebuchadnezzar , but only to make him as a staffe or a rod in his hands for the scourging of other rebellious nations , an instrument for the accomplishment of his own designes . Answerable whereunto is that memorable speech of S. Augustin . Non tribuamus dandi regni atque imperij potestatē nisi Deo vero qui dat faelicitatē in regno coelorū solis piis , regnum verò terrarū & piis & impiis , sicut ei placet cui nihil injustè placet ; Let vs not referre the power of conferring Kingdomes , but only to the true God , who giues happines in the kingdome of heauen only to the godly , but these earthly kingdoms , both to the godly & vngodly , as pleases him whō nothing pleases that is vnjust . I conclude this point with that of Salomon , The race is not alwayes to the swift , nor the battle to the strong , nor bread to the wise , nor riches to men of vnderstanding , nor yet favour to men of skill , but time and chaunce hapneth to them all . The meaning is , that the successe of these outward things is not alwayes carryed by desert , but by chance in regard of vs , though by providence in regard of God. SECT . 6. Secondly , the Romanes hauing no right or iust title to those Nations they subdued , we cannot rightly tearme their strength in conquering them fortitude . SEcondly , sicut non martyrem poena , sic non fortem pugna , sed causa facit , as the torture doth not make a martyr , so doth not the conquest , but the justnesse of the cause make a valiant man , if the Romanes then cannot shew vs by what right they conquered the world , wee will neuer call their strength in conquering it , Fortitude , or crowne it with the name of Vertue , vnlesse w●…hall , we shall call the out-rage of robbers and cut-throats who with fire and sword spoyle and lay waste all they can , Courage and Valour . Remota itaque justitia quid sunt regna nisi magna latrocinia , saith S. Augustine , take away the justnesse of the cause , and tell me what is the acquisition of Kingdomes , but great robberies ; vnlesse we should say , that the killing and robbing of one is a sinne , but of many a vertue , as S. Cyprian wittily speakes , homicidium cùm admittunt singuli crimen est , virtus vocatur cùm publicè geritur , impunitatem sceleribus acquirit , non innocentiae ratio , sed saevitia magnitudo : when one single man commits a single murther that 's a grievous offence , when it is commonly and publiquely done , that 's a vertue : They purchase impunity not by reason of their innocencie , but the greatnes of their Cruelty . When a Pyrate was convented before the great Alexander for robbing vpon the Seas , and demaunded what he meant so to doe , or by what right he did it , his answere to that Emperour was by way of recrimination ; by the same right ( sayth he ) as you robbe the world , which was eleganter & veraciter responsum , ( they be the words of S. Augustine ) a trim and true answere : For what was Alexander , if we should tearme him aright , but Faelix terrarum praedo non vtile mundo Editus exemplar . A robber of the world , yet prosperous , And to mankinde example dangerous . Or rather as the same Poet speakes , Terrarum fatale malum fulmenque quod omnes Percuteret populos pariterque & sydus iniquum Gentibus . Earths fatall euill , a thunder-bolt of warre , Striking all Nations , an vnluckie starre . And Seneca professeth both of him and his father Philip , that they were to mankinde no lesse plagues , quam invndatio qua planum perfusum est , quam conflagratio qua magna pars animantium exaruit , then a land flood which drownes all the champian , or a burning drought wherewith the greatest part of cattle perish . Now that which hath been spoken of Alexander , the Romans may as properly be applyed to themselues , Foelix scelus virtus vocatur , vnjust attempts if they be fortunate in the event are called vertues : and some actions there are of that nature , quae nunquam laudantur nisi peracta , which are neuer commended till they are ended ; and surely so it was with the Romans , & for proofe that their attempts were indeed for the most part vnjust , we need goe no farther then that of Mithridates in Salust , Romani arma in omnes habent , in eos acerrima quibus victis spolia maxima sunt , the Romans make warre vpon all , and that vpon them most fiercely , from whom being conquered they hope for the greatest booty . And againe , Romanis cum nationibus populis Regibus cunctis vna & vetus bellandi Causa est Cupido profunda imperii & divitiarum . The Romans haue one old and common quarrell with all Nations , people , kings , an vnquenchable thirst of Empire and riches , with whom Galgacus in Tacitus fully accords , Raptores orbis postquam cnncta vastantibus defuere terrae , & mare scrutantur : si locuples est hostis avari , si pauper ambitiosi , quos non oriens non occidens satiaverit ; Robbers of the world they are , and after that they haue laid all places waste , land wanting for them to spoile , they search into the Sea , if the enemy be rich , their covetousnesse mooues them to invade him , if poore their ambition , so as neither East nor West can satisfie their insatiable appetite . And though wee should perchaunce suspect the testimonies of Mithridates and Galgacus , as being their enemies , yet against that of Lactantius we cannot well accept . Isti qui eversiones vrbium , populorumque summam gloriam computant , otium publicum non ferent , rapient , saevient , & injuriis insolenter illatis humanae societatis faedus irrumpent , vt habere hostem possint , quem sceleratius deleant , quam lacessierint : But they who account the subversion of cities and states their greatest glory , will not endure the publique peace , they will rob and spoyle , and most insolently offering wrongs , will violate the league of humane society , that they may haue an enemy whom they may more injuriously vanquish then they haue injustly provoked . I am not ignorant that Cicero in defence of his owne Nation tells vs , noster populus socijs defendendis terrarum omniū potitusest , our people by defending their associats , became Masters of the world : but I would willingly be informed whether or no they did not often set their associates to cōplaine without a cause , or abet them in vnjust quarrels ; & I desire that Cicero or any other Roman should tell me truely what just reason of warring they had vpon the Carthaginians in the first Punick warre . I know there is a pretence coyned that it was vnder-taken in defence of the Mamertins whom the Carthagineans and Syracusians intended to chastise for their villanous treachery committed vpon Messana a City in Sicily where they lay in garrison , putting to the sword all the Inhabitents , & dividing the spoile among themselues , and Decius Campanus a Roman Prefect with his Legion consisting of 4000 Souldiers being receiued into Rhegium for the safeguard thereof against Pyrrhus , by the example and assistance of the Mamertins did the like . Now it is true the Romans at the instance of the people of Rhegium did justice vpon their owne Countrymen ; yet the Mamertins guilty of the same foule fact , and that in a higher degree , they tooke into their protection , and made it the pretence of their first warre vpon the Carthaginians , their ancient friends and allies . But it is certaine that no company of Pyrats ▪ Theeues , Outlawes , Murderers , or other such Malefactors , can by any good successe of their villany obtaine the priviledge of Civil Societies to make league or truce , yea or to require faire warre , but are by all meanes as most pernitious vermin to be rooted out of the world . Wherefore we may safely esteeme this action of the Romans so farre from being justifiable by any colour of confederacie made with them , as that contrarywise by admitting this nest of murtherers and theeues into their protection , they justly deserued to bee warred vpon themselues : Yet after this warre ended , and a peace solemnely concluded , when the Carthaginians made a doubtfull warre vpon their rebellious Mercenaries of Sardinia , the Romans perceiuing that Carthage beyond their hope had recovered her feete againe , began to strike at her head : On the suddain they denounced warre against this infeebled and impoverished Citie vnder a shameles pretence that the preparations made for Sardinia were made indeed against Rome it selfe . The Carthaginians knew themselues at that time vnable to resist , and therefore yeelded to the Roman demaund , renouncing vnto them all their right in Sardinia : But this was not enough they would haue 1200 talents in recompence belike ( for I see not what reason they could alleage ) of the great feare which they had indured of an invasion from Carthage . It is indeed plaine , that they impudently sought occasion of warre : but necessity taught the Carthaginians patience , and the money was payde how hardly soeuer it was raised . Let not Rome then complaine of the punicke faith in the breach of Covenants , she her selfe hath broken the peace already which Amilcar purposed to make her dearely repent , but what Amilcar liued not to performe , was accomplished by Hannibal his renowned sonne . SECT . 7. Thirdly , that the Christians in suffering for Religion surpassed the Romane fortitude . THirdly , if true fortitude consist as well in suffering , as in doing , nay rather in suffering chearefully and constantly , then in doing valiantly , as the Prince of Philosophers , & great Master of morality hath taught vs , Ex eo fortes appellantur quòd res molestas atque asperas fortiter ferant , from thence are they tearmed manfull , that they manfully indure bitter and shatpe brunts ; and from him the Poet , Fortiter ille facit , qui miser esse potest . He it is doth valiantly , That can miserable be . Then I will be bold to say , that the Christian Religion hath yeelded more vndaunted invincible spirits , then euer Pagan Rome did , nay , then all the Pagan Religion euer did : so as I cannot sufficiently wonder what should induce Machiavell to conceiue or affirme that the Christian Religion serued to make men cowards , and that Paganisme was in that respect to bee preferred before it . Surely hee that shall advisedly reade the Ecclesiasticall-Story , what incredible multitudes , with what alacritie , and what exquisite torments they endured , will soone I thinke be of another mind ; they were so farre from shunning death , that they ranne to meete it halfe way , kissed it , imbraced it , in what vgly terrible shape soever it appeared ; in so much that our writers of the Primitiue Church dare match them , as well they might with the most hardy & resolute of the Romans , yea and to preferre them before these . Nostri autem ( sayth Lactantius ) ( vt de viris taceam ) pueri & 〈◊〉 tortores suos taciti vincunt & expromere illis gemitum nec ignis potest . Eant Romani & Mutio glorientur aut Regulo , quorum alter necandum se hostibus tradidit quod Captivum puduit vivere , alter ab hostibus depraehensus cum videret mortem se vitare non posse , manum foco in●…ecit vt pro facinore suo satisfaceret ●…osti quem voluit occidere , eaque poena veniam quam meruerat accepit : Those of our profession ( not to speake of the men ) even boyes & tender young women doe with silence conquer their Executioners , from whom not the fire it selfe can wring so much as a groane . Let the Romanes goe then and boast of their Mutius & Regulus , of which the one offered himselfe to death by the hand of the enimy , for that he was ashamed to liue in captivity ; the other being attatched by the enimy , when he saw he could not avoyd death , burnt his hand in the fire , that so for his wicked attempt he might make satisfaction to the enimy , whom he sought to dispatch , and by that penance purchased he an vndeserved pardon : But with vs behold those who are for their sexe infirme , and weake for their age , suffer themselues wholy to bee torne in peeces , and burnt not through any necessity , for they might avoyd ' it if they would , but willingly and readily because they trust in God. Eusebius takes a larger scope and makes a boldner challenge , including not the Romanes alone , but the Graecians , and any other not Christians . Ex omnibus qui vnquam vel apud Graecos vel apud Barbaros propter animi magnitudinem illustres , & hominum sermone celebrati sunt , nullus cum divinis & eximijs nostri temporis Martyribus Dorotheo & suis sodalibus imperatorum ministris comparari potest : Among all those who either among tho Graecians or Barbarians haue beene renowned for their magnanimitie , none of them all could be matched with those divine & heroycall Martyrs of our time Dorotheus and his Companions the Emperours servants . After these in time but in learning and zeale nothing inferiour vnto them : S. Augustine confidently maintaines the same truth : Hoc sequuti sunt Martyres qui Scaevolas , & Curtios , & Decios non sibi inferendo poenas , sed illatas ferendo : & virtute vera quia vera pietate & innumera multitudine superarunt : This rule our Martyrs followed , who not by laying violent hands on themselues , but by patiently enduring others exceeded the Scevol●… ▪ the Curtij , the Decij both in true fortitude , because joyned with true piety , and besides in multitudes innumerable . And lastly , before a●… these , Tertullian both saw , and publiquely taught the same truth . Multi apud vos ad tolerantiam doloris & mortis hortantur , vt Cicero in Tusculanis , vt Seneca in Fortuitis , vt Diogenes , vt Pyrrhon , vt Callimachus , nec tamen tantos inveniunt verba discipulos quantos Christiani factis docendo : Many among you exhort men to a constant and patient enduring of griefe & death , as Cicero in his Tusculanes , Seneca in his remedies against fortune , Diogenes , Pyrrhon , and Callimachus ; yet their writings and words finde not so many Schollers as doe the Christians , teaching by their deedes & deaths . But because the Romans stand so much vpon their valour in suffering for their countrey , it were not hard to instance in many Christians , who might justly be paralled with the chiefest of them in that kinde , I will content my selfe only with one example , and that of the Burgesses of Calais , as I finde it reported by Pasquier . The towne of Calais during the raigne of Philip de Valois being brought to those straights , that now there was no more hope left , either for succour or victuals ; Iohn Lord of Vienna , who there commaunded for the King , began to treate about the rendring of it , desiring only that they might giue it vp with safety of their liues and goods ; which conditions being offered to Edward King of England , who by the space of eleven moneths had straightly besieged it ; he being exceedingly inraged , that so small a town should alone stand out against him so long , and withall calling to mind that they had often galled his subjects by sea , was so farre from accepting of their petition , that contrariwise hee resolved to put them all to the sword , had he not beene diverted from that resolution by some sage Counsellours then about him , who told him , that for having beene faithfull and loyall subjects to their Soveraigne , they deserved not to be so sharpely dealt with : Wherevpon Edward changing his first purpose into some more clemencie , promised to receiue them to mercy , conditionally that six of their principall Towensmen , should present him the keyes of the Towne bare-headed & bare-footed , & with halters about their neckes , their liues being to bee left to his disposition : Whereof the Governour being advertised , he presently gets him into the market-place , commaunding the bell to be sounded for the conventing of the people ; whom being assembled , hee acquainted with the articles which he had received , touching the yeelding vp of the towne , and the assurance of their liues which could not bee graunted but with the death of six of the chiefe of them : With which newes they being all of them exceedingly cast downe & perplexed , on the suddaine there rises vp one of their Company called Stephen S. Peter , one of the richest & most sufficient men of the town , who thus spake alowd : Sir , I thanke God for the goodes he hath bestowed on me , but more that he hath given me this present opportunity to make it known that I prize the liues of my Countrey-men & fellow burgesses aboue mine owne : At the hearing of whose speech and sight of his forwardnes , one Iohn Daire and foure others after him made the like offers , not without great abundance of teares & prayers from the common people , who saw them so freely and readily sacrifice all their particular respects for the weale of the publique , & instantly without any more adoe they addressed themselues to the King of England with the keyes of the towne , with none other hope but of death : to which ( though they held themselues assured thereof ) they went as cheerefully as if they had bin going to a wedding . Yet it pleasing God to turne the heart of the English King at the instance of his Queene and some of the Lords , they were sent backe againe safe and sound . Now who can say that our France hath not her Horatij , Quinti ; Curtij , & Decij ? Wee haue ours aswell as the Romanes had theirs : but a certaine kind of basenes in vs more ready to apprehend and admire the worth of strangers then of our owne Nation , makes vs happily not to beleeue so : Now that which Pasquier writes of his Nation , and truly , as I thinke in comparison with the Roman valour in suffering for their countrey , wee may as confidently speake of ours & others perchaunce of theirs . SECT . 8. That as the Christians haue surpassed the Romans in the passiue part of fortitude , so haue they matched them in the actiue , and that the partiall overvaluing of the Romane manhood by their owne Historians , is it chiefely which hath made the world to think it vnmatchable . FOurthly and lastly , as the Romans were thus surpassed in the passiue part of fortitude : so were they matched in the Actiue , many times meeting with those , that either put backe their forces without losse , or with victory put them to the worst . Iulius Caesar their great experienced and most renowned Captaine after all his valiant acts and triumphs , what adoe did hee make to doe any thing worth the remembrance vpon this Iland then inhabited by naked Brittains , and those divided : And though Velleius Paterculus the Court Historiographer beare vs in hand , bis penetratam Britanniam à Caesare , that Brittainy was twice throughly invaded by Caesar , yet Lucan tels vs another tale , Territa quaesitis ostendit terga Britannis : To th' Britons whom he sought his coward backe he turnd . And Tacitus a graue Authour , Britanniam tantum ostendisse non tradidisse Romanis , that he only shewed , but delivered not Britannie to the Romans . And sure he did so little , that both Horace and Propertius agree in it that he left them vntouched , or at least vnconquered : Intactus aut Britannus vt descenderet Sacra Catenatus via : Or that the Britons , yet vntouched , may Be led in chaines along the sacred way . Sayes the one : And the other . Te manet invictus Romano Marte Britannus . — Vnconquered Britannie , By Romane armes reserved is for thee . The Gaules in their contention with them they found so stout & hardy , as Tully himselfe confesseth , that with other Nations the Romans fought for dominion , but with the Gaules for preservation of their owne safety , who once vnder the conduct of Brennus entred the citty of Rome it selfe , sacked it and burnt it . Pyrrhus King of the Epirots encountred them in Italy it selfe , and vanquished them in two severall battailes , in the former of which they were through feare stricken with such a consternation & forgetfulnes of their discipline , that they tarried not somuch as to defende their campe , but ran quite beyond it , leaving both it and the honour of the day entirely to Pyrrhus , though the Consull himselfe were then in the field with a select army . But Hanniball was indeed the man , who made the Romanes know that they were but men made of like mettall as others are . Like a haile storme he came thundring downe from the Alpes & Pyrrenaean mountaines vpon Italy . At Ticinum now called Pavia , after a long tedious journey , having scarce refreshed his wearied army , consisting of severall Nations , and therefore the harder to be held together & commaunded , he beate Scipio the Consull , and sent him ( with the losse of almost all his horses ) wounded out of the field : And within a while after fighting with both the Consuls Scipio & Sempronius at Trebia , there escaped of six & thirty thousand of the Romans , but tenne thousand of all sorts horse and foote . Not long after , this againe he encountred with Flaminius another Consull at the lake of Thrasymene , who was slaine in the place , accompanied with fifteene thousand dead carkases of his Countrey-men . And Cetronius being sent by Servilius the other Consull to the ayde of Flaminius , his strength only served to increase the misadventure , being charged and the greatest part of them cut in peeces by Maharball , the rest yeelding themselues to mercy . The Romans being put to these straights , choose a Dictator that was Fabius Maximus , who like a cloud hung vpon the toppes of the hils , but durst not come downe into the plaines to fight with Hanniball , though he saw the countrey fired & spoiled by him before his eyes . Wherevpon two new Consuls are chosen Aemilius Paulus & Terentius Varro . For the dispatch of the warre great forces are leavied , and at Cannae they come powring vpon him with assurance of victorie . The whole summe of Hanniball's army in the field this day was , tenne thousand horse and forty thousand foote ; his enimies having two to one against him in foote , & he fiue to three against them in horse : But heere againe he routed and foyled them , in somuch as the Romanes were all in a manner either slaine or taken prisoners : Of men of speciall note there died in the great battell , besides Paulus the Consull , two Questors or Treasurers , one and twenty Colonells or Tribunes of the souldiers , foure score Senatours , or such as had borne office ; out of which they were to bee chosen into the Senate , and many of these were men of marke , as having beene Aediles , Praetors or Consulls , among whom was Servilius the last yeares Consull , and Minutius late Master of the horse : besides all this , the number of the Romane Knights that lay slaine on the place , & of the common souldiers was almost incredible : Whereas on the side of Hanniball there died but foure thousand Gaules , fifteene hundred Spaniards and Africans , and two hundred horse or there-abouts , a losse not sensible in the joy of so great a victorie , which had he pursued as Maharball advised him , and forthwith marched away towards Rome then destitute both of men and money , it is little doubted but that the warre had presently beene at an end : But he beleeued not so farre in his owne sufficiencie and good fortune , and was therefore told that he knew how to get , not how to vse a victorie : Yet had not his supplies promised & expected from Carthage , partly by the malice of Hanno , and partly by the sloath & parsimonie of the Carthaginians , beene too long deferred , it is to be thought the Romans would never againe haue recovered that blow . For after this , he performed in Italy many noble & worthy exploits , marching home even to the gates of Rome it selfe ; and had he beene supplied with victuals in all likelihood , had carried it . Now that which hath made the world conceiue the Romane Magnanimity to be vnmatchable , is the partiall overvaluing of their manhood by their owne Historians , and the too much slighting of all others in comparison with themselues . I will instance only in two or three passages . Livie to disgrace Hannibal writes , that a little before the striking of the battell at Cannae , de fuga in Galliam dicitur agitasse , he is sayd to haue bethought himselfe of flying into Gaule , which was in truth very incredible , the difficulties considered which Hannibal before had passed , and the tearmes he then stood in . This tale therefore Plutarch omitteth , who in the life of Hanniball takes in a manner all his directions from Livie . My second instance is this : Fabius an ancient Roman Historian ( from whom Livie borrowes much ) sayth of Amilcar the father of Hanniball , & his men at Erix a towne in Sicill ; that hauing cleane spent their strength , and being broken with many miseries , they were glad to submit themselues vnto the Romans : But Polybius a graue writer , censureth this report of Fabius , as fabulous & partiall , in as much as the contrary therevnto is to be found in the life of Amilcar , set downe by Aemilius Probus , confessing that Erix was in such sort held by the Carthaginians , that it seemed to be in as good condition , as if in those parts there had not beene any warre . Though then we may not reprehend in that worthy Historian Livie , the tender loue of his countrey , which made him giue credit to Fabius & others : Yet must we not for his sake beleeue those lies which the vnpartiall judgement of Polybius hath condemned in the writers that gaue them originall . My third , & last instance is , that the great Captaine Fabius or Livie in his person , maketh an objection vnto Cneus Scipio , which neither Scipio nor Livie for him doth answere , that if Asdruball the brother of Hanniball , and sonne of Amilcar were vanquished , as Scipio would say , by him in Spaine ; strange it was , and as little to his honour , as it had beene extreamely dangerous to Rome , that the same vanquished man should invade Italy : And it is indeed an incredible narration , that Asdruball being closed in on all sides , and not knowing how to escape out of the battell , saue only by a steepe descent of rocks over a great river that lay at his back , ranne away with all his monie , Elephants , and broken troupes over Tagus directly toward the Pyrenees , and so toward Italy , vpon which hee fell with more then threescore thousand Souldiers . Wherefore wee can but be sorry , that all Carthaginian records of their warres with Rome ( if there were any ) being vtterly lost , wee can knowe no more thereof , then what it hath pleased the Romans to tell vs , vnto whom it were no wisedome to giue too much credit . Albericus Gentilis , by nation an Italian , late professour of the Civill-Lawes in the Vniversity of Oxford , well versed in the Roman storie , hath written two learned bookes de armis Romanorum ; In the former of which hee clearely proues , that the Romans got the reputation of so great justice , and wisedome , & valour only from the testimonie of their owne writers , who were in their relations most partiall : notwithstanding , sayth he , Sunt vel in his ipsis plura & disiecta passim , & quasi in amplo naufragio dissipata quae per sedulam operam collecta , vincere vulgi opinionem , Consensum hominum inveteratum superare , persuasionem de virtute Romanorum bellica tollere possunt : Even in them are many passages to be found scattered heere & there , as it were after some great shipwracke , which being diligently collected and put together , might serue to vanquish the vulgar opinion , to roote out the inveterate & common consent , to weaken the strong perswasion of men touching the warlike manhood of the Romans . And alleaging that place of Cicero in his Oration for murena , virtus militaris populo Romano nomen vrbi Romae aeternam gloriam peperit ; The military vertue of the Romanes wanne to themselues fame , and to their Citty aeternall glory , imo non ita est M. Tulli , sayth he , sed fraus , avaritia , audacia , crudelitas , illud vobis imperium pepererunt , 〈◊〉 terrae reliquum simpliciorem , justiorem , humaniorem , faciliorem , moderationem subegerunt . Tullie , it is not so , but fraud , covetousnesse , impudence , cruelty got you the Empire , and subdued the rest of the world more innocent ; more just , more courteous , more mercifull , more moderate , more peaceable then yourselues : and this he doth not barely affirme , but substantially makes it good through that booke , though in the next , he seeme to haue spoken in the person of another . I will conclude this long , though I trust not tedious discourse of the Romans with a dispute of Sir Walter Rawleigh's handling that probleme , proposed and discussed by Livie , whether the great Alexander could haue prevailed against the Romans , if after his Easterne conquest he had bent all his forces against them . Where having delivered his opinion against Livy for Alexander , together with his reasons , inducing him therevnto , he goes on preferring the English both before the Macedonian & the Roman : wherein if he speake reason , let him be heard , if not , let him bee censured : But for mine owne part I must confesse , I know not well how to answere his arguments , so pressing & ponderous to me they seeme , whether affection haue clouded my judgement heerein , I leaue it to others to judge , his words then are these : SECT . 