Of schisme a defence of the Church of England against the exceptions of the Romanists / by H. Hammond ... Hammond, Henry, 1605-1660. 1653 Approx. 285 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 97 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A45426 Wing H562A ESTC R40938 19537241 ocm 19537241 109048 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A45426) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 109048) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1689:5) Of schisme a defence of the Church of England against the exceptions of the Romanists / by H. Hammond ... Hammond, Henry, 1605-1660. [2], 183 , [6] p. Printed by J. Flesher for Richard Royston ..., London : M.DC.LIII [1653] Errata: p. 183. Advertisement: p. [3]-[6] at end. Imperfect: tightly bound. Reproduction of original in the Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Church of England -- Apologetic works. Catholic Church -- Controversial literature. Schism. 2005-12 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-05 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-03 Robyn Anspach Sampled and proofread 2007-03 Robyn Anspach Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion OF SCHISME . A DEFENCE OF THE Church of England , Against the EXCEPTIONS OF the Romanists . By H. HAMMOND , D. D. LONDON , Printed by J. Flesher for Richard Royston at the Angel in Ivie-lane . M. DC.LIII· Of SCHISME . A Defence of the Church of England , against the Objections of the Romanist . CHAP. I. An Introduction , the danger , and sin of Schisme . § . 1 TWO wishes rather then hopes there are , wherein all Christians are very much concerned ; First , That all that have given up their names to that holy profession , would sincerely betake themselves to the discharge of all those duties ( as well more common , one towards another , as more particular , of each single man toward God and toward himself ) which Christ came on purpose to plant in , or reduce into the world : The Second , That the Faith of Christ might gain an amicable , universal reception in the hearts of all men over the whole world , and that all mankinde ( by an uniform obedience to those divine precepts which are most agreeable to our rational , i. e. humane nature , and which are able to advance us to the highest pitch of moral excellency and dignity , that any created substance is capable of ) might attain the great end of our creation , a paradise , or blisful beeing here in this world , only with the mixture of some allayes to that blisse ( and those necessary both to the exercise of some most eminent virtues , and such as the Angels are not , for want of passible bodies , capable of , and also to the inhaunsing of our crown ) and then a state of infinite reward , and uncompounded felicity hereafter . § . 2. That the later of these may in Gods good time be effectually attempted by all Christian Kings , and Bishops , and advance more successfully , then of late it hath done , ought to be the indevour of all those , whose eminencie in the world hath given them capacities , or qualifications to contribute some considerable degree of assistance to so glorious a work . And for others , whose inferiority of condition or sphere of motion , and the improbability , consequent to that , of advancing so magnificent a designe is their just excuse for not entertaining any such hopeless thoughts , it is yet their certain duty by constant , fervent prayers to solicite the good hand of God , who alone can accomplish so divine a work , and by the diligent strict observance of all Christs precepts to exemplifie to all others the power , and real energie of the faith of Christ , where it is admitted into the heart , thereby to attract all others to the imbracing of that , which hath such admirable virtues in it . § . 3. As for the former , That is ( in proportion to his condition ) the known duty of every single Christian , much more of every congregation , and community of such ; who are therefore associated into one body , that each supplying the defects , and infirmities of others , they may by so advantagious an instrument , as union of forces is , be enabled to doe what without it they are justly supposeable to want means , or strength to doe , and so are deprived of all excuse , if they be found culpable . § . 4. In this kinde 1. The duty of Charity , and peace to all : 2. of ready , and filial obedience of those under authority to their lawful authorized superiours : and 3. of charitative paternal exercise of their power , in all those that are invested with it by Christ , may be justly looked on as virtues of the first magnitude , which have the most lively characters , and impresses of the Law-giver , Christ's image , and superscription upon them , & accordingly deserve the first fruits of our care and diligence that they be most diligently conserved , where they are , and industriously reduced , where by the malignity , or infelicity of the times , they are torn , or escaped from us . § . 5. For that malices , and rancors , and animosities among single Christians , but especially seditious , mutinous spirits , that divisions , and schismes , and ruptures , and preparative thereto , causless anathematizing , and tyrannizing over the Faith of Christ's flock , are most scandalously contrary to Christ's platform , to the prophecie of the plough-shares , and the pruning-hooks , the happy exchange for the sanguinary , hostile instruments , is a truth so eminently , and signally visible in the practise , and doctrine of Christ , and his Apostles , that it cannot be doubted , or questioned on either side . And agreeably , there is no one vice , which hath fallen under so much of the displeasure , and correption , and severest discipline of the holy Fathers of the Antient Church , as this of Schisme , and the ingredients , and preparatives to it have done . § . 6. It is but a small part of the character thereof , that from S. Paul , and S. Jude they tell us , that it is a special piece of (a) carnality ; an (b) excommunicating and condemning , i. e. voluntary inflicting of that punishment on ones self , which the Governours of the Church use to inflict on the most scandalous sinners ; that (a) they that so divide on their own presumption , may not at their own will return to the Church , and communicate again with the Bishop , and his Christian people ; that (b) it is contrary to the Faith , (c) even when it hath not , in respect of doctrinal points , any heresie joyned with it ; (d) Contrary to charity , yea to all the (e) advantages that belong to a member of the Church , the (f) benefits of prayers and sacraments ; that it is (g) as bad as heresie ; that (h) there was never any heresie in the Church , which was not founded in it ; and (i) that it is constantly forced , in its own defence , to conclude in some heresie or other ( all of which being put together will be sufficient to keep men from being in love with the guilt , or company of schismaticks ) but it is farther branded with these superadditions of terror , that (k) there is scarce any crime so grear as schism , not (l) idolatry , (m) sacrilege , parricide ; that it hath been under peculiar marks of Gods indignation , in the story of the Jewish Church , as in the (n) case of the ten Tribes , and of the (o) Samaritanes , who are ranked with the Gentiles , Mat. 10.5 . (p) and so in the story of Core , &c. that it is the (q) Antichristianisme mentioned by Saint John , the (r) worshipping or serving the Devil , and , in a word , so great a crime , that it is not (ſ) expiable by Martyrdome to him that continues in , and hath not repented , and returned from it . § . 7. Much more of this subject is every where to be met with in the Antient monuments , and nothing of alleviation to be had for any , who have not the (t) excuse of involuntary seduction , of error , or simplicity to plead for them , and the surest way to doe that effectually , to qualifie them for that plea , is to forsake their course , to get out of so dangerous a snare . § . 8. Nay 't is farther observable , how unsafe it hath been deemed by these , for (u) light , and inconsiderable causes to break this unity , it being in their opinion very (x) hard , if not impossible to receive such an injury , or provocation from the Governours of the Church , as may make a rupture , or separation excusable . And for the Vniversal , or truly Catholick Church of Christ , it is not , in (y) S. Augustine's opinion , possible that there should be any just cause for any to separate from it , nor consequently Apologie to be made for those , that on any , whether true , or pretended cause whatsoever , have really incurred this guilt . § . 9. From these premises thus acknowledged and undeniable , the conclusion follows irrefragably , that it is not the examination of the occasion , or cause , or motive of any mans schisme , that is worth the producing or heeding in this matter ; The one thing that is of force , and moment , and , by consequence , pertinent to be inquired into , is the truth of the matter of fact , whether this charge be sufficiently proved or confessed , i. e. whether he that is thus accused , stands really guilty of separation from the Church of Christ ; And this will be a means of shortening our method , and giving very moderate bounds to our ensuing discourse , which will now be regularly finished by making these two inquiries . § . 10. 1. What Schisme is , and how it may be most fitly branched . § . 11. 2. What Evidences are producible against the Church of England , whereby it may be thought liable to this guilt , and withall how it may be cleared from all force of those evidences . § . 11. Which when we have done , we shall not from the office of Advocates proceed to that of the Accuser , or Judge , but leave all others , that are under the same charge , to their proper tribunal , to stand or fall , as they shall appear able , or not able , upon firm grounds , to maintain , and vindicate their innocence . CHAP. II. What Schisme is , together with some general considerations thereon . § . 1. OUR first enquirie must be what Schism is , in the strict & proper notion ( as (a) distinguished from Heresie , the (b) introducing of some false doctrine into the Church . ) And herein there will be no difficulty the Origination , and universal use of the word , according and consenting exactly , to give us the importance of it . § . 2. In the origination of it from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , scindi , it signifies literally scissure , or division , which being a figurative , and withall a relative word , referring to some body , which is thus cut or divided , but that no natural , but political body , the Church , or Congregation of Christians , the literal notation of the word in the Ecclesiastical use , will be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a division in or from the Vnity of the Church of Christ . Only the form & termination of the word must be farther noted , which being not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from the active 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from the passive 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the use of such passives is observable , being of the nature ( and for want of conjugations , designed to supply the place ) of the Hebrew Hithpa●l , and so noting reciprocal action or passion , where the passion is from , and on himself , and is most fully expressed by the Latine Neutrals , which partake both of active and passive , but are strictly neither of them . This might be largely exemplified in the use of other words , but the advantage of the observation will not be proportionable to the length of such a diversion , being no more then this , that the distinct notion of the word [ Schisme ] is a voluntary dividing , or , in the neutral expression , which the Fathers familiarly use , a separating , or receding of any member from the unity of the body , i. e. the Church of Christ , and so that the scismatick is he that * divides himself from the Church of God , not that is cut off , or separated , he that (a) goes out , or (b) withdraws , or recedes of his own accord , not he that is cast out by the Governours of the Church . For whatever blame , and vengeance may justly light on such , who are by the righteous , and charitative Censures of the Church , cut off from communion , in case they doe not by humiliation , confession , and reformation , and meet fruits of repentance , prepare and qualifie themselves for readmission to that Communion , yet certainly this punishment of Excommunication is very disparate and distant from the crime of schisme , the Judge , i. e. Bishop or Governour of the Church , being the only actor in the one , ( and that ex officio , an act of duty in him , when duly executed ) but in the other , the offender , or guilty person , who is therefore said to (c) accuse , to cast , to (d) condemn himself , throwing himselfe , by his voluntary recession from the Church , into that very condition , into which the adulterer , and obstinate offender is cast by the Censures of it . § . 3. This is so evident a truth , that this punishment , and so judicial act , of the Governour , cannot be the guilt of him that is punished , and though it be supposed to be founded in some offence , is not yet in any propriety of speech the offence it self , much lesse the sin of schisme , especially when he is punished for heresie , or some other crime , and not for schisme , that I need not farther insist on it . Only , as beside the formal 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , there is also an interpretative excōmunication , when he that is not under the Censures of the Church , is yet refused admission , or reception unto it , unlesse he will submit to such & such conditions , indispensably proposed to him , and because both in the one , and the other , in the formal , and in the interpretative excommunication , the Governours , being men , may possibly erre , and consequently censure , and excommunicate the innocent , and in like manner propose those conditions of communion which are not lawful for that man to submit unto , so it is possible in both cases , that the person excluded may be absolutely innocent , free not only from that of schisme , but from all other guilt , so that he which is excommunicated may not be obliged to regain the peace , nor he that is barred out , to force his passage into the communion of the Church , and so both sorts of these , continuing out of the actual communion , neither the one nor the other be guilty of schisme in the least degree by so continuing . § . 4. He that is excommunicated unjustly , cannot be rendred criminous by that misfortune , nor concluded culpable by that argument , upon which he is supposed innocent . Our Saviour hath pronounced of the anathemaes of the Jews , of their bitterest execrations , their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , their sharpest censures , nay the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , casting men out of the Synagogue , falsly or unjustly , that it is to be looked on as a most auspicious token , a matter of the greatest rejoicing to them which fell under it , one of the principal ingredients in , and forerunners of their blisse ( and accordingly the Apostles when they were thus cast out , and contumeliously used , went out of the Temple rejoicing that they were thought worthy to suffer shame for Christ's name ) To which purpose is that of Photius Patriarch of Constantinople to Michael Metropolitan of Mitylene , Ep : 116. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. The excommunication of the Jewish Sanhedrim sent out against Christ's disciples brought them so much neerer to their Lord and Master , and alien'd the Jews themselves , removed them so much farther from the kingdome of heaven , and so doth all unjust excommunication now unite us to the Apostles by this conformity with and participation of their sufferings . And I suppose the arguments , and testimonies produced by the Chancellour of Paris are ( and , when they were first published , were so deemed by those of the Romish communion ) unanswerable to this matter ; And accordingly that of Thomas de Curselis in the Councel of Basil , that it was * said by Christ to the Pope , Whatsoever thou shalt binde on earth shall be bound , not whatsoever thou shalt affirm to be bound , ] hath with it the evidence of undeniable truth , equally applicable to him and all Bishops in that and in all future ages . § . 5. And then certainly what hath thus been said of the Formal , will with the same evidence be extended also to the Interpretative excommunication , whensoever the conditions of the communion contain in them any sinne , and so become as the former censures were supposed to be ; For in that case certainly it is no act of Schisme from any Church , for any member to be , or to continue thus excluded from it . For how desireable , and valuable soever an intire , inviolate peace with all Christians , with all men , ( together with the approbation of our willing , cheerful obedience , and submission of our judgments and practises , to our superiors ) must forever be deemed by all true disciples of Christ , Yet must not the purchase of this treasure be attempted by the admission of any sin , any more then the glory of God might be projected by the Apostle's lie . The least transgression of God's Law must not be adventured on upon any the most Christian designe , or consideration ; The peaceable living with all men , which is so often exhorted to ▪ and inculcated , is yet no farther recommended , then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , if it be possible , and as much as in us lies , and that , we know , must be interpreted of a moral and leg●● possibility , by which we are pronounced able to doe that ( and no more ) which we can doe lawfully , and so when the Apostle 1 Thess 4.11 . exhorts to the most earnest pursuit of this blisful state ( this ease , and rest , and quiet from the labours , and toils and hell of the factious , turbulent spirit ) it is in a style , which supposes this reserve , we must , saith he , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , have an ambition , and emulation , and contention to live peaceably , and quietly , obliging us to use all means that would be allowed to the ambitious person in his warmest pursuit , i. e. the utmost lawful , but not the lowest unlawful means . § . 6. In which matter it is remarkable what course hath been taken by the late author of Infidelity unmasked , in his discourse of the Schisme of Protestants , where having acknowledged how perfectly unlawful it is to dissemble , equivocate , or lie in the matters of faith — and withall urgeing from all antiquity , that to forsake the external communion of God's visible Church is the sin of schisme , he makes a shift to conclude ( as a natural consequence ) from hence , that therefore the Church ( I suppose he means , of Rome ) is infallible , and not subject to errour , because otherwise men might forsake her communion — Where though the consequence be very strange , that we may forsake the Churches communion , in case she be fallible or subject to errour ( for this supposes it lawful 1. to forsake the communion of any erroneous Church , which is much more then we would desire to be granted us , and 2. to forsake all that are fallible , though they be not actually in errour , which is in effect to forsake the communion of all but Saints , and Angels , and God in heaven , for they only have the privilege of impeccable and infallible ) yet it absolutely acknowledges that it would be lawful to separate from , and forsake the ( even Vniversal ) Church of Christ , in case , or on supposition that we could not be permitted to communicate with it , without lying , and dissembling , and equivocating in matters of faith , which he there acknowledgeth to be the denying God on earth . § . 7. Now ( to return to our present consideration ) Of this there is no question , but that , as it is said to be customary among the Kings of the Hunnes ( as soon as they have any children , and so no need of their brethrens assistance ) to banish all their brethren out of their dominions , and not to admit them again without putting out their eyes , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith Cinnamus , Hist : l. 1. ) so it is possible ( I wish it were not justly supposable ) for a particular Church so to fence , and limit , to guard , and restrain their communion , to require such severe conditions of all whom they will admit , or tolerate within their Church , that some men cannot without putting out their eyes , or wilful acknowledgment of untruths , others without committing sin against conscience , undergoe the conditions thus required , nor consequently be admitted to communion with it . As in case any unsound or untrue position be entred into the Confession , or Catechisme of any Church , and all the members of that Communion be explicitly required to believe , and acknowledge the truth of every branch of that Confession , and so that confession be really the condition , and accordingly in the reputation of men esteemed the tessera , or symbol of that communion , then he that shall enter this communion thus conditionated , must certainly either actually subscribe , or ( which , as to the scandal of the action , is equivalent ) be reasonably supposed to acknowledge that untruth ; and if in some persons blameless ignorance may be supposed sufficient for the excusing , or alleviating that fault , yet 1. he that hath means of discovering that untruth , and criminously neglects to make use of those means , and 2. he that hath discovered the truth , and yet thus professeth himself to believe the contrary , will not be thus excusable ; And it is not here sufficient to object the supposable levity of the error , or intellectual falsity , For how light , and inconsiderable ( and extrinsecal to the foundation ) soever the error be supposed to be , yet if there be obstinacy in continuing in it against light and conviction , or if there be falsness in professing , or subscribing , contrary to present perswasions , or scandal and ill example , temptation and snare to others , in seeming to doe so ; these certainly are sins , and neither light nor inconsiderable , nor reconcileable with that fabrick of Christian practise , which ought to be superstructed on that foundation . § . 8. Nay if the errors be really on the other side , if the doctrines so proposed , as the condition of the communion of any Church , be indeed agreeable to truth , but yet be really apprehended by him , to whom they are thus proposed , to be false , and disagreeable , it will even in that case be hard to affirm that that man may lawfully thus subscribe , contrary to his present perswasions ; For though it be certain , that he that thus erres , be obliged to use all probable means to reform , and deposite his error , and , as long as he remains in it , is so farre guilty of sin , as he wants the excuse of invincible ignorance , and being obliged to charity and peace , as farre as it is possible , and in him lies , he cannot be freed from offending against that obligation , if he doe not communicate with those , the condition of whose communion contains nothing really erroneous , or sinful ; and so though such a man , on that side , be , or may be in several respects criminous , yet it is as evident on the other side , that he that professes to believe , what he really doth not believe , that subscribes with his hand , what he rejects in his heart , or that doth that which is under the scandal of doing so , is farre from being guiltless , he certainly offends against the precept of sincerity and veracity ( yea and of charity to his brethren , in respect of the scandal ) hath added hypocrisie to his error , and so which way soever he turns , he is sure to sin ( the worst and most unhappy kinde of straight ) he remains in error , and schisme on the one side , and by flying from that , he advances to lying and hypocrisie on the other , and the desire of avoiding one of these , cannot justifie the other . § . 9. This I say , in case the error be really on the mans , not on the Churches side ; But if ( as in the case proposed ) the errors be supposed to be wholly on the Churches side , and withall indispensably required to be subscribed by all , and so the conditions of that communion being exacted of him , who cannot without sin undertake them , be to him really , and unexcusably unlawful , then certainly to that man in that case it is no crime not to communicate ( when he is thus excluded from communicating ) with that Church , but a crime , and a great one , thus ( by testifying against the truth and his own conscience ) to qualifie himself for that communion . The admission of such guilts as these , hypocrisie , and lying against conscience , and due grounds of conviction , is too high a price to be paid even for peace , or communion it self . § . 10. A meek son of the Church of Christ will certainly be content to sacrifice a great deal for the making of this purchase , and when the fundamentals of the Faith , and superstructures of Christian practise are not concerned in the concessions , he will cheerfully expresse his readiness to submit , or deposit his own judgment in reverence and deference to his superiours in the Church where his lot is fallen . But when this proves unsufficient , when peace with the brethren on earth will not be had at a cheaper rate then this of a voluntary offending against our father which is in heaven ; in this case , the Christian must be content to live without it , and though he would rejoice to sell all that he hath to purchase that jewel , yet his conscience , the health and peace of that ( which is interrupted by every wilful sin ) is a commodity , that must not be parted with , whatsoever the acquisition be , which is in his view and thus offers it self in exchange for it . § . 11. The evidence of which is , I conceive , so demonstrative and irresistible , that it will be justly extended much farther then the present case of the Church of England gives me any temptation to extend it ; For in case our Ancestors had unjustly and criminously made a separation from the Church of Rome ( which it shall anon appear that they have not ) and we their successors in that schisme should unfeignedly confess , and repent , and desire to reform that sin , and uprightly discharge our conscience in neglecting no means , that patience , humility , charity could suggest to us , in order to obtaining our reconciliation , yet if that cannot be obtained by all these submissions , without that harder condition of renouncing , or professing , or seeming ( in common reputation of men ) to renounce any part of Divine truth , or Christian practise , which we verily believe to be the truth , and our duty , it would not be our guilt , but only our unhappiness , that we were thus forced to continue in that separation . The reason is evident from the former grounds , we must not sin , that we may give glory to God ( such is confession , & fruits of repentance , Jos . 7.19 . ) a penitent thief must not lie , to enable himself to make restitution , nor the contrite schismatick commit any new sin ( such certainly is hypocrisie , lying , professing contrary to present perswasion ) to complete his repentance for the old . § . 12. If this last be conceived ( as it is not the present case of the Church of England , so ) to be an impossible , unsupposeable case , not only upon the Romanists grounds , who I presume will not acknowledge any such hard condition ( as is the profession of an untruth ) to be required to any mans reconciliation , and readmission to their communion , but upon this other score , because if any false profession be now required to our re-admission , the same was formerly required to our continuance in their communion , and consequently our Ancestors departure then could not be supposed ( as in this last fiction of case it is ) a schismatical departure . I shall not need to give any more distinct answer to this , then 1. That we that acknowledge not the Church of Rome to be infallible , may be allowed to make a supposition , which is founded in the possibility of her inserting some error in her Confessions , and making the explicite acknowledgment of that the peremptory indispensable condition of her communion ; 2. That it is possible also ( though not by us pretended ) that she should since that supposed departure of our Ancestors , introduce some new doctrines , and consequently some new errors , and those now be supposeable to lie in the way to our return , though they had no part ( before their birth ) in driving us from them ; 3. That that may be by the Church of Rome permitted , and allowed to those that have alwaies remained in their communion , which to them that have departed , and either in their persons , or posterity , desire to return to it , will not be permitted by them ; It being more ordinary to indulge liberties to sons , that have alwaies continued in the family , then to grant them to offenders , and suppliants , that expect favours , and graces , and restauration to privileges ; 4. That those which have had their education out of the Communion of the Church of Rome , may very possibly & probably come to discern that , which in that communion would never have been ( for want of representation ) discerned by them , and consequently may observe some errors in her doctrine or practise , which their Ancestors at their very departure from them had not discerned , and then though those errors subscribed to by them , had the Lenitive , or Antidote of blameless ignorance , yet because those that now really discern that truth , which the Ancestors discerned not , cannot lawfully professe not to discern it , or professe against conscience to believe what they doe not believe , it is therefore necessarily consequent , that the return of such to the peace of the Roman Church may by this means be rendred impossible though their Ancestors continuance there , lying under no such prejudice , their separation were acknowledged unlawful . CHAP. III. The several sorts of Schisme . § . 1. THus much hath been necessarily premised for the true notion of Schisme , taken from the origination of the word , as that includes , in the neuter sense , a recession , or departure , in the reciprocal , a separating , or dividing himself . § . 2. It is now time to proceed and inquire how many sorts there are of this schisme in the Ecclesiastical sense , or by how many waies the guilt of this sin of the flesh may be contracted . § . 3. In which inquiry it will be first necessary to consider , wherein Ecclesiastical unity consists , viz : in the preserving all those relations , wherein each member of the whole Church of Christ is concerned one towards another : These relations are either of subordination ( paternal on one side , and filial on the other , ) or of equality ( fraternal . ) The unity of those members that are subordinate one to the other , consists in the constant due subjection , and obedience of all inferiors to all their lawful superiors , and in due exercise of authority in the superiors toward all committed to their charge : And the unity of the fellow brethren in the performance of all mutual duties of justice and charity toward one another . § . 4. Of the former sort is the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , obedience to the Rulers of the Church , Heb. 13.17 . and back again the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , due feeding , i. e. governing the flock of God among them , 1 Pet. 5.2 . And because there be ( under the King or Emperor , or supreme power , to whom all are subject in any his dominions ) many possible links in that subordination , Patriarchs , Metropolitans , Bishops , Presbyters , Deacons , and the brethren , or congregation , the unity must be made up of the due subordination , and Christian i. e. charitative exercise of power in all these . § . 5. Of the later sort there are as many branches , as there are varieties of equalities . The brethren or believers in every congregation , i. e. all beside the Governors of the Church ( however unequal in other respects ) are in this respect equalized , and comprehended all under the one title of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the younger , 1 Pet. 5.5 . And this whether we respect all other fellow-members of the same , or whether of any other congregation , whether Parish , or City , or Diocese , or Province , or Nation , of the West , of the East , of the whole Christian world , as farre as each member is qualified to exercise any fraternal duty toward them . So again the several Deacons , or Presbyters of any Diocese , the several Bishops of any Province , the several Metropolitans of any Nation , the several Primates or Patriarchs one with another ( as the several Apostles ) over the whole world , are each of them to be looked on as equals to all others of the same sort ; And proportionably ( and together with the Pastors ) the flocks , the several communities , or congregations of Christian men considered in complexo , the Parishes , Dioceses , Provinces , Nations , Climes of the whole Christian world . And according to these so many equalities , there are , or ought to be so many sorts of unities , so many Relations of that mutual fraternal charity , which Christ came to plant in his Church . § . 6. Having seen what the unity is ( to which Communion superadds no more but the relation of external association , whether by assembling for the worship of God in the same place , where the matter is capable of it , or whether by letters communicatory , by which we may maintain external Communion with those which are most distant from us ) It will be easie to discern what Schisme is , viz : the breach of that Vnity ( and Communion ) and what be the sorts or species of it ▪ either those that offend against the subordination which Christ hath by himself , and his Apostles setled in his Church , or those that offend against the mutual charity , which he left among his disciples . § . 7. For the first of these , those that offend against the due subordination , they are possibly of as many sorts as there be distinct links in the subordination . As first those brethren or people , which reject the ministerie of the Deacons , or Presbyters in any thing wherein they are ordained , and appointed by the Bishop , ( and as long as they continue in obedience to him ) and of their own accord break off , and separate from them , refuse to live regularly under them , they are by the Antient Church of Christ adjudged and looked on as Schismaticks ; So Ignatius the holy Bishop , ( and Apostolical person ) and Martyr of Antioch , in Ep : ad Trall : admonishing them to beware of the poyson of seducers , i. e. the Schismaticks of those times , he directs them this one way to doe it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , This ye shall doe , saith he , if ye be not puffed up , and if ye be not separated from God , from Christ , from the Bishop — He that continues within the sept is pure , He that doth ought without the Bishop and Presbyterie and Deacon , is not of a pure conscience , accounting all that live out of this obedience to be so far infected and defiled with schisme . So again in the former part of the same Epistle , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Let all revere the Deacons as the ministers of Jesus Christ , and in like manner the Bishop as Jesus Christ the son of the Father , the Presbyters as the Senate of God and College of Apostles , without these it is not called a Church . Where every particular Church being administred by these , no man is farther deemed a member of the Church , then he lives regularly within this obedience : And the same is the importance of his exhortation to the Philippians , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Observe the Bishop , and the Presbyters , and the Deacons , intimating this to be the only way of preserving unity against schisme , as appears by that which had gone before , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , There is one altar ( or sept ) as there is one Bishop together with his Presbyters and Deacons , and the living in union with , obedience to these , is the only way to doe , whatsoever ye doe , according to the will of God. Where this subordination being looked on , as that which is placed in the Church by God , it is both schisme and impiety not to continue regularly under it ; And so in the inscription of that Epistle , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , He salutes them in the blood of Christ , especially if they be at one with their Bishop , and the Presbyters with him , as also the Deacons designed by the appointment of Jesus Christ , looking upon all as Schismaticks , that were not so . Thus again in his Epistle to the Ephesians , he admonisheth them to obey the Bishop , and Presbyters 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with an undivided minde , making the disobedience an act of schism or division in any ; And so generally throughout all those Epistles . § . 8. In like manner ; if we ascend to the next higher link , that of the Bishop , to whom both Presbyters and Deacons , as well as the brethren , or people , are obliged to live in obedience , the withdrawing or denying this obedience in any of these will certainly fall under this guilt . So the same holy Ignatius in Ep : ad Smyr : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Let no man without the Bishop doe any of those things which belong to the Church . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Wherever the Bishop appears , there let the multitude be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he that doth any thing without the privity of the Bishop , serves the Devil ; the title by which those foule Gnostick hereticks and schismaticks ( the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the troublers and dividers of the Church ) were signified . So in the processe of that Epistle , having mentioned obedience to their Bishop , as a necessary requisite to their sanctification , supposing the contrary to be an act of pollution , i. e. of the poyson of the schismaticks , and again admonishing them as of their duty ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) to concurre with the sentence of their Bishop , he adds , that he that doth not so ( expressed by not being within the altar or sept ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , falls short of the bread of God , is an excommunicate person , being rendred such by this act of division from the Bishop . So in the Epistle to the Magnesians , speaking of those that act without the Bishop ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith he , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , these seem not to him to be men of a good conscience ( the phrase by which he oft expresses Schismaticks , whose minde and conscience was defiled by the poyson of the Gnosticks at that time ) because they assembled not according to that order and establishment which was setled in the Church . And again , as Christ did nothing without his Father ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) being united to him , or all one with his Father , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — so neither must ye doe any thing without the Bishop , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but assemble together and have but one prayer common to you all , where the living out of this regular obedience to the Bishop , is the contrary to union and communion , and so is formally schisme . And to the Philadelphians , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as many as are God's and Christ's , are with the Bishop , excluding them from the unity of Christ's body who are thus separated from the Bishop ; And in the same Epistle speaking of the repentance of schismaticks , and hereticks , and God's pardon offered to such , the * condition of that pardon , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the syncerity of that repentance , is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , if they return to the unity of God and senate of the Bishop . So frequently in S. Cyprian , the schisme especially of the five Presbyters of Faelicissimus his faction , Ep : 40. appears to consist in their disobedience to , and breaking off from their † proper Bishop , and causing others to doe so ; and De Vnit : Eccl : the Schismatick is described to be filius impius qui contemptis Episcopis & Dei sacerdotibus derelictis constituere audet aliud altare , an impious son , which having contemned the Bishops , and ( which is all one ) forsaken the Priests of God , dares constitute another altar ; and Ep : 76. qui schisma faciunt & relicto Episcopo alium sibi foris Pseudo-episcopum constituunt , the schismaticks are they that having left their Bishop set up for themselves abroad another false Bishop , and all their adherents are involved in the same guilt , qui se schismaticis contra Praepositos & sacerdotes irreligiosâ temeritate miscuerunt , who joyn with the schismaticks against their Bishops , and Ep : 65. Hi sunt conatus schismaticorum — ut sibi placeant , ut Praepositum superbo tumore contemnant , These are the endevours of schismaticks , that they may please themselves , and proudly contemn their Bishop , and Ep : 69. Vnum scire debes — si quis cum Episcopo non sit , in Ecclesiâ non esse , One thing you are to know that he that is not with the Bishop , is not in the Church , the Church being there by him defined plebs sacerdoti adunata & Pastori suo grex adhaerens , the people united to the Bishop , and the flock to their Pastor . § . 9. And as this disobedience may be of two sorts , either of a lower , or of a higher kinde , the denying obedience in any particular lawful command of the superior , or the casting off all obedience together , dethroning them , or setting up our selves either in their steads , or in opposition to them ( the first parallel to the contumacy of the Levites , the sons of Eliab , Num. 16.12 , 14. which said , We will not come up , the second to their rebellion , levelling and equalling themselves to Moses and Aaron v. 3. ● and both together subjecting them first to that curse , of Gods , not accepting their sacrifice , v. 15. and then to that sudden exemplary destruction , v. 31. ) so will the Schisme be also a lighter , and a grosser separation , a defection from the Bishop , and a rebellion against him , the former ordinarily called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Schisme , the latter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sedition , the latter adding very much to the guilt of the former , and uncapable of the alleviating excuses of ignorance or mistake ( in thinking the commands unlawful , and consequently the obedience ) which may be pretended in the former . § . 10. From this of Bishops we may further ascend to the higher dignity , and authority of Metropolitanes , over Bishops themselves , which what it is , will be fit to be examined a while . § . 11. And the first rise may be taken from Scripture it self , where the Commission which is given to Titus by S. Paul , to ordain Elders , Tit. 1.5 . ( that is Bishops v. 7. ) in every city of Crete , demonstrates him to have had Metropolitical authority bestowed on him ; so saith S. Chrysostome ( on Tit. 1. Hom. 1. ) of Titus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . If he had not been an approved person , in whom the Apostle had perfect confidence , he would never have committed a whole Island to him , never have appointed him to perfect what he had left imperfect , never have intrusted to him the jurisdiction over so many Bishops : And Theodoret in Arg. Ep. ad Tit. That Titus was ordained by S. Paul , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to ordain Bishops under him for the governing of that whole Province , being a very great one ; and Eusebius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , That Titus had the inspection of all the Churches in Crete , of which that there was an hundred in number , and Gortyna the Metropolis of them all , appears by Dionysius bishop of Corinth about the year of Christ 175. who inscribes an Epistle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to the Church about Gortyna , together with the rest of the Dioceses in Crete , of all which he mentions and commends Philip their Bishop , i. e. the Metropolitan , under whom they all were , as appears by Eusebius l. 4. c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . § . 12. What hath been thus said of Titus , is with the same evidence of the Text affirmable of Timothy , when being placed by S. Paul at Ephesus the chief Metropolis of Asia ; he had by that means the inspection of all the Bishops there , and consequently is directed both for the ordaining ( 1 Tim. 3.2 . ) and exercising jurisdiction over them c. 5.1.19 . and so saith S. Chrysostome , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . T is manifest that Timothy was intrusted with more Churches then one , even with a whole nation , that of Asia , and therefore S. Paul discourses to him of Elders or Bishops , So the Anonymus writer of the Martyrdome of Timothy 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The Apostle Timothy is ordained by S. Paul , and enthroned Bishop of the Metropolis of Ephesus , and accordingly is by Theodoret styled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Apostle , i. e. chief ruler or Bishop of the Asiaticks ; and by Eusebius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Bishop of the Province about Ephesus . § . 13. The same might be shew'd of James Bishop of Jerusalem , who by that means was evidently Metropolitane of all the cities of all Judea , And even of Syria and Cilicia also , if we may argue concludently from the sending of that Canon to those regions , Act. 15.23 . It is likewise the affirmation of Agrippa ( in Philo ) of Jerusalem , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that it was the Metropolis , not only of one region Judea , but of many more , because of the Colonies it had sent out , naming 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Syria and Cilicia among others . And thereto agrees again ( as far as Syria ) what we find in the letters of Commission , which Saul had received from the Sanhedrim at Jerusalem ▪ to the Synagogues of Damascus , a city of Syria , as being supposed under that Metropolis of Judea , Act. 9.1 , 2. And accordingly after the destruction of Jerusalem , Tiberias had this privilege , as appears both by the Imperial Code , tit . de Jud. & Caelic . and by Epiphanius , in the heresie of the Ebionites , who refers all Syria and Cilicia to that Metropolis , in the same manner as the Synagogues in Assyria and Media to the Sanhedrim in Bagdat , and in all Aegypt to that in Alexandria ; But all this doth rather belong to the Jewish Form among themselves and the Jurisdiction of that Great Sanhedrim over their colonies thus far diffused , and is not so appliable to the Christian Church at Jerusalem , it being affirmed by Joseph . de bel . Jud. l. 3. c. ● . that Antioch was Metropolis of all Syria , but this by the way . § . 14. Thus Philippi appears to have been the Metropolis of one part of Macedonia ( as Thessalonica another ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the prime city of a portion , or division , or province of Macedonia , Act. 16.12 . and is accordingly so styled by Photius the Patriarch of Constantinople 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the city of Philippi being a Metropolis of a Province of the Macedonians , and so Epaphroditus their Bishop in S. Pauls time ( as * Theodoret and others resolve from his being called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , their Apostle , Phil. 2.25 . ) had under him many Bishops , who are accordingly named in the plural Phil. 1.1 . and all these subordinate to him as their Metropolitane . § . 15. So of the seven churches of Asia , Rev. 2. and 3. it appears ( what hath been elsewhere proved ) that they were all Metropoles ; Of Ephesus it hath been already clear , and S. Chrysostome is expresse , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Ephesus is a Metropolis of Asia , and Theod. in Ep. ad Dioscor . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and in Photius , the Antient writer of the Martyrdome of Timothy ( bib . num . 254. ) saith of S. John ▪ that being returned from his banishment 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he resided at the Metropolis of the Ephesians . And in Vlpian , the Proconsul under Antoninus being to go to Asia , was to touch upon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Ephesus one and the chief of the Metropoles of Asia : and accordingly Act. 19.38 . it is said of that city , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Proconsuls were there , and the Assises , as in the chief city of that Province , and in Eusebius , Antoninus Pius his Epistle concerning the Christians is said to have been read and proclaimed at Ephesus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the common councel or consessus of Asia , and in Aristides it is styled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the common Magazine of Asia , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whither they applied themselves for all their wants . All which are evidences that it was a Metropolis ( and the chief ) of Asia . § . 