9. The English not inferiour to the Romane in valour & magnanimity , by the iudgement of Sir Walter Rawleigh . NOw in deciding such a controversie , saith he , me thinkes it were not amisse for an English-man to giue such a sentence between the Macedonians & Romans , as the Romans once did ( being chosen Arbitrators ) between the Ardeates & Aricini that stroue about a peece of land ; saying , that it belonged vnto neither of them , but vnto the Romans themselues . If therefore it be demaunded , whether the Macedonian or the Roman were the best Warriour ? I will answere , the Englishman . For it will soone appeare to any that shall examine the noble acts of our Nation in warre , that they were performed by no advantage of Weapon ; against no savage or vnmanly people ; the enemy being farre superiour vnto vs in numbers and all needfull provisions , yea as vvell trayned as vvee , or commonly better , in the exercise of Warre . In what sort Philip wanne his Dominion in Greece ; what manner of men the Persians and Indians were whom Alexander vanquished ; as likewise of what force the Macedonian Phalanx was , and how well appointed against such armies as it commonly encountred : any man that hath taken paines to read the fore-going story of them , doth sufficiently vnderstand . Yet was this Phalanx neuer or very seldome able to stand against the Roman Armies : which were embattailed in so excellent a forme , as I know not whether any Nations besides them haue vsed , either before or since . The Roman weapons likewise both offensiue & defensiue were of greater vse , then those with which any other Nation hath serued , before the fierie instruments of gun-powder were knowne . As for the enemies with which Rome had to doe , we finde that they who did ouer-match her in numbers , were as farre over-matched by her in weapons ; and that they of whom shee had little advantage in armes , had as little advantage of her in multitude . This also ( as Plutarch well obserueth ) was a part of her happinesse , that shee was neuer ouer-laid with too great warres at once . Heereby it came to passe , that hauing at first increased her strength by accession of the Sabines ; hauing wonne the state of Alba , against which she adventured her owne selfe , as it were in wager vpon the heads of three Champions ; and hauing thereby made her selfe Princesse of Latium , she did afterwards by long warre in many ages extend her Dominion ouer all Italy . The Carthaginians had well nigh oppressed her : but their souldiers were Mercenarie : so that for want of proper strength they were easily beaten at their owne doores . The Aetolians and with them all or the most of Greece assisted her against Philip the Macedonian : he being beaten , did lend her his helpe to beat the same Aetolians . The warres against Antiochus and other Asiatiques , were such as gaue to Rome smal cause of boast , though much of joy : for those opposites were as base of courage as the lands which they held were abundant of riches . Sicil , Spaine , and all Greece fell into her hands by vsing her ayde to protect them against the Carthaginians and Macedonians . I shall not need to speake of her other conquests : it was easie to get more when she had gotten all this . It is not my purpose to disgrace the Roman valour ( which was very noble ) or to blemish the reputatiō of so many , or so famous victories : I am not so idle . This I say , that among all their warres , I finde not any wherein their valour hath appeared comparable to the English. If my judgement may seeme ouer-partiall , our warres in France may helpe to make it good . First therefore it is well knowne that Rome ( or perhaps all the World besides ) had neuer so braue a Commaunder in warre as Iulius Caesar ; & that no Roman Army was comparable vnto that which serued vnder the same Caesar. Likewise it is apparant that this gallant Army which had giuen faire proofe of the Roman courage , in good performance of the Helvetian warre , when it first entred into Gaule ; was neuerthelesse vtterly disheartned when Caesar led it against the Germans . So that we may justly impute all that was extraordinary in the valour of Caesars men , to their long exercise vnder so good a Leader , in so great a warre . Now let vs in generall compare with the deedes done by those best of the Roman souldiers in their principall service , the things performed in the same country by our common English souldiers , levied in hast from following the Cart , or sitting on the shop-stall , so shall we see the difference . Heerein will we deale fairely , and beleeue Caesar in relating the Acts of the Romans : but will call the French Historians to witnesse what actions were performed by the English. In Caesars time France was inhabited by the Gaules a stout people , but inferiour to the French by whom they were subdued ; euen when the Romans gaue them assistance . The Country of Gaule was rent in sunder ( as Caesar witnesseth ) into many Lordships : Some of which were gouerned by petty kings , others by the multitude , none ordered in such sort as might make it applyable to the nearest neighbour . The factions were many and violent , not onely in generall through the whole Country , but betweene the petty States , yea in euery Citty , and almost in euery house . What greater advantage could a Conquerour desire ? yet there was a greater : Ariovistus with his Germans had ouer-runne the Country , and held much part of it in a subjection , little different from a meere slauery : yea so often had the Germans prevailed in warre vpon the Gaules , that the Gaules ( vvho had sometimes been the better souldiers ) did hold themselues no vvay equall to those dayly invaders . Had France beene so prepared vnto our English Kings , Rome it selfe by this time , and long ere this time vvould haue beene ours . But vvhen King Edward the third began his vvarre vpon France , he found the vvhole country setled in obedience to one mighty King : a King whose reputation abroad was no lesse then his puissance at home , vnder whose Ensigne the King of Bohemia did serue in person , at whose call the Genowayes and other neighbour States were ready to take Armes : Finally a King vnto whom one a Prince gaue away his Dominion for loue : b another sold away a goodly City and Territory for money . The Country lying so open to the Roman , and being so well fenced against the English , it is note-worthy , not who prevailed most therein ( for it were meere vanity to match the English purchases with the Roman Conquest ) but whether of the two gaue the greater proof of military vertue therein . Caesar himselfe doth witnesse , that the Gaules complained of their own ignorance in the Art of Warre , and that their owne hardinesse was over-mastered by the skill of their enemies . Poore men , they admired the Romane Towres and Engines of battery raised and planted against their wals , as more then humane workes . What greater wonder is it that such a people was beaten by the Roman , then that the Caribes a naked people , but valiant as any vnder the skye , are commonly put to the worse by small numbers of Spanyards ? Besides all this wee are to haue regard of the great difficulty that was found in drawing all the Gaules or any part of them to one head , that with joint forces they might oppose their assailants , as also the much more difficulty of holding them long together : For hereby it came to passe that they were neuer able to make vse of oportunity : but sometimes compelled to stay for their fellowes , and sometimes driven to giue or take battaile vpon extreame disadvantages , for feare least their company should fall asunder : as indeed vpon any little disaster they were ready to breake and returne euery one to the defence of his owne . All this , ( and which was little lesse then all this ) great oddes in weapon gaue to the Romanes the honour of many gallant victories . What such helpe ? or what other worldly helpe then the golden mettall of their souldiers had our English Kings against the French ? were not the French as well experienced in feats of warre ? yea did they not thinke themselues therein our superiours ? were they not in armes , in horse , and in all provision exceedingly beyond vs ? Let vs heare what a French Writer sayth , of the inequality that was betweene the French and English , when their King Iohn was ready to giue the on-set vpon the Black Prince at the battaile of Poictiers . Iohn had all advantages ouer Edward , both of number , force , shew , countrey , and conceit , ( the which is commonly a consideration of no small importance in worldly affaires ) and withall , the choise of all his horsemen ( esteemed then the best in Europe ) with the greatest and wisest Captaines of his whole Realme . And what could he wish more ? I thinke it would trouble a Romane Antiquary to finde the like example in their Histories ; the example , I say , of a King , brought prisoner to Rome by an army of eight thousand , which he had surrounded with forty thousand , better appointed , and no lesse expert Warriours . This I am sure of , that neither Syphax the Numidian , followed by a rabble of halfe scullions , as Livy rightly tearmes them , nor those cowardly kings Perseus and Gentius , are worthy patternes . All that haue read of Cressie and Agincourt , will beare me witnes , that I doe not alleadge the battle of Poictiers for lack of other as good examples of the English vertue : the proofe whereof hath left many a hundred better markes in all quarters of France , then euer did the valour of the Romans . If any man impute these victories of ours to the long-Bow , as carrying farther , piercing more strongly , and quicker of discharge then the French Crosse-Bow : my answere is ready ; that in all these respects , it is also ( being drawne with a strong arme ) superior to the musket ; yet is the musket a weapon of more vse . The Gun and the Crosse-bow are of like force when discharged by a boy or woman , as when by a strong man : weakenes or sicknes , or a sore finger makes the long bow vnserviceable . More particularly , I say , that it was the custome of our Auncestors to shoot for the most part , point blanck : and so shall hee perceiue that will note the circumstances of almost any one battaile . This takes away all objection : for when two Armies are within the distance of a butts length ▪ one flight of arrowes or two at the most can be deliuered before they close . Neither is it in generall true , that the long-bow reacheth farther , or that it pierceth more strongly then the Crosse bow : but this is the rare effect of an extraordinary arme : wherevpon can be grounded no common rule . If any man shall aske : How then it came to passe that the English wanne so many great battailes , hauing no advantage to helpe him ? I may with the best commendation of modesty , referre him to the French Historian : who relating the victory of our men at Creuant , where they passed a bridge in face of the enemy , vseth these wordes ; The English comes with a conquering brauery , as he that was accustomed to gaine euery-where without any stay : hee forceth our Guard placed vpon the bridge to keepe the passage . Or I may cite another place of the same Author , where he tells how the Britons being invaded by Charles the eight , King of France , thought it good policy to apparel a thousand and two hundred of their owne men in English Cassacks ; hoping that the very sight of the English red Crosse would bee enough to terrifie the French. But I will not stand to borrow of the French Historians ( all which , excepting De Serres and Paulus Aemilius , report wonders of our Nation ) the proposition which first I vndertooke to maintaine , That the military vertue of the English prevailing against all manner of difficulties , ought to be preferred before that of the Romanes , which was assisted with all advantages that could be desired . If it be demaunded ; why then did not our Kings finish the Conquest as Caesar had done ? my answere may be ( I hope without offence ) that our kings were like to the race of the Aeacidae , of whom the old Poet Ennius gaue this note ; Belli potentes sunt magè quam sapienti potentes ; they were more warlike then politique . Who so notes their proceedings , may finde that none of them went to worke like a Conquerour , saue only King Henry the fift , the course of whose victories it pleased God to interrupt by his death . But this question is the more easily answered , if another bee first made : Why did not the Romanes attempt the Conquest of Gaule before the time of Caesar ? why not after the Macedonian warre ? why not after the third Punick , or after the Numantian ? At all those times they had good leisure , & then especially had they both leisure and fit oportunity , when vnder the conduct of Marius they had newly vanquished the Cimbri and Teutones , by whom the Country of Gaule had beene piteously vvasted . Surely the vvords of Tully vvere true , that vvith other Nations the Romans fought for Dominion with the Gaules for the preseruation of their owne safety . Therefore they attempted not the Conquest of Gaule , vntill they were Lords of all other Countryes to them knowne . We on the other side held only the one halfe of our owne Iland ; the other halfe being inhabited by a Nation ( vnlesse perhaps in wealth and numbers of men somewhat inferiour ) euery way equall to our selues : A Nation anciently and strongly allied to our enemies the French , and in that regard enemies to vs : So that our danger lay both before and behinde vs , and the greater danger at our backs , where commonly we felt , alwayes we feared a stronger invasion by Land then wee could make vpon France , transporting our forces ouer Sea. It is vsuall with men that haue pleased themselues in admiring the matters which they finde in ancient histories , to hold it a great injurie done to their judgement , if any take vpon him by way of comparison to extoll the things of latter ages . But I am well perswaded , that as the divided vertue of this our Iland hath given more noble proofe of it selfe , than vnder so worthy a Leader that Roman armie could doe , which afterwards could winne Rome and all her Empire , making Caesar a Monarch : So heereafter by Gods blessing , who hath converted our greatest hinderance into our greatest helpe , the enimie that shall dare to trie our forces , will finde cause to wish , that avoiding vs , he had rather encountred as great a puissance as was that of the Romane Empire . Thus farre Sir Walter Rawleigh , comparing the Romane valour with the English , and if we should compare them with the Turkes , it is certaine that the Romans in the like space of time , never subdued the like quantity of land , so excellently fertile , and abounding in warlike people as did they . In lesse then three hundred yeares , from Ottoman to Mahomet the third , they wanne all those goodly Countreyes from Tauris in Persia to Buda in Hungarie , lying East , & West , and North , and South , from Derbent neere the Caspian Sea , vnto Adena , vpon the gulfe of Arabia , each of which containes about 3200 miles . So as all the noise which the Roman writers haue made about the vnmatchable valour of their men , is but like the huge armour which Alexander left in the Indies after his conquering of those Nations , serving rather to amaze the world , then rightly to informe it . CAP. 12. Wherein the generall objections touching the worlds decay in matter of Manners , are answered at large . SECT . 1. Two objections drawne from reason , and both answered : The one , that since the first plantation of Christian Religion , men haue from time to time degenerated : The other , that the multitude of Lawes , and Lawyers , and Law-suites , and the multiplicitie of words in writings & convayances , argue the great sicknes & malice of the present times in regard of the former . ANd thus I hope I haue now sufficiently cleered the point , that the ancient Romans ( who are in stories most magnified of any Nation vnder heaven for their morall vertues ) exceeded latter ages in many foule vices , and haue by latter ages beene equalled , if not exceeded even in those vertues , wherein they seemed most to excell . And heerein haue I chiefely aimed at the honour of Christ & Christian Religion ; which being rightly vnderstood and practised , without apish superstition on the one side , or peeuish singularity on the other , serues no doubt to make men more morally vertuous then any other religion , that either at this day is , or since the Creation hath beene professed in the world ; I speake , not only in regard of Iustice & temperance , but of wisedome & fortitude ; and besides , for contempt of the world , austerity of life , patience , humility , modesty , charity , chastity , obedience , piety , and singular devotion , it hath doubtlesse yeelded men altogether vnmatchable . But it will bee said , that since the first plantation of Christian Religion , men haue from time to time degenerated , so as the farther they are removed from the Primitiue Professours , who burned in zeale and shined in good workes , the worse they haue growne : Wherevnto I answere , that the primitiue times , aswell in that they came neerer to Christ & his Apostles , as likewise , because they were subject to the fierie triall of persecution were indeede purer then the succeeding ages , in which together with peace & plentie , pride & luxury , oppression & vncharitablenes crept in , till at length they , who should haue been the principall lights & guides in the Church , became in all manner of vncleanes , cruelty , covetousnesse , & ambition little inferiour to the worst of the Roman Emperours . But heere then , things being now come to this height , appeared the speciall providence of Almighty God , in sending some zealous spirits to awaken the world , to rouze vp Christian Princes , to tell the Prelates their owne : And though therevpon followed a rent in the Church , yet withall there followed a reformation of manners , at least-wise in regard of scandalous & notorious vices , even among them , who refused , and still refuse reformation in matter of doctrine ; the liues of their Popes , their Cardinalls , ●…eir Bishops , their Priests , are in appearance much amended , what within these two or three hundred yeares , by the confession of their owne writers , they were ; who we may well thinke , were ignorant of much , and much out of feare or favour they concealed : But somuch haue they published to the view of the world , as would greeue an honest man to reade , & shame a modest to write , which they shamed not to act , nay boasted of being acted : And for the other part , which professes & maintaines the reformation , I hope they will not say , that they are thereby made the worse in matter of manners ; God forbid but they , who professe themselues reformed in matter of dostrine , should likewise shew themselues reformed in matter of Manners . And sure I thinke we may safely say , that fewer rebellions , robberies , murthers , sorceries and the like , haue beene heard of , and more pious and charitable workes seene in our Land since the Reformation of Religion , then in the like compasse of yeares since the first plantation thereof amongst vs. It will perchance bee said againe , that the multitude of Lawes , and Lawyers , & Law-sutes , and the multiplicity of words in writings & convayances for Law businesses , argue the great sickenesse and malice of the times in regard of the former : To which it may truly be replied , that the multitude of Lawes giues occasion to the number of Law-suites , and that to the increase of Lawyers ; and they againe serue to increase the multiplying of words in Convayances . Now that which giues occasion to a greater multitude of Lawes , is not , as I conceiue , so much the increase of vice , as of knowledge and zeale in the Law-makers ; common swearing , simple fornication , prophaning of the Lords day and the like , in former times were scarce known to be sinnes ; but being now by the light of the Gospell discovered to be such , and that in an high degree , as they are straitely forbidden by Gods Law , so is the edge of our lawe , turned against them . Besides , it is certaine , that no Law can be so cautelously framed for the preventing of all inconveniences in that kind , but that the wit of man armed with malice , will finde meanes to wrest the letter , or frustrate the intent of it ; from whence other Lawes haue sprung vp for the cleering of the ambiguity , or supplie of the defect of the former ; it is not then so much the malice of the present age , as th●… of all ages succeeding one another therein , which hath occasioned such a masse of Lawes , as their burden is in a manner now as cumbersome , as were the mischiefes they were made to prevent , prius vitijs laboravimus nunc Legibus , Tacitus spake it of his times , but it may well enough bee verified of ours ; we formerly were burdened with vices , but now with Lawes . If then a wise choice were made out of the whole bodie of the Lawes , of the most vsefull and proper for the present times , and they severely executed , the rest being repealed and abrogated , it would proue both easier for the subject , and happier for the weale publique . Now for the number of Law-suites , it hath alwayes beene observed , that in times of peace and plenty , as riches increase by manufactures , and tillage , and trading , so doth the number of controversies . Our Forefathers for many agés together lived for the most part in Civill Warres and continuall alarmes ; so as the sword then determined the controversie , and not the Law ; since then the sword hath bin sheathed , no marveile that the Law & Courts of Iustice haue bin more in request . Moreover , the fall of the Monasteries and the alienating of their Lands into so many hands , hath no doubt bin a great meanes to set Lawyers a worke since that fall , more then in former ages . And what is it but the setting of men a worke which sets vp a trade , and multiplies the professours thereof ? And as the number of professours multiplie , so doe the diversitie of their conceites and inventions ; many eyes seing more then one can , which is the cause , that both more flawes are found in Convayances , and consequently more clauses and cautions thrust into them for the preventing of the like . SECT . 2. Another objection answered , taken from the Scriptures , which in diverse places seeme to say , that the last times shall be the worst . BUt the great doubt which troubles most men , is , that the Scriptures seeme in diverse places to say , that the last times shall be the worst ; and to this end are commonly alleadged these passages : Because iniquity shall abound , the loue of many shall waxe cold . When the Sonne of Man commeth , shall he finde faith on the earth ? Now the Spirit speaketh expressely , that in the latter times some shall depart from the faith , giving heed to seducing spirits , and doctrines of devills . This know also , that in the last dayes perillous times shall come , for men shall be lovers of their owne selues , covetous , boasters ; and evill men and seducers shall waxe worse and worse , deceiving and being deceived . There shall come in the last dayes , scoffers walking after their owne lusts . Beloved , remember yee the words which were spoken before of the Apostles of our Lord Iesus Christ , how that they told you there should be mockers in the last dayes , who should walke after their owne vngodly lusts . These are all , or at least-wise the principall passages which I haue either found alleaged , or can remember to that purpose . Where●…to I first reply in generall , that put the case they all inferred a decay in matter of Manners toward the end of the world , yet doth not that necessarily inforce a perpetuall & vniversall declination since the fall of man ; but men may be ( as doubtlesse they haue been ) sometimes better & sometimes worse by interchange , and at the last worst of all . But I would demaund how it can hang together , that we should expect the subversion of Antichrist & his kingdome , & the conversion of the whole Nation of the Iewes to the saving knowledge of the truth , before the end of the world , and yet withall affirme or beleeue , that the whole world still hath , & doth , & shall to the end thereof grow worse and worse ? For mine owne part I must professe , that I know not how to reconcile so different and contradictorie opinions . But for the better clearing and vnderstanding of the passages alleaged , it will be needfull to consider in what sense The last dayes in holy Scripture are to be taken . Some there are , who referre them to the dayes of Antichrist : but others vpon better warrant to the dayes of Christ , from his first comming in the flesh , to his second comming to judgement . Thus the Prophet Isayah , It shall come to passe in the last dayes , that the Mountaine of the Lords house shall be established in the toppe of the mountaines . And Micah to the same purpose , and so neere in the same words , as if he borrowed them from Esay . Now the dayes of Christs kingdome are therefore called the last dayes , not onely because it set an end to the kingdome of the Iewes , but because none other Priest-hood , or Sacrifice , or Sacraments , or Law are to succeede in place thereof . As man is a little world , so the age of the world like that of man , is distributed into diverse stops or periods . It hath its infancie , child-hood , youth , perfect estate , & old age . And as in man old age may , and sometime doth last as long as all the rest , so may it fall out in these times of the kingdome of Christ , and yet they be still the last times . Thus the time of Iob from his restitution to his death , is said to be his last dayes , or latter end , though it comprehend one hundred and forty yeares , which in the life of man is a long space . And if by the last dayes we should vnderstand the times neere approaching to the worlds end , no small advantage might thereby vnawares be given to the Iewes , who would beare vs in hand that the Messias is not yet come , because the last times are not yet come : Whereas we on the other side say for our selues and truly , that the last times are come ; not therefore because they approach neere to the worlds end , but because the Messias is come . Vpon which ground the Apostles themselues , in imitation belike of the Prophets , likewise tearme it the last times . In the last times he hath spoken to vs by his Sonne , saith S. Paul. And S. Iohn , Little children , it is the last time , and as you haue heard that Antichrist shall come , euen now are many Antichrists , whereby we know that it is the last time . Since which time we know sixteene Centenaries of yeares haue passed . So as the Apostles could not well tearme their times the last in regard of any neare approach to the worlds end : but because they liued vnder the Kingdome of Christ. And if I should thus expound those alleadged passages , I should conceiue the interpretatiō were not vnsound . Augustin I am sure in his Epist. to Hesichius allowes it . Calvin in divers places beats vpon it , Per dies extremos satis tritum est regnum Christi designari : and in another place more fully to our present purpose , Sub extremis diebus comprehendit vniversum Christianae Ecclesiae statum , vnder the tearmes of the last dayes hee comprehends the vniversall estate of the Church of Christ. Herevnto may be added that which some latter learned Diuines touching this point haue obserued , that the Hebrew word signifies either extremitie or posterioritie , as I may so speake . Whence it is somtimes rendred Last , and sometimes Latter , both in Greeke , Latine , and other Languages , and those two promiscuously taken the one for the other . Thus the Apostle in 2 Timothy and the 3. calls that the last times , which before in his former Epistle and 4 chapt . he had called the Latter times , and that word which in the last of S. Marke , our former Translations rendred Finally , our last hath turned Afterward : nay whereas wee reade in the Prophet Ioel , It shall come to passe afterward , S. Peter ( by divine inspiration no doubt ) hath rendred it , It shall come to passe in the last dayes . But very remarkeable are the words of old Iacob to this purpose when hee lay a dying , and by the spirit of Prophesie foretold what should become of his sonnes , I will tell you saith he , that which shall befall you in the last dayes , in which prediction of his , though it be true that some things cōcerne the Kingdome of Christ , as that touching Iudah , the Scepter shall not depart from Iuda ; nor a Lawgiuer from betweene his feet vntill Shiloh come ; yet is it as true that many things in that Prophesie , both concerning Iudah and the other Patriarches and Tribes descending from them were fulfilled long before the incarnation of CHRIST , and not long after the death of Iacob . In like manner the same word is vsed by Daniel in the Interpretation of Nebuchadnezzars dreame . There is a God in heauen that revealeth secrets , and maketh knowne to the King what shall be in the latter dayes or last dayes : Which same speech in the 45 v. following hee againe repeates in these tearmes : The great God hath made knowne to the King what shall come to passe hereafter . And though it be most certaine that some of those things there fore-shewed , were none otherwise fulfilled then in the kingdome of Christ , as namely that in the 44. v. in the dayes of these Kings shall the God of Heauen set vp a Kingdome which shall neuer be destroyed : yet withall it may not , it cannot be denyed but the greatest part of them were accomplished before our Saviours apparelling himselfe with our flesh , and some of them , to wit , the setting vp of the Persian Monarchy but 63 yeares after Nebuchadnezzars dreame or vision , and Daniels prediction . And hence it is that Iunius and Tremelius render the Hebrew word in both those passages of Genesis and Daniel ; with Sequentibus , or Consequentibus temporibus , which implies nothing else but times following and ensuing . Those Prophesies then of S. Peter and S. Paul touching the great wickednesse of the latter or last times , may well bee vnderstood either of the Kingdome of Christ , as hath beene said , or of times following theirs , and not necessarily neere approaching the end of all time . SEC . 