16. So of Thyatira , saith Ptolomee , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that it was a Metropolis . Of Philadelphia the Councel of Constantinople Sub Menâ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Bishop of the Metropolis of the Philadelphians of the Province of the Lydians , i. e. in this Lydian or Proconsular Asia . So Laodicea , Sardis , and Smyrna ( together with Ephesus ) are set down by Plinie as cities in which the Roman Proconsuls kept their Assises , and dispensed justice to all the neighbouring cities , which is the character of a Metropolis in the civil notion , and the same he also affirms elsewhere of Pergamus : And thus the whole number of the seven Churches appear each of them , to have been Metropoles , and accordingly by Ignatius his Epistles to the Trallians and Magnesians , ( the Christians of two neighbour cities of Lydia on the Banks of Meander , and so of this Asia ) and by the mention of their Bishops Damas and Polybius , it is evident that there were other Episcopal Sees in that Asia , beside those seven named in the Revelation , and those afterward appear to have been subject to the Metropolis of Ephesus , which alone of all the seven continued till Constantin's time , the rest being destroyed . § . 17. From these manifest footsteps of Metropolitical power in Scripture , it is easie to descend through the first times , and find the like ; As when Ignatius the Archbishop of Antioch ( the Primitive Martyr ) in his Epistle to the Romans styleth himself 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Pastor of the Church which was in Syria , that whole region belonging then to that Metropolis of Antioch : Agreeable to which is that of the author of the Epistle to the Antiocheni ( whosoever it was ) inscribing it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to the Church of God in Syria , that belongs as a Province to that of Antioch : So the Epistle to the Romans is inscribed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the Church which hath the Presidencie in the place of the Region or Province of the Romans , which gives the Bishop of Rome a Metropolitical power over all other the Bishops of that Province , the Vrbicarian region , as it was styled , and * distinguished from the Province of Italy properly so called , confined to the seven Provinces of the civil jurisdiction of the Vicarius Italiae , and the Ecclesiastical of the Archbishop of Milan the chief Metropolis thereof . Of the circuit or compasse of this Province of the Bishop of Rome , many learned men have discoursed excellently out of the Antient Surveys of the Provinces , particularly that very learned Frenchman so rarely skilled , and judicious in Antiquity , Jacobus Leschaserius , in his little tract de Region . Suburbic ▪ but none with more evidence of conviction , then our Modest countreyman M r Brerewood , who thus describes the antient jurisdiction of the Bishop of Rome , that it contained all those Provinces of the Diocese of Italy , which the old Lawyers term Suburbicarias , of which there were ten , three Islands , Sicily , Sardinia , and Corsica , and the other seven in the firm land of Italy , taking up in a manner all the narrow part of it , viz. all Italy Eastward , but on the West no farther extended then to the River Magra ( the limit of Tuscanie ) toward the Tyrrhene sea , and to the River Esino ( antiently Asius ) toward the Adriatick Sea. For at that River Esino met both the Picenum , Suburbicarium , and Annonarium , the former of which belonged to the Prefecture of Rome , of which that city was the Metropolis , And the later , with all the other Provinces in the broader part of Italy ( seven of them in all ) to the Diocese of Italy , of which Milan was the Metropolis . Thus Ruffinus in his Paraphrase rather then translation of the Nicene Canon saith , that the Bishop of Rome was thereby authorized Suburbicariarum Ecclesiarum Sollicitudinem gerere , to take and manage the care of the suburbicarian Churches ; and there is no reason to doubt but that he that lived so neer after that Councel , and was of Italy , knew competently what he affirmed of that matter . And it being evident that in all other places the Ecclesiastical jurisdictions were proportioned to the temporal of the Lieutenants , and that the Suburbicarian region , and the so many and no more provinces in them , pertain'd to the Praefecture of the city of Rome , It must follow that these were the limits of the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction of that Bishop also . But this by the way , in passing . § . 18. So when of S. Mark it is affirm'd out of the anc●ent records by Eusebius , that he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , first constituted Churches ( in the plural ) in Alexandria , and under the title of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Province of Alexandria , put them all into the hands of Anianus in the 8 th of Nero , it is evident that Alexandria was a Metropolitical , or Patriarchal See to which all Aegypt did belong . § . 19. So S. Cyprian the Bishop of Carthage , to which the whole Province of Africk pertained , is by the Councel of Constantinople in Trullo , Can. 2. called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Archbishop of the Region of Africk , And accordingly he often mentions the many Bishops in his Province , Vniversis vel in nostrâ Provinciâ — to all the Bishops in our Province — Ep. 40. And Latiùs fusa est nostra Provincia , habet etiam Numidiam & Mauritanias duas sibi cohaerentes . Our Province is extended farther , hath Numidia and the two Mauritania's annexed to it , Ep. 45. in each of which there being a Church and consequently a Bishop in every city ( as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Act. 14.23 . is all one with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in every city Act. 16.4 . ) they were all subject to this Metropolitane . § . 20. By all this , and much more which might be added , it is manifest , that as the several Bishops had Praefecture over their several Churches , and the Presbyters ▪ Deacons , and people under them , such as could not be cast off by any without the guilt and brand of Schisme , So the Bishops themselves of the ordinary , inferior cities ( for the preserving of unity , and many other good uses ) were subjected to the higher power of Archbishops or Metropolitanes . § . 21. Nay we must yet ascend one degree higher from this of Arch-Bishops or Metropolitanes , to that supreme of Primates or Patriarchs , the division of which is thus cleared in the division and Notitia of the Roman Empire . Constantine the Great instituted four Praefecti Praetorio , two in the East , as many in the West ; Of the Western , one at Rome , another at Triers , this last then called Praefectus Praetorio Galliarum . These Praefects had their several Vicarii , who in their power , and name judged the Provinces , As for example , The Praefectus Praetorio placed at Triers had three Vicarii , or Lieutenants , one placed at Triers , a second at Lions , a third at Vienna , from the greatnesse of whose authority , and the resort of all other cities and Provinces to them for justice sprang the splendor , and dignity of those cities where they resided , and the dependence of large Provinces and many other cities on each of them . This whole circuit which was thus subject to , or dependent on any such Lieutenant , was by the Greeks called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the style devolving from the civil to the Ecclesiastical divisions , as the former both of cities , and of Territories , and of Metropoles or Mother cities ( the chief in every Province ) had done the Bishop being answerable to the Defensor civitatis , and the Archbishop to the Praesident in every Province , from thence it came that every such Metropolis which was the seat of any Vicarius or Lieutenant General , was ( over and above 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the Bishop thereof Primas , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Patriarcha , a Primate , Exarch , or Patriarch , and all that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( which is larger then a Province , the joynt administration of many Provinces , with the several Metropoles , and Metroplitanes contained in it ) was subjected to him . Thus S. Irenaeus being Bishop of Lyons , is by Eusebius affirm'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to have the over sight or Government of the Provinces of France , either those only that were under that Primate , or perhaps of all France , of which Lyons was then in the Ecclesiastical account the first Exarchate ; for so saith the same Eusebius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Lyons , and Vienna ( but first Lyons ) were famously known to be beyond all others in those parts , the principal Metropoles of France . And again 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , these were the most splendid illustrious Churches there . To which first times I conceive belongs that verse of Guilielmus Brito in Philippeide . Et Lugdunensis , quo Gallia tota solebat , Vt fama est , Primate regi — placing all France under the Primate of Lyons , or affirming it from tradition ( ut fama est ) that it was wont antiently to be so placed , which was not well understood or taken notice of by the learned Jos . Scaliger , when he affirms it nuperum & novitium , & ex beneficio Romani Pontificis indultum , a privilege lately granted to the Bishop of Lyons by the Pope , quod Primatem sese vocari gaudeat , that he calls himself Primate , which privilege , if not title , did so long since belong to Irenaeus the Bishop of that Diocese . § . 22. I shall not need inlarge on this subject , or set down the several Primates and Dioceses belonging to them . It is known in the ancient notitiae of the Church , that beside the three Patriarchs of Rome , Alexandria , and Antioch ( to which title afterward Constantinople , and Jerusalem were advanced ) there were eleven Primates more , there being fourteen Dioceses , or joynt administrations of many Provinces ( for so the word anciently signified , not in the modern sense of it , one city and the territory , the jurisdiction of an ordinary Bishop , for which they then used 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) seven in the East , and the Praefecture of the city of Rome , and six more in the West , into which the whole Empire was divided . And though the Patriarchs had in Councels the praecedence , or deference in respect of place , either because these three cities had the honour to disperse Christianity in a most eminent manner to other cities , and nations , or from the great dignity of the cities themselves , ( * Rome being the seat and first city of the Empire , and thereupon thus dignified saith the Councel of Chalcedon : and Alexandria by † Dio Chrysostome , and others affirmed to be the second , and Antioch the third , saith Josephus ) yet it is certain that the power and jurisdiction of Primates , was as great as of Patriarchs , and the Office the same ( see Anacle●us Epist . ad Episc . Ital. and Gratian Dist . 99. ) and many times in Authors the very titles confounded , as appears by Justinian , who commonly gives Primates the names of Patriarchs of the Dioceses . And if it be now demanded whether there were not anciently some Summum Genus , some one Supreme either of , or over these Patriarchs , I answer , that if we respect order , or priority of place again , then the Bishop of Rome had it among the Patriarchs , as the Patriarchs among the Primates , that city of Rome being Lady of the World , and the seat of the Empire ; But if we respect power , or authority , there was none anciently in the Church over that of Primates , and Patriarchs , but only that of the Emperour in the whole Christian World ( as of every Soveraign Prince in his Dominions ) as may appear by the ancient power , and practice of congregating , or convoking of Councels , Provincial by the Metropolitan , Patriarchal by the Patriarch , or Primate , National by the Prince , for the first 1000 years , through the whole West , and General by the * Emperor , when for the conserving the unity , or taking care for the necessities of the Church , those last remedies appeared seasonable . But this of General Councels being extraordinary , and such as the Church was without them for the first three hundred yeers , and are now morally impossible to be had , we need not farther to ascend to these , but content our selves with those standing powers in the Church , the uppermost of which are Archbishops , Primates , and Patriarchs , to whom the Bishops themselves are in many things appointed to be subject , and this power , and subjection , defined , and asserted , by the Ancient Canons , and the most ancient , even immemorial Apostolical tradition , and Custome , avouched for it , as may appear Concil . Nicen. 1. Can. 4.6 . Concil . Antioch . c. 9.20 . Concil . Chalced. C. 19. In the Sixt Nicene Canon , where the jurisdiction of all Aegypt , Lybia and Pentapolis is affirmed to belong to the Patriarch of Alexandria , and order is taken that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or privileges of eminency which belong to the Bishop of Rome , of Antioch , and Metropolitanes of all other Provinces , shall be conserved intire to them , the Introduction is made in these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Let the Ancient customes be in force , The very form which S. Ignatius useth concerning Apostolical customes which were to be solicitously retained in the Church , and seems there particularly to refer to those orders , which S. Mark had left in Aegypt , Lybia , and Pentapolis , subjecting all the Bishops there to the Patriarch by him constituted in Alexandria . § . 23. So in the 9 th Canon of the Councel of Antioch , where 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Bishop presiding in the Metropolis , is appointed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to undertake the care of the whole Province ▪ ( and all the inferior cities , and Bishops in them ) and the Bishops commanded 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it is straight added 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , according to the ancient Canon of the Fathers , which hath continued in force ( from the first times also unto that Councel ) Where if it be demanded what is the importance of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , I conceive the word to be best explained by Hesychius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( it should doubtlesse be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) and so the meaning of the Canon to be , agreeably to the expresse words of other Canons , that as any ordinary Bishop hath full power in his own Church , which he may in all things , wherein that alone is concerned , exercise independently from the commands or directions of any , So in any thing of a more forein nature , wherein any other Church is concerned equally with that , and so falls not under the sole cognizance or judgement of either , there the Bishop of that Church is to do nothing without directions from the Metropolitane , and that is the meaning of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as that is all one with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — that no Bishop must do any thing but what belongs particularly to him ratione officii ( any thing that another is concerned in , as well as he ) without the Metropolitane . § . 24. So in the Councel of Chalcedon the direction is given for appeals in this order , from the Bishop to the Metropolitane , from the Metropolitane to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Primate of the Diocese or Province , as where there are more Metropolitanes then one ( as was shewed of Ephesus in Asia , and elsewhere frequently ) there some one is Primate or Patriarch among them , and to him lyes the appeal in the last resort , and from him to no other , see Justinian Novel . 123. c. 22. and Cod. l. 1. tit . 4. leg . 29. who speaking of this calls it an ancient decree . § . 25. That which we find in the eighth Canon of the Great Councel of Ephesus , shall conclude this matter , when upon some claim of the Patriarch of Antioch for an interest in the ordaining of the Patriarch of Cyprus , the Bishops of Cyprus deny his claim , and deduce their privilege of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or independence from any forein Bishop , from the very Apostles times , A sanctis Apostolis , say they , nunquam possunt ostendere , quòd adfuerit Antiochenus & ordinaverit , vel communicaverit unquam insulae ordinationis gratiam , neque alius quisquam , From the very Apostles times they can never shew that the Patriarch of Antioch or any other was present and ordained , or ( being absent ) sent the grace of ordination to this Island , but that the Bishops of Constantia , the Metropolis of that Island , by name Troilus , Sabinus , and Epiphanius , and all the orthodox Bishops from the Apostles times , ab his qui in Cypro constituti sunt , have been constituted and ordained by their own Bishops of the Island , and accordingly they required that they might continue in the same manner , Sicut initio à temporibus Apostolorum — permansit Cypriorum Synodus , as they had done from the times of the very Apostles , still appealing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to the ancient manner , the ancient custome , the privileges , which from their first plantation they had enjoyed , and that from the Apostles themselves : And accordingly that Councel condemned the pretension of the Patriarch of Antioch , as that which was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an innovation against the Ecclesiastical Lawes and Canons of the holy Fathers , and orders not only in behalf of the Cypriots that the Bishops of their Churches 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — shall continue to enjoy their right inviolate according to the ancient custome , but extended their sentence to all other Dioceses in these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , The same shall be observed in all other Dioceses and Provinces wheresoever , that no Bishop shall lay hold of another Province , which hath not been formerly and from the beginning under their or their Ancestors power . And again 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . This holy and Oecumenical Synod hath decreed , that the privileges and rights of every Province shall be conserved pure and inviolate , as they have enjoyed them from the beginning , according to the custome that hath anciently been in force . All deducing this power of Primates over their own Bishops ( and together excluding all forein pretenders ) from the Apostles and first planters of the Churches , and requiring all to remain , as they were first thus constituted . Wherein as there be many things of useful observation , which will be more fitly appliable in the progresse of this discourse , so that which is alone pertinent to this place is only this , that there may be a disobedience , and irregularity , and so a Schisme , even in the Bishops in respect of their Metropolitanes , and of the authority which they have by Canon and Primitive custome over them , which was therefore to be added to the several Species of Schisme set down in the former chapters . CHAP. IV. The pretended evidences of the Romanist against the Church of England examined , and first that from the Bishop of Romes Supremacy by Christs donation to S. Peter . § . 1. THE Scene being thus prepared , and the nature and sorts of Schisme defined and summarily enumerated , our method now leads us to inquire impartially , what evidences are producible against the Church of England , whereby it may be thought lyable to this guilt of Schisme , And these pretended evidences may be of several sorts , according to the several Species of this sort of Schisme described , and acknowledged by us . § . 2. The first evidence that is offered against us is taken from a presumed Supremacy of the Bishop of Rome , as Successor to S. Peter , over all Churches in the world , which being in the dayes of Henry VIII . renounced , and disclaimed , first by both Vniversities , and most of the greatest and famous Monasteries of this kingdome ( in their negative answer and determination of this question , An aliquid Authoritatis in hoc Regno Angliae Pontifici Romano de jure competat plusquam alii cuiquam Episcopo extero ? Whether the Pope of Rome have of right any authority in the Realme of England , more then any other forein Bishop hath ) and that determination of theirs testified under their hands and scales , and after by Act of Convocation subscribed by the Bishops and Clergy , and confirmed by their corporal oaths , and at last the like imposed by Act of Parliament , 35 Hen. VIII . c. 1. all this is looked on , and condemn'd , as an Act of Schisme in this Church and Nation , in renouncing that power of S. Peters Successors placed over all Christians by Christ . § . 3. This objection against us consisting of many branches , every of which must be manifested or granted to have truth in it , or else the objection will be of no force , 1. the matter of fact , that thus it was in England ; 2. the consequence of that fact , that it were Schisme , supposing these Successors of S. Peter were thus set over all Christians by Christ . 3. the matter of fact again , that S. Peters Successors were thus constituted Vniversal Pastors by Christ ; This again of two branches , 1. that S. Peter was so constituted , 2. that the power instated on S. Peter devolved on the Bishops of Rome ; I shall endevour to expedite this matter by granting , and not requiring the pretenders farther to prove the two first branches , and leave the issue of the debate to their manifesting the truth , or our manifesting the falshood of ( the last mentioned , but indeed ) the principal fundamental part of the contention , as it consists of two branches , one as it respects S. Peter , the other as it respects his Successor in the See of Rome ; wherein if the Romanists pretensions shall appear to have truth in them , we must be acknowledged by breaking off from our submission to that See , to be formally Schismaticks according to the grounds allready laid , and acknowledged by us ; But on the other side , if their pretensions herein shall appear to be false ▪ or unsufficiently proved and manifested , there is no other branch of the argument , be it never so true , which can give the conclusion any authority with any pondering rational man , it being in the power of any weak link to destroy the usefulnesse of the whole chain , and consequent to the falsenesse , or inevidence of any one proposition , that the conclusion shall not be inferred by that arguing . § . 4. And first for the pretension as far as it respects S. Peter , and must be managed by evidences , and so concluded either on one side or the other , I shall begin with offering my evidences for the Negative . § . 5 And first it is evident by Scripture , that this Apostle was the Apostle of the circumcision , or Jewes exclusively to the uncircumcision , or Gentiles , which were generally anothers Province ; By Apostle here I understand a Commissioner of Christs , endued with authority by him , and this Commission given to him , as to all the other Apostles , indefinitely , and unlimitedly , not restrained by Christs words to any particular Province , but extending equally to the whole world ; what therefore is done in this kind is by Subsequent act of the Apostles themselves , who are testified to have done that , which it had been very unskilful , and improvident , and consequently unreasonable not to have done , viz. distributed their Vniversal great Province inro several 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Act. 1.25 . distributions , or Lots , or lesser Provinces , one or more to goe one way , the other another , which is there called by S. Peter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to go to his own , or proper place , or assignation , for the witnessing the Resurrection , and proclaiming the faith or Doctrine of Christ to the world . § . 6. Now if the circumcision , or Jewish Christians were peculiarly S. Peters Province , the lot , or division assigned unto him , ( agreeable unto which it is , that both his preaching in the Acts is to the Jewes in Judaea and Samaria , and his Epistles are both of them addressed to the Jewes of the dispersion , and none else ) then it is not imaginable , how he should be the Vniversal , or Supreme Pastor , or Bishop of the whole world : For the Christians of that age of the world being either Jewes or Gentiles , the Jewes again either those that remained in their countrey , or those that were dispersed in other regions , there was but one portion of one of these , which can reasonably be placed under S. Peters Jurisdiction . The Jewes that were in Judaea were all immediately subject to the several Bishops in each city , and all they to their Metropolitane , James the Bishop of Jerusalem ; Of this James the brother ( or neer kinsman ) of Christ , many a of the Ancients affirm , that he was by Christ after his resurrection constituted Bishop there ; b others that it was done by Christ and his Apostles ; c others the more ancient , that the Apostles constituted him in that See , Peter , James , and John , the three most honoured by Christ , conferring this honour upon him , whereupon in this his See he is named before Peter and John , Gal. 2.9 . and hath the Principal place in the Councel at Jerusalem , where S. Peter is present , and accordingly gives the Sentence , Act. 15.19 . upon which the Rescript is grounded , v. 22. From all which as it appeareth , that the Jurisdiction in that Metropolis ( which had extended very far among the Jewes , not only to all Judaea , but even to Syria and Cilicia and other regions , saith Agrippa in a Philo , as hath formerly been mentioned ) belonged to James the Just , and not to S. Peter , So it is as evident , that it was not by S. Peter alone intrusted to him ( which might conclude some peculiar transcendent power of S. Peter there ) but by S. James and S. John together with S. Peter , which quite takes off all pretension of his to the singular Supremacy there . § . 7. So again for the uncircumcision or Gentile Christians , they were not S. Peter's Province but peculiarly S. Paul's ( by S. Peter's own confession and acknowledgment Gal. 2.7 . ) who is therefore styled the Apostle of the Gentiles , Rom. 11.13 . and that without any commission received , or consequently dependence from S. Peter , as he declares and contests it , Gal. 1.12.17 . having his assignation immediately from Christ , v. 16. Accordingly whensoever those two great Apostles came to the same city , the one constantly applied himself to the Jewes , received disciples of such , formed them into a Church , left them , when he departed that region , to be governed by some Bishop of his assignation : and the other in like manner did the same to the Gentiles . § . 8. Thus we know it was at Antioch , where S. Peter converted the Jewes , and S. Paul the Gentiles ( and certainly S. Paul no way Subordinate , or dependent on him , as appears by his behaviour toward him avowed , Gal. 2.11 . ) and acordingly in Ignatius his Epistle to the Magnesians we read of the Church of Antioch , that it was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 founded by S. Peter and S. Paul , not by one , or other , but by both , and in the ancient , if not Ignatian Epistle to the Antiochians , You , saith he , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , have been the disciples of Peter and Paul , i. e. converted and ruled by them , the Jewish part by one , and the Gentile by the other , and the Church of the Gentiles at Antioch , and Syria ( of which Antioch was the chief city ) and Cilicia , is it , to which peculiarly the decrees of the Councel at Jerusalem are sent , Act. 15.23 . and inscribed [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , To the brethren at Antioch — those of the Gentiles ] and that separately from the Jewish Church in that city or region , as is evident both by the contents of that Rescript , or Decretal Epistle , in which only the Gentiles were concerned , v. 28 , 29. and also by that which we read of S. Peter , and the Jewish proselytes , Gal. 2.11 . that they withdrew from all communion and Society with the Gentile Christians , upon which S. Paul reproved him publickly v. 12. According to this condition of disparate , not subordinate Churches at Antioch , it is , that the writer of the Apostolical constitutions tells us , that Euodius and Ignatius at the same time sate Bishops of Antioch , one succeeding S. Peter , the other S. Paul , one in the Jewish , the other in the Gentile congregation , and so continued a while , till both the Churches ( the wall of Separation being by compliance and Christian Charity removed ) joined , and united together under Ignatius , who therefore as by a Origen and b Eusebius he is called the Second , so by S. Hierome is called the third Bishop of Antioch , and yet as truly by c Athanasius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 said to be constituted Bishop after the Apostles , and by d S. Chrysostome to the same purpose ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — ) that the blessed Apostles hands were laid upon him , whil'st yet Theodoret ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) affirms him to have received the Archisacerdotal honour from the hands of S. Peter . § . 9. The same is as evident at Rome where these two great Apostles met again , and each of them erected and managed a Church , S. Peter of Jewes , S. Paul of Gentiles . So saith e S. Irenaeus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — the blessed Apostles founded and built the Church there ; and f Epiphanius more expressely , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Peter and Paul were Apostles and Bishops in Rome : So the Inscription on their Tombes , which , saith a Eusebius , continued to his time , mentions them both as founders of that Church . So Gaius an Ecclesiastick writer of great antiquity , coaetaneous to Pope Zephyrynus , speaking of the monuments of S. Peter and S. Paul , calls them b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the monuments of them that founded that Church . § . 10. So Dionysius the Bishop of Corinth , who lived about 20 years after their death , affirms both of the Church of Rome and of Corinth , c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that it was ( each of them ) the plantation of Peter and Paul ; And d Prosper , Petrus & Paulus Apostoli in urbe Româ — Peter and Paul the Apostles consecrated or constituted a Church in the city of Rome . And the very Seales of Popes are an irrefragable evidence of the same , as they are set down by Mathew Paris in the year of our Lord 1237. In bullâ Domini Papae , saith he , stat imago Pauli à dextris crucis in medio bullae figuratae , & Petri à sinistris ; In the Bull of the Pope stands the image of S. Paul on the right hand of the Crosse , which is graven in the midst of the Seal , and the image of S. Peter on the left hand ; and this only account given for S. Pauls having the nobler place ( Quia Paulus credidit in Christum quem non vidit , à dextris figuratur ) because he believed on Christ without seeing him ( here on earth ) And all this very agreeable to the story of Scripture , which as ( according to the brevity of the relations there made ) it only sets down S. Peter to be the Apostle of the circumcision ( and of his being so at Rome we make no question ) So it affirms of S. Paul , that he preached at Rome in his own hired house , receiving them which came unto him , Act. 28.30 . which will most fitly be applied to the Gentiles of that city , the Jewes having solemnly departed from him v. 29. § . 11. Accordingly in Ignatius , Ep. ad Trall . we read of Linus and Clemens , that one was S. Paul's , the other S. Peter's Deacon , both which afterward succeeded them in the Episcopal chaire , Linus being constituted Bishop of the Gentile , Clemens of the Jewish Christians there ; And hence growes ( unquestionably ) that variety , or difference observed among writers , some making S. Peter , others S. Paul the founder of that Church , but others ( as hath been shewed ) both of them ; some making Clemens , others Linus the first Bishop after the Apostles , both affirmers speaking the truth , with this Scholion to interpret them : Linus was the first Bishop of the Gentile Christians , after S. Paul ; Clemens the first of the Jewish after S. Peter ; and after Linus his death , Cletus ( or Anacletus ) succeeding him , and dying also , both congregations were at length joyned in one , under Clemens ; by which one clew I suppose it easie to extricate the Reader out of the mazes , into which the ancient writers may lead him , in rehearsing the first Bishops of Rome so very diversly , but this is not a place to insist on it . § . 12. By all which it appears that even in those Churches , whereof S. Peter is acknowledged the founder , as that of Rome , and the like , yet he cannot be deemed the sole founder , but coequal to him S. Paul of the Gentile , as he of the Jewish Proselytes : and if the sole government of that Church be devolved to the original , it will be found to have begun in Clemens , in whom the union of the Jewish and Gentile congregations there was first made , and not in S. Peter . § . 13. But then for another great part of the Christian world , it is manifest that S. Peter had never to doe either mediately , or immediately in the planting , or governing of it , and consequently that from him that power can never descend to any other . Not to mention the travailes and labours , and plantations of the other Apostles ; which certainly had each their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and consequently their Provinces by Apostolical joynt consent assigned them Act. 1. ( though that short History written by S. Luke , S. Paul's attendant , mention them not ) I shall only insist on the beloved Disciple his fellow-Apostle of the Circumcision , and that abundant Labourer S. Paul. § . 14. For S. John , who had the favour of Christ , and the dignity of place before all others in Christ's life time , even before S. Peter himself ( which is the plain meaning of his style of the beloved Disciple , and of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 leaning on his breast at supper Joh. 21.20 . his having the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the first place next to Christ , as being in Abrahams bosome plainly signifies being in dignity of place next to the father of the faithful ) 't is evident that he is one of those that by agreement went to the Circumcision , was assigned the Jewes for his Province , as well as S. Peter , and consequently he had the converting , and then governing of all the converted Jewes of that Lydian Asia , and placing Bishops over them , as a Clemens Alexandrinus , and b Eusebius , and c Prosper , and others tell us ; and the d Author of the Martyrdome of Timothy saith of him , that being returned from his banishment by Nerva's decree , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — he placed his seat of residence in Ephesus , and having seven Bishops with him he undertook the care of that Metropolis , that is in effect , or by interpretation , of all Asia , which was under that prime Metropolis , as far as extended to the Jewish Christians there . § . 15. But then as before was said of the several Churches and Bishops in the same place , one of the dispersed Jewes , the other of Gentiles ; so it is evident that through all this Asia ( the Lydian or Proconsular ) the faith was by S. Paul planted among the Gentile part , and by him S. Timothy constituted Bishop there : and so saith S. Chrysostome , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a whole intire nation , that of Asia was intrusted to him . § . 16. Where I shall demand of any man of the Romish pretensions , or perswasion , what can be said , in any degree probably , for S. Peters Vniversal Pastorship , whilst he lived , over this Asia , whose seven Metropoles ( and sure there were inferior Churches , or Episcopal Sees under them ) are so early famous , being honoured with Christs-Epistle to them in the Revelation ; was S. Peter the supreme Pastor of these Churches ? had he any , or did he ever exercise , or pretend any Jurisdiction over them ? was not all the Jewish part of that Province ultimately under S. John ? and the Gentile part under S. Paul , and S. Timothy constituted , and commissionated by him ? Doth not S. Paul give him full instructions ( and such as no other Apostle could countermand , or interpose in them ) leaving no other appeal or place of application for farther directions , save only to himself , when he shall come to him , 1 Tim. 3.14 , 15. Did not S. Paul by his own single power delegate that Province to him , and seat him there ? ( as appears by the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , I exhorted or appointed thee , when I went to Macedonia , 1 Tim. 1.3 . ) and may it not as reasonably be said that S. Peter was with him in his journey to Macedonia , as that he joyned with him in giving that Commission to Timothy ? § . 17. And so likewise of Titus in Crete , was he not by S. Paul peculiarly left in Crete , and constituted Primate there ? Is it imaginable that under Christ there could be any head of that Church of that whole Island , save only S. Paul ? § . 18. The same may certainly be said of all the Gentile Churches in all other Islands , and parts of the world , and consequently in this of Britannie , wherein our present debate is terminated : And therefore if that of * Simeon Metaphrastes should be thought to have truth in it , that S. Peter was in Britannie some time and baptized many into the faith of Christ , and constituted Churches , ordaining Bishops and Presbyters and Deacons in the 12. of Nero , in all reason it must be extended no farther then S. Peters line , as he was the Apostle of the Circumcision , i. e. to the Jewes that might at that time be dispersed here , and so not prejudge the other more authentick relations , of Joseph of Arimathea or Simon Zelotes having planted the faith in this Island . § . 19. This I suppose is one competent proof of the Negative , as it respects the person of S. Peter , that he was not ( could not be , as things stood with him ) Vniversal Pastor of the whole Church , constituted by Christ . And accordingly we see in Prosper disputing against hereticks : which divide from the Church , he expresses it by relictâ pace communionis , & panis unius Dei & Apostolorum , that they leave the Communion of Christ and his Apostles in the plural , and adds cum in ipsâ Hierusalem Jacobus — Joannes apud Ephesum , Andreas & caeteri per totam Asiam , Petrus & Paulus Apostoli in urbe Româ , Gentium Ecclesiam pacatam unámque posteris tradentes , ex Dominicâ pactione sacrarunt , that James in Jerusalem , John at Ephesus , Andrew and the rest through all Asia , Peter and Paul at Rome consecrated the Church of the nations . Whereas the Church had the several Apostles for the founders ( and those independent one from the other ) So the unity from which hereticks , and schismaticks depart , is said to have been founded equally in each of them , in John and James and Andrew and others , as well as in S. Peter , nay at Rome , not in S. Peter alone , but in him and S. Paul , together . § . 20. In the next place another evidence we may have of this ( in reference again to S. Peters person ) from that which is visible in the donation of the power of the Keyes set down in Scripture . This power Mat. 16.19 . is promised to S. Peter , [ I will give unto thee the keyes of the kingdome of heaven , and whatsoever thou shalt bind on earth shall be bound in heaven — ] But to him that from hence pretends this Donative and consequent power , as a peculiarity and inclosure of S. Peters , these considerations will be of force to supersede his conclusion , 1. That these words here set down by S. Matthew , c. 16. are not the Instrument of Christs conveyance , the words of his commission , but those other Joh. 20.21 . As my Father hath sent me , so send I you , upon which words it is added , he breathed on them , and said , Receive the holy Ghost , Whose sins you remit , they are remitted — And these ( as also those Mat. 28.19 . which are a repetition much to the same purpose ) are delivered in common , and equally to all , and every of the eleven Apostles , as is evident by the plural style throughout that Commission . § . 21. Secondly , The words Mat. 16. are only a promise in the future , what Christ will afterward do , and so the donation there set down only by way of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or anticipation , and if the making this promise to him peculiarly , seem to make any thing for him , then the repetition of that promise , Mat. 18.18 . which is made to all the Apostles indefinitely will take off that appearance , where it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , I say unto you ( to all of them equally and without any peculiarity of restriction ) whatsoever ye shall bind &c. The applying the words particularly to S. Peter hath one special energie in it , and concludes that the Ecclesiastical power of oeconomy or stewardship in Christ's house ( of which the keyes are the token Isa . 22.21 . ) belongs to single persons , such as S. Peter was , and not only to Consistories , or assemblies , that whatsoever S. Peter acted by virtue of Christs power thus promised , he should be fully able to act himself , without the conjunction of any other , and that what he thus did ( clave non errante ) no one ( or more men ) on earth could rescind without him , which is a just ground of placing the power Ecclesiastical in Single persons , and not in Communities , in the Prelate of each Church , and not in the Presbytery . But still this is no confining of this power to S. Peter , any more then to any other single Apostle , who had this power as distinctly promised to each of them , as here S. Peter is pretended , and acknowledged to have ; To which purpose , as the words of Scripture are most clear Mat. 18.18 . ( and accordingly Mat. 19. the promise is again made of twelve thrones for each Apostle to sit on one , to judge , i. e. to rule , or preside in the Church , and when that promise was finally performed in the descent of the Spirit , Act. 2. the fire that represented that Spirit was divided , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sat upon every one of them , without any peculiar mark allowed S. Peter , and they were all filled with the holy Ghost , and so this promise equally performed , as it was made , to all ) so is this exactly the notion , which the ancient Fathers of the Church appear to have had of them ; Thus Theophylact according to S. Chrysostomes sense , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Though the words [ I will give thee ] were delivered to S. Peter alone , yet the power hath been conferred on all the Apostles . S. Cyprian hath an eminent place to this purpose , Dominus noster — Episcopi honorem & Ecclesiae suae rationem disponens in Evangelio loquitur , & dicit Petro , Ego tibi dice , Quia tu es Petrus , & tibi dabo claves — Inde per temporum & successionum vices Episcoporum ordinatio & Ecclesiae ratio decurrit , ut Ecclesia super Episcopos constituatur , & omnis actus Ecclesiae per eosdem gubernetur , Christ meaning to set down the way of ordering his Church , saith unto Peter , I will give thee the keyes — From this promise of his , the ordination of Bishops and course of the Church hath continued by all successions and vicissitudes , So that the Church is built upon Bishops ( in the plural ) and every Ecclesiastick act is governed by them . So S. Ambrose , Claves illas regni Coelorum in beato Petro cuncti suscepimus Sacerdotes , All we Bishops have in S. Peter received those keyes of the kingdome of heavens . And accordingly S. Athanasius mentions the office of Bishop as one of those things 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which Christ effigiated or formed in or by the Apostles ; And S. Basil the great calls Episcopacy 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Presidency of the Apostles , the very same , that Christ bestowed upon all , and not only on one of them . § . 23. By all which it is evident again , that the power which Christs commission instated on S. Peter , was in like manner intrusted to every other single Apostle , as well as to him , and consequently that this of universal Pastor was no personal privilege , or peculiarity of S. Peters . § . 24. Thirdly , that argument which is taken by learned Romanists from the name of Peter [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Rock or foundation stone ] bestowed on him by Christ , as if that were sufficient to found this pretended Supremacy , is presently evacuated , and retorted on the pretenders , when 't is remembred 1. that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , directly the same , signifies vulgarly a stone ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in Homers Iliad . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ) and of it self denotes no more , but by the context , Mat. 16.18 . being applied to a building must needs signifie a foundation stone ; and then 2. that all the 12 Apostles are in like manner ( and not he only , or above any other ) styled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , twelve foundations Apoc. 21.14 . each of which stones having the name of an Apostle on it , in respect of the power , and dignity that belonged to every one , is severally compared to a precious stone ; And it being there in vision apparent , that the wall of the city , i. e. of the Church , being measured exactly , and found to be an hundred fourty four , i. e. twelve times twelve cubits , 't is evident that that mensuration assignes an equal proportion whether of power or province to all and every of the Apostles which is again a prejudice to the Vniversal Pastorship of any one of them . CHAP. V. The Evidences from the Bishop of Romes succeeding S. Peter examined . § . 1. FRom this argument of the pretenders as it respects S. Peters person , and hath thus been manifested to be utterly incompetent to inferre the designed conclusion , It is now very easie , but withall very unnecessary to proceed to the other part of it , as it concerns S. Peters successors in his Episcopal , or ( which is all one as to this matter ) his Apostolical seat , and power at Rome , For certainly what he had not himself , he cannot devolve to any of his successors upon that one skore of succeeding him , and therefore as this of S. Peters personal power , and eminence is the principal , So it is in effect the only ground of the Romanists pretension , this other of derivative power in his successor , being like water that flowes from a spring , apt to ascend no higher , then the fountain stood , and therefore I again think fit to remind the Romanist , and peremptorily to insist on this exception , that if he cannot make good S. Peters Oecumenical power , and Pastorship over all the rest of the Apostles , from the donation of Christ ( which I suppose hath been evidenced he cannot do , and for any proofs made use of by any to that purpose , and drawn either from Feed my sheep , and lambs , or from the mention of the two swords , or from Thou art Peter — they have so little apparence of strength in them , and have so often been answered by those of our perswasion , that I cannot think it useful , or seasonable to descend to any farther survey of them ) his other pretensions are at an end for the Vniversal Pastorship of the Pope his successor , whose power , and authority over all other Bishops cannot farther be extended ( upon this account of succession ) then S. Peter's was over all other Apostles , the several Bishops of the world holding from ( as succeeding ) some Apostle or other , as certainly as the Bishop of Rome can by any be supposed to succeed S. Pe-Peter , according to that of * Tertullian , Sicut Smyrnaeorum Ecclesia Polycarpum à Joanne collocatum refert , Sicut Romanorum Clementem à Petro ordinatum edit , perinde utique & caeterae exhibent quos ab Apostolis in Episcopatum constitutos Apostolici seminis traduces habent , As the records of the Church of Smyrna deduce Polycarp their Bishop from S. John , and as the Church of Rome relates that Clement ( their Bishop ) was ordained by S. Peter , in like manner the rest of the Churches shew us the Bishops which they have had constituted by the Apostles , and who have brought down and derived the Apostolick seed unto them . § . 2. What therefore I shall now adde in return to the second branch of this argument , concerning the power of S. Peters successor , as such , will be perfectly ex abundanti , more then needs , and so I desire it may be looked on by the reader , whose curiosity perhaps may require farther satisfaction , when his reason doth not , and in compliance therewith I shall propose these few considerations . * First whether S. Peter did not as truly plant a Church of Jewish believers at Antioch , and leave a successor Bishop there , as at Rome he is supposed to have done ? 2. Whether this were not done by him , before ever he came to Rome ? 3. Whether the Concession of these two unquestioned matters of fact ▪ doe not devolve all power , and Jurisdiction on the Bishop of Antioch S. Peters successor there , which by that tenure and claim of succession from S. Peter can be pretended to by the Bishop of Rome , S. Peters successor also ? Nay , Whether the right of Primogeniture be not so much more considerable on this side , then any circumstance on the other side , which can be offered to counterbalance it , that he which succeeded him in his first seat ( Antioch ) is , if there be force in the argument of succession , to be looked on as the chief of his strength , partaker of more power by virtue of that succession , then he that afterward succeeded him at Rome ? § . 