3. The passages of Scripture alleadged to that purpose , particularly and distinctly answered . NOW for the particular passages : That prophesie of S. Paul touching Apostates , forbidding to marry , and commanding to abstaine from meates was accomplished in Eustathius , the Encratits or Tatians , the Marcionists , the Manichaeans , the Cathari , the Cataphrygians or Montanists , who all vented their heresies in those two points within lesse then two or three hundred yeares of the Apostles . And if wee should with some latter Writers referre that whole prophesie to the defection of the Roman Church , I thinke we should therein doe her no wrong : Howsoeuer it is fully agreed vpon , both by them and vs , that the prophesie was long since fulfilled . The same in effect may be said of his other prophesie in his second Epistle : Neque enim aetatem suam cum nostra comparat , sed potius qualis futura sit regni Christi conditio docet , sayth judicious Calvin in his Commentaries vpon that place , Hee doth not compare his owne age with ours , but rather teaches what the Condition of Christs Kingdome was to be . And that which the Apostle addes of Euill men and Seducers , that they shall waxe worse and worse , deceiuing and being deceiued , is not sufficient to evince a perpetuall and vniversall declination . For though some euill men grow worse , yet others may , and by Gods grace doe grow from bad to good , and from good to better : and euen of the same men doth the same Apostle tell vs in the same place , They shall proceede no farther , but their folly shall be manifest vnto all men . As for S Peter and his prophesie touching the last dayes , it is cleere that it was accomplished when S. Iude wrote his Epistle in as much as he points in a manner with his finger to that passage of S. Peter not only vsing the same words , but putting vs in mind that he had them expressely from the Apostles of the Lord Iesus : the onely difference betwixt S. Peter and S. Iude is this , that the one foretells it , and the other shewes how it was euen then fulfilled . But I passe from the Schollers to the Master , from the Apostles to our Saviour himselfe and his prophesies touching this point , recorded by the Evangelists , whereof the first is in Mat. 24. Because iniquity shall abound the loue of many shall waxe cold . For the exposition of which words we are to know that our Sauiour in that chapter speaketh of the signes fore-running aswell the destruction of Ierusalem as the consummation of the World , and so twisteth as it were , or weaueth them one within another , that it is hard to distinguish them : yet by the consent of the best expositours , the former of these is to bee referred to the first part of the chapter , and so consequently this prophesie was long since accomplisned : the meaning of it to be this , that such and so cruell shall bee the persecution of Christian Religion , that many who otherwise had a good minde to embrace it , shall forsake both it and the Professours thereof , leauing them to the malice of their Persequutors . And to this purpose doe both Maldonate and Aretius bring the Example and words of S. Paul , At my first answere no man stood with me , but all men forsooke mee , I pray God it be not laid to their charge . Our Saviours second prophesie to this purpose is recorded in the 18 of S. Luke , When the Sonne of man cometh shall he find faith on the earth ? Which words both Calvin and Iansenius referre not precisely to the time of Christs comming to judgment , but extend them to the generall state of men euen from his Ascension to his second Comming : Disertè Christus à suo in Coelum ascensu vsque ad reditum homines passim incredulos fore praedicit , saith Calvin ; Christ expressely teacheth , that from his ascension euen till his returue , many vnbeleevers shall euery-where be found . But Iansenius somewhat more cleerely and fully , Non tantum significat defectum & paucitatem fidei in hominibus qui vivi reperientur in novissimo die , sed etiam in hominibus cuiuslibet temporis . He doth not onely intimate the defect and scantnesse of faith which shall be found in men at the last day , but in those of all ages . To these passages may be added that in the 12 of the Revelation , Woe to the Inhabitants of the earth and of the sea , for the divell is come downe vnto you hauing great wrath , because he knoweth that he hath but a short time : but the time there spoken of ( as the soundest Interpreters expound it ) is not called short in respect of the end of the World ( which to the divell is vtterly vnknowne ) but of his binding vp for a thousand yeares whereof he was fore-warned : and besides though the shorter his time bee , his rage be the fiercer , yet is not his intended and desired successe alwayes answereable to the fiercenesse of his rage , the Lord holding him , as it were in a teather , or chaine , and setting him bounds , as hee doth to the raging waues of the sea , hither to shalt thou goe , and no farther . SECT . 4. The last doubt touching the comming of Antichrist answered . THE last doubt is concerning Antichrist , who many thinke shall come neere toward the end of the World , and consequently it shall then be filled with all kinde of impiety , impurity , and misery , the attendants of his comming , and that much beyond all former times . But if Antichrist be already come , and that long since , then will the validity of this argument proue vtterly ineffectuall . And certainely such hath beene the wickednesse and calamity of all ages , that as Bellarmine speakes : Omnes veteres animadvertentes suorum temporum malitiam suspicati sunt tempora Antichristi imminere . All the Ancients considering the malice of their times , suspected that Antichrist was at hand . Thus S. Cyprian of his time , Scire debetis & pro certo credere & tenere pressurae diem super caput esse caepisse & occasumsaeculi atque Antichristi tempus appropinquasse . Yee ought to know , and for certaine to hold and beleeue , that the day of pressure is euen ouer our heads , and that the consummation of all things , & the comming of Antichrist doth approach . Lactantius of his , omnis expectatio non amplius quam ducentorum videtur annorum , the end of our expectation seemes not to extend beyond the space of two hundred yeares at farthest . S. Hierome of his , Qui tenebat de medio fit , & non intelligimus Antichristum appropinquare ? he which held or with-held is remoued out of the way , and doe we not vnderstand that Antichrist is at hand ? S. Gregory of his , omnia quae praedicta sunt fiunt : rex superbiae prope est , all things that were foretold are accomplished , the King of Pride cannot be farre off . And lastly S. Bernard of his , Superest vt reveletur homo peccati silius perditionis ; What remaines but that the man of sinne , the sonne of perdition bee revealed . From which , two things for our present purpose may be gathered , the one , that extreame prophanesse hath raigned in the world almost in all ages , aswell as in the present , such as they , who then liued , thought , could not well be exceeded . The other that if they looked out for the comming of Antichrist so long since , by all likelyhood he is already come into the world , and that long agone . S. Iohn tells vs , that in his time there were many Antichrists , fore-runners no doubt and harbengers , as it were to the great Antichrist that was to come . And S. Paul 〈◊〉 euen then the mystery of iniquity began to worke : if he were then conceiued , in all likelyhood he should be born ere now , if the egge were then layed , shall wee imagine that the Cocatric●…s not yet hatched ? was the seed then cast into the ground , and this cursed weed not yet sprung vp ? Credat Iudaeus Apella Non ego . Beleeu't who list for me indeed , It ne'r shall come into my creed . SECT . 5. The argument of greatest weight to proue that Antichrist is already come . BVt among so many and strong arguments as haue beene , & justly may be brought to proue that Antichrist is already come , there is one which to me hath euer seemed of greatest weight : You know , sayth the Apostle , speaking of the man of sin , the sonne of perdition , what with-holdeth that he might be revealed in his time : And againe , onely he who now letteth , will let vntill he be taken out of the way . So as vpon the removing of that obstacle which hindered his comming , he was then to bee revealed , as the wordes plainly import . Now what that hinderance should be , the vnanimous consent of the Ancients both Greeke & Latins is , that it was the Roman Empire that then flourished . So Chrysostome , Theophylact , Oecumenius , Ambrose , Primasius , Sedulius , and the Greeke Scholiast in their severall expositions vpon the place : Tertullian in his booke de resurrectione carnis , and the thirty second Chapter of his Apologie . Cyrillus Hyerosolymitanus in Catech●…si 15. Hierome in his eleventh question to Algasia , in his Commentaries vpon the 25 of the Prophet Ierimy , in his Treatise to Gaudentius & Gerontia ; and lastly S. Augustine in his 20 booke de civitate Dei , & 19. cap. And with the Ancients heerein agree the latter writ●…rs on both sides , aswell Romish as Reformed , being warranted by the like Prophesies both of Daniell , and Saint Iohn in his Revelation . And in truth the Apostles warinesse in not naming it expressely , least thereby he should incurre hatred against the Christian Professours and Religion , shewes as much . That then which remaines to be inquired into , is , whether that obstacle , which by the Apostle is said to haue hindred the revealing of Antichrist be taken out of the way or no , that is , whether that Roman Empire which then flourished , be now dissolved . It is then most certaine , that that Empire for the west ended in Augustulus , and the Emperour which now is , is the successour of Charlemaigne , an Emperour of a new erection : Neither hath he the dominions or the power of the former Emperours , but only the name and title , Stat magni nominis vmbra . Of a great name he but the shadow is . He hath not the city of Rome which should denominate the Roman Emperour , nor any part of Italy , no nor somuch as a Castle , or an house , or a foot of land as Emperour . We may then rather call him the German Emperour then the Roman ; and yet surely his commaund in Germany is very small too . The Romanists then in this case seeme to me to deale with him , as the Iewes did with Christ , they giue him the title , but take and keepe his rights from him . Or they call him Roman Emperour perchaunce , because he takes , or as they pretend , should take his Oath of allegiance to the Bishop of Rome : And that the Empire which was in being in the Apostles time , is indeed dissolved ; some of the a Romanists themselues , though happily vnawares confesse . Ante adventum Antichristi facienda erat discessio , vt Gentes discedant à Romano Imperio , sicut jam factum cernimus , sayth Anselme , before the comming of Antichrist , there was to be a falling away of the Nations from the Romane Empire , as we see it already done . And Thomas , Quid hoc est quod jam diu gentes recesserunt à Romano imperio , & tamen nondum venit Antichristus , what shall we say to this , that long since the Nations fell away from the Romane Empire , and yet Antichrist is not come . And Lyra , Romanum imperium florebat tempore Pauli , à quo recesserunt quasi omnia regna negantia ei subijci & redditionem tributi jam à multis annis : illud etiam imperium caruit imperatore pluribus annis : The Roman Empire flourished in Pauls time , from which almost all kingdomes are falne away , denying subjection and the payment of tribute to it : And besides , that Empire hath wanted an Emperour now for the space of many yeares . Neither doe they only acknowledge , that the Empire which flourished in the Apostles time , is dissolved , but that the Emperour which now is , retaines rather the shadow then the power of the ancient Empire . And this confession we haue out of the mouths even of Iesuites themselues . Quampridem Romanum imperium in eas angustias redactum est , vt vix tenuem quandam vmbram Imperij retineat , long since was the Roman Empire brought to those straights , that it scarce retaines a thin shadow of that Empire , sayth Iustinianus . And Salmeron most fully , Imperium Romanum jam diu eversum est : Nam qui nunc est Imperator Romanus , levissima est vmbra Imperij antiqui ; vsque adeo vt ne quidem vrbem Romae possideat , & jam per multos annos Romani Imperatores defecerunt : The Roman Empire was long since dissolved : For he , who is now Roman Emperour , is but a light shadow of the ancient Empire , so as he doth not possesse somuch as the Citty of Rome , and now for many yeares haue the Romane Emperours failed . I would demaund then , whether a name , a title , a shadow can hinder the comming of Antichrist , or be divided among ten Kings , and shared out into ten kingdomes ? if it cannot , then is Antichrist vndoubtedly already come into the world . Now what he is , or where we should finde him , or when he came , I leaue that to others to dispute or demonstrate ; it is for my purpose sufficient that he is come , and that long since ; yet if we should a little more narrowly search into the matter , who I pray you , is more likely to be the man , then he , who hath specially advanced his throne vpon the Emperours ruines , who hath thrust himselfe into the Emperours seate , the Imperiall City ▪ the head and mistresse of the Empire ; then he , who hath taken vpon himselfe the Majesty , the power , the ensignes , the robes of the Emperour , though in some what a different kinde ; And that the Bishop of Rome hath so done , Pasquier in his Recearches of France , Machiavell in his Florentine history , Sigonius in his history of the kingdome of Italy , and Guicciardin in his , in part declare : But Lypsius hath set it downe so cleerely & particularly , as we may easily guesse , and need doubt no longer , who it is , that hath succeeded into the Emperours roome . I will set downe his words at large as I finde them in his preface to his Admiranda . Mira Dei benignitas in hanc vrbem , cum Legionum vim eripuit , Legum attribuit , cum armis imperare noluit , sacris indulsit : Et sic quoque fecit eam decus , tutelam , columen rerum . Atqui Senatus ille vetus non est inquiunt , non ille sed alius , & vide in ista purpura ex omni nostro orbe selectos proceres moribus , prudentia , annis , spectandos . Si vetus ille Cyneas redeat & hunc consessum videat , nihil ambigat vel cum regibus iterum , vel cum heroibus comparare . Quid tributa ? non tam multa , sed magis innoxia & vltronea sunt . Quid Legationes gentium ? nec eae desunt , & ex noto ignotoque orbe ( tanta diffusio Majestatis hujus est ) concurritur , & jura ac leges Sacror●…m hinc petunt , ipsi Reges ac Principes adeunt & inclinantur , & obnoxia capita vni huic Capiti submittunt : Great is the bounty of God towards this citty , when he deprived it of the strength of Legions , he strengthned it with Laws ; when he would no longer haue it rule with force of armes , he armed it with holy orders : And so likewise did he make it both the ornament and the safety of things . But you will say , the old Senate is not there to be found , indeed not the same , but another there is insteed thereof , and there you may see clad in that purple the choisest worthies of Christendome , and the most venerable for manners , for wisedome , for yeares . If the old Cyneas were aliue againe and beheld this assembly , he would nothing doubt to compare it againe with Kings and Princes . What should I speake of their tribute ? indeed it is not so great , but more innocently imposed & willingly payd . What of the Embassages from forraine Nations ? neither are they wanting : Hither they resort both from the knowne & vnknowne parts of the world ( so farre is this Majesty spread ) and seeke for Lawes & Constitutions in religious affaires ; nay Kings & Princes heere present themselues , and all bow downe and submit their heads to this one head . CAP. 13. That the world shall haue an end by Fire , and by it be entirely consumed . SECT . 1. That the world shall haue an end , is a point so cleere in Christian Religion , that it needeth not to be proved from the principles thereof , neither is he worthy the name of a Christian who makes any doubt of it . HAving now by Gods assistance done with mine Apologie of his Providence in the preservation of the world , least I should seeme thereby to vndermine or weaken the article of our faith touching the worlds end ; it remaines , that according to promise I endeavour to confirme it , not so much from Scripture which no true Christian can doubt of : And besides , the passages thereof to this purpose , specially in the new Testament are so many and cleere , as to be ignorant of them were stupiditie no lesse grosse , then to deny them phophane impiety . In this chapter then I will propose three things to my selfe ; first , to proue by the testimony of the Gentiles , that the world shall haue an end . Secondly , that it shall haue an end by fire : Thirdly and lastly , that it shall by fire be totally & intirely consumed . That the world shall haue an end is as cleere in Christianity , as that there is a Sun in the firmament : And therefore , whereas there can hardly be named any other article of our faith , which some Heretiques haue not presumed to impugne or call into question ; yet to my remembrance I never met with any who questioned this ; & though at this day many & eager be the differences among Christians in other points of Religion , yet in this they all agree & ever did , that the world shall haue an end , and that there shall be a resurrection of the dead , and a day of judgement . And surely as by the event of many things already fallen out , we are sure that was true which the Prophets & Apostles foretold of them : So arc we as certaine , that all other things , and this in particular shall come to passe , which they haue likewise foretold , though happily we cannot set downe the time or manner of their event . And i●… asmuch as we , who now liue , haue seen the accomplishment of many prophesies foretold by the pen-men of holy writ , which our forefathers saw not , if we stedfastly beleeue not the fulfilling of those which are yet to come in their due time , we shall thereby be made the more guilty , and the lesse excusable before God. Howsoever if we beleeue ( as we all pretend ) the Scriptures to be the liuely oracles of God , and to haue bin indited by the divine & sacred inspiration of the holy Ghost ; we cannot but withall beleeue that the consūmation of the world shall most vndoubtedly in due time , though to vs most vncertaine , be accomplished . Now as the cleere light of this truth hath by Gods grace so brightly shined among Christians , that except they wilfully shut their eyes against it , they cannot but apprehend and imbrace it : So did it appeare to the Iewes , though not in so conspicuous a manner ; yea , some sparkes of this truth haue beene scattered even among the Gentiles themselues , so as it were a shame vnpardonable for vs Christians not to acknowledge it , or somuch as once to doubt of it . SECT . 1. That the world shall haue an end , by the testimonie of the Gentiles . SEneca disputing this question , whether a wise man be so sufficiently content with himselfe as he needs not the helpe of any fr●…end ; puts the case , Qualis futura est vita sapientis , how he would liue being destitute of friends , if he were cast into prison or banished into some desart , or cast vpon some strange shoare ; his answere is , Qualis est Iovis cum resoluto mundo , &c. as Iupiter shall liue when the world shall be dissolved , contenting himselfe with himselfe . And againe more cleerely : Quidenim mutationis periculo exceptum ? non terra , non coelum , non totus hic rerum omnium contextus quamvis Deo agente ducatur , non semper tenebit hunc ordinem , sed illumex hoc cursu aliquis dies deijciet , certis eunt cuncta temporibus , nasci debent , crescere , ext●…ngui . Quaecunque vides supra nos currere atque haeo quibu●… innixi atque impositi sumus velut solidissimis carpentur 〈◊〉 . What is there which is prviledged from danger of change ? not the earth , not the heavens , no nor this whole frame of Creatures , though it be guided by the finger of God , it shall not alwaies obserue this order , but some one day at last shall turne it out of his course . For all things haue a time to be borne , to increase , and then againe to die & be ●…ntinguished . All those things which thou seest wheeling over our Heads , and even those vpon which we are seated and setled , as being most solide , shall be surprized and leaue to be . And in another place . Si potest tibi solatio esse commune fatum , nihil constat loco stabili , & nihil qua sint loto stabit . Omnia sternet abducetque secum vetustas , supprimet montes , maria sorbebit ▪ If the common destiny of all things may any whit comfort thee , there is nothing setled in a stable course , nothing shall alwayes remaine in that state it now stands in ; time shall carry downe all things with it , it shall levell the mountaines and swallow vp the seas●… And lastly , in his Naturall questions , vnus humanum genus condet dies , one day shall burie all mankinde . Yet it should seeme , that withall he held a restoring of all things againe : Omne ex integro animal generabitur dabiturque terris homo inscius scelerum & melioribus auspicijs natus : Sed illis quoque innocentia non durabit nisi dum novi sunt , citò nequitia subrepet . All Creatures shall be againe restored , and mankind shall againe be sent to inhabite the earth ; but a kind voyd of wickednes and borne to a better fortune : yet shall not their innocencie long endure neither , but only whiles they are yet fresh and new , afterward vngratiousnes will by degrees creepe vpon them . Aelian , as I haue already touched to another purpose in the eight booke of his Historie , telleth vs , that not only the mountaine Aetna ( for thereof might be given some reason , because of the daily wasting and consuming of it with fire ) but Parnassus and Olympus did appeare to be lesse and lesse to such as sayled at sea , the height thereof sinking as it seemed ; and therevpon inferres , that men most skilfull in the secrets of nature did affirme , that the world it selfe should likewise perish & haue an end . His premises I haue in another place sufficiently disproved , but his conclusion inferred therevpon , I cannot but highly approue , & most willingly accept of , as a rich testimony for the confirmation of our Christian doctrine ( touching the end of the world ) delivered from the pen of a Gentile , nay he positiuely affirmes it to haue beene the opinion of the most skilfull in the secrets of Nature : And certaine it is , that the greatest part of Philosophers before Aristotle , Heraclitus , Empedocles , Anaxagoras , Democritus and others , as they held that the world had a beginning in time , so did they likewise , that in time it should haue an end : And since Aristotle , the greatest part ( his followers only excepted ) haue ever constantly maintained the same ; in somuch , that the very Epicures heerein accord with the Stoickes , though in other opinions they differ as fire and water , as may appeare in Lucretius , by sect an Epicurean , and for his wit much esteemed among the Ancients . Principio maria ▪ ac terris , coelumque tuere Hor●…m naturam triplicem , tria corpora Memmi , Tres species tam dissimiles , tria talia texta , Vna dies dabit exitio , multosque per annos Sustentata ruet moles & machina mundi . Behold , O Memmi , first the earth , the sea , The heaven , their three-fold nature , bodies three , Three shapes so farre vnlike , three peeces wrought And woven so fast , one day shall bring to naught , And the huge frame & engine of this all Vpheld so many yeares , at length shall fall . And Ovid speaking of Lucretius , seemes to haue borrowed from him part of these very words , Carmina sublimis tum sunt peritura Lucreti Exitio terras cum dabit vna dies . Lucretius loftie rimes so long shall liue Till to this earth one day destruction giue . And Lucan as he differs not much from Lucrece in name , so doth he fully accord with him in this opinion . — Sic cum compage soluta Saecula tot mundi suprema coegerit hora. Antiquum repetens iterum Chaos omnia mixtis Sydera Syderibus concurrent , ignea pontum Astra petent , tellus extendere littora nolet , Excutietque fretum , fratri contraria Phaebe , Ibit , & obliquum bigas agitare per orbem Indignata diem poscet sibi , totaque discors Machina divulsi turbabit foedera mundi . — So When the last houre shall So many ages end , and this disjoynted all To Chaos backe returne : then all the starres shall be Blended together , then those burning lights on high In sea shall drench , earth then her shores will not extend But to the waues giue way , the moone her course shall bend Crosse to her brothers , and disdaining still to driue Her chariot wheels athward the heavenly orbe shall striue To rule the day , this frame to discord wholy bent The worlds peace shall disturbe , and all in sunder rent . SECT . 