3. This we know , that anciently there were three Patriarchates , and Antioch was one of them , as Rome was another ; and though I , who lay not that weight on the argument of succession from S. Peter , am not engaged to affirme that Antioch was the chief of these , yet this I contend , that there is much lesse reason , that any precedence , which is afforded Rome by the ancient Canons , should be deemed imputable to this succession from S. Peter , when 't is evident that claim belongs to Antioch , as well as to Rome , and first to Antioch , and afterwards to Rome , and no otherwise to Rome , then as it was first competible to Antioch . § . 4. Of Rome it is confessed that the primacy of dignity or order belonged to that , the next place to Alexandria , the third to Antioch , which is an evidence that the succession from S. Peter was not considered in this matter , for then Alexandria , which held only from S. Mark , must needs have yeelded to Antioch which held from S. Peter . The original of this precedence , or dignity of the Bishop of Rome is sure much more fitly deduced by the fourth General Councel holden at Chalcedon , confirming the decree of the Councel of Constantinople , that that See shall have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , equal privileges , and dignities , and advantages with Rome , upon this account , that Constantinople was New Rome , and the seat of the Empire at that time , which , say they , was the reason ( and not any donation of Christs to S. Peter , or succession of that Bishop from him ) that Rome enjoyed such privileges ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) and therefore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , The Fathers at Constantinople being moved with the same reasons had rightly judged that now the same privileges should belong to that Church or City , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and that this being next to Old Rome should in all Ecclesiastical affaires have the same dignity , or greatnesse that Old Rome had . Where , as the Original of the dignity of that See is duly set down , and ( which is observable ) in the whole contest never so much as quarelled at by the Legats , viz. the residence of the Imperial Majesty there ( a thing very remarkable in the several degrees of dignity in the Church , that of Patriarchs , Primates , Archbishops , Bishops , which generally observed their proportions with the civil state , as hath been shewed ) so is the nature of it also , no supremacy of power over all the Bishops of the world ( for that monarchical power is not at once competible to two equals or rivals ) and withall the moveablenesse or communicablenesse of that dignity , as that which may follow the Imperial seat , whithersoever it is removeable , and is not fixed at Rome by any commission of Christ or succession from S. Peter . § . 5. But because I shall suppose that a Canon , though of an Vniversal Councel , when it is found thus derogatory to the height which Rome now pretends to , shall not by the Romanist be acknowledged to be authentick , as wanting that which the Romanist makes absolutely necessary to the validity of Councels or Canons , the suffrage of the Bishop of Rome and consent of his Legates ; and because I mean not here to goe out of my way to vindicate ( which I could very readily doe ) the authority of that Canon , or to shew the strangenesse of this dealing , not to admit any testimony against them , but wherein they have given their own suffrage ( a method of security beyond all amulets , if no man shall be believed against me , till I have joyned with him to accuse and condemne my self ) I shall therefore lay no more weight on this , then will , without this support , be otherwise upheld , and is in some measure evident by the Romanists rejecting this Canon , and adding that the Church of Antioch rejected it also ; which argues that that which the Church of Constantinople was willing to acquire by this decree , was as derogatory to the dignity of Antioch as of Rome . And as that concludes that Antioch had professedly the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , equal privileges with Rome , the dignity of a Patriarchate , and the attendants and pompes of that , So it proceeds on a concession , that all that Constantinople wanted , or in which this New came short of the Old Rome , was only the dignity of a Patriarchate , without any ordinary jurisdiction over other Churches . Which again shewes us what was the nature of the preeminence of the Roman See at that time ; no supreme authoritative power over other Primates , but only a precedence , or priority of place in Councels , an eminence in respect of dignity , which is perfectly reconcileable with the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and independence , the no-subordination or subjection of other Primates . § . 6. This hath formerly been manifested , when we discoursed of the original , and power , and dignity of Primates , and Patriarchs , and is put beyond all controll by that Canon of the Councel of Ephesus in the cause of the Archbishop of Cyprus , over whom the Patriarch of Antioch , though Patriarch of all the Orient , was adjudged to have no manner of power . And this independency of Cyprus , not only from the Patriarch of Antioch , but from all others whomsoever , was contested then , as from the Apostles times , and asserted , and vindicated by that Councel , and order given indefinitely against all invasions for time to come , in whatever Diocese , that no Bishop shall encroach upon anothers Province , or usurp a power , where from the Apostles times he had not enjoyed it ; which how directly it ( is applicable to , and ) prejudgeth the pretensions of Rome , as well as of Antioch , is so manifest , that it cannot need farther demonstrating . § . 7. Of the same kind , two farther instances I shall here adde ; first of the Archbishop of Carthage , who being the chief Primate , or Metropolitan ( for these two words in the African style , different from the usage of other Churches , are observeable to signifie the same thing ) in Africk , i. e. in one of the thirteen Dioceses of the Empire , appears to have been independent from all other power , an absolute Primate , subject to no superiour , or Patriarch , whether of Alexandria , or Rome . This is evident by Justinian in the 131 Novel , where the Emperour gives the same privileges to the Archbishop of * Carthage , which he had formerly given to the Bishop of Justiniana prima ; which being the second example I meant to mention , I shall briefly shew what that Prerogative was , which equally belonged to these two . § . 8. Justiniana Prima was the head of a Dacia the new ; a Diocese ( as that signifies more then a Province , a b Primat's , a Patriarch's dominion ) erected by Justinian the Emperour ; and that city thus dignified , as the c place where he had been born , and the Archbishop thereof made Primate of all that Diocese . This is thus expressed in the Imperial Constitutions , Nov. 11. that he shall have omnem censuram Ecclesiasticam , summum Sacerdotium , summum fastigium , summam dignitatem , all power of Ecclesiastical jurisdiction , the supreme Priesthood , supreme honour and dignity ; And in the Constitutions set out by Gothofred out of an old MS. Copy , Tu & omnes Justinianae primae Antistites , quicquid oriatur inter eos discrimen , ipsi hoc dirimant , & finem eis imponant , & nec ad alium quendam eatur , sed suum agnoscant Archiepiscopum omnes praedictae Provinciae — that all the Provinces shall in the last resort make their appeal to him for all controversies . And Nov. 131. c. 3. that in all that Diocese he shall have locum Apostolicae sedis , the place or dignity of an Apostolical seat ; which gave Nicephorus occasion ( in his relation of this matter ) to affirme that the Emperour made it a free city , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an head unto itself , with full power independent from all others : And though the first Bishop thereof was consecrated by Vigilius Bishop of Rome , as by some Bishop it is certain he must , yet that is of no force against the conclusion , to which I designe this instance , it being evident that being consecrated , he was absolute , and depended not on any , and his * successors were to be ordained by his Councel of Metropolitanes , and not by the Pope . § . 9. Which as it makes a second instance of the point in hand , so when it is remembred , that all this independent absolute power was conferred upon this city ( the Emperors favorite ) only by his making it a Primate's , or chief Metropolitane's See , and that Carthage's being the Prime Metropolis of Africk is expressed by having the same privileges , that Justiniana Prima had , It will follow ( what is most certain , and might otherwise be testified by innumerable evidences ) that every Primate , or chief Metropolitane was absolute within his own circuit , neither subject nor subordinate to any forein Superiour , whether Pope , or Patriarch ; And that was all which was useful ( much more then was necessary ) to be here demonstrated . And being so , there remains to the See of Rome no farther claim to the subjection of this Island , nor appearance of proof of the charge of schisme , in casting off that yoke , upon this first score of S. Peter's , or his successors right to the Vniversal Pastorship . § . 10. Upon this head of discourse depends also all that is , or can be said for the confining the Catholick Church to the number of those , who live in obedience to the Roman Church , or Bishop . For if there have been from the Apostles times , an independent power vested in each Primate , or chief Metropolitane ( as hath been evidently shown ) then how can it be necessary to the being of a member of the Catholick Church , to be subject to that one Primate ? 'T is certainly sufficient to the conservation of the unity of the whole Church , that every one pay an obedience , where an obedience is due , and no way usefull toward that end , that those that are born free , should resigne up , divest themselves of that privilege , and become 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 servants or subjects of their own making . But I shall not enlarge on this matter , but conclude with that of our Bishops in Convocation , Anno Chr : 1537. in their Book intituled , [ The Institution of a Christian man : ] that it was many hundred years before the Bishop of Rome could acquire any power of a Primate over any other Bishops , which were not within his Province in Italie , And that the Bishops of Rome doe now transgresse their own profession made in their Creation , For all the Bishops of Rome alwaies when they be consecrated and made Bishops of that See , doe make a solemn profession and vow , that they shall inviolably observe all the Ordinances made in the eight first General Councels , among which it is especially provided , that all causes shall be determined within the Province , where they be begun , and that by the Bishops of the same Province ; which absolutely excludes all Papal , i. e. forein power out of these Realms . CHAP. VI. Their third plea from the Bishop of Rome having planted Christianity among us . § . 1. THE next part of the Romanist's arguing against us , is taken from a peculiar right , or claim , that the Bishop or See of Rome hath to our obedience , upon the score of having planted Christianity among us . § . 2. But before I proceed to shew the invalidity of this plea , I desire it may first be observed , that the pleading of this , as the title by which the Bishop of Rome hath right to our subjection , is absolutely unreconcileable with his former pretensions founded in his oecumenical Pastorship by succession to S. Peter ; For certainly he that is supposed ( in grosse ) to have that original title to all power over all Churches , cannot be imagined to acquire it afterward ( by way of retail ) over any particular Church . He that claims a reward , as of his own labour and travail , must be supposed to disclaim Donation , which is antecedent to , and exclusive of the other , as the title of descent is to that of Conquest , And it is a very great prejudice to the justice of his pretensions , who findes it necessary to mix things that are so incompetible . § . 3. And therefore I am obliged to offer this Dilemma to the Romanist in this place , and to demand , Which is the Pope's true title to the subjection of this Island ? the Donation of Christ , or conversion wrought by Augustine the Monk ? If the latter be affirmed to be it , then it must be granted by him , both that this Island before the time of Pope Gregory was no way subjected to the Romish See , and withall that no Christian nation is at this day thus subject , but such as doth appear to have been converted by Rome , as the Saxons here are supposed to have been ; And then this concession will lose more subjects to the Apostolick See , then the return of these Islands to the desired subjection would ever be able to countervail , or recompense ; and therefore it is reasonable to insist on the terms of this bargain , and not to yeild the one , till the other be yeilded to us , But if the former be affirmed to be it , and that indeed the commission from Christ to S. Peter be still the fundamental hold , by which our subjection is , and alwaies hath been due to his successors , then is that other of the conversion by Augustine but a fallacious pretense , a non causa pro causâ , to amuze us , and need not farther be answered , or invalidated , then by this confession . § . 4. But then passing by this advantage , and taking the objection , as it lies by it self , these farther considerations will take off all force from it . 1. That this Island was converted to the Faith of Christ , long before Augustine's preaching to the Saxons , either in , or very neer the Apostles times , in Tiberius his reign , saith Gildas , and long before Tertullian's , and Origen's time , as by them appears , Tertull : in Apol : and Orig : in Ezech : Hom : 4. To this I shall not need to adde the testimony of Eleutherius the Bishop of Rome , in the vulgar Epistle to our Lucius , the first Christian King of the world , styling him vicarium Dei in regno suo , God's vicegerent in his own kingdome , because , as there is some doubt of the authenthenticknesse of that Epistle , so the * only thing that we have now need to conclude from it , is otherwise evident , viz : that the Nation was in his time converted , and so long before Augustine's coming . And though by Dioclesian's persecution , Christianity were here shrewdly shaken , yet I suppose , that will not be thought argumentative , both because it might be of ill example against other nations , where the faith was as bloodily persecuted in that , or other times , and possibly at some point of time against Rome it self , where S. Peter's chair was not alwaies amulet sufficient to avoid the like destructions , and especially because it is evident , that the British Church survived that calamity , three of our Bishops being ten years after that , present ( and their names subscribed , Eborius of Yorke , Restitutus of London , and Adelfius Coloniae Londinensium ) at the Councel of Arles , eleven years before the first Councel of Nice . So likewise at the time of that Nicene Councel it appears , that as Britaine was one of the six Dioceses of the West Empire ( see Notitia Provinc : Occident : ) so there were in it three Metropolitanes , the Bishop of York ( his Province Maxima Caesariensis ) the Bishop of London ( his Province Britannia prima ) the Bishop of Caeruske ( his Province Britannia secunda ) in Monmouthshire , * which after in King Arthur's time was translated to S. Davids , where it continued an Archbishoprick , till King Henry I. who subjected it to Canterbury , and † all this space of about 500 years after Augustines coming , the Bishops thereof , eleven in number , were all consecrated by the suffragan Bishops of that Province , without any profession , or subjection to any other Church , as the Annales there affirm . § . 5. To the same purpose is it , that when Augustine required subjection to the Pope and Church of Rome , the Abbat of Bangor is recorded to have returned him this answer , Notum sit vobis , quòd nos omnes sumus — Be it known unto you , that we are all subject , and obedient to the Church of God , and the Pope of Rome , but so as we are also to every pious and good Christian , viz : to love every one in his degree and place , in perfect charity , and to help every one by word and deed to attain to be the sons of God ; † Et aliam obedientiam quàm istam non scio debitam ei quem vos nominatis esse Papam , nec esse Patrem Patrum vendicari & postulari , And for any other obedience I know none due to him whom you call the Pope , and as little doe I know by what right he can challenge to be father of fathers , Bishop of Bishops , or Vniversal Bishop . Praeterea nos sumus sub gubernatione Episcopi Caerlegionensis super Oscâ — As for us , we are under the rule of the Bishop of Caerlegion upon Vsk , who is to overlook and govern us under God. § . 6. From hence the result is clear , that whatever is pretended from Augustine the Monk , or supposed to have been then pressed by him , for the advancing of the Popes interest in this Island , and concluding us guilty of Schisme in casting off that yoke , yet the British Bishops still holding out against this pretension , and that with all reason on their side , if the title of conversion , which the Romanist pleads for our subjection , may be of any validity with him , it must needs follow , that the whole Island cannot upon this score of Augustine's conversion , be now deemed schismatical , it being certain , that the whole Island , & particularly the Dominion of Wales , was not thus converted by Augustine , nor formerly by any sent from Rome , or that observed the Roman Order ( as appears by the observation of Easter , contrary to the usage received at Rome ) but either by Joseph of Arimathea , or Simon Zelotes , as our Annals tell us most probably . And this in the first place must needs be yeilded to by those that expect to receive any advantage to their cause by this argument ; And if they will still extend their title equally , to those parts of Britannie , which Augustine did not , as to those which he did convert , to Wales , as well as to Kent , it is evident they must doe it upon some other score ( whatsoever the pretense be ) and not upon this of conversion . § . 7. But then 2 dly , for as much of this Island , as was really converted to the Faith by the coming of Augustine , there is no title for their subjection , and the perpetual subjection of their posterity from this . § . 8. To examine this a while by other known practises of the Christian world , S. Paul by himself or his Apostles , or Procurators , was the great Converter of the Gentiles ; Concerning him I shall demand , whether all those nations converted by him and his ministers , are to all ages obliged to be subject to that chair , where S. Paul sat ( whether in the Church at Antioch , or Rome , or the like ) at the time of his sending out , or going himself to convert them ; If so , then 1. there cannot be a greater prejudice imaginable to S. Peter's Vniversal Pastorship ; And 2. it will in the story of the fact appear to have no degree of truth in it ; Timothie that was placed over Asia in Ephesus , and Titus over Crete , being ( as hath formerly appeared ) supreme in those Provinces , and independent from any other See , And generally that is the nature of Primates or Patriarchs , to have no superior either to ordain , or exercise jurisdiction over them , but themselves to be absolute within their Province , and their successors to be ordained by the suffragan Bishops under them ; which could not be , if every such Church , where such a Primate was placed , were subject to that Church , from which they received the Faith. § . 9. To put this whole matter out of controversie , It is , and hath alwaies been in the power of Christian Emperors , and Princes within their Dominions to erect Patriarchates , or to translate them from one city to another , and therefore whatever title is supposeable to be acquired by the Pope in this Island upon the first planting of the Gospel here , this cannot so oblige the Kings of England ever since , but that they may freely remove that power from Rome to Canterbury , and subject all the Christians of this Island to the spiritual power of that Archbishop or Primate , independently from any forein Bishop . § . 10. For the erection of Primacies or Patriarchates , that of Justiniana Prima † forementioned , and set down at large , is an evident proof , Justinian erecting that ( long after the rest of the Primates seats in the Empire ) to be an Archiepiscopal See , absolute and independent , and subjecting all Dacia the new to it ▪ And though the Pope Vigilius was by the Emperour appointed to ordain the first Bishop there , yet were his successors to be ordained by his own Metropolitanes , and the Bishops under him not to appeal to any others , as hath in each particular formerly been evidenced . § . 11. The same also hath in like manner been shewn of Carthage , which was by the same Justinian ( not originally dignified , but ) † after the rescuing it out of the Vandales hands , restored to a state of Primacie , after the pattern or image of Justiniana Prima , and two Provinces more annexed , then had antiently belonged to that Bishops jurisdiction . § . 12. Before either of these the Emperour Valentinian the 3 d , Anno Christi 432. by his Rescript constituted Ravenna a Patriarchal seat ; And from his time that held the Patriarchate without any dependence on the Bishop of Rome to the time of Constantinus Pogonatus , And though at that time the Greek Emperors Vicarii or Exarchs being not able to support the Bishop of Ravenna against the Longobards , he was fain to flie for support to the Bishop of Rome , and so submitted himself unto him , and after Reparatus , the next Bishop Theodorus did the like to Pope Agatho , whether upon the score of great friendship with him , or in despite to his own Clergie ( with whom he had variance ) saith Sabellicus , yet the people of Ravenna thought themselves injured hereby , and joyned with their next Bishop Foelix to maintain their privilege , though Pope Constantine stirring up Justinian 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 against them , they were worsted , and defeated in their attempt . § . 13. Other examples there are of this kinde , * Balsamon points at some , which from the † Emperours charter had this privilege , not to be subject to the Patriarch of Constantinople , calling them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which were Archbishops independent : So under Phocas , the Patriarchate of Grado in Italie was erected , saith * Warnefridus de gestis Longobard : Others , as Eginartus Chancellor to Charles the Great , and who wrote his life , say it was done by Charles the Great . And so doth Rhegino who lived in the next age . And accordingly in Duarenus de Benef : lib. 1. cap. 9. among the Minorum Gentium Patriarchatus , that of Grado is reckoned for one , and joyned with Aquileia , Canterbury and Bourges . § . 14. And that it was a frequent usage in the East , may appear by the 12 th Canon of the Councel of Chalcedon , where we finde mention of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , cities honoured by letters patents from the Kings or Emperors with the name and dignity of Metropoles , and where the Councel represses the ambition of Bishops , which sought those privileges 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by Rescripts from the Emperours , and censures it , ( in them that so sought it ) as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not agreeable to the Ecclesiastical Canons , repressing the ambition of the Bishops , but not cassating the Rescripts , nor withdrawing the honour from the Metropolis so erected ; Of this Canon Balsamon saith , that when it was made , many Emperours had erected many Metropolitanes , and naming three , adds , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that other Bishopricks were thus honoured , and that the Emperours did it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , according to the power that was given them . Where it is farther to be observed , 1. that this Councel was within 20 years after that grant of Valentinian , and consequently , if Balsamon say right , ( that at that time many Emperours had erected many ) there must needs be others before Valentinian . 