3. That the world shall haue an end by fire , proved likewise by the testimony of the Gentiles . ANd as they held that the world should haue an end , so likewise that this end should come to passe by fire . Exustionis hujus odor quidam etiam ad Gentes manauit , sayth Ludovicus Vives , speaking of the generall combustion of the world , some sent of this burning hath spread it selfe even to the Gentiles . And Saint Hierome in his comment on the 51 of I say ; Quae quidem & Philosophorum mundi opinio est omnia quae cernimus igni peretura , which is also the opinion of the Philosophers of this world , that all which we behold shall perish by fire . Eusebius is more particular , affirming it to be the doctrine of the Stoicks , and namely of Zeno , Cleanthes & Chrysippus the most ancient among them . Certaine it is , that Seneca a principall Scholler , or rather Master of that sect , both thought it & taught it : Et Sydera Syderibus incurrent , & omni flagrante materia vn●… igne quicquid nunc ex disposito lucet ardebit : The starres shall make inrodes one vpon another , and all the whole world being in a flame , whatsoever now shines in comely and decent order shall burne together in one fire . Panaetius likewise the Stoick feared , as witnesseth Cicero , ne ad extremum mundus ignesceret , least the world at last should be burnt vp with fire . And with the Stoicks heerein Pliny agrees , Consumente vbertatem seminum exustione in cujus vices nunc vergat aevum , the heate burning vp the plentifull moisture of all seedes , to which the world is now hastening . Nume●…us also saith , good soules ▪ continue , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , vntill the dissolution of all things by fire . And with the Philosophers their Poets accord . Lucan as hee held that the world should haue an end , so in speciall by fire , where speaking of those whom Caesar left vnburned at the battle of Pharsalia hee thus goes on . Hos Caesar populos si nunc non vsserit ignis , Vret cum terris , vret cum gurgite ponti . Communis mundo superest rogus , ossibus astra Misturus . If fire may not these corpes to ashes turne , O Caesar , now , when earth and seas shall burne , It shall : a common fire the world shall end , And with these bones those heau'nly bodies blend . As for Ovia he deduces it from their propheticall records . Esse quoque in fatis reminiscitur affore tempus Quo mare , quo tellus , convexaque regia coeli Ardeat , & mundi moles operosa laborat . Besides he calls to minde how by decree Of fates a time shall come when earth and sea , And Heavens high Throne shall faint , and the whole frame Of this great world shall be consum'd in flame . Which he borrowed , saith Ludovicus Vives , ex fatis indubiè Sybillinis , vndoubtedly from the Oracles of Sybilla . And indeed verses there are which goe vnder the name of Sybilla to the very same purpose . Tunc ardens fluvius coelo manabit ab alto Igneus atque locos consum●…t funditus omnes Terramque , Oceanumque ingentem , & caerula ponti Stagnaque , tum fluvios , fontes , ditemque Severum Coelestemque polum , coeli quoque lumina in unum Fluxa ruent , formâ deletâ prorsus eorum Astra cadent etenim de coelo cuncta revulsa . Then shall a burning floud flow from the Heavens on high , And with its fiery streames all places vtterly Destroy , earth , ocean , lakes , rivers , fountaines , hell , And heavenly poles : the Lights in firmament that dwell , Loosing their beauteous forme shall be obscur'd , and all Raught from their places down from heaven to earth shall fall . He that yet desires farther satisfaction in this point may reade Eugubinus his tenth booke de Perenni Philosophia , & Magius de exustione Mundi . And so I passe to my third and last point proposed in the beginning of this Chapter , which is that the whole world by fire shall totally and intirely be consumed . SECT . 4. That the world shall be by fire totally and finally dissolved and annihilated , prooved by Scripture . I Am not ignorant that the opinions of Divines touching the manner of the Consummation of the world haue beene as different as the greatest part of them are strange and improbable ; some imagining that all the Creatures which by Almighty God were made at the first beginning , shall againe be restored to that perfection which they injoyed before the fall of man. Others that the Heauens and Elements shall onely be so restored ; others that the Heauens and onely two of the Elements , the Aire and the Earth , others againe , that the old world shall be wholly abolished , and a new created in steed thereof ; and lastly others which I must confesse , to me seemes the most likely opinion and most agreeable to scripture and reason , that the whole world with all the parts and workes thereof ( onely men and Angels , and Divels , and the third Heauens , the mansion-house of the Saints and blessed Angels , and the place and instruments appointed for the tormenting of the damned , excepted ) shall be totally and finally dissolued and annihilated : As they were made out of nothing , so into nothing shall they returne againe ; In the prooving whereof I will first produce mine owne arguments , and then shew the weakenes of the adverse . Man lieth downe , and riseth not , saith Iob , till the heauens be no more . Of old hast thou laide the foundation of the earth , and the heauens are the worke of thy hands , They shall perish , but thou shalt endure , saith the Psalmist , which the Apostle in the first to the Hebrewes , and the 10. and the 11. repeates almost in the same words , Lift vp your eyes to the heauens , and looke vpon the earth beneath ; for the heauens shall vanish away like smoake , and the earth shall waxe old as doth a garment , saith the Prophet Esay : and in another place : all the host of heauen shal be dissolved , & the heauen shal be rolled together as a scroll , & all their host shall fall downe as the leafe falleth off from the vine , and as a falling fig from the figge tree . To the former of which wordes S. Iohn seemes to allude , And the heauen departed as a scroll which is rolled together , Heauen & earth shall passe away , but my word shall not passe away , saith our Saviour . The day of the Lord will come as a theefe in the night , in the which the Heauens shall passe away with a great noise , and the Elements shall melt with fervent heate ▪ The earth also , & the workes that are therein shall be burnt vp , saith S. Peter . And I saw a great white throne , & him that sate on it from whose face the earth and the heauen fled away , and there was found no place for them , saith S. Iohn . Now I would demaund whether being no more , as Iob ; perishing , as David ; vanishing away like smoake , dissolving , rolling together , falling downe as a withered leafe or a dry fig from the tree , as Esay ; passing away , as our Saviour ; passing away with a great noise ; melting with feruent heate , burning vp as S. Peter ; or lastly flying away , so as their place be found no more , as S. Iohn ; doe not include an vtter abolition , or at leastwise exclude a restitution to a perfecter estate : once Beza I am sure is so evidently convinced by the alleadged words of S. Peter , that he plainly confesses the dissolution the Apostle there speakes of to be a kinde of annihilation : And both a Tilenus & b Meisnerus are confident , that those who hold a restitution will neuer be able to reconcile their opinion with the alleadged Scriptures . If we looke back to higher times before S. Hierome we shall not easily finde any who maintained it . And certaine it is , that Clement in his Recognitions , or whosoeuer were the Author of that worke , brings in S. Peter reasoning with Simon Magus , & teaching that there were two Heauens , the one Superius & invisibile , & aeternum quod Spiritus beati incolunt : the highest , invisible and eternall , which bl●…ssed spirits inhabite ; the other inferius , visibile , varijs distinctum syderibus , corruptibile , & in consummatione saeculi dissolvendum , & prorsus abolendum , lower , visible , distinguished , with diverse starres , corruptible , and at the worlds end to be dissolued and vtterly abolished . Now though that worke were not Clements , yet was it doubtlesse very ancient being quoted by Clemens Alexandrinus , and Origen , and remembred by S. Hierome in his Commentaries vpon Esay , and is of sufficient authority against those who receiue it : for my selfe I stand not vpon his authority , but the rock of Scripture and reason drawne from thence , and the force of naturall discourse . SECT . 5. The same farther prooved by reason . THE first then , and as I conceiue the most weighty argument is taken from the End of the Worlds creation , which was partly and chiefely the glory of the Creator , and partly the vse of man , the Lord Deputy as it were , or Viceroy thereof . Now for the glory of the Creator , it being by the admirable frame of the World manifested vnto man , man being remoued out of the world , and no Creature being capable of such a manifestation besides him , wee cannot imagine to what purpose the frame it selfe should bee left and restored to a more perfect estate . The other end being for mans vse , either to supply his necessity in matter of diet , of Physick , of building , of apparell ; or for his instruction , direction , recreation , comfort and delight ; or lastly that therein as in a looking-glasse he might contemplate the wisdome , the power , and the goodnesse of God ; when he shall attaine that blessed estate , as he shall haue no farther use of any of these , enjoying perfect happinesse , and seeing God as he is , face to face , the second or subordinate end of the Worlds being must needs be likewise frustrate : And what other end can bee giuen or conceiued for the remaining or restoring thereof , for mine owne part I must professe I cannot conceiue . And to affirme that it shal be restored , & withal to assigne no end wherefore , is ridiculous and vnreasonable . An house being built for an inhabitant , as the World was for man ; If it bee decreed that it shall no more be inhabited , it were but vanity to repaire , much more to adorne and beautifie it farther . And therefore when mankinde shall bee dislodged and remoue from hence , therevpon shall instantly ensue the Consummation or End , not the reparation or restitution , but the End of the world . So the Scriptures call it in plaine tearmes , and so I beleeue it . And in truth some Divines , considering that of necessity some end must bee assigned , haue falne vpon ends so absurd and vnwarrantable , that the very naming of them were sufficient to make a man beleeue there was no such matter indeed . Some then , and that of our owne Church , and that in published bookes for the clearing of this objection , haue fancied to themselues an intercourse of the Saints ( after the resurrection ) betwixt heauen and earth , and that full Dominion ouer the Creatures which by the fall of Adam was lost . Others are of opinion that the Earth after the day of judgement being renewed with fire , and more pleasantly apparelled , shall be the mansion of such as neither by their merits haue deserued heauen , nor hell by their demerits . And lastly others , that such as haue died in their infancy without circumcision or Baptisme might possesse it . Now what meere dreames these are of idle braines , if I should but endeavour to demonstrate , I feare I should shew my selfe more vaine in vouchsafing them a confutation , then they in publishing them to the World. And yet they are the best wee see that Learned men by the strength of their wits can finde out . My second reason shall be drawne from the nature of the world , and the quality of the parts thereof , which are supposed shall bee restored to their originall integrity , and so in that state euerlastingly remaine . I will begin with the vegetables and Creatures endued with sense , & concerning them would willingly learne , whether they shall bee all restored , or some onely , namely such as shall be found in being at the day of Iudgment : if all , where shall we finde stowage for them ? Surely we may in this case properly apply that which the Evangelist in another case vses figuratiuely , if they should all be restored : euē the world it self could not cōtain the things which should be restored . if some only , thē would I gladly know why those some should be vouchsafed this great honour & not all , or how these creatures without a miracle shal be restrained frō propagating & multiplying , & that infinitly their kinds by a perpetuall generatiō . Or lastly , how the several individuals of these kinds shall cōtrary to their primitiue natures , liue & dure immortally : But to make a good & sound answere to these demaunds , is a point of that difficulty , that the greatest part of Divines rather choose to leaue out the mixt bodies & preferre only the heavens & the elements to this pretended dignity of restitution ; though about the number of the Elements to be restored they all agree not . But heere againe I would demaund , whether the world without the mixt bodies , can truly be sayd to be more perfect and beautifull then before , whether the inbred and inseparable qualities of the Elements , as thickenesse and thinnesse , weight & lightnesse , heate & cold , moisture & drynesse shall remaine ? if they shall not , how shall they remaine Elements ? if they shall , how without a miracle shall they be suspended from a mutuall intercourse of working one vpon another , and a production of Meteors & mixt bodies ? And how shall the Earth disvested of the vegetables which apparelled her , and appearing with her naked and dustie face , be sayd to be more amiable then before ? Finally , if the heavens according to their Essence shall remaine , how shall they naturally & without a miracle stand still , being now naturally inclined to a circular motion ? Or how without a miracle shall the light be increased , and yet the warmth springing from thence be abated , nay wholy abolished ? Or if the warmth shall remaine , how can it choose but burne vp those parts of the Earth , vpon which it never ceases to dart perpendicular beames ? Or how can the Sunne stand still , and yet inlighten both the Hemespheres , or the starres of that Hemesphere which it inlightens at all appeare ? To these demaunds , Pererius makes a short answere , and in my judgement a very strange one , and vnworthy the penne of so great a Clarke , that some of these things God hath already done , that we might be induced the more readily to beleeue , that they both may , and shall be done againe : And for instance , he alleageth the standing still of the Sunne & Moone at the prayer of Iosuah , & the restrayning of the burning force of the fire , in the Babylonian furnace ; but withall foreseing that those were miracles , for satisfaction therevnto he concludes : Non agere autem inter se qualitates elementorum , nec lu em Syderum calefacere , quamvis nunc ingens esset miraculum , tunc tamen posita semel mundi renovatione non erunt miracula . It were now a great miracle , that the qualities of the Elements should not mutually worke each vpon other , or that the light of the starres should not produce warmth , but then the world being renewed , they shall be no miracles . Indeed if the world were so to be renewed as the former essence of it were to be destroyed , or the former qualities to be entinguished , then should I happily allow of his reason as probable & passable ; but now granting that the same Identicall forme and matter shal , still continue , & that the former qualities shall not be abandoned but perfected , not altered in kinde , but only in degree ; I cannot see how it should be held & tearmed a great miracle heeretofore , which shall not be so heereafter . And whereas it is said , that the bodies of the Saints shall then naturally liue without meate , which now without a miracle they cannot doe , we must consider , that though the substance of their bodies shall remaine , yet the qualities of them shall be intirely changed , so farre as the Apostle is bold to call it a spirituall bodie . And besides , we may be bold to challenge a speciall priviledge vnto the bodies of the Saints , the temples of the holy Ghost , which without speciall warrant cannot be yeelded to any other Corporeall substance . And withall we must remember , that for the resurrection of the bodie , wee haue an Article in our Creede & most cleere proofes from Scripture , but for the restitution of the Creatures no one such sufficient proofe , as the mind of a Christian desirous to be truly informed , can rest fully satisfied therein . Such as they are I will not conceale them : These places then are to that purpose commonly alleaged . SECT . 6. The arguments commonly alleadged from the Scriptures for the renovation of the world , answered . WHom the heavens must containe till the times of the Restitution of all things . He layed the foundations of the earth that it should not be removed for ever , sayth David . And Solomon , one generation passeth and another commeth , but the earth abideth for ever . Behold I create new heavens and a new earth , and the former shall not be remembred , nor come into mind . To which words of the Prophet , S. Iohn seemes to allude , And I saw a new heaven and a new earth , for the first heaven and the first earth passed away , and there was no more Sea. And for the increase of the light of the Planets and other starres , that passage of the same Prophet is vsually alleadged : The light of the Moone shall be as the light of the Sunne , and the light of the Sunne seaven fold : But the pretended proofes most stood vpon , are drawne from S. Paules Epistles , The fashion of this world passeth away ; the fashion not the substance . And againe , The Creature it selfe also shall be delivered from the bondage of corruption , into the glorious liberty of the sonnes of God. And lastly , heerevnto they adde the words of the Psalmist , Thou shalt change them , and they shall be changed : not abolished but chaunged : Which words are againe by the Apostle taken vp and repeated , Heb. 1. 12. These are , I am sure , the strongest , if not all the pretented proofes that are commonly drawne from the holy Scripture and pressed for the maintenance of the adverse opinion ; the strength of which , I thinke I shall so put backe , as it shall appeare to any indifferent Iudge , that it is in truth but forced and wrested . The passages I will consider in order as they are alleaged , & severally examine their validitie to the purpose they are vrged . First then whereas wee out of the Greeke reade the Restitution of all things , the Syriake Interpreter hath it vsque ad Complementum temporum omnium , to the end of all times , whereby none other thing can be vnderstood then the finall consummation of the world ; but to take the words as we finde them , The times of restitution are vndoubtedly the same , which Saint Peter in the next verse saue one going before , had tearmed times of refreshing , and by them is meant the actuall fulnesse and perfection of our redemption , quoniam restitutio illa adhuc in cursu est adeoque redemptio quando adhuc sub onere servitutis gemimus , sayth Calvin , because our restitution and consequently our redemption as yet is but imperfect , whiles we groane vnder the burden of servitude . To the second it may be sayd , that in the course of nature , the earth should remaine for ever without decay or diminution , had not the Creator of it decreed by his almighty power to abolish it : But I rather chuse to answere with Iunius , who vpon the first place taken out of the Psalme , giues this note , tantisper dum saeculum duraturum est , as long as time shall endure : and vpon the second this , hominis vani comparatione , in comparison of the vanishing estate of man. The earth then is sayd to remaine for ever , as Circumcision and the Leviticall Law are sayed to be perpetuall , not absolutely , but comparatiuely . Now for the new heavens and the new earth : it should seeme by the places alleaged , that if it be litterally to be vnderstood of the materiall heavens , they shall not be renewed as the common opinion is , but new Created , ( creation being a production of some new thing out of nothing : So as it shall not be a restitution of the old , but a substitution of new , in asmuch as the Prophet Esay addes , the former shall not be remembred , nor come into minde : And Saint Iohn , the first heaven and the first earth passed away , and there was no more Sea. And Saint Peter , The heavens shall passe away with a noise , and the elements shall melt with heate , and the earth with the workes that are therein shall be burnt vp . And of this opinion , Beza in one place seemes to haue beene : Promittuntur novi Coeli ac nova terra , non priorum restitutio , sive in eundem sive in meliorem statum , nec ijs possum assentiri , qui hanc dissolutionem ad solas qualitates referendam censent . There are promised new heavens and a new earth , not the restitution of the old either vnto their former or a better state , neither can I assent vnto them , who referre this dissolution to the qualities alone . But seing belike the singularity and absurditie of this opinion , he recalls himselfe in his annotations vpon the very next verse . But the truth is that by new heavens and a new earth is to be vnderstood in the Prophet Esay , the state of the Church during the kingdome of Christ : and in Saint Peter and S. Iohn , the state of the Saints in the heavenly Ierusalem . For the Prophet , that which I affirme will easily appeare to any vnderstanding Reader that pleaseth to pervse that Chapter ; specially if therevnto we adde the latter part of the next touching the same point . For as the new heavens and the new earth which I will make , shall remaine before me , sayth the Lord : so shall your seed and your name continue , and from moneth to moneth , and from sabbaoth to sabbaoth shall all flesh come to worship before me , saith the Lord. Vpon the alleaged passage of the former chapter Iunius & Tremelius giue this note , Omnia instauraturus sum in Christo , I will restore all things in Christ : Referring vs for the farther illustration thereof to that of the same Prophet in his 25 chapter at the 8 verse . And for the exposition of the latter passage in the 66 chapter , referres vs to that in the 65 going before . So that aswell by the drift and coherence of the text , as by the judgement of sound Interpreters , materiall heavens and earth are not there vnderstood . Which some of our English Translatours well perceiving , haue to the first passage affixed this note , I will so alter and change the state of the Church that it shall seeme to dwell in a new world : And to the second this , Heereby he signifieth the kingdome of Christ , wherein his Church shall be renewed . Yet I will not deny but that the Prophet may in those words likewise allude to the state of the Saints in the heavenly Ierusalem . To which purpose , S. Peter seemes to apply them , according to his promise , sayth he , we looke for new heavens and a new earth wherein dwelleth Righteousnes , that is , by the consent of the best expositours , righteous and just men , who after the day of judgement shall dwell no longer vpon the Earth , but in the heavenly Ierusalem . Which Saint Iohn more liuely describes in the 21 of the Revelation ; for having sayd in the first verse , And I saw a new heaven and a new earth , he presently addes in the second , as it were by way of Exposition of the former : And I Iohn saw the holy Citty new Ierusalem , comming downe from God out of heaven , prepared as a bride adorned for her husband ; and by the sequele of that Chapter and the latter part of the precedent , it cleerely appeares ( whatsoever Bright-man dreame to the contrary ) that he there describes the state of the Saints after the day of judgement , and the glory of that place which they are eternally to inhabite ; being such , that it had no need of the Sunne nor of the Moone to shine in it , the glory of God inlightning it , and the Lambe being the light thereof : And Iunius thus begins his Annotations on that chapter : Nunc sequitur historiae propheticae pars secunda de statu futuro Ecclesiae coelestis post Iudicium vltimum : Now followes the second part of this propheticall history of the future state of the Church triumphant after the day of Iudgement : And with him therein accord the greatest part of the soundest and most judicious Interpreters . The other passage alleaged of the Prophet Esay touching the increase of light in the Sunne and Moone is likewise vndoubtedly to be vnderstood of the restauration of his Church , according to the tenour of the chapter , and the annotation of Iunius annexed therevnto , Illustrissima erunt & gloriosissima omnia in restitutione Ecclesiae , all things shall then be more beautifulll and glorious in the restitution of the Church . And with him fully accord our English notes , when the Church shall be restored , the glory thereof shall passe seaven times the brightnesse of the Sunne . For by the Sunne and Moone which are two excellent Creatures , he sheweth what shall bee the glory of the Children of God in the kingdome of Christ. Now for the words of the Apostle , The fashion of this world passeth away , what other thing intends he , but that in these wordly things , there is nothing durable and solide , elegantly thereby expressing the vanitie of them , in which exposition , both Iunius & Calvin agree . That of the same Apostle in the 8 to the Romans , touching the delivering of the Creature from the bondage of corruption , into the glorious liberty of the Sonnes of God , is I confesse in appearance more pressing . But this passage the great wit of Saint Augustine found to be very obscure and perplexed , in somuch as not a few vnderstand those words of Saint Peter of this particular , that in Saint Paules Epistles some things are hard to be vnderstood . It were then in my judgement no small presumption vpon a place so intricate and difficult peremptorily to build so vncertaine a doctrine . But because it is so hotly vrged as a testimony vnanswereable , let vs a little examine the parts and sense thereof . First then it is cleere , that the Creature may be delivered from the bondage of corruption , and yet not restored to a more perfect and beautifull estate , in asmuch as being annihilated , it is thereby freed from that abuse of wicked and vngratefull men , which heere it is of necessity still subject vnto . But all the doubt is , how the Creature shall be made partaker of the glorious liberty of the Sonnes of God. I hope no man will dare to affirme that they shall be with them Coheires of eternall blessednes , as the words seem to import ; how then are they made partakers of this glorious liberty ? But in asmuch as when the sonnes of God shall be made partakers thereof , the Creature shall be altogether freed from the bondage of corruption : So as that , into the liberty of the sonnes of God , is no more then together with the liberty of the Sons of God , or , by reason of the liberty of the Sons of God , as Saint Chrysostome hath expounded it . They which maintaine any other future liberty in the Creature by way of restitution or bettering it , are bound soundly to answere all the arguments before alleaged , and withall to yeeld a sufficient reason why some Creatures are to be restored and not all , since the name of Creature is equally attributed to all and not to some only . Surely S. Ambrose in his Expositions vpon that place , durst goe no farther then we doe , habet enim in labore posita Creatura hoc solatium quoniam habebit requiem , cum crediderint omnes quos scit Deus credituros : the Creature travelling in paine hath this comfort , that it shall rest from labour , when they shall all beleeue , whom God knowes are to beleeue . And in truth this is as much as we neede beleeue , and as the words being favourablely interpreted doe inforce . The last testimony mustered against vs was taken from the Psalmist , Th●…u shalt change them and they shall be changed : But since in the same verse he likewise tels vs , They shall perish ; what change shall we there vnderstand ? Surely for the same thing to bee sayd to bee chaunged into a better and more perfect estate , and yet withall at the same time to perish , cannot properly be verified . We are to know then that a thing may be chaunged , not only by alteration , which is a chaunge in the quality , but by augmentation or diminution , which is a chaunge in the quantity ; by corruption , which is a chaunge in the substance ; or lastly , ( though in a larger , and perchaunce somewhat vnusuall acceptation ) by annihilation , which is a totall abolishing of the substance : And this in truth is the greatest chaunge that may be , it being ab ente ad non ens simpliciter , from a being to a not being wholy . And of such a chaunge must the Psalmist of force be vnderstood , if we will reconcile him with himselfe , and the passages before alleaged ; or ( if this satisfie not ) we may say ( as some doe ) that the heavens shall be changed in regard of vs ; insteed of visible and materiall heavens , ( the vse of which wee now injoy ) wee shall be translated to an heaven immateriall and invisible , the Coelestiall Paradise , the heavenly Ierusalem , which in holy Scriptures is likewise tearmed a new heaven . Notwithstanding all this ( for the reverence I beare antiquitie ) I will not be peremptory in the point : But truly me thinkes , that a few obscure places should rather be expounded by many cleere , then the cleere wrested to the obscure . CAP. 14. Of the Uses we are to make of the Consummation of the world , and of the day of Iudgement . SECT . 1. That the day of the worlds end shall likewise be the day of the generall iudgement thereof , and that then there shall bee such a iudgement , is proved aswell by reason as the testimonie of the Gentiles . WHatsoever be the manner of the worlds end , most certaine it is , an end it shall haue , and as certaine that then we shall all appeare before the Iudgement seate of Christ , that every man may receiue according to that which he hath done in his body , whether it be good or evill . If we yeeld that there is a God , and that this God is Almighty & just ( which of necessity he must be , or otherwise he may not be God ) it cannot be avoyded , but that after this life ended , he administer justice vnto men , by punishing the wicked and rewarding the righteous : Since in this world the one commonly liue in ease and prosperity , and the other in misery and persecution . Shall not then the Iudge of all the world doe right ? doubtles he shall and will. Some therefore he punisheth exemplarily in this world , that we might from thence haue a tast or glimce of his present iustice : And others he reserveth to the next , that from thence we might haue an assurance of a future iudgement , which is either particular , as we are single persons at the day of the separation of the soule from the body , which wee may call the Privy Sessions of the soule ; or vniversall , as we are parcels of mankinde , at the last day , which we may call the generall Assise both of soule and bodie . And that there shall be such a generall judgement , beside the particular , we haue these reasons to induce vs to beleeue it . First , that the body of man rising from his sepulchre at that day may be partaker of eternall punishment or glory with the soule , even as in this life it was participant of the vertues or vices which the soule did execute ; as they either sinned together , or served God together : So is it most fit that they should receiue the sentence of eternall life or death together . Yet because the soule both may , and often doth , either sinne or serue God without the bodie , but the body of it selfe can doe neither without the soule ; therefore is it as requisite , that the separated soule should either suffer paine or injoy blisse , whiles the body rests in the graue : And being revnited and married againe vnto the body , should partake more either of blisse or paine then it . As this first reason is taken from the Essentiall parts , so the second reason , that there shall be an vniversall and publique judgement , is drawne from the Actions of the persons to be judged & their rewards . Though it be true then , that if men were rewarded in secret both in soule and in in bodie according to their actions the justice of God might by that meanes be preserved , yet could it not be sufficiently manifested , vnlesse this judgement were acted in the publique view of the whole world . Many good men haue heere been openly oppressed and troden vnder foote ; and on the other side , the wicked haue flourished in abundance of outward peace & temporall felicity , which hath made the best of Gods servants at times to stagger and stand amazed thereat : But then shall they and all the world cleerely see , and confid●…ntly professe to the honour of Divine justice , Verily there is a reward for the righteous , doubtles there is a God that judgeth the Earth . And in regard of this conspicuous manifestation of Gods justice and full accomplishment thereof at the last day , not a few of the Greeke & Latine Fathers , as also the holy Scriptures themselues in sundry places seeme to say , the retribution of our workes in the flesh shall be differred till then . Now besides this honour which shall accrew to the justice of God , both wicked sinners and the blessed Saints of God shall then receiue their rewards and finall paiments openly in the sight and hearing of each other , to the end , that the griefe and shame of the impious , and the triumphant joy of the vertuous and religious , might therby be the more increased . For what greater heart-breaking and confusion can there bee to the one , then to haue all their secret faults layd open , and the sentence of Condemnation passed vpon them in the presence of them whom they derided and vilified ; or what greater comfort and content to the other , then to be justified and rewarded in the view of them , who were their professed enemies . Lastly , as our blessed Lord and Saviour Iesus Christ , ( who shall then appeare as Iudge ) at his first comming into this world was contemptible in the eye of wordlings , and dishonoured publiquely both in his life and death : So was it convenient , that once in this world hee should shew his power , and Majesty , and that in the sight of all his Creatures , but specially of his wicked enimies , who after that day are never to see or behold him more . To these reasons may be added the testimonie of the very Gentiles , of Hydaspes , Hermes , & Sybilla ; whereof the first having described the iniquity of the last age , sayes that the godly and righteous men being severed from the vntighteous , shall with teares and groanes lift vp their hands to heaven imploring the helpe of Iupiter , and that therevpon Iupiter shall regard the earth , heare their prayers and destroy the wicked : Quae omnia vera sunt praeter vnum quod Iovem dixit illa facturum quae Deus faciet , saith Lactantius , all which things are true , saue one , which is , that he ascribes that to Iupiter which God shall doe . And besides ( sayth he ) it was not without the cunning suggestion of Sathan left out that then the Sonne of God shall be sent from the father , who destroying the wicked , shall set the righteous at liberty . Which Hermes notwithstan ding dissembled not . Part of Sybilla's verses alleadged by Lactantius in Greeke , may thus be rendred in Latine & English : Huic luci finem imponent cum fata supremum , Iudicium aethereus Pater exercebit in omnes , Iudicium humano generi imperiumque verendum . When God shall to this world its fatall period send Th' immortall , mortall men in judgment shall arraigne , Great shall his judgment be , his Kingdome without end . And againe , Tartareumque chaos tellure hiscente patebit Regesque aetherij sistentur judicis omnes Ante thronum . Tartarean Chaos then Earth opening wide shall show , And then all kings before Gods judgment seat shall bow . And in another place . Coelum ego convolvens penetralia caeca recludam Telluris , functique & fati lege soluti Et mortis stimulo exurgent , cunctosque tribunal Ante meum Iudex statuam , reprobosque , probosque . Rolling vp Heauen I will Earths secret vaults disclose , Deaths sting also and bonds of fate will I vnloose : Then shall the dead arise , and all both small and great , Both good and bad shall stand before my judgment seat . Ouer and aboue these Prophets and men of learning , Peru the South part of America doth yeeld to vs an ignorant people , who by the light of Nature and a generall apprehension ( for God knoweth they haue nothing else ) doe beleeue that the World shall end , and that there shall be then a reward for the good and for the euill according to their desert . SECT . 2. The consideration of this day may first serue for terrour to the wicked , whether they regard the dreadfulnesse of the day it selfe , or the quality of the Iudge by whom they are to be tryed . THe certainty then of this vniversall Iudgment at the last day being thus cleerely prooued , not only by the Scriptures of the Old and New Testament , but by the light of Reason and the testimonies of the Gentiles , the consideratiō thereof may justly serue for terrour to the wicked , it being to them a day of wrath and vengeance ; for Comfort to the Godly , it being to them a day of refreshing and full redemption ; and lastly for admonition & instruction to both . First then it may justly serue for matter of extreame terrour to the wicked , whether they regard the dreadfulnes of the day in which they shall be tryed , or the quality of the Iudge by whom they are to be tryed , or the nature & number of their accusers that shall bring in evidence against them , or the presence of such an assembly of men and Angels before whom they shall be arraigned , or their owne guiltinesse and astonishment , or lastly the sharpnesse and severity of the sentence that shall passe vpon them . The very face and countenance of that day shall be hideous and dismall to looke to , it shal be apparelled with horrour and affrightment on euery side : That day is a day of wrath , a day of trouble and heavinesse , a day of destruction and desolation , a day of gloominesse and darknesse , a day of clouds , stormes and blacknesse , a day of the trumpet and alarme against the strong cities and against the high towres . Then shall the Sun be darkned , and the Moone shall be turned into bloud , and the starres shall fall from heauen as it were withered leaues from their trees , and the powers of heauen shall be shaken , and the graues shall vomit vp their dead bodies , the heauens shall passe away with a noise , and shriuel together like scorched parchment , the elements shall melt & dissolue with heat , the sea & flouds shall roare , & the Earth with the works that are therein shall be burnt vp , there shall be horrible clapps of thunder & flashes of lightning , voyces & earthquakes , such as neuer were since men dwelt vpon the earth : such howling , such lamentations , such skriches shall be heard in euery corner , that the hearts of men shall tremble & wither for very feare and expectation of those things which at that day shall befall them . And now tell me what mortall heart can choose but ake and quake at the remembrance of these vnspeakable incomprehensible terrours . The Law was giuen with thunder & lightnings , and a thick cloud vpon the mount , with an exceeding lowde and shrill sound of the trumpet , so that all the people were afrayde , yea so terrible was the sight , that Moses said , I feare and quake . Now if Moses the servant of the Lord quaked to heare the first trumpet at the giuing of the Law , how shall the wicked , condemned in their owne Conscience , tremble and quake to heare the second at the execution thereof ? Specially being arraigned at the barre of such a Iudge , apparelled with Robes of Majesty , & attended with millions of Angels : A Iudge so soueraigne as there lyes no appeale from him ; so wise as nothing can escape his knowledge ; so mighty as nothing can resist his power , so vpright as nothing can pervert his justice , who neither can bee deceiued with sophistry , nor blinded with gifts , nor terrified with threats . They shall looke vpon him whom they haue wounded and gored with the speare of their blasphemies , with the nailes of their cursings and cursed oathes ; whō they haue buffeted & spit vpon with their impiety & prophanesse ; whō they haue again crucified to themselues by their divelish & damnable actions , trampling his pretious Bloud vnder foot by their impenitencie , putting him to open shame by their infidelity , making a mock of him by their obstinacy , and turning his grace into wantonnes by their presumption . Holy Augustine in one of his Sermons of the last Iudgment , brings in this glorious Iudge thus expostulating the matter with these miscreants at that Day . O man with mine owne handes did I fashion thee out of the slime of the earth : into thy earthly members did I infuse a spirit : I vouchsafed to bestow vpon thee mine own Image : I placed thee among the delights of Paradise : but thou contemning the vitall efficacy of my Commandements , choosedst rather to listen to the tempter , then thy God. And when being expelled out of Paradise by reason of sin thou wert held in the chaines of death , I was inclosed in the Virgins wombe , I was layde in the cratch , I was wrapped in swathing cloathes , I endured the scorne of infancy & the griefe of manhood , that so being like vnto thee , I might make thee like vnto my selfe . I bore the buffetings & spittings of scorners , I dranke vineger mixed with gall , I was scourged with whippes , crowned with thornes , nayled to the crosse , gored with a speare , & that thou mightest be freed from death , in torments I parted with my life : Looke vpon the print of the nayles , behold the skarres of my wounds : I took vpon me thine infirmities , that I might impart vnto thee my glory . I vnderwent the death due to thee , that thou mightst liue for euer . I was buried in a sepulchre , that thou mightest raigne in Heauen . Why hast thou wilfully lost that which I by my sufferings purchased for thee ? Why hast thou spurned at the gratious gift of thy Redemption . I complaine not of my death , only render vnto me that life for which I gaue mine . Render me that life which by the wounds of thy sinnes thou dayly killest . Why hast thou polluted with more then beastly sensuality that Temple which in thee I consecrated to my selfe ? Why hast thou stained my body with filthy provocations ? Why hast thou tormented me with a more grievous crosse of thy sinnes , then that vpon which I sometimes hung : for the crosse of thy sinnes is more grievous ( in as much as vnwillingly I hang vpon it ) then that other which taking pity vpon thee , & to kill thy death I willingly mounted . I being impassible in my selfe vouchsafed to suffer for thee : but thou hast despised God in man , salvation in mine infirmity , pardon from thy Iudge , life from my crosse , and wholesome medicine from my sufferings . Now what flinty or steely heart in the world could choose but resolue it selfe into teares of bloud vpon such an expostulation were it moistned with any drop of grace ? But heerevnto might be added , that thou hast often joyned with his enemies against him , turned the deafe eare to the ministery of his Word , jested at his threatnings , neglected his gratious invitations , quenched his holy inspirations , abused his Sacraments & his patience , which being long abused at length is turned into fury . This Lambe of God therefore shall then shew himselfe as a Lyon , he shall then put on righteousnesse for a brest-plate , & take true judgment in steed of an helmet , then shal he put on the garments of vengeance for cloathing , & be clad with zeale as with a cloake ; Then shall hee come in strength as a storme of haile , & as a whirlewinde breaking and throwing downe whatsoeuer standeth in his way , as a rage of many waters that flow and rush together . The mountaines shall melt & fly away at his presence , a burning fire shall run before him , and on euery side of him a violent tempest . And if Felix himselfe a Iudge trembled to heare Paul ( who as a prisoner was arraigned before him ) disputing of this Last Iudgment , how shall the guilty prisoners tremble before the face of this Iudge , being both the Iudge and the party offended ? If the Iewes who came to attach him fell backward at the hearing of his voyce in the dayes of his humility , how shal the wicked stand amazed & confounded at his presence when he comes to judge them in glory & Maiesty ? Surely for them to endure the fiercenes of his angry countenance wil be intollerable , and yet to fly from it impossible , & the more intollerable will it be in regard of the nature and number of their accusers . SECT . 3. Of the nature and number of their accusers . THe Creatures shall accuse them whom they haue abused to vanity , to luxury , to drunkennesse , to gluttony ; to covetousnesse , to ambition , to revenge , and being then freed from their bondage , they shall freely cōplain of this vnjust vsurpation . Good men shall accuse them , as having bin most disdainfully scorned , wronged , oppressed , and troden vnder-foot by them . Their Companions shall accuse them , as having beene drawne into sin by their wicked intisements and examples . Their Teachers and Gouernours shall accuse them , as hauing beene irreverent toward their persons , & rebellious against their instructions and commaunds . Their Children and Servants shall accuse them , as hauing beene negligent in their education in vertue and piety . The Prophets and Apostles shall accuse them as hauing beene carelesse in the observation of their writings . The good Angels shall accuse them whose directions they haue refused to follow . The Divels shall accuse them in that they haue betrayed their Lord and Captaine to march vnder their banners . Their owne Consciences shall bitterly accuse & vpbraid them : the body shall accuse the soule as being the principall agent , and the soule the body as being a ready instrument : The appetite shall accuse reason as being too sensuall & indulgent ; & reason the appetite , as being irregular & inordinate : all the faculties of the Soule , all the senses & members of the body shall accuse each other : nay which is worst of all , the Iudge himselfe shal be thy accuser , representing those transgressions to thy memory , & laying them close to thy charge which either thou hadst forgotten & cast behinde thee , or didst perchaunce not know , or not acknowledge to be sinnes , Sweet IESVS , which way will the poore Sinner turne himselfe in the midst of all these accusers & accusations . To confesse thē then will serue but to increase his shame ; to deny them , but to aggravate his fault , & consequently his punishment : nay deny them hee cannot , being convinced by two euidences against which there can bee no exception , the booke of the Law , & the booke of his owne Conscience , the one shall shew him what he should haue done , & the other what hee hath done ; against the booke of the Law ; hee shal be able to speake nothing , his Conscience telling him that the commaundements of the Lord are pure and righteous altogether : and for the booke of Conscience , against that he cannot possibly except , it being alway in his owne keeping , so as it could not be falsified , & whatsoeuer shall then be found written therein , he shal freely acknowledge to haue beene written with his owne hand : Silence then shall be his safest plea , and astonishment his best Apologie . The rather , for that all these accusations shal be brought in and layde against him in the presence of the blessed Saints and glorious Angels which shall then be vnto him a terrible and feareful spectacle , aswel in regard of their infinite number , as their inresistable strength . We read of diverse holy men , who vpon the sight of an Angell haue beene cast into such pittifull fits , that their spirits haue fayled them , their breath hath forsaken them , their joynts haue bin loosed and for the time they haue bin as dead bodies without all appearance of sense or life . Now if holy men haue been so much moved with the sight of one Angell bringing them good tidings and conversing familiarly with them , into what inconceiueable gulfes of horrour shall the reprobate be plunged vpon the sight of so many millions , all armed with indignation against them , and desire of the full and finall execution of their Creators will ? If an army of men marching with banners displayed bee terrible to behold , how dreadfull shall those innumerable hoaste of heavenly souldiers appeare to the face of their enimies ? and if one of them slew foure score and fiue thousand in one night , what mortall weight shall conceiue any hope of standing before such multitudes , who as they are now sent forch to minister for their sakes that are heires of salvation : so then shall they separate the just from the vnjust , and shall execute vengeance vpon them that shall be heires of damnation , casting them into a fornace of fire , where shall be wayling and gnashing of teeth . So as they shall not be bare Spectatours , but principall Act●…urs in that lamentable tragedie . We finde , that when but one of them descended to role away the stone frō our Saviours Sepulchre , there was a great Earth-quake , and for feare of him , the keepers of the Sepulchre were astonied , and became as dead men : Into what extremity then of confusion and perplexity shall the wicked be driven , when they shall perceiue such troupes of these mighty and glorious Creatures assembled , not only to be witnesses of their shame and just condemnation , but agents in their execution ? Besides all this , it shall be acted in the presence of those blessed Saints whom they alwayes held their greatest enemies ; and what greater bitternesse can be imagined , then to be layd open and reproached in the sight of a mans enimies , and to see them in the meane time advanced to honour , triumphing and insulting vpon his miseries , as the Saints then shall doe vpon impenitent sinners , admiring and applauding the justice of their Creat●…r , and as assistants , approving the equity of that sentence which he shall pronounce , and which the Condemned themselues likewise cannot but justifie . In asmuch as then in an instant shall be represented vnto themselues , and discovered in the open view of the whole world , all the horrible , foule , bloody , crying , roaring sinnes that ever they committed , together with all the circumstances of time , and place , and persons , and manner , and measure . Then shall they giue a particular strict account of all the blessings , of all the gifts and graces which God hath bestowed vpon them , of all the faculties of their soules , of all the senses and members of their bodies , as it were of so many talents committed to their charge , how they haue vsed , or rather abused them . Then shall they giue an account , how they haue profited by all those wholsome lessons they haue heard , and fatherly chastisements they haue beene corrected with , how they haue entertained those good motions that God hath put into their hearts ; how they haue withstood the Suggestions of Sathan , & the temptations of the world and the flesh . Then shall they giue an account , not only of their greivous haynous sinnes of presumption and malice , committed against the light of their Conscience wittingly , willingly , & wilfully , with an high hand and striffe necke , but of filthy rotten speeches , prophane writings , vnsavory jests , nay of every idle word , nay of every loose and lewd thought ; not only of outward , publique , notorious transgressions , but of secret practises , mischievous plots & projects , knowne only to God and their owne soules . Lastly , not only of sins of Commission , but of the omission of good duties , and of their pretious time mis-spent , passing the greatest part thereof in eating , and drinking , & sleeping , and dancing , and gaming , in haunting taverns , and play-houses , and dicing-houses , and brothell-houses , which should haue been spent in the workes of Charity , of Piety , or those of their private calling . Good God , what shall the poore sinner now say , what shall he doe for the levelling and cleering of these accounts ? shall he call for mercy ? he hath already shut that doore against himselfe . Shall he fly to his Saviour ? hee is now become his Iudge . Shall he implore the intercession of the Saints and Angells ? neither will they intercede if they might be heard , nor shall they be heard , though they would intercede . O hard distresse , sayth devoute Anselme , on the one side will be his sinnes accusing him , on the other side justice terrifying him , vnder him the gulfe of hell gaping , aboue him the Iudge frowning , within him a Conscience stinging , without him the world burning . Finding no way then to releiue or excuse himselfe , hee shall seeke to hide himselfe in dens and among the clefts of the rockes , and shall say vnto the hills and mountaines , fall vpon me and cover me from the presence of him that sitteth vpon the Throne , and from the wrath of the Lambe , for the great day of his wrath is come , and who can stand ? and if the righteous be hardly saved , where shall the impenitent sinner appeare ? Yet no remedie , stand forth and appeare they must at the open barre or Gods justice , and there receiue their last doome ; Depart from me yee Cursed , into everlasting fire prepared for the Devill and his Angells . SECT . 