2. That the 17 th Canon of the Councel of Chalcedon doth more expresly attribute this power to the Prince , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , If a city be built or restored by the Kings power , let the Ecclesiastical order follow the Political . And the same power is acknowledged to belong to the Prince by the Councel in Trullo Can : 38. And then 3. that these two last Canons are reconciled with that 12 th of Chalcedon , by the law of Alexius Comnenus , and assented to by the Synod under him , See Balsam : in Can : 38. Concil : in Trullo , who concludes that the King might doe it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , upon his own incitation or motion , but it should not be lawful for any by base sollicitation to seek or obtain it , adding that in that case , upon any such Rescript of the Emperour for such erection , it might be lawful for the Patriarch to suspend the confirmation of the Charter , untill he represented to the Emperour what the Canons were in that case , and understood if the Emperour did it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from his own motion , which appearing , the Patriarch was to admit thereof . And accordingly the same Balsamon ( on Concil : Carthag : Can : 16. ) doth upon that Canon professedly found the authority of Princes , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to advance an Episcopal See into a Metropolis , and anew to constitute Bishops and Metropolitanes . § . 15. As for the transplanting it also from one city to another , besides that the power of doing that , is consequent to the former , the examples of this practise are antient , and frequent in this kingdome ; The passage set down out of the Annals of Gisburne may be sufficient , From Caeruske the Metropolitan seat was translated to S. Davids by King Arthur , where it continued till Henry I. and then was reduced to Canterbury . § . 16. In like manner 't is evident that the Kings of England have divided Bishopricks , and erected new ones ; About the year 630. Kinigilsa King of the West-Saxons , and Oswald of the Northumbers , erected an Episcopal See at Dorchester , and placed Birinus in it , so saith Guil : Malmesb : de Gest : Pontif : Angl : l. 2. About the year 660 , Kenewalch King of the West-Saxons divided this Bishoprick , and left part to Dorchester , and assigned the western part to be the Diocese of the new Bishop , which he constituted at Winchester , so saith Hen : Huntingd : Hist : l. 3. Then Winchester was subdivided in the time of King Ina , who also erected a new Bishoprick at Sherburne , and gave it to Aldelme , so Henr : Huntingd : l. 4. and Guil : Malm : de Reg : Angl : l. 1. c. 2. And after the Norman conquest , Henry I. divided Cambridgeshire from the See of Lincolne , and erected the Bishoprick of Elie , so saith Guiliel : Malm : de Gest : Pontif : Angl : l. 4. and Florentius Wigorn : Anno 1109. who lived at that time . So also saith Eadmer with some variation , Regi , Archiepiscopo , caeterísque Principibus regni visum fuit de ipsâ Parochiâ ( Lincolniae ) sumendum , quo fieret alter Episcopatus , cujus cathedra Principatus poneretur in Abbatiâ de Eli , It seemed good to the King , the Archbishop , and the rest of the Princes of the kingdome to take as much out of the Diocese of Lincolne , as would make another Bishoprick , the chair whereof should be set up in the Abbacie of Elie. Adding indeed that Anselme ( a zealous , promoter of the Papal authority , as the author Eadmer was a disciple and admirer of Anselme ) wrote to Pope Paschalis , desiring his consent to it , as a thing fit to be done , and yet to which he assures him he would not give his consent , but salvâ authoritate Papae , reserving the rights of the Pope ; Which though it doth suppose the Popes pretensions to that authority at that time , and Anselm's yeilding it to him , yet it proves also this right of our Kings to have been even then adhered to , preserved , and exercised by them , as the former authors had set it down . § . 17. Of this nature also is the authority of Kings in exempting any Ecclesiastical person from the Bishops Jurisdiction , and granting Episcopal Jurisdiction to such person , which is largely asserted and exemplified in Cawdries case 5. Report . 14. One instance of this will serve for all , that of William the Conqueror , who exempted Battel Abbey in Sussex from the Jurisdiction of the Bishop of Chichester , and gave the Abbat Episcopal Jurisdiction in his Territorie and the words of the Charter are produced by M r ▪ Selden on Eadmer , Hoc regali authoritate & Episcoporum ac Baronum meorum attestatione constituo , I appoint this by my royal authority by the attestation of my Bishops and Barons . § . 18. Adde even unto this , that even the Westerne Princes ( in those parts where the Bishops of Rome have much hightned their power , ever since the Kings were Christians ) the German Emperours , the Kings of France and England , alwayes claimed to be founders of all Bishopricks in their Dominions , Patrons of them to bestow them by investiture , that the Kings of France and England often claimed and were acknowledged to have right , that no Legate from Rome might come into the Land , and use jurisdiction without their leave ; All which put together are a foundation for this power of the Princes to erect or translate a Patriarchate , It being withall acknowledged that our Kings have the same authority in their Territories , that the Roman Emperour had in the Empire . § . 19. And the reason of all this is clear , not only from the supreme authority of Kings in all sorts of causes , even those of the * Church , as well as Civil ( as might be proved at large , if here it were needful , and cannot be reasonably so confined , as not to belong to a matter of this nature ) but peculiarly from that which hath been already noted ( and expressely , ordered , Can. 17. of the Councel of Chalcedon even now cited ) of the Ecclesiastical division of Provinces &c : following the civil , For 1. it being certainly in the power of the King to place his Praetoria or courts of Assizes , where he please ; and 2. it being the known original of Metropoles , and divisions of Provinces ( as Strabo saith , Geogr. l. 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Provinces are variously distributed , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because the Romanes divide them not by tribes or families , but after another manner in relation to the cities , where they set up their courts of Assizes — ) and again it being most reasonable , that as any new accident raises one city to a greater populousnesse , or depresses another , so for the convenience of the people one should be made the seat of Judicature , the other cease to be so , ( and no man so fit to passe the judgement when this should be , as the King ) and 3. the very same reasons of convenience moving in the Church , as in the State , the Bishops , and over them Metropolitanes and Primates having their judicatures , and audiences , which in all reason must be so disposed of , as may be most for the convenience of administration , that they and all under them may do their duties with most facility , and to greatest advantage , and lastly there being no obstacle imaginable from any contrary constitution either of Christ or his Apostles , against which the Prince can be said to offend either directly or interpretatively ( as I suppose is already clear from the refutation of the plea from S. Peters universal Pastorship ) whensoever he shall think fit to make such changes , the Conclusion is rational , as well as evident ; just that it should be so , as well as cleare , that elsewhere it hath oft been so de facto , ( and appointed by the Canon of Chalcedon de jure ) that the King may erect a Primacy when he please ( and so it is certain that King Ethelbert at the time of Augustines planting the faith , did at Canterbury , the seate of his Kingdome , Imperit sui totius Metropolis saith Bede l. 1. c 25. ) & conquently remove it from any other place at his pleasure : Had it not been for this , there is no reason assignable , why , this nation being in Constantines time under three Metropolitans , the Arch-bishop of York ( and the Primacy belonging to that city , as being then the Emperours seat , where Septimius Severus , and Constantius Chlorus died , and the Praetorium of the Diocese of Britannie ) the Arch-bishop of London , and the Arch-bishop of Caerusk in Monmouthshire , either 1. there should be ( as there was ) an addition of two Provinces more , Valentia , and Flavia Caesariensis , or 2. the Metropolitical power should be removed from London to Canterbury ( as also from Caerusk to S. David's , as hath been said ) and the Primacie from Yorke to Canterbury . § . 20. Now what is thus vested in the Regal power , cannot be taken away by forein laws , or by prescription be so alienated , but that it remains perfectly lawful for the Prince to resume it . sect ; . 21. That laws made at Rome doe not take away the liberty of another national Church to make contrary laws thereunto , and that by such obviation no Schisme is incurred , we finde delivered in the Councel of Carthage ( Can : 71. according to Balsamon's division ) And though the Canon be not set down by Binius , yet both he and Baronius acknowledge , that what was contain'd in that particular Canon , was the main occasion of the Synod ; And the Antiquity thereof is considerable , those Canons being made , say Baronius and Binius , Anno 401. § . 22. So likewise that a Law ( though made by a General Councel and with the consent of all Christian Princes , yet ) if it have respect to a civil right , may , in this or that nation , be repealed , is the judgment of Roger Widrington ( or Father Preston ) in his last rejoinder to Fitzherbert c. 11. § . 44. and c. 8. he confirms it by the doctrine of Zuarez , l. 2. de leg : c. 19. and the reason of Zuarez is , because such a law made at a general meeting of Princes , is intrinsecally a civil law ; and hath not force by virtue of the law to binde the subjects of any particular kingdome , or Common-wealth , any otherwise then as it is enacted , or received by the Governors and subjects of that kingdome . § . 23. And this is affirmed , and extended by Balsamon to all Canons in general , as the judgment of learned men , in his notes on that 16 th Canon of the Councel of Carthage before cited . § . 24. And for the matter of Prescription , the decision of † Sayr is worth observing , that in such cases as these , Cum Praescriptio sit tantùm de jure Civili & Canonico , When the Prescription is neither of the law of Nature , nor the Divine law , nor the law of Nations , but only of the Civil and Canon law , there non plus se extendit quàm unusquisque supremus Princeps in suo Regno eam suis legibus extensam esse velit , it extends no farther then every supreme Prince in his Realm by his laws is supposed to will that it shall be extended , which , saith he , cannot be supposed , in matters of this nature , of exempting subjects from making their appeal to their King , for saith he , non est de mente alicujus Principis ut quispiam subditorum possit praescribere quòd ad Principem ab eo non appelletur , aut quòd eum coercere non potest , quando ratio & justitia postulat . It is not imaginable to be the minde of any Prince , that any of his subjects should be able to prescribe that he is not to appeal to his Prince ( but to some other ) or that his Prince may not punish him when reason and justice requires . It were easie to apply this distinctly to the confirming of all , that I here pretend , but I shall not thus expatiate . CHAP. VII . Their third Evidence from our casting off Obedience to the Bishop of Rome at the Reformation . § . 1. UPon that one ground laid in the former Chapter , the power of Kings in general , and particularly ad hunc actum to remove Patriarchates ; whatsoever can be pretended against the lawfulnesse of the Reformation in these kingdomes , will easily be answered . And therefore supposing the third , and last objection to lie against our Reformation , that it was founded in the casting off that obedience to the Bishop of Rome , which was formerly paid him by our Bishops , and people under them , I shall now briefly descend to that , first laying down the matter of fact , as it lies visible in our records , and then vindicating it from all blame of schisme , which according to the premises can any way be thought to adhere to it . § . 2. And first for the matter of fact , it is acknowledged , that in the reigne of King Henry VIII . the Papal ( and with it all forein ) power in Ecclesiastical affairs was both by acts of Convocation of the Clergie , and by statutes or acts of Parliament , cast out of this kingdome . The first step or degree hereof was the Clergie's synodical recognizing the King , singularem Ecclesiae Anglicanae Protectorem , unicum & supremum Dominum — the singular Protector , the only and supreme Head of the Church of England , Upon this were built the statutes of 24 Hen : VIII . prohibiting all Appeals to Rome , and for the determining all Ecclesiasticall suits , and controversies within the kingdome ; The statute of 25 Hen : VIII . for the manner of electing and consecrating of Archbishops and Bishops , and another , in the same year , prohibiting the payment of all impositions to the court of Rome , and for the obtaining all such dispensations from the See of Canterbury , which were formerly procured from the Popes of Rome , and that of 26 Hen : VIII . declaring the King to be the supreme head ( which in Queen Elizabeth's reign was , to avoid mistakes , changed into supreme Governour ) of the Church of England , and to have all honours and praeeminencies , which were annexed to that title . § . 3. This was in the next place attended with the submission of the Clergie to the King , agreed on , first in Convocation , and afterward in 25 Hen : VIII . enacted by Parliament , to this purpose , that as it was by the Clergie acknowledged that the Convocation of the Clergie then was , alwaies had been , and ought to be assembled by the Kings writ , and as they submitting themselves to the King's Majestie had promised in verbo sacerdotis , that they would never from thenceforth presume to attempt , allege , claim , or put in ure , enact , promulge , or exercise any new Canons , Constitutions , Ordinances Provincial or other — unlesse the King 's most royal assent may to them be had to make , promulge , & execute the same — so it was now enacted , that none of the Clergie should enact , promulge , or execute any such Canons , Constitutions , and Ordinances Provincial or Synodical , without assent and authority received from the King , upon pain of imprisonment , and fine at the Kings pleasure . § . 4. The third and last step of this began with the debate of the Vniversities , and most eminent Monasteries in the kingdome ; An aliquid authoritatis in hoc Regno Angliae Pontifici Romano de jure competat , plusquam alii cuiquam Episcopo extero ? Whether any authority did of right belong to the Bishop of Rome in the Kingdome of England more then to any other forein Bishop ? and upon agitation , it was generally defined in the negative , and so returned testified under their hands and seals . The like was soon after concluded , and resolved by the Convocation of the Bishops , and all the Clergie , and subscribed and confirmed by their corporal oathes : And at that time was written and printed the Tract de verâ differentiâ Regiae et Ecclesiasticae potestatis , set out by the Prelates , the chief composers of which were , John Stokesly , Bishop of London ; Cutbert Tunstall , Bishop of Durham ; Stephen Gardiner , Bishop of Winchester ; and D r Thirlby afterward Bishop ; where from the practise of the Saxon , and first Norman Kings they evidence the truth of that Negative out of story . And what was thus concluded by the Clergie was soon turned into an Act of Parliament also in 28 Hen : VIII . called An Act extinguishing the authority of the Bishop of Rome , and prescribing an oath to all Officers Ecclesiastical , and lay , of renouncing the said Bishop and his authority . § . 5. By these three degrees it is acknowledged that the Bishops and Clergie first , then the King confirming the Acts of the Convocation , and after making Acts of Parliament to the same purposes , renounced the authority of the Roman See , and cast it out of this Island ; and though the first Act of the Clergie in this were so induced , that it is easie to believe that nothing but the apprehension of dangers which hung over them ( by a Praemunire incurred by them ) could probably have inclined them to it , & therefore I shall not pretend that it was perfectly an act of their first will , and choice , but that which the necessity of affairs recommended to them , yet the matter of right being upon that occasion taken into their most serious debate in a synodical way , and at last a fit and commodious expression uniformly pitch'd upon by joynt consent of both houses of the Convocation , there is no reason to doubt , but that they did believe what they did professe , the fear being the occasion of their debates , but the reasons or arguments offered in debate , the causes ( as in all charity we are to judge ) of their decision . § . 6. But I shall not lay much weight on that judgment of charity , because if that which was thus determined by King and Bishops were falsly determined , then the voluntarinesse , or freenesse of the determination will not be able to justifie it , and on the other side , if the determination were just , then was there truth in it , antecedent to , and abstracted from the determination , and it was their duty so to determine , and crime that they were unwilling to doe it . And therefore the whole difficulty devolves to this one enquiry , Whether at that time of the reign of Henry VIII . the Bishop of Rome were supreme head , or Governour of this Church of England , or had any real authority here , which the King might not lawfully remove from him to some other , viz : to the Archbishop of Canterbury , if he pleased . § . 7. And this is presently determined upon the grounds which have been formerly laid , and confirmed to have truth in them . For the pretensions for the Popes supremacy of power among us being by the assertors thereof founded in one of these three , either in his right ( as S. Peter's successour ) to the Vniversal Pastorship , that including his power over England , as a member of the whole ; or 2. by the paternal right which by Augustine's planting the Gospel among the Saxons is thought to belong to the Pope ( and his successours ) that sent him ; or 3. in the voluntary concession of some Kings ; the two former of these have been largely disproved already , Chap. 4 , 5 , and 6. in discourses purposely , and distinctly applied to those pretensions . And for the third , that will appear to have received its determination also , I. by the absolutenesse of the power of our Princes , ( to which purpose I shall mention but one passage , that of † G. de Heimburg , some two hundred years since in the last words of his tract de Injust : Vsurp : Pap : where speaking of the Emperors making oath to the Pope , he saith , that this is a submission in him , and a patience above what any other suffers , and proves it by this argument , Nam eximius Rex Angliae , Franciae , Dux , Marchio , non astringitur Papae quocunque juramento : factus Imperator jurare tenetur secundum Decretales eorum fabulosè fictas , ita ut supremus Monarcha magis servilis conditionis , quàm quilibet ejus inferior fieri censeatur , The King of England and France , any Duke or Marquesse of that Kingdome is not bound to the Pope by any oath , yet the Emperour at his creation is thus bound to swear according to the Popes Decretals fabulously invented , so that the supreme Monarch is made to be of a more servile condition then any his inferior Prince — . ) And 2. by the rights of Kings to remove or erect Patriarchates , and will be farther confirmed in the Negative , if answer be first given to this Dilemma . § . 8. The authority of the Pope in this Kingdome , which is pretended to be held by the concession of our Kings , was either so originally vested in our Kings , that they might lawfully grant it , to whom they pleased , pleased , and so did lawfully grant it to the Pope ; or it was not thus originally vested in our Kings ; If it were not , then was that grant an invalid , null grant , for such are all concessions of that which is not ours to give , presumptions , invasions , robberies in the giver , which devolve no right to the receiver , and then this is a pitiful claim which is thus founded : But if that authority were so vested in the Kings of England , that they might lawfully grant it to whom they pleased , ( which is the only way by which the Pope can pretend to hold any thing by this title of regal concession ) then certainly the same power remains still vested in the King to dispose it from him to some other as freely , as the same King may upon good causes remove his Chancellour , or any other of his officers from his place , and commit it to another ( this way of arguing is made use of by the Bishops in Convocation , Anno Chr : 1537. in the Book by them intituled [ The Institution of a Christian man ] ) Or if the same power doe not still remain in the King , then is the King's power diminished , and he consequently by this his act , of which we treat , become lesse a King , then formerly he was , And then we know that such acts which make him so , are invalid acts , it being acknowledged to be above the power of the King himself , to divest himself and his successors of any part of his regal power . § . 9. To which purpose it must be observed , 1. that some things are so ours , that we may freely use them , but cannot freely part with them , as all those things , wherein our propriety is not confined to our persons , but intailed on our posterity , and such the regal power is supposed to be ; 2. That as some things which are part of our personal proprieties , are so freely ours to give , that when they are given , they are departed out of our selves , and cannot justly be by us resumed again ( in which case that Maxim of the civil law stands good , data eo ipso qu● dantur , fiunt accipientis , what is given , by the very act of being given , becomes the goods of the receiver ) so other things are given to others , so as we doe not part with them our selves , they are as truly , and properly ours , after , as before the Concession . § . 10. Thus the Sun communicates his beams , and with them his warmth and influences , and yet retains all which it thus communicates , and accordingly withdraweth them again , And God the spring of all life , and grace , doth so communicate each of these , that he may , and doth freely withdraw them again , and when he taketh away our breath we die — And thus certainly the King , being the fountain of all power and authority , as he is free to communicate this power to one , so is he equally free to recall , and communicate it to another , And therefore may as freely bestow the power of Primate , and chief Metropolitan of England , or ( which is all one ) of a Patriarch , on the Bishop of Canterbury , having formerly thought fit to grant it to the Bishop of Rome , as he or any of his Ancestors can be deemed to have granted it to the Bishop of Rome ; And then as this being by this means evidenced to be no more then an act of regal power , ( which the King might lawfully exercise ) takes off all obligation of obedience in the Bishops to the Pope , at the first minute , that he is by the King divested of that power , or declared not to have had it de jure , but only to have assumed it formerly ( which freedome from that obedience immediately clears the whole businesse of schisme , as that is a departure from the obedience of the lawful superiour ) so will there not want many weighty reasons , deducible from the antient Canons , as well as the maximes of civil government , why the King who may freely place the Primacy , where he please , should choose to place it in a Bishop and subject of his own nation , rather then in a forein Bishop farre removed , and him not only independent from that King , but himself enjoying a Principality , or territorie , which it is too apparent how willing he is to enlarge unlimitedly , and to improve the concessions , which are either acknowledged , or pretended to be made him , to that purpose . § . 11. And here it is not amisse to observe , in the reign of Queen Mary , who was no way favourable to the Reformation in points of doctrine and Liturgie , and made all speed to repeal what had been done in King Edward's time in that matter , yet 1. that she left not the title of Supreme head , till the third Parliament of her reigne ; and 2. that in the second Parliament authority is granted her to make , and prescribe to all such Cathedral and Collegiate Churches , as were erected by Henry the VIII . such statutes and orders as should seem good to her , and that statute never repealed but expired : 3. that in her third Parliament it was with much difficulty obtained , that the supremacie of the Pope should be acknowledged , the matter being urged by her , as that which concerned the establishing the Matrimonie of her Mother , and her legitimation , which depended upon the absolute power of the Pope : 4. that in the 4 th year of her reigne , when the Pope sent Cardinal Petow to be his Legate in England , and to be Bishop of Sarisbury , she would not permit him to come into the Land , neither could he have that Bishoprick , which as it was some check to the Pope's absolute supremacy , and an assertion and vindication of the Regal power , so being added to the former it will be lesse strange , that this Supreme power of the Popes should be by the Bishops in the reigne of Henry VIII . disclaimed , and ejected . § . 