4. Or lastly , the dreadfulnes of the sentence which shall then be pronounced vpon them . O Mercifull Lord , what a dolefull , what as dreadfull sentence is this ? Depart from thee O Christ ? why thou art all things , and therefore the losse of thee is an vniversall losse of all things . Thou art the greatest good , and therefore to be deprived of thee is the greatest evill . Thou art the very Center and perfect rest of the soule , and therefore to bee pulled from thee is the most cruell separation that can be . It was the richest promise that thou couldst make to the penitent theefe , and the sweetest voyce that he could heare , This day thou shalt be with me in Paradise . Lord whither shall we goe from thee , saith one of thine Apostles , and the other only wisheth to be dissolved , that he may be with thee . The Wisards of the East when they recovered the sight of the starre that but led vnto thee , being yet in the state of infirmitie and humilitie , rejoyced with an exceeding great joy : and thy forerunner the Baptist at the voyce of thy blessed mother sprang for joy , being yet in the wombe ; how then would they haue beene replenished and ravished with joy to haue seen thee in thy Kingdome of glory , and tormented with griefe to haue bin commaunded out of thy presence ? specially considering , that with thee is the well of life , in thy presence is the fulnes of joy , and at thy right hand there are pleasures for evermore . By parting from thee then , wee part from the blisfull vision of the face of God , from the fruition of the happy fellowship of the holy Angels and society of Saints , and consequently from happinesse it selfe . What remaines then , but that parting from happinesse , wee should indeede become most miserable and accursed Caitifs . Depart from me yee Cursed . Men sometimes curse where God blesses , and blesse where God curses : They can only pronounce a man cursed , they cannot make him so : but heere it is otherwise : for with this powerfull and righteous Iudge , to pronounce is to make : when he cursed the figge tree , it instantly withered : And as these impenitent Sinners loved cursing , so shall it come vnto them ; and as they loved not blessing , so shall it be farre from them . As they cloathed themselues with cursing like a rayment , so shall it come into their bowels like water , and like oyle into their bones ; it shall be vnto them as a garment to cover them , and for a girdle wherewith they shall be alway girded . Cursed shall be the day of their conception , & cursed the day of their birth : Cursed they shall be in their soules , and cursed in their bodies ; Cursed in their thoughts , and cursed in their desires ; cursed in their speeches , and cursed in their actions ; Cursed in the haynousnes of their sinne , and cursed in the grievousnesse of their punishment : cursed in their punishment of losse , for their aversion from the Creator , Depart from me ; and cursed in their punishment of sense , for their conversion to the Creature , Depart from me into everlasting Fire . Of all the Creatures appointed by Almighty God , to be instruments for the execution of his vengeance , water and fire are noted to haue the least mercy : And therefore with fire & brimstone consumed he the filthy Sodomites , a type of this hellish fire , as Sodome was of hell it selfe . If creating an element heere for our comfort , I meane the fire , he made the same so insufferable as it is , in such sort , as a man would not hold his onely hand therein one day to gaine a kingdome ; what a fire thinke you hath he provided for hell , which is not created for comfort , but only for torment ? Our fire hath many differences from that , and therefore is truly sayd of the holy Fathers , to be but as a painted or fained fire in respect of that . For first our fire was made to comfort , as I haue sayd , and ▪ that only to afflict and torment : Our fire hath need to be fed continually with wood and fewell , or else it goeth out , that burneth eternally without feeding , and is vnquenchable ; for that the breath of the Lords owne mouth doth blowe and nourish it . Our fire worketh only vpon the body , immediatly vpon the soule being a spirit it cannot worke , that worketh vpon the soule separated from the bodie , as it likewise doth vpon the Apostate Angells , and vpon both soule and bodie rejoyned . Our fire giveth light which of it selfe is comfortable , that admitteth none , but is full of dismall darkenesse . Our fire may be extinguished , or the rage of it abated with water , that cannot . Ours breedeth weeping , that not only weeping but gnashing of teeth , the ordinary effect of cold . Such a strange and incredible fire it is , that it implies contraries , and so terrible is this Iudge to his enimies , that he hath devised a wonderfull way , how to torment them with burning heate and chilling cold both at once . Lastly , our fire consumeth the food that is cast into it , and thereby in short space dispatcheth the paines , whereas that afflicteth & tormenteth , but consumeth not , to the end , the paines may be Everlasting as is the fire . O deadly life , O immortall death , what shall I tearme thee ? Life ? and wherefore then dost thou kill ? Death ? and wherefore then dost thou endure ? There is neither Life nor Death but hath something good in it . For in life there is some ease , and in death an end , but thou hast neither ease nor end : What shall I tearme thee ? even the bitternesse of both . For of death thou hast torment without any end , and of life the continuance without any ease , so long as God shall liue , so long shall the damned die ; and when he shall cease to be happy , then shall they also cease to be miserable . A starre which is farre greater then the earth , appeareth to be a small spot in comparison of the heavens , much lesse shall the age of man seeme ; yea much lesse the age and continuance of the whole world in regard of this perpetuity of paines . The least moment of time if it be compared with tenne thousand millions of yeares , because both tearmes are finite , and the one a part of the other , beareth , although a very small , yet some proportion : but this or any other number of yeares in respect of endlesse eternity is nothing , lesse then just nothing : For all things that are finite may bee compared together , but betweene that which is finite , and that which is infinite , there standeth no comparison . O sayth one holy Father in a godly meditation , if a sinner damned in hell did know that hee had to suffer those torments no more thousand yeares then there be sands in the sea or grasse leaues on the ground , or no more thousand millions of ages then there be Creatures in heaven , hell , and in earth , he would greatly rejoyce , for that he would comfort himselfe at the leastwise with this cogitation , that once yet the matter would haue an end : But now , sayth this good man , this word never breaketh his heart , considering that after an hundred thousand millions of worlds ( if there might be so many ) he hath as farre to his journeyes end , as hee had the first day of his entrance into those torments . And surely if a man that is sharpely pinched with the goute , or the stone , or but with thetoothach , and that they hold him but by fits , giving him some respite betweene-whiles , notwithstanding doe thinke one night exceeding long although he lie in a soft bed , well applied & cared for ; how tedious doe wee thinke eternity will seeme to those that shall be vniuersally in all their parts continually without intermission , perpetually without end or hope of end schorched in those hellish flames , which besides that they are everlasting , haue this likewise added , that they are prepared for the Devill and his Angells ? Prepared , by whom ? surely by the Iudge himselfe , who giues the sentence . Now if but mortall Iudges should set and search their wits to devise & prepare a punishment for some notorious malefactour , what grievous tortures doe they often finde out ? able to make a man tremble at the very mentioning of them , what kinde of punishment then shall wee conceiue this to be which this immortall King of Heauen & Earth , this Iudge both of the quick & dead hath prepared ? Surely his invention this way is as farre beyond the reach of all mortal wits ( were they all vnited in one braine ) as is his power . It must needes be then a torment insufferable , vnspeakable & incomprehensible which hee hath set himselfe to prepare : But for whom ? for the Divell and his Angels , that is , for the Arch-traitour , the chiefe rebell that stands out against him , & hath stood out against him since the first Creation of the World. How art thou fallen from heauen O Lucifer sonne of the morning ! thou saydst in thine heart , I will exalt my throne aboue , beside the starres of God , & I will bee like vnto the most high : Therefore hath hee cast thee downe to the bottomlesse pit of hell , there te be imprisoned in everlasting chaines vnder darknesse to the iudgment of this great day of the generall assise , then & there shalt thou receiue thy compleat & finall sentence : and then shall those miscreants who haue chosen rather to hearken to thy intisements , to yeeld to thy temptations , to march vnder thy banner , and with thee & thine Angels to stand out in open rebellion against their Liege Lord , then to yeeld their due obedience to him , who by so many obligations might deservedly challenge it from them : Then I say , shall they who haue thus sinned with thee , suffer likewise with thee : & as thou labouredst by all means to make them like thy self insin : so shalt thouthen as earnestly labour to make them like thy selfe , as in the kinde , so likewise in the degree of thy punishment : that as the Saints shall resemble the blessed Angels in heauen , so they may in all respects resemble thee & thy cursed Angels in hell . And thus haue wee in part heard the terrour of this last day in regard of the obstinately wicked ; Let vs now heare what Comforts the remembrance and meditation thereof may justly afford the righteous , that is , such as by Gods grace endeavour to liue a vertuous and religious life . SECT . 5. Secondly , the consideration of this day may serue for a speciall comfort to the godly , whether they meditate vpon the name and nature of the day it selfe in regard of them , or the assurance of Gods loue and favour towards them , and the gracious promises made vnto them . THese Comforts then arise first from the name & nature of the day in regard of them : Secondly , from the assurance of Gods loue and favour toward them , & from the gracious promises made vnto them : Thirdly , from the quality and condition of the Iudge by whom they are to be tryed : and lastly , from the sweetnes of the sentence which shal be pronounced on their behalf . First then , this day howbeit it shal be very tert rible to impenitent sinners , yet to the Servants of God shall it be a day of ioy & triumph , a day of Iubilee & exultation , or as the Scriptures tearme it a day of refreshing & redemption . Neither ought this to seem strange , since the same Sun which melteth the wax , hardneth the clay , the same beams exhale both stinking vapours out of the dunghilis & sweet savours out of flowres , the beame is every way the same which workes vpon them , only the difference of the subjects which it workes vpon , is it that thus diversifies the effects . When the Iudges in their Assises come to the bench or place of judgment apparelled in skarlet robes , invironed with holdbards , attended on with great troopes , assisted by the principall knights and gentlemen of the Country , all this is a pleasing sight to the innocent prisoner , because hee hopes that now his innocency shal appeare in the face of the Country , and that the day of his deliuerance is come : whereas to the guilty it is a dreadful sight , because he knowes that the day of his tryall , & consequently of his condemnation and execution cannot be farre off : in like manner when the gibbet or gallows is set vp , the ladder , the halter , the hangman & all in readines for the execution , this to the good subject & true man is a pleasing spectacle , because it is for their peace & safeguard : but a spectacle full of horrour to the condemned theefe or murtherer who are there instantly to be executed . To such as are straitly besieged in a Castle or City , when a powerful Army is raised to rescue them , & draweth neere to the place , and is come within sight , the neighing and trampling of the horses , the glittering of the armour , the clashing of weapons , the beating of the drumme , the sounding of the trumpet , yea the roaring of the cannon to them are as swe●…t musick , because they know all this to be for their succour and reliefe : but to the besiegers the noyse is terrible , because they know it is to assault , remoue and vanquish them : & this surely shall be the difference betwixt the faithfull and the vnrighteous at the day of iudgment . The Maiesty & Glory of Christ , the traine of innumerable Angels attending on him , the shrill sound of the trumpet summoning all flesh to appeare before his Tribu-nall at this great & generall Assises , and all other solemnities belonging to the pomp & magnificence thereof , as it shall vtterly daunt and confound the one , in as much as they know themselues guilty of all those enormities and out-rages wherewith they shall be charged , so shall it cheere vp the other , for that they are thē fully to be cleered in the presence of men & Angels frō those vnjust aspersions & imputations whichtheir enemies haue cast vpon them , they are to be freed from all those wrongs and oppressions they haue sustained , they are to be rescued from that narrow siege , that fierce assault , that long & strong battery which by sinne , the world , the flesh , & the Divell hath beene laid to their soules ; so as all those fearefull signes fore-running the last end , as the trembling of the earth , and the shaking of the powers of heauen , shall be vnto them as the Earthquake was to Paul and Silas , which serued to loose their fetters and manicles , and to open vnto them the prison doores and set them at liberty . Neither can it in truth be otherwise , considering the loue & favour which Almighty God beares them . He hath redeemed them with the pretious Blood of his deare Sonne , he hath begotten them by the incorruptible seed of his word , hee hath illuminated and sanctified them with his Spirit , he hath sealed them by his Sacraments , he hath pacified their guilty Consciences with his grace , delivered them out of dangers , supported them in their temptations , relieued them in their distresses , resolued them in their doubts , made all things worke together for the best vnto them ; and will he forsake them at this last tryall ? no , no , herein he setteth out his loue toward them , seeing , that while they were yet sinners ; Christ died for them , much more being now iustified by his Blood , shall they bee saued from wrath thorow him . For if when they were enemies they were reconciled to God by the death of his Sonne ; much möre being reconciled shall they bee saued by his life : if they were pardoned thorow his death when they were enemies , they shall much more be saued by his life now that they are friends . For how incredible is it , nay how impossible , that he who pardoneth an enemy should condemne a friend . He loued them whiles they yet bore the image of the Diuell , and will he not much more loue them now , since he hath in part repaired his owne Image in them . They were deare vnto him when there was in them no goodnesse , & can hee now abandon them being made partakers of that goodnes which himselfe hath wrought in them . Being then pluckt out of the power of darknesse , let them neuer feare to be rejected by the Father of lights ; having the blessed Angels sent forth to minister for their sakes , let them neuer feare to be deliuered ouer vnto , or in the finall sentence to be joined with the Divell and his Angels . What shall we then say to these things ? if God be on our side who can be against vs , who spared not his owne Sonne , but gaue him for vs all to death , how shall he not with him giue vs all things also ? Who shal lay any thing to the charge of Gods chosen ? it is God that iustifieth : who shall condemne ? it is Christ which is dead , or rather which is risen againe . Who shall separate vs from the loue of Christ ? shall tribulation or anguish , or persecution , or famine , or nakednesse , or perill , or sword ? nay in all these things wee are more then conquerours thorow him that loued vs. And wee are perswaded that neither death , nor life , nor Angels , nor principalities , nor powers , nor things present , nor things to come , nor heighth , nor depth , nor any other creature shall be able to separate vs from the loue of God which is in Christ Iesus our Lord. And as the loue and favour of God in Christ doth thus arme his children against the terrour of the day of iudgment , so doe likewise the gracious promises made vnto them , which imbolden them to say again with the blessed Apostle , I haue fought a good fight , I haue finished my course , I haue kept the faith , from henceforth is laid vp for me the Crowne of righteousnesse which the Lord the righteous Iudge shall giue me at that day , and not to me only , but vnto all them also that loue that his appearing . If I shall then receiue a Crowne of righteousnesse I need not feare hell fire : if the righteous Iudge himselfe will giue it me , I need not stand in awe of his severity : if he shall giue it to all those who loue that his appearing , I need not tremble at the thought thereof ; nay I haue rather great reason to be glad and rejoyce thereat , and when I see those things come to passe , to looke vp & lift vp mine head , as being well assured that my redemption draweth neere . And not only my redemption , but mine advancement to honour , euen in that very act of Iudgment : the bench rather then the barre being my place there , & my selfe being ordained not to stand forth as a prisoner , but to sit as a Iudge . Verily I say vnto you , that when the Sonne of man shall sit in the Throne of his Maiesty , yee which followed me in the regeneration shall sit also vpon twelue thrones , and iudge the twelue tribes of Israell , sayth Truth it selfe . Which priviledge lest we should thinke to be restrained only to his Apostles , one of them by good warrant extends it to all the faithfull . Doe ye not know saith he , that the Saints shall iudge the world ? that is , wicked men who haue oppressed vs : And againe , Know ye not that we shall iudge the Angels ? that is , wicked spirits who haue tempted or assaulted vs. Now what folly is it to be afrayde of that judgment where we our selues shall be Iudges , and that of our greatest enemies ? nay what incouragement should it bee to receiue if need were , the sentence of death for Christs sake , since it is certaine that as Christ himselfe shall judge Pilate before whom hee was arraigned , and by whom he was wrongfully condemned : so also shall we in some sort at leastwise as Assessors with him & approouers of his sentence , judge our Iudges . For although Christ our Head principally and properly shall be the Iudge , yet wee that are his members shall haue a branch of his authority , and shall be as it were joyned in commission with him . SECT . 6. Or the quality and condition of the Iudge in respect of them by whom they are to be tryed : or lastly , the sweetnesse of the sentence which sh●…ll then be pronounced on their behalfe . BVt setting this Commission aside , what a comfort will it bee to the Godly to be summoned , to be assembled , to be separated from the goates by the ministery of those very Angels who were appointed to be their guardians , to pitch their tents round about them ; and to beare them vp with their hands that they might not dash their foote against a stone ? nay what joy vnvtterable , with their eyes to behold and looke vpon that Sauiour of theirs ( appearing in Maiesty as a Iudge ) who redeemed them with his heart blood , and gaue his life as a ransome for them , in whom they haue trusted , on whom they haue beleeued , to whom they haue prayed , for whom they haue suffered , with whom they shall be glorified ? Their Father , their Husband , their Master , their Head , their Physitian , their Advocate and Intercessour : and can the father condemne the sonne , the husband the wife , the Master his faithfull servant , the head his members , the Physitian his patient , the Advocate his Client ? How happy is our case then , that hee must be our Iudge that was himselfe judged for vs ▪ and our assurance is , that hee will not condemne vs , that hath already be●…ne condemned for vs : No , he will be so farre from condemning vs , that then and there hee will fully acquit vs in the sight of the whole world , and pronounce that favourable sentence on our behalfe , Come yee blessed of my Father , inherite a kingdome prepared for you from the foundation of the world . A judiciall sentence shall I call it , or rather a brotherly & gratious invitation ? Come ye blessed of my Father : Come , that where the husband is , there may the wife be ; that where the father is , there may the sonnes be ; that where the Master is , there may the servants be ; that where the Captain is , there may the souldiers be ; that where the king is , there may the subjects be , that where the head is , there may the members be . Come , it was thy voice sweet Savior whiles thou wert yet in the state of humility , Come vnto me all ye that are weary & heavy laden & I will refresh you : & dost thou still retaine the same sweetnes and familiality , being now in glory , and that whiles thou art sitting vpon the throne of justice ? Good Lord , how dost thou at the same instant shew thy selfe terrible as a Lyon to thine enimies , & yet gentle as a Lamb to thy friends ? frowning vpon the one , and yet smiling on the other , commaunding the one out of thy presence with an Ite , Goe ; and inviting the other to approach neere with a Venite , Come . Come , come my deare hearts , now is the time that you must rest from your labours , that your teares must be wip'd off , that your long expectatiō & longing hope must be turned into fruitiō : your race is at an end , you must now receiue the prize ; your wrestling at an end , you must now receiue the garland , your combating at an end , you must now receiue the Crowne , Come yee Blessed of my Father . Blessed in your liues , and blessed in your deaths ; blessed in your election , blessed in your vocation , blessed in your adoption , blessed in your justification , blessed in your sanctification , and now for accomplishment of all , most blessed in your glorification : And the fountaine of all this your blessednes , is none other then the very Father of blessings , my Father and your Father , mine by nature , yours by grace , mine by eternall generation , and yours by spirituall regeneration : And whom the Father blesses , the Son cannot but most lovingly and tenderly imbrace . Come yee blessed of my Father . what to doe ? to inherit a Kingdome . Least my words should seeme to be but winde , least my promises should seeme to be vaine , and your patience and beleeving vaine ; Come & receiue that which I haue promised , and you haue beleeved ; Come and take actuall possession of it ; yet not as a purchase of your owne , but as an inheritance ; not as wages , but as a reward ; not as bought by the value of your merits , but conferred vpon you by the vertue of my sufferings , and the benediction of my Father as the cause , and your sonne-shippe and obedience as the condition . Your title is good , your evidence faire , so as no exception can be taken to your right , nothing so much as pretended or pleaded to disinherit you . Come on then chearefully , make hast and enter vpon it , my selfe will leade you the way , follow me . But what may it bee gracious Lord that wee shall possesse ? surely no lesse then a Kingdome . This reward is sometimes set forth vnto vs vnder the name of a pleasant garden or Paradise of delight ; sometime of a stately magnificent palace ; sometime of a large and beautifull Cittie : but here of a Kingdome , a glorious , a spacious , a secure , a durable Kingdome , whose King is the Trinity , whose Law is Divinitie , whose measure aternity , as farre beyond all the kingdomes of this world , and all the guilded pompe , the glittering power and riches of them , as the greatest earthly Monarch is beyond the King in a play . Earthly Monarches haue their secret pressures and pinches , they haue their feares , and cares , and griefes , and envy , and anger , and sickenes mixed with their joyes and contents , or at least by turnes succeeding them : Somewhat is ever wanting to their desires , and full of doubtes and jealousies they are that their dominions may be either impaired or invaded : And if they were free from the possibility of all those , yet may they in a moment , and that by a thousand wayes be arrested by death , and then all their honour lies in the dust , all their thoughts perish : But now with them that inherit this heavenly Kingdome it is not so : they haue joy and content at full without the least intermission or diminutiō , without the least mixture of any feare , or care , or griefe , or envy , or anger , or any other troublesome passion whatsoever . They are out of all doubt & jealousie of loosing that which they possesse , either in whole or in part ; they are confident and secure that neither this Kingdome can be taken from them by rebellion or invasion , nor they from it by death or deposition . And herein againe doth this Kingdome excell all other kingdomes , that it is of Gods speciall preparing . And such happinesse he hath prepared in it for them that shall possesse it , as eye hath not seene , eare hath not heard , tongue cannot vtter , neither hath at any time entred into the heart of man. Such as his imagination cannot apprehend , nor his vnderstanding possiblely conceiue . O my Lord , if thou for this vile body of ours hast given vs so great and innumerable benefits from the firmament , from the aire , from the earth , from the sea ; by light , by darkenesse , by heate , by shadow , by dewes , by showers , by windes , by raines , by fishes , by beasts , by birds , by multitude of hearbes , and variety of plants , and by the ministery of all thy Creatures : O sweete Lord , what manner of things , how great , how good , and how innumerable are those which thou hast prepared for vs in our heavenly Kingdome , where we shall see thee face to face , and raigne with thee eternally ? If thou doe so great things for vs in our prison , what wilt thou giue vs in our palace ? If thou givest so many things in this world to good and evill men together , what hast thou layd vp for only good men in the world to come ? If thine enemies and friends together are so well provided for in this life , what shall thy only friends receiue in the life to come ? If there be so great solaces in these dayes of teares , what joy shall there be in that day of marriage ? If our jayle and prison containe so great matters , what shall our Kingdome doe ? O my Lord and God , thou art a great God , & great is the multitude of thy magnificence & sweetnes ; and as there is none end of thy greatnes , nor number of thy mercies , nor bottome of thy wisedome , nor measure of thy beauty : So is there no end , number , or measure of thy rewards to them that loue & serue thee . SECT . 