12. Upon this bottome the foundation of Reformation being laid in England , the superstructure was accordingly erected by the King and Bishops and Clergie in Convocation , but this not all at once , but by distinct steps and degrees . Somewhat in the reigne of this Henry the VIII . as in the number of the Sacraments , the use of the Lords Prayer &c. in the English tongue , and the translation of the Bible , all resolved on in Synod , the King which duly assembled it , presiding in it by his Vicar General . § . 13. This was much farther advanced in the time of his son Edward the VI. who being a childe , and the Laws and Constitution of this Realm committing the exercise of the Supreme power in that case , into the hands of a Protector , what was thus regularly done by that Protector , cannot be doubted to be of the same force , and validity , as if the King had been of age , and done it himself ; Or if it should , it would be an unanswerable objection against all hereditary , successive Monarchy , a maim in that form of Government , which could no way be repaired , there being no amulet in the Crown , which secures the life of each King , till his successor be of age , nor promise from heaven that the children of such Princes shall , by succeeding to the Crown , advance by miracle to the years , and abilities of their Parents , So irrational is the scoffe , and exception of some , that what was done in King Edward's daies being the Acts of a childe is as such to be vilified ▪ and despised . § . 14. In the Reign of this Prince , many Changes were made in the Church , and Recessions from the Doctrines , and practises of Rome ; Beside that of Images , the lawfulnesse of the marriage of the Clergie was asserted , a body of an English Liturgie formed , and setled for publick use , the Eucharist appointed to be administred to the people in both kindes , &c. and though Bishop Gardner of Winchester , and Bishop Bonner of London made opposition against these changes , and for some misbehaviours herein , were imprison'd , ( and two more moderate , learned men , Bishop Tunstal of Durham , and Bishop Day of Chichester , upon another score ) yet Archbishop Cranmer , and the rest of the Bishops making up the farre greater number , joyned with the Supreme power in the Reformation . And as it is no great marvell , that there should be some ( so few ) dissenters , so the punishment inflicted on them will not be deemed excessive by any , that shall compare it with the farre severer executions , the fire , and fagot , which were soon after in Queen Mary's daies inflicted on Archbishop Cranmer , Bishop Ridley , and Bishop Latimer , as the reward of their disputing in the Synod against Transubstantiation , ( and the like cruelties on multitudes more ) and the Exiles , and deprivations , which befell so many others in her Reigne ; However this can be no prejudice to the regularity of the Reformation in the reigne of King Edward , wrought , as hath been said , by the Supreme power , with the consent of the major part of Bishops . § . 15. That which afterward followed in the beginning of Qu. Elizabeth's reigne , may be thought more distant , and lesse reconcileable to our pretensions , ( not that of her sex , her being a woman , for so was Qu. Mary before , which acted so vigorously for the contrary way , and the constitution of our Monarchy invests equally either sex in the plenitude of Regal power , in sacred , as well as civil affairs , and it was but to raise envie against the Reformation that Queen Elizabeth's sex , as before King Edward's non-age hath by some been thought fit to be mention'd , and cannot by any sober judgment be admitted to have any force in it ) but because , as it is from our histories more pertinently objected , most of the Bishops were by her divested of their dignities , and new created in their stead , To this therefore in the last place , I must apply my self to give satisfaction . And 1. § . 16. In this matter , as much as concerns the Ordination of those new Bishops , that it was performed regularly , according to the Antient Canons , each by the Imposition of the hands of three Bishops , hath been evidently set down out of the Records , and vindicated by M r Mason in his Booke de Minist : Anglic : and may there be view'd at large , if the Reader want satisfaction in that point . § . 17. As for the second remaining part of the objection which alone is pertinent to this place , it will receive answer by these degrees , First that the death of Cardinal Pool Archbishop of Canterbury , falling neer upon the death of her Predecessor Queen Mary , it was very regular for Queen Elizabeth to assigne a successor to that See , then vacant , Archbishop Parker ; 2 dly , that those Bishops , which in Queen Mary's daies had been exiled , and deprived , and had survived that calamity , were with all justice restored to their dignities ; 3 dly , that the Bishops by her deprived , and divested of their dignities , were so dealt with , for refusing to take the oath of Supremacy , formed and enjoyned in the daies of Henry the VIII . and in the first Parliament of this Queen revived , and the statutes concerning it restored to full force , before it was thus imposed on them . So that for the justice of the cause of their deprivation , it depends Immediatly upon the Right and power of the Supreme Magistrate to make laws , to impose oathes for the securing his Government , and to inflict the punishments , prescribed by those laws , on the disobedient , but Originally upon the truth of that decision of the Bishops , and Clergie , and Vniversities , in the reigne of Henry the VIII . that no authority belonged in this Kingdome of England to the Bishop of Rome , more then to any other forein Bishop . The former of these I shall be confident to look on as an undoubted truth , in the maintenance of which all Government is concerned , and hath nothing , peculiar to our pretensions , which should suggest a vindication of it in this place , And the second hath , I suppose , been sufficiently cleared in the former chapters of this discourse , which have examined all the Bishop of Romes claims to this Supremacy , And both these grounds being acknowledged ( or , till they be invalidated , or disproved , supposed ) to have truth , and force in them , the conclusion will be sufficiently induced , that there was no injustice in that Act of the Queens , which divested those Bishops , which thus refused to secure her Government , or to approve their fidelity to their lawful ▪ Soveraign . § . 18. Fourthly , that those Bishops being thus deprived , it was most Regular , and Necessary , and that against which no objection is imaginable , ( that of their due Ordination being formerly cleared ) that other Bishops should be nominated , and advanced to those vacant Sees , and that what should be for the future acted by those new Bishops in Convocation was regular , Synodical , and valid beyond all exception in respect of the formality of it . § . 19. Fiftly , that as by the Vniform and joynt consent of these Bishops thus constituted a Declaration of certain Principal Articles of Religion was agreed on , and set out by Order of both Archbishops , Metropolitans , and the rest of the Bishops , for the Vnity of doctrine , to be taught , and holden of all Parsons , Vicars , and Curates &c. and this not before the third year of that Queens reigne , So before this time there had not been , as farre as appears , any debate in any former Convocation of that Queens reigne concerning Religion ( only an offer of a disputation betwixt eight Clergie-men on each side , which came to nothing ) but all done by the Parliaments restoring what had been debated , and concluded by former Synods , in the reigns of King Henry the eight , and Edward the sixt , without any new deliberation in any present Synod . By this means were revived the Statutes for the Regal Supremacy , as also of the book of Common-prayer , as it was in the time of Edward the sixt , ( with few alterations ) which included the abolition of the Romish Missalls . And so all this again , as farre as it concerned Queen Elizabeth's part in the Reformation , is regularly superstructed on the forementioned foundation of Regal Supremacy ( with the concurrence , and advise of Synods ) which hath been in the former part of this discourse ( I hope , sufficiently ) vindicated . § . 20. And that being granted , it cannot be here necessary , or pertinent to descend to the consideration of each several matter of the Change thus wrought in this Church , either as branches of the Reformation , or under the name , or title of it . For our present enquirie being no farther extended , then this , whether the true Church of England , as it stands by Laws established , have in Reforming been guilty of Schisme , as that signifies in the first place a recession , and departure from the obedience of our lawful Superiours , and this being cleared in the Negative , by this one evidence , that all was done by those , to whom , and to whom only , the rightful power legally pertained , viz : the King , and Bishops of this Nation , supposing ( as now regularly we may , having competently proved it , and answered all the colours , that have been offered against it ) that the Pope had no right to our obedience , and consequently that our departure from him is not a departure from our obedience to our superiours , it is presently visible , that all other matters will belong to some other heads of Discourse , and consequently must be debated upon other principles , All variation from the Church of Rome in point of Doctrine if it should ( as I believe it will never ) be proved to be unjust , falling under the head of Heresie , not of schisme ; and for acts of sacrilege , and the like impieties ( as certainly Henry the eighth , and some others , cannot be freed from such ) they are by us as freely charged upon the actors , as by any Romanist they can be , But yet sacrilege is no more schisme , then it is adulterie , and the Church , on which one sin hath been committed , cannot be from thence proved to be guilty of every other . CHAP. VIII . Of the Second sort of Schisme , as that is an Offence against mutual Charity , This divided into three species , and the first here examined . § . 1. BUT beside that first species of schisme , as it is an offence against the subordination , which Christ hath by himself and his Apostles setled in the Church , ( from the guilt of which I have hitherto indevoured to vindicate our Church ) another was taken notice of , as it signifies an offence against the mutual unity , and peace , and charity , which Christ left among his Disciples ; And to that I must now proceed , as farre as the Accusations of the Romanist give us occasion to vindicate our innocence . § . 2. And for method's sake , this branch of Schisme may be subdivided into three species . The first is a breach in the doctrines , or Traditions , a departure from the unity of the Faith , which was once delivered to the saints ; under that head also comprehending the institutions of Christ , of his Apostles , and of the Vniversal Church of the first and purest ages , whether in Government , or other the like observances and practises : The second is an offence against external peace and Communion Ecclesiastical : The third and last is the want of that charity , which is due from every Christian to every Christian . Beside these I cannot foresee any other species of schisme , and therefore the vindicating our Reformation from all grounds of charge of any of these three , will be the absolving the whole task undertaken in these sheets . § . 3. For the first it may be considered either in the Bullion , or in the coyn , in the grosse , or in the retail , either as it is a departure from those rules appointed by Christ for the founding and upholding his truth in the Church , this Vnity of Doctrine &c. or else as it is the asserting any particular branch of Doctrine , contrary to Christs , and the ( Apostolical , pure ) Churches establishment . § . 4. And here it is first suggested by the Romanist , that by casting out the authority of the Bishop of Rome , we have cast off the head of all Christian Vnity , and so must needs be guilty of Schisme in this first respect . To which the answer is obvious , 1. that that Bishop of Rome was never appointed by Christ to be the head of all Christian unity , or that Church to be the conservatory ( for ever ) of all Christian truth , any more then any other Bishop , or Church of the Apostles ordaining , or planting ; and whatever can be pretended for the contrary will be easily answered from the grounds already laid , and cleared in the former part of this discourse concerning the Vniversal Pastorship of S. Peter's successors , which must not be here so unnecessarily repeated . § . 5. 2 dly , That the way provided by Christ , and his Apostles for the preserving the unity of the faith , &c. in the Church , is fully acknowledged by us , and no way supplanted by our Reformation . That way is made up of two acts of Apostolical providence , First their resolving upon some few heads of special force , and efficacie to the planting of Christian life through the world , and preaching , and depositing them in every Church of their plantation . 2. Their establishing an excellent subordination of all inferior officers of the Church to the Bishop in every city , of the Bishops in every Province to their Metropolitanes , of the Metropolitanes in every region or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to Patriarchs , or Primates , allowing also among these such a Primacie of Order , or dignity , as might be proportionable to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the scripture , and agreeable to what is by the antient Canons allowed to the Bishop of Rome ; And this standing subordination sufficient for all ordinary uses , and when there should be need of extraordinary remedies , there was then a supply to be had by congregating Councels , Provincial , Patriarchal , General , as hath formerly been shewed . And all this , it is most certain , asserted , and acknowledged by every true son of the Church of England , as zealously , as is pretended by any Romanist . And from hence , by the way , that speech of the learned and excellent Hugo Grotius ( which I discern to be made use of by the Romanists , and look'd on with jealousie by others ) will , I suppose , receive its due importance , and interpretation , in his Rivet : Apologet : Discuss : p. 255. Restitutionem Christianorum in unum idémque corpus &c. § . 6. As for the subjection ( and dependence ) of this Church to the Monarchick power of the Bishop of Rome , this will never be likely to tend to the unity of the whole body , unlesse first all other Churches of Christians paid that subjection too , and were obliged , and so by duty morally ascertain'd alwaies to continue it ( which it is evident the Eastern Churches had not done long before the time of our pretended departure ) and 2. unlesse the Bishop of Rome were in probability able to administer that vast Province , so as would be most to the advantage of the whole body , For which whether he be fitly qualified or no , as it is not demonstrable in the causes , so is it to be looked on , as a Politick Probleme , the truth of which belongs to prudent persons , and and such as are by God intrusted with the Flock to judge of , i. e. to the Princes , the nursing Fathers of every Church , who are prudentially , and fatherly to determine for themselves and those that are under them , what is most ordinable to that end , and cannot be obliged to conclude , farther then the motives or premises will bear , to decree what they doe not reasonably , and cordially believe . § . 7. Lastly , for the particular doctrines wherein we are affirmed by the Romanists to depart from the Vnity of the Faith , and so by departing from the unity , to be schismatical , as heretical by departing from the faith , this must be contested by a strict survey of the particular doctrines , wherein as we make no doubt to approve our selves to any that will judge of the Apostolical doctrine and traditions by the Scriptures , and consent of the first 300 years , or the four General Councels , ( the most competent witnesses of Apostolical traditions ) so we shall secure our selves of our innocence in this behalf , by that principle acknowledged in our Church , and owned , as the rule by which we are concluded in any debate , or controversie : That whatever is contrary to the doctrine , or practises of those first and purest ages , shall by us ( assoon as it thus appears ) be renounced , and disclaimed also . Which resolution of rulinesse , and obedience , will , I suppose , conserve us in the unity of the Faith , and render us approveable to God , though our ignorance ( thus unaffected ) should betray us to some misunderstandings of those first times , and be an instrument much more probable to lead us into all truth , then the supposed infallibility of the Church of Rome can be imagined to be , which as it leaves the proudest presumer really as liable to error , as him that acknowledgeth himself most fallible , so it ascertains him to persevere incorrigible whether in the least , or greatest error , which by fault , or frailty he shall be guilty of . § . 8. This consideration of the humble , docible temper of our Church ( together with our professed appeal to those first and purest times , to stand or fall , as by those evidences we shall be adjudged ) as it necessarily renders it our infelicity , not our crime , if in judging of Christ's truth we should be deemed to erre , so may it reasonably supersede that larger trouble of the Reader , in this place , which the view and examination of the severals would cost him , it being thus farre evident , that it is our avowed wish and our care ( should it be denied to be our lot ) a special mark of the Church of England's Reformation , to preserve the Vnity of the Apostolical Faith and Primitive practises , as intire , as we would have done Christ's body or garment , and the probability being not weak on our side , that the fact of the crucifying souldiers which hath so much of our abhorrence and detestation , shall never be our choice , our known , or wilfull guilt , or if it be , that we so farre recede from our Profession . CHAP. IX . The Second species of this Schisme examined , as it is an offence against external peace , or Communion Ecclesiastical . § . 1. NOW for the second branch of this second sort of Schism , as it is an offence against external peace or communion Ecclesiastical . This cannot with any colour be charged on us , of whom these 6 things are manifest , and that by the tenure of our Reformation , 1. that we have alwaies retained the form of Government ▪ in , and under which the Apostles founded Ecclesiastical assemblies , or Communion , viz : that of the Bishop , and his inferiour officers in every Church , and so in that respect are , in Ignatius his phrase 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , within the altar , have no part of that breach of Ecclesiastical communion upon us , which consists in casting out that order . 2. That as we maintain that Order , so we regularly submit to the exercise of it , acknowledge the due authority of these Governors , profess Canonical obedience to them , submit to their Censures , and Decrees , and give our selves up to be ruled by them in all things that belong to their cognizance secundum Deum , according to God. 3. That the circumstances which are necessary to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the assembling our selves together for the publick worship , whether 1. that of place , ( our Churches consecrated to those offices ) or 2. that of time , ( the Lords day , and other primitive festivals , and Fasts , and , in their degree , every day of the week ) or 3. that of forms of Prayer , and Praises , celebration of Sacraments , and sacramentals , Preaching , Catechizing , &c. or 4. that of Ceremonies , such as the practise of the Primitive Church hath sent down recommended to us ; or lastly , that of Discipline to binde all these performances upon every member of the Church in his office , or place , are all entered into our Confessions , setled by Article , as part of our establishment , and so the want of either , or all of those are not imputable to our Reformation . § . 2. Fourthly , That in every of these three , whatsoever the Romanist requires us to adde farther to that which we voluntarily , and professedly receive , ( 1. the supreme , transcendent , monarchick power of the Pope , 2. the acknowledgment of , and obedience to his supremacy , 3. the use of more ceremonies , festivals , &c. ) is usurpation , or imposition of the present Romanists , absolutely without Authority , or Precedent from the antient , Primitive Church , from whom we are so unwilling to divide in any thing , that we choose a conformity with them , rather then with any later modell , and if by receding from the Ordo Romanus in any particular , we doe not approve our selves to come neerer to the first , and purest times , it is the avow'd Profession of our Church , the wish , and purpose of it , which I may justly style part of our establishment , to reduce , and restore that , ( whatsover it is ) which is most pure , and Primitive in stead of it . § . 3. Fiftly , That as we exclude no Christian from our communion , that will either filially , or fraternally embrace it with us , being ready to admit any to our assemblies , that acknowledge the Foundation laid by Christ , and his Apostles , so we as earnestly desire to be admitted to the like freedome of external Communion with all the members of all other Christian Churches , as oft as occasion makes us capable of that blessing of the one heart , and one lip , and would most willingly , by the use of the antient method of literae Communicatoriae , maintain this Communion with those , with whom we cannot corporally assemble , and particularly with those which live in obedience to the Church of Rome . § . 4. Sixtly , that the onely hindrances that interpose and obstruct this desired freedome of external Communion , are wholly imputable to the Romanists . § . 5. First , their excommunicating , and separating from their assemblies all that maintain communion with the Church of England , which we know was done by Bull from the Pope about the tenth year of Q. Elizabeth ( before which time those English , which had not joyned in our Reformation , might , and did come to our assemblies , and were never after rejected by us , but upon their avowed contumacie against the orders of our Church , which consequently brought the censures on them ) and to that it is visibly consequent , that we that were cast out , cannot be said to separate , as in the former part of this discourse hath been demonstrated . § . 6. Secondly , their imposing such conditions on their Communion ( belief of doctrines , and approbation of practises , which we neither believe , nor approve of , and are ready to contest and maintain our Negatives , by grounds that all good Christians ought to be concluded by ) that we cannot without sinning , or seeming to sin against conscience , without wilfull falling on one side , or dissembling and unsound confession on the other side , or at least the scandal of one of these , accept of their communion upon such conditions , as hath formerly been demonstrated also . § . 7. And in this matter it were very well worthy our considering , how farre the Articles of our Church of England proceed in accord with the present Roman doctrines and practises , and in what particulars 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , we cannot perswade our selves to consent to them , and then to offer it to the Vmpirage of any rational arbitrator , whether we that unfeignedly professe to believe so much and no more , nor to be convinced by all the reasons , and authorities , proofs from Scripture , or the first Christian writers , ( those of the first three hundred years ) or the four General Councels ) produced by them ( being in full inclination and desire of minde , ready to submit upon conviction ) are in any reason , or equity , or according to any example , or precept of Christ , or his Apostles , or the antient , Primitive Church , to be required to offer violence to our mindes , and to make an unsound profession , or else ( for that one guilt of not doing so ) to be rejected as hereticks , and denied the benefit of Christian Communion , which we heartily desire to extend and propagate to them which deny it to us . All this thus put together , and applied to this present matter will certainly vindicate us from all appearance of guilt of this second branch of the second sort of Schisme . CHAP. X. The third species of this Schism , as an offence against that charity due from every Christian to every Christian , examined . § . 