7. Thirdly , the consideration of this day may serue for admonition to all . SEing then that all these things must be dossolved , what manner persons ought we to be in holy conversation and godlines ? looking for , and hasting vnto the comming of that day , in which we all shall appeare before the judgement seate of Christ , that every man may receiue according to that hee hath done in his body , whether it be good or evill . Truly I know not ( sayth S. Chrysostome ) what others doe thinke of it , for my selfe , it makes mee often tremble when I consider it . And holy Hierome , whatsoever I am doing , saith he , whether I be eating , or drinking , or sleeping , or waking , or alone , or in company , or reading , or writing , me thinkes I ever heare the shrill sound of the Archangels trumpet , summoning all flesh to appeare , and crying aloud , Surgite mortui & venite ad judicium , arise yee dead and come away to judgement . The remembrance hereof is like a bitter pill to purge out the malignitie of many wanton and vaine humours , or like a strainer , all our thoughts , and speeches , and actions which passe thorow it , are thereby cleansed and purified . As the bird guideth her bodie with her traine , and the shippe is steered with the rudder , so the course of a mans life is best directed with a continuall recourse vnto his last end . It is hard for a man to thinke of that and to thinke evill , or not to thinke of it and thinke well . Therefore when Salomon had spoken of all the vanities of men , at last he opposes this memorandum as a counterpoise against them all , Remember for all these things thou shalt come to judgement : as if he should say , men would never speake as they speake , nor doe as they doe , if they did but thinke that these speeches & deedes of theirs should one day come to judgement . Whatsoever thou takest in hand then , remember the end , and that finall account which thou art to make , and thou shalt never doe amisse . S. Augustine I remember in the entrance of one of his sermons touching the day of Iudgement , makes a kind of Apologie for himselfe , that he treated in their hearing so often of that subject , telling them , that he did it for the discharge of his owne dutie , and for their good : it being better ( sayth he ) hereto indure a little bitternes , and hereafter to injoy eternall sweetnes , then here to be fedde with false joyes , and there to indure reall and eternall punishments : But hee might haue justly excused himselfe ( had any excuse needed in such a case ) by the example of our blessed Saviour , who in his Gospells ; and his Apostles , who in their Epistles , beate vpon this point no one more frequently : The knowledge and publishing whereof to the world hath in all ages beene held so necessarie , that not the Prophets alone , whose writings are read in our assemblies at this day , plainely foretold it , but Enoch the seaventh from Adam prophesied thereof ; nay Adam himselfe , if we may beleeue Iosephus . And that no man might plead ignorance herein ; the light of this trueth ( as hath already beene touched ) shined among the very Gentiles before the incarnation of Christ. A great shame were it then for vs Christians not to beleeue it , but a greater shame to our selues , and to our profession , a disgrace , & a scandall to infidels , to professe that we beleeue it , and yet to liue worse then Infidels . Mahometans , & Iewes , & Pagans shall rise in judgemens against a number of Christians and shall condemne them , for that standing vp in the Congregation , and with their mouths openly professing this article , that they beleeue that Christ shall come againe to judge both the quicke & dead ; yet their thoughts , their desires , their passions , their actions , their words are such & so foule , as it evidētly shewes they beleeue not , or they vnderstand not , or they remember not what they professe . Shall I thinke that the common drunkard & glutton doth beleeue and remember , that at this day he must giue an account of the abuse of Gods Creatures , of making his belly his God , his kitchin his Chappell , and his Cooke his Priest ? Shall I thinke that the prophane swearer and blasphemer doth beleeue & remember , that at this day he must giue an account of every idle word , much more then of his hellish oathes and damnable blasphemies , wherewith he teares in peeces the name of God , & infects the very aire he breaths in ? shall I thinke that the Hypocrite , who seekes to bleare the eyes of the world , doth beleeue & remember , that at this day he must giue an account of his glozing & shifting , and that then his hypocrisie shall be vncased & laid open to the view of the world ? shall I thinke that the Parasite doth beleeue and remember , that at this day he must giue an account of preferring the favour of men before the loue and service of God ? Shall I thinke the Slanderer doth beleeue and remember , that at this day he must giue an account of wounding and killing his brother in his good name by his tongue , or pen , or both ? Shall I thinke the Adulterer doth beleeue and remember , that at this day he must giue an account of giuing the reines to his vnbridled appetite without any checke or controll ? Lastly , doth the malicious man beleeue and remember , that at this day hee must giue an account of his bloody practises or plots ; the ambitious man , of making his honour his Idoll ; the covetous , of his oppression and extortion ? Let themselues a little consider of the matter , and they will easily grant it to be vnreasonable , that any man should beleeue it to be a part of their beleife . SECT . 8. As likewise for instruction . LEt vs then either strike it out of the articles of our Creede , or let vs so endeavour to liue , as it may appeare , that we doe not only professe it with our mouthes , but assuredly beleeue it with our hearts . Let the civill Magistrate shew that he beleeues it , by forbearing to make his will a law , & by a conscionable care in the governing of those who are committed to his charge , and providing that they may liue vnder him a quiet and peaceable life in all godlines and honesty . Let the Divine , the Messenger of the Lord , who preacheth it to others , shew that he beleeues it himselfe , by forbearing base and indirect meanes to rise to honour , ( which he is most vncertaine how long , or with what content he shall hold ) and by feeding the flocke of God which depends vpon him , caring for it , not by constraint , but willingly , not for filthy lucre , but of a ready minde , not as Lording it over Gods heritage , but as being a patterne to the flocke , and when that chiefe sheepheard shall appeare , he shall receiue an incorruptible Crowne of glory ; Let that severe call euer ring in his eares , Come giue an account of thy stewardship . There shall Andrew come in with Achaia by him converted , to the saving knowledge of the truth : Iohn with Asia , Thomas with India , Peter with the Iewes , and Paul with the Gentiles ; and what shall we then say for our selues , if wee cannot bring forth somuch as one soule converted by vs in the whole course of our ministerie ? Let the Counsellours shew that he beleeues , it by giuing counsell rather wholesome then pleasing , not for faction but for conscience , and by forbearing to make the good of the state the stalking horse of his private ends . For though he digge never so deepe , yet he who now searches and shall then judge his heart digs deeper . Let the Courtier shew hee beleeues it by vsing his favour to the countenancing and advancing of vertue and suppressing of vice , and by forbearing to varnish & guild over foule projects or smother honest motions with faire semblances , looking rather to the worths and necessities of petitioners , then to their purse and power . Let the militarie man shew that hee beleeues it by forbearing to thinke , that a prophane oath is an ornament of speech , or that violence , rapine , and outrage , are the best Characters of a souldier ; or that vnjust effusion of blood & Duells shall then passe for manhood , or that his stoute lookes and braue resolution shall then any thing availe him . Let the Nobility and Gentry shew that they beleeue it , by forbearing to make marchandise of Church livings committed to their care only in trust , to strippe the backes of the poore , that they may apparell their wals , and to snatch their meate from their mouthes , that they may giue it to their hawkes and dogges . For if they shall stand among the goates on the left hand and heare that dolefull sentence , Goe y●… cursed , who cloathed not the naked and fed not the hungry , tell me what shall become of them , who by extortion and oppression , by vnconscionable racking of rents and wresting from them excessiue fines , make them naked & hunger-starved ; nay grinde the face of the poore , and eate their flesh to the bare bones ? Let the Iudges shew that they beleeue it , by forbearing to giue sentence for feare or favour , much lesse for gold or gifts , as well knowing & remembring , that themselues must one day giue a strict account to this supreame Iudge , from whose sentence lyeth no appeale . Let the Lawyer shew that he beleeues it , by forbearing to spin out the suites of his Clients , to whip him about from Court to Court , and to set his tongue to sale for the bolstering out of vnjust causes , which his owne Conscience tells him to be such , least that cause which here perchance he gained to his Client and got credit by , proue there to be his greatest shame and vtter ruine , where all his sophistrie & subtile quirks will not serue his turne . Let the merchant shew that he beleeues , it by for bearing lies aswel as oathes , by putting his confidence in God , not in his wedge of gold , and by often calling to minde , that whither soever he trauell , or what bargaine soeuer he make , Hee stands by him as a witnes who shall hereafter be his Iudge . And what folly were it for a theefe to steale in the presence of the Iudge before whom he must be arraigned ? Let the Farmer and Countryman shew that he beleeues it by their just laying out of the Lords portions to his Ministers , as knowing that though they haply deceiue his Ministers , yet the Lord himself they cannot deceiue , & that the double damages thē of their bodies & souls wil be infinitly more grievous thē their treble damages here . Finally , let all sorts make it appeare , that they indeed doe not professe it only but beleeue it by shewing that reverence & respect to the word , to the Sacraments , to the Ambassadours to the house , to the day , to the servants , to the members of him who then shall be the reiudge , that they may with comfort & confidence appeare in his presence . The least good worke now done for his sake and to his honour , shall then steed vs more then the treasure of both the Indies , then all the kingdomes of the world & the glory of them . Then our indignation & revenge vpon our selues , our compunction and contrition for our sins committed against this Iudge , shall refresh vs and cheare vs. For if we would iudge our selues we should not be iudged . Then shall our resisting of alluring temptations , our patient induring bitter afflictions & chastisements , our sufferings , losses , disgraces , banishments for the Truths sake serue vnto vs as so many soveraigne and pretious Cordials : for when we are iudged we are chastened of the Lord , because we should not be condēned with the world . Let vs heare the end of all , Feare God and keepe his commaundements , for this is the whole duty of man : For God will bring euery worke vnto iudgment with euery secret thing , whether it be good or euill . Euen so , come Lord Iesus , come quickly . How long Lord , how long , holy and true ? Not vnto vs , O Lord , not vnto vs , but vnto thy name giue the glory . BOETHIVS lib. 1 metr . 7. — Tu quoque si vis Lumine claro cernere verum , Tramite recto carpere coelum Gaudia pelle , pelle timorem , Spemque fugato , Nec dolor adsit , Nubila mens est , Vinctaque frenis Haec vbi regnant . If with cleare eye thou wilt see Truth , and in the right way tread , Ioy and hope chase farre from thee , Banish sorrow , banish dread . Cloudy , fettered fast with chaines , Is the minde where passion raigne . Whatsoeuer I haue written in this or any other booke , I humbly submit to the censure of the Church of England . FINIS . A REVISE . WHen my booke was almost past the presse , I met with one Iohannes Fredericus L●…nius , a Netherlander , de extremo dei judicio & Indorum vocatione , who lib. 2. cap. 19. indevouring to proue the vicinity of the last judgement by the worlds decay , makes this a maine argument thereof : Constat ( saith he ) illos qui supra annos viginti prodierunt in lucem non pauciores habuisse dentes quam 32 cum iam in eis qui infra decennium nati sunt non nisi - 20 aut 24 inveniantur . A bold assertion of a graue divine , that man kind should so speedily decrease as in the compasse of tenne yeares , to loose 12 or 8 teeth of 32 , and his booke being printed in the yeare 1567 , had the like measure of decay gone on in proportion since that time , no man long before this day should haue had a tooth left in his head to chew his meate . But I wonder he durst so confidently publish that to the world which daily experience , and the writings of moderne Anatomists so evidently convince of falshood ; and in truth I thinke there cannot lightly a better argument be brought for the confirmation of the contrary opinion against himselfe in that point ; in asmuch as according to Hippocrates , longaevi plurimos dentes habent ; and Aristotle , quibus pauciores & rariores , hi brevioris sunt vitae : so that the full number being a signe of longaevity , and that of naturall strength , if it appeare ( as vndoubtedly it doth ) that men now adayes haue ordinarily the same number of teeth as anciently they had ; then must it consequently follow , that likewise ordinarily they are as strong and long-lived as anciently they were : yet heerein are we beholding to the same Authour , that what he takes from the age and strength of men , he addes to their wits : Sed quod humanorum corporum decedit conditionibus , hoc ingenijs accedit , quod de membrorum robore perit , hoc accumulatur intellectus acumine & sagacitate . Pag. 45. is a great mistake , about a pound of bloud being printed , for almost halfe a pound of bloud , notwithstanding which abatement yet is the proportion there mentioned altogether incredible , for if Galen vsually drew six pounds of bloud , and we vsually stoppe at six ouuces , as Sir Walter Rawleigh would haue it , and we allow for every pound twelue ounces , then in reason should men in Galens time , bee ordinarily twelue times as strong and tall as now they are ; so that if men be now ordinarily fiue foote high , they must then haue bin three score , and ( allowing the like proportionable decrease since the Creation ) in the like distance of time before Galen they must haue beene aboue seaven hundred foote high , and if we should thus rise vpward to the Creation it selfe , wee must then measure men by miles and not by feet ; which I wonder the great wit of Sir Walter Rawleigh foresaw not . Pag. 47. In the Section of the revolution and circulation of all things in their times and turnes may properly be inserted these excellent verses of Manilius . Percipe nunc etiam , quae sunt Ecliptica Graio Nomine , quae certos quasi delassata per annos Nonnunquam cessant sterili torpentia motu . Scilicet immenso nihil est aequale sub aevo , Perpetuosque tenet flores , vnumque colorem Tutatur : Sed cuncta diu variantur in orbe , Et foecunda suis subsistunt frugibus arva , Continuosque negant partus eff●…ta creando . Rur sus quaefuerant steriles ad semina terrae , Post nova sufficiunt , nullo mandante , tributa . Concutitur varijs tellus compagibus haerens , Subducitque solum pedibus , natat orbis in ipso , Et vomit Oceanus pontum , sitiensque resorbet , Necsese ipse capit , sic quondam mer ser at vrbes , Humani generis cum solus constitit haeres Deucalion , scopuloque orbem possedit in vno . Nec non cum patrias Phaet●…on tentavit habenas , Arserunt gentes , timuitque incendia coelum , ●…geruntque nov as ardentia sydera flammas , Atque vno timuit condi natura sepulchro : In tantum longo mutantur tempora cursu , Atque iterum in semet redeunt : sic tempora certo Signa quoque●…mittunt vires , sumuntque receptas . Pag. 163. Vndevicesimo is translated twenty one , whereas it should bee nineteene , which makes more for my purpose , it being spoken of the wise of Quintilian , who by his owne testimony was not full nineteene when shee died , yet had shee then borne him two sonnes . Pag. 170. I doubt mine information touching prescriptions is not sufficient , but my meaning is , that 60 yeares ad minimum are required to make a prescription good , which I conceived to haue bin law with vs and I thinke by the Civill Lawes , an interest may be gotten by sixty yeares quiet possession or lesse , howsoever the same space of yeares is now allotted which anciently was : And in the same place , that which I haue delivered touching a lease of three liues , compared with a lease of twenty one yeares , is not perchance clearely enough expressed in law tearmes , but so as a man may easily vnderstand what I intend Pag. 243. Speaking of Grammarians , I haue not sufficiently insisted vpon the exquisite helpe of Dictionaries , Lexicons , and Grammars in this latter age beyond the precedent , not only for the easier learning of the Westerne languages , Latine , Italian , Spanish , and French , but specially of the Easterne , the Hebrew , the Chalde , the Syriake , the Arabique , & ( which is worth the observing ) of all the ancient fathers , so renowned for their singular learning , but only two , among the Latins Saint Hierome , and Origen among the Graecians , are found to haue excelled in the orientall languages , this last centenary hauing afforded more skilfull mē that way , then the other fifteene since Christ. To Grammar may likewise bee referred the vsefull art of Brachygraphie , or writing by short markes , which though it were practised among the Romans , as appeares by that epigram of Martiall , Currant verba licet manus est velocior illis , Nondum lingua suum , dextra peregit opus . And another of Ausonius , Puer notarum praepetum Solers minister advola : &c. Yet Dio referres the invention thereof to Maecaenas , and by Manilius it should seeme that in his time it was new : Hic & Scriptor erit foelix cui littera verbum est , Quique notis linguam superet , cursumque loquentis , Excipiet long as nova per compendia voces . So as we haue no certainty that either the Graecians , or the Hebrewes , or any of those Easterne Nations had before the Romans the vse or knowledge of it ( whatsoever Lorinus and Raderus out of those wordes of the Psalmist , my tongue is the penne of a ready writer ; and those written on the wall which Daniell interpreted , pretend to the contrary ) and besides , this invention of the Romans for ought we finde , was lost in succeeding ages , but in these latter recovered againe , or at leastwise somewhat aequivalent therevnto . And to Brachygraphie may be added , the writing by Zifers , or nota furtivae , secret markes for the hiding of the writers minde from others saue him to whom he writes it : Now how farre latter ages haue excelled the former in this invention , shall appeare by the wordes of Hermannus Hugo , Mire sibi gratulabantur veteres , insigni seilicet , vt ipsi putabant , invento , epistolarum occulte scribendarum per transpositas literas , sed profecto id artificium facillime à quovis sagaciore deprehendi potest , vt non injuriâ Iulius Scaliger Exercitat . 327. id vocet delirium , & imposturam Referam tamen paucula ejus exempla veneratione solius antiquitatis . Recentiores omnes id genus technas relinquo apud Neapolitanum quaerendas , lib. 1. De notis furtivis : quamquam Amplissimus consiliarius Puteanus epistola quadam ad Plouvierium de 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , rationem ostendit occultissimam scribendi per transpositionem , quam nec Oedipus divinare possit . De qua ita nunqaum locuturus fuisset Scaliger , vt de veterum facili commento . Iulius Caesar , inquit , Dio , lib. 39 consueverat si quid secreti cuiquam per liter as significaret quartum semper elementum in soribendo , pro eo quod sumi debebat , sumere : ne obvia literarum lectio cuivis esset . Augustus autem ( verba sunt Suetonij , cap. 88. ) quoties per notam scribit , ponit B pro A. C. pro B ; ac deinceps eadem ratione sequentes litteras ; pro X autem duplex AA . And herein doth Salmuth fully accord in opinion with him . Abeant igitur cum sua vetustate tam copiosa & frivola veterum commenta . Longe alios astus , longe aliam vafritiem aetas haec videtur exposcere : in qua vel infantes cum balbutiunt adhuc , & quaedam subdolae mentis signa veluti primitiae illius ingeruntur , quasi à nutricis vberibus simul cum lacte illam suxisse imò à matris vtero contraxisse videantur . Neither haue the Ancients beene excelled by the modernes , only in the wittie invention of Zifring and secret characters , but also by the testimonie of Pancirollus in dezifring and discovering the most difficult : Brixianus quidam typis vulgavit modum quendam , quem intellecta credit impossibilem , nisi quis contra exemplar istius habeat . Quod tamen falsum est , quandoquidem scripturam istam ipsemet explicari audivi ; & quod dici solet , quasi cum manu tetigi , nullas essenotas adeo difficiles & obscuras , quae non intelligantur abijs qui in hoc scribendi genere exercitati sunt : quorum multi Venetijs reperiuntur . Atque ipsemet domi meae habui Hieronymum Dn. Francisci Nani , nobilis Veneti filium , iuvenem doctissimum , & artis huius imprimis gnarum : cui nullum Notarum genus , quàm difficile etiam id esset , ●…fferebatur , quin ab ipso intelligeretur . Pag. 245. Among the late profitable inventions in the mathematiques , the Mirificus Logarithmorùm Canon found out by the Lord Neper Baron of Merchiston in Scotland , may deservedly challēdge a place , the booke so intituled he dedicates to his Majesty that now is , then Prince , and in his epistle dedicatorie giues this testimony of the invention : Cum novae haec Logarithmorum me●…dus omnem illam pristinae matheseos in calculo difficultatem penitus è medio ●…ollat , & ad fublevandam memoriae imbecillitatem it a se accommodet , vt illius adminiculo facile sit plures quaestiones mathematicas vnius spacio , quam pristinâ & communiter receptâ formâ sinuum , tangentium , & secantium , vel integro die absolvere . But because this testimony may perchance by some be thought partiall touching an invention of his owne ; I will therevnto adde the graue judgement of Master ●…igges , professour in the Mathematiques at Oxford , who hath with great diligence much illustrated and inlarged it : Praesertim cum deo visum fucrit ( post evàngelij lucem , qua orbem hunc nostrum illustrari voluit ) plurimae humanae vitae vtiliter inventa , quorum nullum vtique apud antiquos extiterit vestigium , nobis communicare . Atque in his vt artes Mathematicae primarium tenent locum , ita in illis Logarithmorum ratio caeteris partibus precellit , sive inventionis spectemus àcumen , sive vsus praestantiam . Wherevnto may not improperly be annexed the invention of Petiscus , prefixed in these words in the front of his Trigonometrie . Inventio subtensae , tertiae vel quintae , vel cujuscunque imparis partis alicujus arcus ; ex data sola subtensa illius arcus ; etiam per communem Arithmeticam , & sine omni adminiculo Algebrae : Quae inventio hactenus credita fuit impossibilis . This invention by the helpe of Algebra was found out not long since ; but those who are not skilled in Algebra , for the doing of it by common Arithmetique , are beholding to Petiscus . In the same page , mention is made of Scaligers finding out of the quadrature of a circle , but since the writing thereof , I vnderstand that Adrianus Romanus hath written an apology for Archimede against Scaliger , wherein he labours to proue , that he hath not found out the conclusion he pretends , which is answered by Scaliger , and againe replied vpon by Romanus , but which of them hath the best , I referre to the determination of the professours in that facultie . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A02484-e1140 Psal. 8. 1. Psal. 92. 4. 5. 6. 111. 2. 3. Sen. Rom. 8. 28. Rom. 11. 33. Iob. 8. 8 Bartas in his Colonies . Claudian l. 3. in laud●… S●…ilicouis Plau●…ut i●… Persa . Seneca in Thyeste . L. Vives de 〈◊〉 . corrupt . 〈◊〉 . lib : 1. Epist. 108. Seneca . Idem . Pi●…seus Relat. Hist. tom . 1 c. 9 de Acad. Oxon. Orat. 2. 5. Lucret. lib. 1. Hieronymus Hieronymus . Lib. 1. decri . c. 3 Notes for div A02484-e12500 In quartum praec●…ptum . Cap. 13. 30. Comment . in Gen. cap. 3. Gen. 49. 10. Exercit. 1. ad apparat . Annal. 〈◊〉 . 2. Iud. 11. 38. Hebr. 11. 32. Deut. 12 31. History of the world ▪ part . 1 a. lib. 〈◊〉 . cap. 70. Gen. 11. 〈◊〉 . Gen. 3. 6. Vide Agatharchidem de rub●… mari . Dec. 2 a. lib. 80. cap. 1. Ex od . 34. 29. Math. 2. 23. 2 Sam. 18. 9. Cambden in Hams●… . Hist. Anot. lib. 10. q. 2●… . 〈◊〉 . lib. 2. Purcas Pilgr . 〈◊〉 . 1. cap. 8. Epist. 86. Casulano . Hist. Natu. lib. 8. 22. Iuven. Sat. 10. Exer. 1●… . ad ap . annal . cap. 10. Ephes. 3. 9. Colos●… . 1. 26. Rom. 16. 25. De Eccl. Rom. Idol . l. 10. cap. 50. Cap. 5. Cambden : Britan ▪ de primis Incolis . In granario . A●…o 1440. De Gygantibus Cap. ultimo . Cap. 4. 9. 4. 4. 3. ●…at . bist . 10. 2. Lib. 6. Annal. cap. 7. Lib. 10. de sub-Exercit . 233. Gesnerus . Lib. 3. cap. 23. Natur. bist . 10. 23. Exercit. 232. Lib. 10. c. 14. De Temp. lib. 3. lib. 2. cap. 56. Des erreurs Populaires . In comment : in Dioscoridem . Exercit. 201. Vide Angelum Abbatium de Viper●… natura & Bustamentitinum de animaentibus . S. S. Medita●… : Histor. cap. 23. Exercitat . 344. Nat. hist. liber 8. cap. 22. Duarenus de Beneficijs , 8. 6. Iam. 1. 17. Gen , 2. 7. Lib. 2. 〈◊〉 . Prov. 23. 23. Lib de Nat. & Gratia c. 36. Ephes. 4. 15. 1 Cor. 13. 6. Iob 13. 7. In Matt●…um . De Mendacio ad Consen●…m . Ex. 5. 7. 8. Ioh. 2. 10. Ioel 2. 18. Act. 2. 17 Gen. 27. 38. Exercit. 77. Heb. 1. 3. Wisedom . 8. 1. Eccles. 3. 14. 16. cap. 27 , 28 , yer . Numb . 13. 28. 33. Guicciardin . Idem . Augustin . de Civit . Dei lib. 3. c. 4. De bello Gallico , lib. 6. Lib. 1. Camden in Glocestershire . Orat. 12. 10. Libr : 2. c. 5. 2. Thes. 2. 1. Medit. Hist. cap. 41. 1562. Act. 1. 7. Exercit. 62. Sept. 〈◊〉 . 1. Owen vpon Nap●…ir . Tacitus Ann. lib. 2. verbis ultimis . Virg. Aen. 3. Epist. 50. 〈◊〉 of Vlysses . Boetius lib. 2. metro 5. De raptu Proserp . lib. 3. Eccles. 7. 10. Minuit praesentia 〈◊〉 . Lib. de Oratoribus . Horace lib. 2. op . 1. Essayes ▪ l 2. c. 10 Phaedrus l. 〈◊〉 . Fabul . in prologo . De Causis Corrupt . Ar●… . lib. 7. Hooker 5 7 Hor. l. 3. od . 24. idem l. 2. Epist. 1 Mar●…ialis , l. 5. epig . 10. Horat. l. 2. ep . 〈◊〉 . Eccles. 10. 1. 2. Cor. 10. 10. Horat. l. 2. ep . 〈◊〉 Lib. 8. epig 6●… . In sine 〈◊〉 . Elementor●…m . Quintie Orat. 12. 10. Lib. 2. c 92. Lib. 6. Ep. 21. Sydonius , l. 3. ep . 3. Lib. 8. ep . 31. Eccles. 3. 11. Ecclesiasticus , 39. 33. 34. 35. Cap. 4. Aristoteles 〈◊〉 Meteor . Ovid. Met. 15. Cap. 32. Surv. lib. 1. Epist. lib. 5. Survay of Tuscany . Virg , Aen , lib. 3. Nat. quaest . lib. 6 c. 29. Camden . Twine . Verstigan . Eciog . 1. Horat. lib. 〈◊〉 . ep . 2. Gen 3. 17. 18. Pererius in locum . Gen. 9. 3. Psal. 107 34 35. Horrat . Lib. 4. Od. 4. Boeth . de Consol . Lib. 1. Met. 6. Iuvenal . Salyr . 1. Method . Hist. Cap. 7. 〈◊〉 . D. Psal. 106. 12. V. 13. 14. De perfectione Re●…an Lib. 2. Cap. 4. 1. de Coelo . & 1. Meteor . Camden in Hibernia . J●…cobus Curio●… . 2. K●… : Chron. Historia vitae & Mortis , pag. 156. Ps. 90. 1●… . Aristotle . Manilius , l. 1. Hist. vit . et moris . pag. 158. In Augusto , cap. 72. Medit. Hist. cap. 82. Lipsuis de constant . 1. 16. Boetius l. 3. Met. 2. H●…sca , 2 , 21. The first reason drawne from the power of that Spirit which quickens and supports it . Cap. 1. 7. Aeneid 6. Heb. 11. 3. Ruvio de caelo & mundo lib. 1. cap. 12. 2. reason frō the consideration of the seuerall parts of the World. Eccles. 1. 4. Pontanus cap. 48 meteor . 3 Reason from the like consideration . Lucret. lib. 2. Luc●… . lib. 〈◊〉 . Ovid. Met ... 15. Math. 24 38. 2. Peter . 3. 10. 1. Thess. 5. 3. In Libr. Gen. Cap. 35. 5. 3. Boethius Lib. 5. Metr . 3. History of the world . 〈◊〉 . 1 Lib. 1. cap. 5. Cap. 1 & cap. 5. 6. 7. Lib. 3. Met. 2. v. 9. 10. Cap. 3. 15. Lib de Con. Phil. 3. Met. 2. Louys Le Roy. Lib. 7. c. 4●… . Mani●…us , l. 1. Sen. Med●… . Act. 2. Hebr. 6. 1. Hebr. 5. 13. 14. 2. Pet. 1. 5. 2. Tim. 3. 17. 5. 8. Lucret. l. 2. versus finem . Adversus Gentes 〈◊〉 procula principio . ●…blioth . ●…nct . lib. 1. Gen. 18. 11. 12. Rom. 4. 19. Gen. 49 3. Cap. 6. 6. Cap. 24 4. Rom. 8. 20. 21. 22. 2. Pet. 3. 4. v. 5. 6. Notes for div A02484-e40060 Psal. 19. 1. Gen. 1. 14. Psal. 19. 4. 5. 6. De operibus Dei. Arist. l. 4. de partibus animalium cap. 5. Plin. lib. 2 c. 41. & 99. De civit . Dei lib. 21. c. 5. De natura Fossil . lib. 5. In 3. de diebus Criticis . Lib. 1. de Coelo , cap. 2. Wisedome , 9. 16. 1. Metamorph. De Coelorum animatione . Hexam . l. 2. c. 3. De Civit. Dei , l. 11. c. vlt. v. 15. v 20. Ierimy . 10. 13. Iob. 15. 15. & 25. 5. Iob. 4 18. Cap. 15. 15. Isay. 6. 2. Apud Augustinum Steuchum , l. 10. de Perenni Philosoph●…a . v. 25. 26. 27. v. 10. 11. 13 Ps. 19. 1. 〈◊〉 . Heb. 8. 13. Psal. 104. 2. Lib. 10. De Perenni Philosophia . Heb. 1. 12. 34. 4. 2. Pet. 3. 10. Galilaeus a Florentine . Cap. 10. v. 12. Isay 38 8. De Civit. Dei 11. 8. Virg. Georg ▪ l. 2 Tacit. Annal. 1. 7. Boetius lib. 4 m●…t . 5. L●…b . 1. Iuv , lib. 2. Sat. 6 Ser. 83 , vel 82. Maximus Taurinensis hath an Homily to the same purpose , and in the same words . Eccles. 27. 11. Rom. 8. Ps. 89. 37. Lib. 2. cap. 10. Lib. 3. de . Civit. Dei , cap. 15. Act. 17. 23. Scalig. Exer. 72. Copernicus . Hooker , Eccles. Policie , 5. 69. De Consol. ad Albiaum . cap. 6. Psal. 148. 6. Lib. 2. denarura Deorum . Gen. 1. 14. Lib. 4. de consol . Philosophiae . Met. 6. Lib. 1. In Epino●… . Arist. de Mundo a Arist. l. 2. de coelo , cap. 9. b Lib. 10. de Rep. c In lib. 2. de Somnio Scipionis cap. 3. d Lib. de Musica e Lib. de Musica cap. 2. f Lib. deimag . mundi cap. 24. Psal. 104. 19. Lib. 2. Instit. cap. 5. Lib. 1. De Placitis Philosophorum c. 6. In cap. 5. Apocal parte 5. Act. 1. 7. Bartas . 2 Cor 4. 6 Pareus in Epistolam ad Hebraeos , c. 1 , v. 11. Moll●…r , in Psal. 102. v. 27. v. 6. In Yorkeshire Hebr. 13. Psal. 19. 6. De civit . Dei. Lib. 11. c. vlt. Hom. 3. in Ge 〈◊〉 . Hexem . 2. 2. v. 3. 4. In Tim. Nat. Hist. 2. 9. The least 18 times . 167 times . Ecclesiastcus 43. 2. Cap. 2. Method . Hist. cap. 8 , Exercit. 99. Lib. 3. contra Astrolag . c. 5. Lib. 4. & . 5. de Causis subter . Iohn . 5. 17. Heb. 1. 14. v. 31. Sr W. R. Bartas . Wisedome . 9. 16. Duditius in vi-ta Poli. Iob. 38. 31. Rom. 8. 28. Iudges . 5. 20. Iam. 5. 17. Ier. 10. 2. Iuly 9. 1623 Lib. 14. 6. 1. Bartas 2 Day of the first week . Psal. 109. 91. De Consol. lib. 4 Hec. 6. Bartas . 1 de subtil . Manil. 1. Astron●…m . Bartas . Exod. 36. 35. 2. Chron. 3. 14. Lib. 6. de Bel. Iudaico , c 6. & l. 15. Antiquit. c. 14. Epist 128. v. 14. Bartas . Boethius , l. 3. Met. 9. 2 de Generat . c. 6. Clauius in Sacrobosc . c. 1. Lib. de Crepusc . l. 10. propos . 60. 7. Perspect . Lib. de Mundi incorrupcibilitate●… Lib. 1. de sid . orth . c 3 De operibus sex dicrum . Ovid. Met. 15. Cap. 19 , v. 17. Bartas . De Gen , ad literam . lib. 3. c. 2 Epist. Select . 47. Virgill Georgicks . 3. Ovid de Trist ▪ Georgick . 3. Annal , 13. 8. Survey of London . ex l. Bermun . Hollenshed . Augustinus in Psal. 33. in illa verba : Quis est homo qui vult vitam , & diligit di●…s videre b●…nos . This was writ ten in the last yeare of King James . Camden in Barkshire . Reb. Auesbury & Tabian . Sam Daniell , Ann. 22. Eduardi , 3. Ann : 1317. Pompon : Let●… Zonaras , com . 2. Eusebius , l. 7. c : 17. De Constantia , l. 2. c. 22. Procopius , l : 11 : de bello Persico . Agathias , lib. 5. Lib : 5. c. 8 Lypsiius , vt supra . 2. Sam. 24 : 15 : Lib : 4 : c : 25 : Novel . hist. l. 〈◊〉 Levit. 13. Ibid. v. 55. Levit. 14. 33. &c. a Num. 12. 10. b 2. Kings . 5. 27. c 2 Kings . 15. 5. d 2 Chron. 16. 19. e 2 King. 7. 4. f Lnke . 17. 12. Plin. 2. 83. Lib. 68. Pliny l. 2. c , 14. Tac. Annal. 2. 10. Lypsius de Constant . l. 1. c. 16. Cap. 1. Sands his Relation , lib. 4. Ovid. Met. Lib. 15. Pliny lib. 2. cap. 85 , 86 , 87 Natur. Quest. Lib. 7. cap. 21. 23. Mani●… Cap. 16. Ann : 1558 : An : 1618 : Natur : Quest : l : 7 : c , 1 : Georg. l. 1. Garzaeus . Acts & Mon. p. 1637. Ann : 1624. Psal. 107. ver . 26. Acts , 27. 20. Aeneid ▪ 1. Georg. 1 Iob. 1. 19 : De ascen : mentis in Deum per Scal. Creat gradu 2 ohn Stow. Psal. 24. 2. Sec lib. 1. cap. 3. Sect. 2. Bartas . Lib. 17 Metamorp . 15. Lib. 48. Mete●… : Reported by Mr. Ge. Sands as a common experiment , affirmed by Alpinus a Phisitiā , Marchitus the French Consull Elianus a Iesuite , and Varrat an Englishma●… Iuvenal ▪ Sat. 5. Bartas . Lib. 51. c. 25 Brier●…woods inquir●… c. 13. Lib. 16. c 12 Lib. 16. c. 〈◊〉 Lib. 54 Lib. 4. Iob. 41. Satur. l. 3. c. 16. Nat. hist. 9. 17. Lib. 2. c. 68. Nat. quaest . l. 1. praef . Cap. 11. Cap. 14. v. 18. 19 Bartas . Ovid. 15. Met. 104 : 30. Lucr. l. 2. 16. 30. Gen. 8. 22. Virgill . Ier. 8. 7. Eccles. 11. 4. v : 6. Epist. 129. ad Dardanum . 1 : Chron. 13. 3. 2. Chron. 21. 5. 2 : Chron. 17. 14. 2. Chron : 〈◊〉 . 5 ▪ v : 12. v : 3. Levit. 25. v. 20 ▪ 21. Gen. 13. 10. Wisedome , 10 7. Iosua , 12. 24. Numb . 13. 24. De Terra sancta , part . 2. c. 1. Lib. 1. c. 33. Virg. in his Georgicks l. 1 De Const l. 2. 22 Zozimus 6. Annal . Lib. 4 , Gen 47. 23. Act. 11. 28 , Beda . l. 4. c. 13. Thomas de la Moore . Sam. Daniell . De Re Rust. l. 3. c. 6. Sat. l. 3. 13. Varro , l. 3. c. 2 , Cap. 7. Cap. 16. Mat. 10. 29. Ier : 44. 18. Camden ▪ Practic . General . l. 4. Hist. Amnialiū , lib. 12. c. 8. v. 37. lib 33. in Proaem . Bartas 3 day of the 1 weeke . In his epistle to Aubertus de ortu & causis meta●…orum . Lib. 2. c. 12. Notes for div A02484-e80080 Psal. 39. 5. 1. Tusculan . Lib. 7. de Gen. ad Lit. c. 25. Moral . lib. 4. cap. 26. Lib. 7. cap. 48. Lib. 1. Antiq. cap. 4. Gen. 5. 12. Gen. 5. 21. Gen. 25. 7. 8. Gen. 7. 11 & 8. 4 : 5 : 13 : 14. Gen : 7. 11 : & 4. 5. Lib. 1. Antiq. c : 4 : Psal. 90. 10. In Thalia . Laert. l. 1. c. 14. Epist. 51. 2. Sam. 19. 32. v. 35. 1. King. 1. 1. 1 Chro : 19. 28. 2. Sam. 5. 4. 1 King. 11. 4. Lib. 7. c. 48 49. V. 3. Lib. 5. de delingua latina . Ecclus 18. 8. 〈◊〉 . 7. c. 48 : Gen. 50. 26. Exo. 6. 16. Deut. 34. 7. Num. 33. 39. Iud. 28. Ios. 24. 29. Iob. 42. 16. Tob. 14. 13. & 16. 2 cap. v. 37. Gen. 5. 32. In Chron : In Comp. Haer. 51 Lib. 7. c 49. Cri●…itus . Horat. lib. 2. Sat. 2. Epist. 95. Lauren. hist. Anat . l. 8. Odis . 〈◊〉 . Fast. lib 1. Rodog . 10. 61. 62. Cap : 6 : Loc , Con : c : 12 , Classis . 1 Ovid. St. Augustine makes it sooner . Circa 30 quippe annos definierunt esse etiam huius Saeculi doctissimi homines iuventulem , quae cum fuerit spatio proprio terminata inde iam hominē in detrimēta pergere gravioris & saenilis aetatis , Civi . dei . 22. 15. a v. 13. b De Civit. Dei. Lib. 22. c. 15. d Lib. 2. Cap. 39. e Iohn 8. 57. f Decherius de anno ortus & mortis Christi . Cap. 19. Proem . Lib. 6. En●…irid . c. 55. a Digest . l. 9. de Spons . b Burdorf . Synag . Iud 3. c Lancelot . l. 2. tit . 11. d 2 Oper , & Dierum . e De Spartana Re●…up . f E●…ucho . Act 2 : sc : 3 : g Polit : 7 : 16 : h 5 de Repub : & 6 de Legibus Tranquillus in Claudio , c. 23 : Lib : 1 : diuin : instit . cap. 16. L : Sa●…inus 27 : c : de ●…upt . Aristrt : bist : Ani●… l : 5 : c. 14. Rom : 4 : 19. 7. 14. Exod. 12. 37. Gen. 46. 26. v. 12. Gen. 38. v. 18. Gen. c. 37. 41. 45. Gen. c. 29. 30. Quest : 128 : in Genes : Comment : in 38 : g●…n : quest : 1 : Comment : in 38 g●…n . pa●…e 1. As doe the Iewe. in the Sederolam , making Er to marry at 8 , & Perez to beget a son at 9. a D●…iure Connubiorum , c : 20 : Sect. 3. v. 21. Apud Eusebeum l. 9 de praeparat . Euangel . c. vlt. commentar . in 34. Gen. Nicephorus ex Euodio , 2. 3. 2 ▪ Kings . 22. 1. Cap. 23. 36. 2. King. 16. 2. Cap. 18. 2. Epist. 132. The like story hath Gregory in his Dialogues , touching a child of nine yeares old 1 King. 11. 42. 1 King. 14. 21. Baldus . Lib. 1. tit . 7. Malmesberiensis de gestis Angli , Reg. lib. 1. Histor. Eccles. l. 6. c. 2. Numb . 8. 25 Des estals & emp●…res . Tac. annal . 13 2 V. 3 Lib. 10. 28 Plut. in Gracchis Lib. 25 3. Oly●…th . Lib. 1. in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 de Mi●… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : 1 〈◊〉 : 2 Sir Henry Sa●… in his view of military m●…ters 〈◊〉 : 34 Comines . Socrates in hist. 〈◊〉 : 6. 47. Cicero . S. Philip. Suctotonius . 〈◊〉 . cap. 7. Cap. 88. 15. 20. In vita s●…a . Gen. 41. 46. 2 Sam. 5. 4. Cap. 8 & 26. Suct . cap. 8. De vela●… virginibus . Varro de vita . Pop. Romani , teste 〈◊〉 . Ad verbum Sexagenarij . 5 Fastorum ▪ Aelianus lib. 4. c. 1. Psal. 139. 13 Vitruvius l. 3. c. 1 August . l. 15. de Ciu. Dei c. 26. & ad Faus●…um man. 12. 14. & Amb. de Noe & arca . cap. 6 Laurentius Ana●… . l. 1 , c. 20 Lomatius l. 1. c. 7 Lib. 1. de emendatione Temporum cap. 4. v. vit . Lib. de Paradiso . In mat . 27. & in Ephes 5. Origenes , Athanasius , Basilius . Epiphanius Chrisostomus ex Graecis : ex Lat●…is Tertullianus , Cyprianus siue qui scripsit de operibus Cardinalibus , Ambrosius Augustinus atque alibi eti●…m ▪ ipse Hicronimus nempe epist. 17 : ad Paul & Eustoch : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ephes : 4 : 13 : Luc : 2. 52 : v : 4 : o Eccles : 16 : 7 : a Eccles : 23 : 4 cap : 13 : Cass : Coll : S : c : 21 Am●… . de Noe & Arca c : 4 : Theod. in Gen : qu : 48 : Gen : 10 : 9 : Gen : 14 : 5 : Num : 13 : 33 Deut : 2 : 20 : 21 Ios : 11 : ●…1 : Amos : 2 : 9 : v : 11 : v : 4 : 1 : Sam : 17 : 4 Cap : 21 : 19 : v : 20 : 21. Iud : 14 : & 16. De Civit : Dei , 15. 23. Lib. 7. c. 16. Lib. 12. c 37. Vitruvius , l. 3 c : 1. Exercit. 263. De Gygante●… . Cap. 6. 〈◊〉 1614. Symon Mai●… dierum Canicul : colloq : 2 : Hackluit in his English voyage . Memorables Hi stoires de nostre temps . In 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 : Lib. 3. c. 1 : Gellius out of Plutarch : l : 1 : c : 1 Trallianus out of Apolloniu●… de mirabilibus & l●…ngaevis . Lib ▪ 2 : c. 9. Ezek. 40. 〈◊〉 43. 13. Deut. 3. 11. Revel . 21. 17. Gen. 6. 15. Aug. de 〈◊〉 . Dei l : 15 : c : 27. 1 : Kings . 6. 2. De fabrica templi : c : 5 : Cap. 3. v. 3. Cap. 7. v. 15. Cap. 3. 15. 1. King 7. 2. v : 10 : Antiquit : l : 15 : c : 3. In Tyberio . c : 6●… Libro dei Men suris , quibus intervalla 〈◊〉 . Lib : 1 : Lib : 1. Lib : 7 : In his view of Military matters . De restit . Pond : & Mensur : Gigantomachiae . Cap : 79. Cap : 19. Cap : 68. Cod. Theodo●… : titulo de Tyranibus : Lib : 1 : c , 5. In Suet : Tyb : c : 68 : In Carmine ad Catuli●…um . Lib. 1 : c : 40 : Ephes. 4. 13. Cap , 68. S●…ius in his Commentaries of the memorable things of our time . Symps. 7. prob . 4. Lib : 3 : Ia 〈◊〉 . Luc. 12 : 42. So 〈◊〉 & Beza 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Mat. 5. 15. Ma●… . 4. 21. Lib. 5. de Asse . Lib : 5 : de Asse : Num. 21 : 5 : Cap. 11. 5 : Psal 78. 25 : Cap : 16 : 20 : Lil : 6 : De militia Romana . l. 5 : 16 : c. Quest. 26. Miscellan : c. 4. Exod. 27. v. 1. 2. Chron. 4. 1. Exod. 20. 26. Cap. 37. De Ctvit . Dei lib. 15. c. 25. Lib. 3. c. 14 Exercit. 263 Lib. 12. c. 37 Lib. 6. Fab. 19. Meditat. histor . c. 82. sivc libro 3 c. 2. Cassan. c. 11. Fazelus c. 6. In vita Scrtorij Fulgosus , l : c. 6 : De doctrina promiscua : cap. 36 : Virgil : Aen : 11 : Lib. 3. c. 10. Lib. 7. c. 16. De Mirabi●…bus & longaeuis . De Genealog . Deorum , l : 4 : Cap : 63 : De Civit Dei Lib : 15 : c : 9 : Camden in Essex : Not in Martyr●…l : Jul. 25. De ratione conconc o●…audi li. 3. c. 7 ex Hyper●… : Gygantomacbi●… Cap : 4 : Hollenshed , vol. 1. lib 1 : c : 4. Toward the latter end of his life . Lib. 15. Cap. 10 : Pliny , 36 : 13 : vide Agricolam de natura fossi●…ium . De Civit. Deil. 15 : c : 23 : In 6. Gen. quas●… 6. De sacra Phylosophia , c. 8. Lib : 2. c. 15. 1. Iohn . 3. 8. Lib. 3. c. 10. Lo●…orum com . c : 12 : clas . 1 : Lib. 7. cap. 16. Ovid , Fast. 5 Sat●…al . lib. 1. cap : 20. Satyr . 15. Aenead : 12 : Iliad , 12 : Iliad . 5 : Eccles. 1. 10. Iliad , 12 : Odyss 19. 5. de Asse . In diebus 〈◊〉 . Co●…o 〈◊〉 . 4. Meditat : Hist : 〈◊〉 . 82. De subtilitate lib : 11. Insupplem : Ann●…l . Turcicor : A●…entinus , hist. B●…iorum , l : 4 : Ca●… : 14 : De me●…hodoi m●…dendi l 9. c. 4 Lib. 9. c. 14. D. C. D. B. Lib. 2. lect . 11 Lib : 6 : c : 46. Lib. 11 : Lib : 7 : c. 13. 〈◊〉 , lib : 1. Controvers , V●…ierum L●…ctionum , l. 3. Bellarm : de Eccles : script : Lib. 5 : c. 38. Gellius l. 3. c. 17 De Causi . corrupt . A●…m l. 1. 800 Talents . Sa●…al . li●… 3. c. 14. 2. Act. 7. 22. Rom. 1. 14. 1 : Cor. 1. 22 ●…ven . Sat. 7 Natural . quaest . l. 7. c. 31. Annal. l. 3. c. 12. P●…aefat . Scho●…l . 〈◊〉 . Rom. 1. 21. 22. Iosephus de bello Jud. 2. 7. Mat. 14. 2. Mar : 18 : 28 : Luk : 9. 19 : Iohn . 9 : 〈◊〉 In Graeca Ca●…na . Comment . in locum . Act. 1. 6. Centur. 4 : c. 4 : Contra haereses , cap : 41. Erasmus . Comment . in locum : Lib. 2 : 2 a. 2ae pag. 58. Confut. assert . Luth : art . 8. In 1 Gene. 2 Tim. 3. digressione 17. 1 Thess. 1. 8 Comment . de Civ Dei l. 2. c. 21. 3. part . Decret , deconsecr . d●…stinct . 4. Can , 84 〈◊〉 : De Romane Pontifice , l : 4 : c. 12 : Eneead : 9 : Chron. lib : 4 : Bibliot . hist. 99. 〈◊〉 . Sen. nat . quest . 3 18 Laurentius . 1 De velere & nova medicina . 2 de Chymicorū cum Galeni●… consensis . 3 Phrarmac●…paea dogmaticorum restituta . Ex. 1. in Baron , p. 150. Anno 1344. Divi●…arum Inst●… ▪ 1. l. 3. c. 24. De Civit. Dei l. 16. c. 9. Aventinus in hist. 〈◊〉 an . 745. 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 . In his annot . 13 Annal. Lib. 1. prol . 2. in notis . In sermo : Poet : ser : 5 de verissim in Apolog. c. 16. Gellius , 15. 24. Poetices , l. 5. c. 2. Ibid. Idem Scalig. Ib. Eras●…us . In 5. libris de Poetis Latinis . De rebus gestis Anglorum l. 1. Lib. 1. Sir Walter Rawleigh in his history of the World part . 1. lib. 5. cap. 1. §. 1. Cap. 2. parag . 18 Lib. 5. c. 1. p. 6. 1. 6. Schol : Math. l. 2 Hae●…esi 82. Titulo 17. Cyclomet . Element . Nova reperta tit . 7. Horat Ep. 1. l. 2 Ep. 119. Eipstola ae●…te Geometria●… . Vitruvius , l. 6. c. 5. Camd●…n in Su●…rey . Histor. l. 85. tom 4. Numb . 34. v. 6. Lib. 1 , de natura noviorbis , c. 1. 8 Ionas , 1. 13. 1 King 9. 28. De ●…bus Salomo●…is , l , 4 : c : 14 : Titulo de novo orbe . Gen. 10. 19. Lib. 1. Antiq. c , 1 King. 9. 26. 27. Hispanicorum l. 7. De Natura novi Orbis l 1. c. 13. Act. 21. 39. Gen. 10. 4 , Cap. 10 1 King. 10. 22. Lib. 9. c. 1●… . Camden in Devonshire . Schol. Math. l. 2 Gellius l. 10. & cap. 12 The 6 day of the first week . De subtil . l , 17. De ●…eth : hist. lib : 7 : De Jnventor : rerum , l : 2 : c : 7 : Enead . 10 : 6 : In prefa●…ioae : De varietate rerum , l : 13 : c : 64 : Schol. Mathem . lib : 2 : Lib : 4 : c : 22 : Titul . 12 : Lib. 2. c : 7 : Hist. Ind. l. 6 Lib. 2. A●…cm . apud Indos c. 38. Lib. 14. Hist. De occultis rerum mi●…ac . l. 3. c. 4. De reg●… l. 7. tit . 6. Method . hist. c. 7. De Machinis ●…alogo 11. Lib. 1. c. 7. sect . 4 Lib. 2. c. 14. Meditat. histor . c●…ntur . 2. c. 28 De occult . rerum miraculis l. 3. c. 4. Aenead . l 5. De remed . v●…ivsque fort . dial . 99. Dere Militar . Miscel : l : 1 : c : 1 : De regimine Principum . l. 3. parte 3 : c : 18 : Nova Reperta , tit . 11 : Lib : 3 : c : 14 : Methodo hist : cap : 7 : Italia Illustrata regi●… 13 : de 〈◊〉 : c : 17. De Natura noviorbis : l. 1 : Blondus Italia illustrata Regione 13 : Aenead , 5 : Aenead . 3 : Act. 27 : 20 : In Mercatore S●…na 5 : Lib. 20 advers . cap. 4. En sabible guyo●… . Lib. 4. de r●…bus Solomonis c. 4. Hispanicorum l. 3. Italia illustrata Regione 13. Lib. 2. Prolusione 6. Method . hist. cap. 7. Lib 2. c 8. Diuin . Inst. Notes for div A02484-e148560 Lib 5. 〈◊〉 . c. 7 Annal. l. 3. c. 12. Cerealis apud Tacitum , hist. l. 4. De benef . l. 1. c. 10. Natural . Quest. l. 5. cap. 15. Ps. 115. 4. Cap : 44 9. &c. Ier. 10. 3. &c. Cap. 13. 10. &c Hora●…us . De Civit. Dei l. 4. c. 31. 1 Cor. 8. 5. De 〈◊〉 disciplina 3. 14. 1 King. 11. 2 King. 17. Capl 18. Ier. 2. 28. 11. 13 Lib. 2. cap. 7. De Ciui●… . Dei l. 4. 〈◊〉 . Lib. 1. c. 11. Lactantius . l. 1. c : 20. Lactant. l 5. c. 21. Cap. 9. Deos stercore●…s , Deut. 29. 17. Hist. l. 3. c. 6. Sir H. Savill in his marginall notes on that place . Deut. 32. 13. 1. Cor. 10. 20. Satyr : 15. 〈◊〉 fragmentis . Dierum G●…ialium . l. 6 c. 26. Aeneid . 11 : Aeneid . l. 10. Lib. 5. c. 10. Aeneid . l. 2. Lib. 4. Lib. 1. c. 21. V 27. Deut 12 31. Wisedome 12. 6. Lib. 5. c. 10. Ier. 7. 31. Ezek. 23 ▪ 39. Psal. 106. 35. 36 37. 38. 2 King. 16. 3. 2 Chron. 28. 3. Selden de Dis Syris . In Lev●…icum . Syntagm . 8. August . de Civ . Dei , 6. l. 8. cap. Nos pudore pulso 〈◊〉 sub Iove Coleis apertis . Lib. 1. contra Iouinianum , c. 12. Originim , c. 8. Numb . 25. 5. De Ciui●… . Dei lib. 2. c. 4. Lib. 1. c. 21. Cicero de divinatione , l. 2. De doctor . Christiana , l. 2. c. 21. De divinatione , lib. 2. Die●…um Genialium . Coloss. 1. 13. De Legibus . Lib. 1. de Legibus . See Fi●…z Herbert in his Treatise of Policie and Religion . part . 1. c. 7. Plutarch in Solone . Offic. lib. 2. Pol. 2. 7. Iustin. l. 3. Po●…it . l 2. c. 7. Doidor : Sicul●…s . 15. c. 14. Cap. 1. 2. 3. & 4. Cap. 21. 22. Polit. 7. c. 16. Lib. 3. de Finibus . Lib. 6. cap. 20. Cic. per A. Cluentio . Pol. 7. 17. In Eunuch . Pasq 4. 1. 2. Verstig . c. 3. Munsler . l. 3. Aventin . l. 4. Camden in Dorcet . Act. 23. 8. Mat. 19. 8. Mat. 5. Lib. 3. Ep. 8. Ovid. Met. Lib. 2. Met. 5 Method . Hist. c. 7. Cicero de inventione Rhetor. l. 1 Gen. 9. 22. Cap. 10. v. 9. Cap. 11. 4. Gen. 6. 4. V 5. 6. De Gygant . c. 1. Gen 4. 8. Gen. 4. 26 Gen. 5 23. Wisedome . 4 11. Bodin . loco citato . De bello Iudaico , l. 6 , & 7. Lib 7. c. 17. Lib. 4. c. 2. Tacitus Annal. 15. 10. De Ciuit. Dei l. 18. c. 52. 〈◊〉 . c. 37. 2 Tim. 4 17. De Ci●… . Dei , l. 20. c. 19. T●… Annal. In vi●…a . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Sue●…on . c 3. Iuvenal . Satyr . 3. Lib. 5. c. 11 ▪ Daniel . 7 7. L. 5. c. 11. Sacr. Histor. l. 2 Homilia 27 in Evangelia . Apocal. 7. 9. Cap. 14. 20. Tac. Aunnl . 15. 10. Lactantius , 5. 11. Lib. 5. c. 11. Moral . 32. 12. Annal. 15 : 10. 1 Cor. 15 32. Virg. Aen. l. 6. Lib. 1. c. 18. De Const. l. 2. c. 21. Valerius l. 9. c. 6. Paul. Diac. l 4. c. 9. Appianus in Ibericit Su●…t onius . Xiphi●…inus & Herodianus . S nec . de Ira l. 2 cap. 5. Lypsit admiranda l. 4. c. 6. Paul. Diac. hist. mise . l. 13. 6. 4. Rom. 1. 30. De Ira l. 2. c : 8. Deciv . Dei. l. 3. c , 23. Cap. 24. Cap. 27. Valerius lib , 9. cap. 2. Aug d●… Civit. Dei lib. 3 ▪ c. 28. Lib. 2. Vale●…us lib. 9 De Civit. Dei l. 3. c. 29. Lib. 1. De bellis civili●…us . l. 4. De constantia , lib. 2. c. 24. August . Suet. in Tiber. c. 59. Cap. 〈◊〉 . c. 62. Suet. Calig . c. 27. c. 28. c 30. c. 31. c. 32. c. 33. Tertullian d●… Pallioc . 5. Lib : 9 : c : 23 : De Ira , l. 1. c. 16 Seneca Ibid ▪ De 〈◊〉 l : 3 : c : 14 Gellius 〈◊〉 10 : c : 6. Titu●… . 1. 12. Floru●… . De Spectac . Suetonius , c. 26. Tertullian . Saty●…●…3 : Suetonius , c. 12. Sermon . Satu●… . 1 : 1●… : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Oratione pro Sestio . De ●…revit ▪ 〈◊〉 Do Ira lib. 1. Lib. 6. c. 20. Prudentius . Lib. 28. c. 1. Lib. 35. 7. Method●… Hist. c. 7. Tacitus Annal. 4. 14. Iosephus l. 19. Lib. 6. c. 20. Epist. ad D●…natum . De spectacul●…s . Euseb. l 4 de vita Constant. Lib. 2. Tit. ●…3 Lib. vlt. contra Symachum . Lib. 4. Lib. 5. c. 9 O●…dipus apud Sen cam Theb. act . 1. scen. 1. In pr●…emio l. 6. Epist. 1●… Epist. 70. Epist. 70. De Iral. 3. c. 15 Pl●…ny , l. 2. c. 63. Macch●… . 2. 14. Petronius Arbiter . Macrobius . l 2. cap. 2. E●… Gellio , l. 3. c. 6. Iuven. Sat. 1. Lib. 4. Pliny , l. 33. c. 10 h according to ●…octour Holland , whose translation of Pliny I commonly follow , as a so his computation of the Romane coynes , mentioned by that Authour . Tacitus , Annal . l. 13. c. 10. De pouderibus , c. 19. Lib : 2 : c : 63. Rutili●… : Itiner . 1. 15 : 12 : Zephany , 3. 3. Act. 24. v. 26. 27. App●…anus , l. 5. bellorum civilium . Plutarch . Lib. 45. Idem . l 43. Lib. 8. Sueton. c. 54. Tac. Annal. 15. 11. Seneca Epist. 95. Suet. cap. 49 Sueton. c. 38. & in sequen●…ibus . Suet. 〈◊〉 . Lib. 7. de Prov●…n . i●… . Lib 36. Liv. dec . 1. l. 3 〈◊〉 . 3 ▪ Lib 3. c. 39. Iuven. Sa. 3. Epist. 116. 〈◊〉 . 1 Tim. 6. 1●… ▪ Cap. 39. v. 2●… ▪ 29. 30. Ivven , Sat. 6 33. 1. Man. lib. 4. Alexander ab Alexandro 6. 8 : Ovid. Fastor . 5 : De Gubernat D. il . 6. Lib : 22 : Carm. l : 2. od . 7. Lib : 21 : c : 15 : Lib : 1 : Ani●…ad : cap : 10 : Plautus in Curcul one . Horace Carm : l : 2 : od : 7 : Horace Carm. l. 1. od . 4. Pergr●…cari . 〈◊〉 merry . Greeke . in men : Martiall . Horace Car : l. 1. od : 37 , Epist : 95 : Pliny . l. 14 : c : 12 : Philip. 2. Plin. l. 21. c. 3. coenam para vi●… pollucibilem Macrobius Sat. 3. 17. Monstruosae magnitudini●… Macrobius . Sat : 3 17. Serm. 2. Ep. 63 ad Con●…ubernales suos . Cap. 42. Saturnal : l : 3 : c : 17 : 33. 11 : Iuvenal : Satyr . Pliny . l. 33. c. 11. Idem 36 : 7 : Iuven : Satyr : 6 : Lib : 33 : 11. Iuven : Satyr . 5. Jn Panygerico 6 : in 〈◊〉 De beneficijs , l. 7. c. 9. 37. 2 : Martial . l 3. Epigr . 31. Lib. 4. Epig. 89. In Satyrico . Lib. 13. c. 15. De benefici●… , l. 7. c 9. the taxe of a Senatour was then 〈◊〉 Sestertium , twelue hundred thousand Sestertii , Suet : Aug. 41. De Pallio c : 5 : Martial : l. 2. Epig . am , 43. Iuvenal . Salyr . 11 , Martiall : l. 7 : Epigr ▪ 47. Lips. l 1 manuduct : ad Stoicam Philos. ca. 18. Lib. 33 : c : 11 : h Lib. 35. c 12 , i Decics Sestertium according to Budaeus : but if you reade according to Ho●…t manus , ducenties it is twenty times as much more Plin. l. 10 c. 51. Seneca Ep. 95. Cap : 42. Epist 95. De brevitate vitae . c. 12 Iuv. l , 4. Sat. 11. Lib. 4. de Asse . Lib. 33. c. 3. Saturnal . l. 3. c. 13. Cap. 17. Epist. 115. 95. Lib : 9 17. Trium b●…rum , not t●…ium pho●…um as s●…me read it . Plin. 9. 17. Seneca de consolatione ad Albinam c. 10. Martial . l. 3. Epigr. 22. It seemes it should be read ●…er trecenties . Iuven. Sat. 1. Seneca Ep. 95. Cap. 42 Cap. 27 Cap. 12. Seneca de Consolatione ad Albinam c 9. Seneca epist. 95 Hor. Sat. 2. l. 2. Hor. Sat. 1. Lampridius . Cap. 13. Saturn . 3. & 17 Lipsius . Deconsolat . ad Albinam c : 9 Iuvenal . Satyr : 11. Suet. c. 13. Valer. l : 9 : c : 1 : : Senec : Ep : 96 Tertul. de Pallio : Pl. 10. 51. Seneca de consolatione ad Albinam , c. 9 : Cap : 37. De Consol. ad Abinam : cap. 9 : Macrobius , Saturn . 2 : 11 : Pliny , 9. 55. Macrob : Saturn : 3 : 13 : Salust . Varro de re rustica . 3. 17. Martial . l. 3. Epigr . 2. Tertul : de Pallio : Macr : Satur : 3. 16 : Pl. 9 : 17 : Lib : 4 : Macrob : Satur. 3. 15. Idem : 3 : 16 : Epist. 95 : Iuvenal . Satyr : 4. Iuven. Sa●…yr . 5. Lib. 28. Hor. l. 2. Sat. 2. Sen. nat . quest . 3. 17. 39. 17 ▪ Cap. 18. Cap. 14. Macrob. Sat. 3. 16. Philip. 3. 19. Iuven. Sat. 4. Lib. 4. epig. 30. Lib. 10. 70. Lib. 9 , 35. De re ru●…ica 3 , 17. Ibid. c. 2 Lib. 8. c. 16. 15. 〈◊〉 . Ficedula . Lib. 13. Epig. 71 Lib. 3. c. 6. Lib : 13 : Epig. 92 Lib : 3 : cap : 2 : Lib : 3 : c : 7. Lib : 8. cap. 8 : Epistola . 95. Salust : of Metellus : Cap : 34 : Lib. 9 : c. 17 : Cap●…olinus . Idem . * A bird like a nightingall , feeding on figges . Vopiscus in Aureliano : Iuven : Satyr : 1 : Horat : l : 2 : Sat : 2. Lypsiius , Epist : select . 63. Lib. 36 : Cap : 15 : Lib. 36 c. 2. Sueton. c. 19 Lypsius . Me brenit-vitae cap. 18 : Dio. Ammianus . Instit. lib. 6. Sermone 81. Suetonius . Plin. l. 33. c 3. Idem Ibidem . Dio Cassius in Nerone . Plin. 33. 5. Suetonius c. 18 Vopiscus in Probo . Hippopotamos . Dio in Nerone . Apuleius . Spartianus in Adriano . Seneca Ep. 90. Suet. c. 11●… Lypsius . In Carin●… . Lib : 36. Lib : 16 : Olympio●…rus in Excerptis . In bal●…o ●…trusci . Lib. 33. 12 : 1 Cor. 10. 20. Notitia Imper●… : De Templis . Dio , 55. I●… Apologetico . Lib. 9 : Ep : 4. Sue●…on . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Lib. 7. Excid●… . Lib. 34. 8. Lib : 16 : Cass●…dorus . l : 7. Victor : 〈◊〉 lib. ●…ltimo . Cap : 13 : Dion in Compendio . Cassi●…dorus l. 7. Epist. ad Gaudentium . Lib. 4. c. 6. Plin. 18. 2 36. 15. Sen●… de Beues . 7. 10. Lib. 4. epig. 40. Iuven. Sat. 14 Epist. 122. Tacit. Annal. 15. 10. 〈◊〉 . 36. 2. S●…ec . ep . 115. Statius in Epithalam 〈◊〉 St●…lla Martial . 5. 13. Capitolinus in Gordiano 3. Valerius 9. 1 : Sen●…a Ep. 116 Seneca Contr●…vers . 2 : 1. Lib. 36. c : 6 ▪ Statius in Ti 〈◊〉 Majlij Vopisci . Propertius . Lucanus . Statius . 33. 3. Ep. ad Gaudentium . In 〈◊〉 . Senec. ep . 90 Senec. ep . 115. De Tranq . c. 1. Cap. 31. Algentem rapiat Coenatio Solem . Iuvenal . Sat. 7. See Tacitus of this house , Annal. 15. c. 10. Suet. c : 37●… Contracta p●…sces aequora sentiunt ●…actis in al●…um molibus : ●…orat . Plin. 33. 11. c. 49. 15. 8. Martial . 2. 16. Lampridius . Martial : 3. 62. Ovid. Met : 2 : Sueton : c. 30 : Plin : 33 : 11 : Lampridius . Lib : 33 : 3. Lib : 1 : 37 : L. cum aurum . Plin : 33 : 11 : 14. 35. Pl : 35 : 11 : Ep. 115. Propertius . Sueton. 43. Idem in vita Horati●… . Seneca de beneficiis pretiis 7. 9. Nat. quaest . 7. 31. De brevitate vitae cap. 1●… . Suetonius c. 45 Suetonius c. 51 Iuven. Sat. 4 Iuven : Sat. 6 Cap. 12. Senec. ep . 91. Senec. de tranquill . c. 1. Martial 2 ▪ 46 Macrob. Satur. 3. 13. De Pallio c. 5 Suelonius c. 30. Plutarchus in Lucullo . Epist ▪ 6. Martial . lib. 2 epig 46. M●…rcellinus lib. 28. Martial . lib. 5. epig. 81. Epig. l. 4. ep . 61. 8. 10. Lib. 9. c 35. Lib. 9. c. 39. Lib. 11. c. 23. Plin. 33. 1. Plin. l. 37. c. 6. Martial . 5 63. Senec : Nat. Quaest. l : 7 : 31 : 33. 1. Martial . 5. 11 : Lib. 9 : c : 35 : Sén . de Benes : 7 : 9 : Ovid. Propert. l : 3 : Eleg. 11 : Manilius , l : 5 : Lib : 9 : 35 : In vita Pauli 〈◊〉 . De habitu muliebri : cap : 9 : Sueton : cap : 50 : De vita beata , cap. 17 : De benef . 7 : 9. De habitu muliebri , cap 9. Lib. 33. 3. Lib. 9. 35 : De habitu muliebri . 7. cap : Iuvenall . Lib. 28. Sen Nat : Quaest. l. 1. 17. Cap : 52 : De benef . l. 2. 12 Lib. 28. Lib. 14. Lib. 1. Satyr . 3. Lib. 6. De ben . 7 : 10 : Lib. 14 : Ep. ad Furiam . Sue ton . c. 47. Martial . l. 8 , epig. 13. De Tranq . c. 1 De Magn. Rom. 2. 12. Suetonius . 37. Debello Iudai col . 5. Histor. 2. 27 Lib. 4. Sueton. c 30 Iuven. l. 2. sat . 6 In Dionis Compendio . Tacit. Hist. l. 1. c. 0. Suetonius c. 30 Suetonius c. 3 0 Suetonius . Lib. 36. 15. Lib. 9. 1. Hor. l. 1. Sat. 3 Lib. 9. epig. 〈◊〉 Ad Avitum 6. 1 Carm , l : 3 : od : 30 Cap : 70. Sueton. cap : 13. Suetou cap. 22 Senec. de Ira. l. 1 : c : 16 : These verses of Mariell are vpon another occasion , formerly alleaged and englished . Lib : 1 : Ibid. In ●…imidio Temporis : cap : 7 : Annal. l. 15 : Lib : 4 : In ludo de mort●… : P●…arus : Cap. 100. Lib : 59 : Annot. in T●… ▪ l. hist : 1. c : 1 : Lib. 7. Lib. 1. Fast. De Somn. Sc●…p . 2. 10. Ibid. Lib. 12. 〈◊〉 . Libro de aquae ●…uctibus . De hon . disc . l. 1. c. vlt. Cap. 1 : & 3. Lib. 1. cont . Symmachum . Lib. 1. Lib. 2. De Mag●… . Rom. 3. 6. Isay 47. 8. Revel . 18. 7 Hubert●… Golzius rerum Antiq . c. 4. a Apud 〈◊〉 . ep . 30. b Lib. 15. c. 6. & 16. 6. Ep. ad Algasia●… q. 11. In dimidio temporis c. 7. Lactant. Instit. l. 5. c. 10. Lib. 5. c. 9. Lib : 3 : c : 26 : De Civ . Dei : lib : 2 : c. 6 : Cap : 19 : Cap : 17 : raptas siue more Sabinas , Vir : an . 8 : Lib : 3 : c. 21. he that desires to see more of their monstrous ingratitude towards their best deseruing citizens , let him reade Valerius . lib. 5. c. 3. 2. 18 : 2. 17 : Virgill . Ovid. 〈◊〉 . Hooker : 5. 1. 2 : Chron. 19. 6. C : Tb. l. 16. tit . 2 Cardan desapient . lib. 3. In Octau . Apolog. adoe●… . Gente●… . 45. Lib : 3 Lib : 36 : cap : 15 : Luc. 2. 5. 2. Esay 2. 4. ●…r . 43. 10. Dan. 2. 37. De civ . dei . 5. 21 Ecclesiastes 9. 11. De Civ . de●… 4. 4. Ad Donatum . Nonius Marcellus ex Cicero●… lib. de Repub. 3. Nat. quaest . praes . lib. 3. Epist. ad Reg●… Arsocen . In vita Iulij Agricola . Lib. 1 : c. 18. E●… . 3. 12. Dis. l. 1. 11. 12. 13 14. Lib. 5. c. 13 : See for this point Laurent Valla in his 2 booke de voluptate . Lib. 8 : c. 6. De Ciu. Dei , 5 14. Apolog. 50. ad Gentes . 〈◊〉 . 43. Horat. Ep●… . o●… . 7. Lib. 22. Lib. 1. Lib. 28. Hist. of the world , l. 5 : part . 1. cap. 1. Sect. 1. a The Dolphine of Viennois . b The King of Maiorca . Iohn de Serres . Iohn de Serres . Mat. 24. 12. Luc. 18. 8. 1. Tim 4. 1. 2. Tim : 3 1. v. 13. 2. Pet. 3. 3 Iude. v. 17. 18. 2. 2. 4. 1. 42. 12. 16. Heb. 1. 2. 1 : 2. 18. 〈◊〉 . In Epist , Iud●… . I●… 2. Tim. 3. 1. 14. 2. 1●… . Act. 2. 17. 2. 28. V. 9. 1 Tim. 4. 16. V. 12. De Rom. Pont. 3. 3. Lib. 4. epist : 7. Lib. 7. cap. 25. Ad 〈◊〉 de Monogamia . Lib 4. ep . 38. Serm. 6. in Psal. 9. 1 ep . 2. 18 2 Thess. 2. 7 2 Thess. 2. 6. 7. Daniel 7 : Revel . 17. Lucan . l. 1. a In 2 Thess. 2. Lib. 1. Lib. 3. Lib. 4. Buxdofius Syllag . Iud. c. 1. Epist. 9. circa finem . Epist. 71. De consolatione ad Martiā , 26. Lib. 3. cap. 19. Cap. 30. Cap. 11. Oecumenius in Collectaneis super 3. post Petri De Rerum 〈◊〉 tura 3. in Eleg. Lib. 1 : Ph●…os . De ver . fid . Christ. l. 1. An●…e medium . De prepar . Evan . 3. 15. De Consol. ●…d Mart. c. 26. Ludou . Vives . de ver . fid . Christ. lib. 2. Lib. 7. 16. Lib. 7. Metamorph. 1 Lib 2. or acul●…rum . 14. 12. 102. 5. 6. 51. 6. 34. 4. Revel 6. 14. Mat 24. 35. Mark : 13. 31. 2. 3. 10. Revel . 20. 11. In Rom. 8. 20 a De extrem●… Iudicio . b In Sobria Philosoph . par . 1 sect . 3. cap. 3. quaest . 5. Lib. 2. & 3. Cap. 14. ante medium . 1 Cor. 13. Mat. 24. 3 Catharinus in 1 Pet. 3. Salmeron in eundem locum . 1. Cor. 15. 44. Act. 3. 22. Psal. 104. 5. Eccles. 1. 4. Esay . 65 : 17. Revel : 21. 1 : & S. Peter : 2 : 3 : 13 : 30. 26. 1. Cor : 7 : 31. Rom. 8 : 21. Psal : 102. 26 : v. 10. In Rom. 8. v. 20 : v : 21. Cap. 66. v. 22. 23. v 23. 30. 1. Cor. 7. 31. v. 21. in lib. 83. quest . 67. 2. ep . 3. 16. Psal. 102. 26. 2. Cor. 5. 10. Gen. 18. 25. See Raimundus Sebundus his naturall Theologie . & Raymundus Lullius in demonst . art . fidei . Psal. 58 : 11 : Eusebius de p●…aeparati ne 11. 18. 20. & 123. Lactan. 7. 1●… . Surius in com . an . 1558. Zephany 1. 15. 16. Exod. 19. Serm. 67. Antiq. l. 1. c. 4. Notes for div A02484-e231280 Lib. 4. Lib 14. epig. 208. Epig. 138. Lib. 55. Lib. 4. In Psal : 44. Dan. 5. 25. De prim●… scribendi origi●… . cap. 17. Epist dedicat . Car : prin .