1. LAstly , as Schism is an offence against that charity which is due from every Christian to every Christian , so it will be best distributed ( according to what we see noted by by the Apostle , Rom. 14. in the Jewish , and Gentile Christians ) into the judging , and the despising of others , either of which was , if not formally Schism , yet soon improveable into it , when it would not be repressed by the Apostles admonitions , The Jewish Christians we know judged , and damned all that would not observe the Mosaical law , and would not associate , or communicate with the Gentiles , and the like height Diotrephes , and some of the Gentile believers , who began with the other branch , that of vilifying the weak Jew , at last arrived to , not receiving , forbidding to receive , and casting out the brethren , 3 Joh. 10. And whether the Romanists or we , are thus guilty , will soon be discernible . § . 2. For the former , that of judging , and so separating from their brethren ( if yet we may be allowed that title ) it is evident by their own acknowledgment , how guilty they are , and how guiltlesse we . § . 3. It hath been a special motive , and argument to gain proselytes to their party for some years , that by our Confession there is salvation to be had among them , but in their judgment no possible hope of it for us . This weapon of their's used so studiously against us , to anticipate and prejudge , in general , whatsoever can be particularly said to assert our doctrines , and practises , will certainly be as usefull in our hands , as Goliah's sword in David's to give this wound ( I wish it may not prove as fatal ) to our vaunting enemies : For certainly , if there be any truth in that motive , then are they professedly the men , that judge their brethren , and as confessedly we the men , that doe not judge them . And if S. Cyprian's rule be true ( who had as well considered the nature of Schism , and as diligently armed the Christians of his age against it , and given us as sure rules to judge by , in this matter , as any ) that they that maintain any difference in opinion against other Christians , must , if they will avoid the evil of schism , manage it with this temper ( neminem damnantes , neminem à communione nostrâ arcentes ) never condemn any , or forbid them our communion , then is the schism ( because the uncharitableness ) on their parts , not on ours . And it is not the saying , we are Hereticks , and so certainly excluded salvation , Schismaticks , and so out of the Church , the way to salvation , that can give this sanguinarie judgment any meeker a title ; For that we are such , being as much denied , as any thing , and that negative offered to be proved , and vindicated by all those evidences , by which any matter of doctrine , ( from whence this question depends ) can duly be cleared , this unproved affirmation , that we are such , is certainly a petitio principii , a begging of the question , a supposing that in the debate , which they know we are as farre from confessing , as they from having proved , and that is the most certain proof , that such judging is uncharitable ; I wish there were not many other as pregnant indications of it . § . 4. And for that of despising or setting at nought the brother , which is the Ap ostles argument also that they walk not charitably , and the effect whereof is evident , the casting them out of the Church , if the cause may be concluded by the effect , the guilt lies on the Romanists side , not on ours ( as hath formerly appeared ) And truly we are so sensible of the many prepossessions , and strong prejudices , which by the advantage of education , the prescribed credulity to all that the Church shall propose , the doctrine of infallibility , the shutting up the scriptures in an unknown language , the impossibility that the multitude should search ▪ or examine tradition with their own eyes , the prosperous flourishing estate of the Roman Church ( and the persecutions , and calamities ▪ and expressions of God's displeasure on the Church of England ) the literal sound of [ Hoc est corpus meum ] for their principal ( espoused ) doctrine of Transubstantiation , and som other the like means , are infused into the multitude of men and women , that are brought up without any knowledge of ours , in a firm belief of all their pretensions , that we are as farre from setting them at nought , or despising them , as from that ( which by their doing it first is made impossible for us to be guilty of ) the casting them out of the Church . § . 5. I foresee not any objection , which may give me temptation , or excuse farther to enlarge on this matter , And professe not to know any other branch of Schism , or colour of fastening that guilt upon our Church , made use of by any , which hath not been either prevented in the grounds of this discourse , or distinctly taken notice of , and competently vindicated , as farre as the design'd brevity would permit . CHAP. XI . Concerning the present Persecution of the Church of England , and the advantages sought from thence . § . 1. OUr Establishment being thus freed from Schism , I shall not now entertain my self with any fear , that the Persecution , which we are under , will involve us in it . Yet can I not but take notice of the style , that some Romanists have in these last years , on this occasion , chosen to make use of , calling us [ the late Church of England ] The interpretation whereof is to my understanding this , that the calamities , under which now we suffer , have made us cease to be a Church : And therefore having learned , and abundantly experimented , what scandal the Crosse hath alwaies carried along with it , how willing enemies are to take advantage , and ground arguments on afflictions , and how ordinary it is for friends , to take impressions from such sensible , carnal motives , and being secured by the storie of the Antient Gnosticks , that it is neither scandalous excesse of fear , nor want of charity , to think it possible , that this , as other antient heresies , may now as in a Platonick year ( if not carefully warded ) return on us , as in a revolution , I shall therefore conclude this paper with an attempt to remove this prejudice ; The utmost whereof being formed into an objection , is this , that it is absolutely necessary to communicate with some one visible Church , that now the Church of England is not such , and consequently that it must be cast off , and the Roman Church so illustriously visible , be taken up in stead of it . § . 2. To this reserve I shall make my returns by these degrees , First that by the making this objection , or drawing any argument against any member of the Church of England , from the present 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or improsperous circumstances of affairs , It must be supposed , that twenty years since , this person , the supposed subject of discourse , living regularly in this Church , under his superiours , was not then chargeable w th this crime of not communicating with a visible Church . § . 3. This consequent I shall not be so much my own flatterer as to think it will be allowed me ▪ by the Romanist , who will , I know , at another time accuse the whole Church of England ( ever since the Reformation ) of schism from the Catholick Church , and make the communicating with it 20 years since , as dangerous as now the not communicating with any : But the reason of my laying this foundation is , to shew the vanity of the present objection , For if the Church of England 20 years since , were not a Church , but a society of Schismaticks , not a particular Church ( which , if so , must be a part , or member of the Vniversal , and such it is not , if it be truly separated from that body , in the unity of which it is obliged to remain ) but a separated , and torn off , and so a livelesse , ejected branch , then whatsoever hath now befallen us , and the consequence of that , the supposed impossibility of cōmunicating with the Church of England , will but leave us where we were , the impossibility of communicating with a schismatical society , being not chargeable on us , as a crime , by them , who make the communicating with all such societies so damnable ; And therefore I say , to the making this any objection , 't is necessary , that that be supposed , which I have for that cause laid as my foundation , that 20 years since a member of the English Church was not under this guilt of not communicating with some one visible Church ; And if then he were not , ( or , for discourse sake , be by the objecter supposed not to have been ) then it infallibly , and irrefragably follows ( which is the second proposition ) that he that 20 years since was not under this guilt of not communicating — is either not guilty of it now , or else hath voluntarily committed or omitted somewhat , which commission or omission hath been the contracting of this guilt . For that somewhat , which hath not been his choise , shall become his crime , that what hath been his saddest part of infelicity , the evil against which he hath most industriously contended , should be accounted his offence ▪ when it is his punishment , I shall not fear will be affirmed by any . § . 4. Thirdly then , the businesse is brought to this issue , that that person , which is the subject of our discourse ( he that 20 years since , was a member of the Church of England ) be now proved by some commission or omission of his , voluntarily to have contracted this guilt , or else be absolved , and freed from it ; If he have contracted it , it must be by some irregularity of actions , contrary to the standing rule and Canons of this Church ; or by disobedience to some commands of his Ecclesiastical superiors ; And as in neither of these I shall excuse any that hath been guilty , so if , being not fallen under the actual Censures of the Church for it , he now timely and sincerely return with contrition , and reformation , I shall hope it will not be imputed to him ; But however this cannot be insisted on by the objecter , because I speak , and so must he , of him that hath lived regularly ( not of him that hath not ) And of him 't is apparent , that all that he hath done , is , to adhere to his former principles , when others have not , to have testified his constancy with ( not only venturing but ) actually losing either possessions , or liberty ( and the benefit of Ecclesiastical assemblies ) rather then he would joyn , or appear to joyn with Schismaticks , when others have made all worldly advantages by the rupture ; In a word , that he hath been patient , and not fainted ; and never departed from his rule , though it have cost him dear to stick fast to it ; And I hope no body will be so uncharitable , as to grieve , and gall him , whom God hath thus suffered to be chastised , upon no other provocation , but this , his having been thus afflicted and persecuted . This is too clear a truth to need confirming , and yet this is the utmost , that it can be driven to , supposing the most that the objection can be imagined to suppose , viz : that the Church of England is now invisible . § . 5. But then in the fourth place , it must be added , that as yet , Blessed be God , the Church of England is not invisible ; It is still preserved in Bishops and Presbyters rightly ordained , and multitudes rightly baptized , none of which have fallen off from their profession ; And the only thing imaginable to be objected in this point , being this , that the schism hath so farre been extended by the force , that many , if not most Churches parochial are filled by those , who have set up a new , or a no-form of worship , and so that many men cannot any otherwise ▪ then in private families , serve God , after the Church-way , that sure will be of little weight , when the Romanists are remembred to be the objecters , who cannot but know , that this is the only way , that they have had of serving God in this Kingdome , these many years , and that the night-meetings of the Primitive Christians in dens and caves are as pertinent to the justifying of our condition , as they can be of any , and when 't is certain , that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the forsaking of the assemblies , Heb. 10.25 . is not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , our wilfull fault v. 26. but only our unhappy lot ▪ who are forced either not to frequent the assemblies , or else to incourage ( & incurre the scandal of seeming to approve ) the practises of those that have departed from the Church . That we doe not decline order , or publick communion ▪ and consequently are not to be charged for not enjoying those benefits of it , which we vehemently thirst after , is evident by the extensive nature ▪ of our persecution , the same tempest having with us thrown out all order , and form , Bishops , and Liturgie together , and to that curstnesse of theirs , and not to any obstinatenesse , or unreconcileablenesse of ours ( which alone were the guilt of non-communion ) is all that unhappinesse of the constant sons of the present English Church to be imputed , in which alone this whole objection is founded . § . 6. I cannot discern any farther appearance of difficulty in this matter , and therefore shall no farther lengthen this Appendage , then by offering it to the consideration of the indifferent Reader , whether this objection can ever in future times be improveable into a charge against us , or our posterity , as long as either Bishops stand , and continue to ordain among us , or it is not our faults that they doe not stand . To which purpose it may be remembred ▪ what befell the Jewes whether under the Zelots fury , or the Romans yoke ; The former threw out the lawfull successive High Priests , and Priests of the sons of Aaron , and put into those sacred offices the most ignorant rusticks , some so void of all degree of knowledge , saith Josephus , that they knew not what the very word [ Priest ] signified . The Roman Conquerours by their Procurators put in annually whom they pleased to choose ( without consideration of the Aaronical line ) into the chief Priest's office ; I shall here demand of any , Whether ( supposing and granting it as undeniable , that the Zelots were formally Schismaticks , or with some improvement , in Josephus his style 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , seditious ) there can be any ground of reason , or equity , to involve , or conclude under the same guilt those that lived under those imposed , usurping High Priests , supposing those inferiors to have been as farre from consenting to the continuance , as to the beginning of such usurpation , and that the circumstances were such , that they lay not under the appearance of doing , what they did not , and so had not the scandal , any more , then the reality of that guilt . The Reader , I suppose , will be able to answer this Quaere to himself , and supersede all necessity of making up the Parallel . § . 7. And then I have at this time no farther exercise for him , but that he will joyn in ardent prayers with me , that God will restore that which is lost , reduce that heavenly grace , and incomparable blessing of Christian peace and holy communion among all , that have received the honour of being called by his name , that we may all minde the same thing , fix the same common designes , love , and aid , and promote one anothers good , unanimously glorifie him here with one tongue , and heart , that we may all be glorified with him , and sing joynt Hosannah's , and Hallelujah's to him to all eternity . Amen . ERRATA . PAge 42. line 3. dele ) p. 73. li. 9. lege S. Peter , so — p. 81. marg : li. 12. lege 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 85. l. 24. lege Where as p. 91. li. 4. lege 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 107. li. 2. for third lege second p. 141. li. 25. for quae re : quo p. 157. li. 3. lege that the The Contents . CHAP. I. AN Introduction , the danger , and sin of Schism . page 1 CHAP. II. What Schism us , together with some general considerations thereon . 12 CHAP. III. The several sorts of Schism . 31 CHAP. IV. The pretended evidences of the Romanist against the Church of England examined , and first that from the Bishop of Rome's Supremacy by Christ's donation to S. Peter . 66 CHAP. V. The evidences from the Bishop of Romes succeeding S. Peter examined . 92 CHAP. VI. Their second plea from the Bishop of Rome having planted Christianity among us . 107 CHAP. VII . Their third Evidence from our casting off Obedience to the Bishop of Rome at the Reformation . 132 CHAP. VIII . Of the second sort of Schism , as that is an offence against mutual Charity , This divided into three species , and the first here examined . 155 CHAP. IX . The second species of this Schism examined , as it is an offence against external peace , or Communion Ecclesiastical . 163 CHAP. X. The third species of this Schism , as an offence against that charity due from every Christian to every Christian , examined . 169 CHAP. XI . Concerning the present Persecution of the Church of England , and the advantages sought from thence . 174 THE END . A CATALOGUE of some Books Printed for Richard Royston at the Angel in Ivie-lane , London . A Paraphrase and Annotations upon all the Books of the New Testament by Henry Hammond D. D. in fol. The Practical Catechisme , with all other English Treatises of Henry Hammond D. D. in two volumes in 4o. Dissertationes quatuor , quibus Episcopatus Jura ex S. Scripturis & Primaeva Antiquitate adstruuntur , contra sententiam D. Blondelli & aliorum . Authore Henrico Hammond . in 4o. A Letter of Resolution of six Quaere's , in 12o. The names of several Treatises and Sermons written by Jer. Taylor D. D. viz. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , A Course of Sermons for all the Sundaies of the Year ; Together with a Discourse of the Divine Institution , Necessity , Sacrednesse , and Separation of the Office Ministerial , in fol. 2. Episcopacy asserted , in 4o. 3. The History of the Life and Death of the Ever-blessed Jesus Christ , 2 d Edit . in fol. 4. The Liberty of Prophesying , in 4o. 5. An Apology for authorized and Set-forms of Liturgie ; in 4o. 6. A Discourse of Baptisme , its institution and efficacy upon all Beleivers , in 4o. 7. The Rule and Exercises of holy living , in 12o. 8. The Rule and exercises of holy dying , in 12o. 9. A short Catechisme for institution of young persons in the Christian Religion , in 12o. 10. The Reall Presence and Spirituall of CHRIST in the Blessed Sacrament proved against the Doctrine of Transubstantiation , in 8o. Certamen Religiosum , or a Conference between the late King of England , and the late Lord Marquis of Worcester concerning Religion , at Ragland Castle ; Together with a Vindication of the Protestant Cause , by Chr. Cartwright in 4o. The Psalter of David , with Titles and Collects according to the matter of each Psalm , by the Right honourable Chr. Hatton , in 12o. Boanerges and Barnabas , or Judgement and Mercy for wounded and afflicted souls , in several Soliloquies , by Francis Quarles , in 12o. The life of Faith in Dead Times , by Chr. Hudson in 12o. Motives for Prayer upon the seven dayes of the Week , by Sir Richard Baker Knight , in 12o. The Guide unto True Blessedness , or a Body of the Doctrine of the Scriptures , directing man to the saving knowledge of God , by Sam. Crook , in 12o. Six excellent Sermons upon several occasions , preached by Edward Willan Vicar of Hoxne , in 4o. The Dipper dipt , or the Anabaptists duck'd and plung'd over head and ears , by Daniel Featly D. D. in 4o. Hermes Theologus , or a Divine Mercury : new descants upon old Records , by Theoph. Wodnote , in 12o. Philosophical Elements , concerning Government and Civil society : by Thomas Hobbs of Malmesbury , in 12o. An Essay upon Statius , or the five first books of Publ. Papinius Statius his Thebais , by Tho. Stephens School-master in S. Edmonds-bury , in 8o. Nomenclatura Brevis Anglo-Latino Graeca in usum Scholae Westmonasteriensis , per F. Gregory , in 8o. Grammatices Graecae Enchiridion in usum Scholae Collegialis Wigorniae , in 8o. A Discourse of Holy Love , by Sir Geo. Strode Knight , in 12o. The Saints Honey-Comb full of Divine Truths , by Rich. Gove Preacher of Henton S. Gorge in Somersetshire , in 8o. Devotion digested , into several Discourses and Meditations upon the Lords most holy Prayer : Together with additional Exercitations upon Baptism , The Lords Supper , Heresies , Blasphemy , The Creatures , Sin , The souls pantings after God , The Mercies of God , The souls complaint of its absence from God ; by Peter Samwaies , Fellow lately resident in Trinity College , Cambridge , in 12o. Of the Division between the English and Romish Church upon Reformation , by Hen. Fern D. D. in 12o. Directions for the profitable reading of the Scriptures , by John White M. A. in 8o. The Exemplary Lives and Memorable Acts of 9. the most worthy women of the world , 3 Jews , 3 Gentiles , 3 Christians , by Tho. Heywood , in 4o. The Saints Legacies , or a Collection of promises out of the Word of God , in 12o. Judicium Universitatis Oxoniensis de Solemni Lega & Foedere , Juramento Negativo &c. in 8o. Certain Sermons and Letters of Defence and Resolution to some of the late Controversaries of our times by Jasper Mayne D. D. in 4o. Janua Linguarum Reserata , sive omnium Scientiarum & Linguarum seminarium , Auctore Cl. Viro J. A. Com●nio , in 8o. A Treatise concerning Divine providence , very seasonable for all Ages , by Tho. Morton Bishop of Duresme , in 8o. Animadversions upon Mr. Hobbs his Leviathan , with some Observations upon Sir Walter Rawleighs History of the World , by Alex. Rosse , in 12o. Fifty Sermons preached by that learned and reverend Divine John Donne , in fol. Wits-Common-wealth , in 12o. The Banquet of Jests new and old , in 12o. Balzac's Letters the fourth part , in 8o. Quarles Virgin Widow a Play , in 4o. Solomons Recantation , in 4o. by Francis Quarles . Amesii antisynodalia , in 12o. Christ's Commination against Scandalizers , by John Tombes in 12o. Dr. Stuart's Answer to Fountain's Letter , in 4o. A Tract of Fortifications , with 22 brasse cuts , in 4o. Dr. Griffiths Sermon preached at S. Pauls , in 4o. Blessed birth-day , printed at Oxford , in 8o. A Discourse of the state Ecclesiastical , in 4o. An Account of the Church Catholick where it was before the Reformation , by Edward Boughen D. D. in 4o. An Advertisement to the Jury-men of England touching Witches , written by the Author of the Observations up ▪ Mr. Hobbs Leviathan , in 4o . Episcopacy and Presbytery considered , by Hen. Fern D. D. in 4o. A Sermon preached at the Isle of Wight before His Majesty , by Hen. Fern D. D. in 4o . The Commoners Liberty or the English-mans Birth-right , in 4o . An Expedient for composing Differences in Religion , in 4o. A Treatise of Self-denial , in 4o. The holy Life and Death of the late Vi-countesse Falkland in 12o. Certain Considerations of present Concernment : Touching this Reformed Church of England , by Hen. Fern , in 12o. Englands Faithful Reprover and Monitour , in 12o. Newly published , The grand Conspiracy of the Members against the Minde , of Jews against their King. As it hath been delivered in four Sermons , by John Allington , B. D. in 12o. The Quakers Questions objected against the Ministers of the Gospel , and many sacred acts and offices of Religion , with brief Answets thereunto : Together with a Discourse of the holy Spirit his workings and impressions on the souls of men , by R. Sherlock B. D. in 8o. Now in the Presse , Of Fundamentals in a notion referring to Practise , by H. Hammond , D. D. in 12o. Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A45426-e120 Two concernments of al Christians . Practise of Christianity . Propagating of it . What is to be done toward the latter . The chief branches of the former , considered in society . Charity . Obedience . Paternal exercise of Ecclesiastical power . The contrariety of Schisme to the Doctrine of Christ . The Fathers Censures of it . (a) 1 Cor. 3.4 . Jude 19. See Fulgentius ad Mon : l 2. (b) Quisquis in Ecclesiâ gratiam consecutus , ab Ecclesiâ exierit , reus sibi futurus est , i. e. ipse sibi quod pereat imputaturus ; Quod Apostolus explanat , docens haereticum vitandum esse , ut à semetipso damnatū Cypr : Ep : 76. Poenas quas meruerant pependerunt , ut à nobis non ejecti ultro se ejecerent , de ecclesiâ sponte se pellerent , Ep : 40. Quomodo te à tot gregibus scidisti ? Exscidisti enim teipsum . Firmilian : ad Cypr : Ep : 75. (a) Sciat se postea ad Ecclesiam redire , & cum Episcopis & plebe Christi communicare non posse . Ep : 40. Aversandus est talis atque fugiendus quisquis fuerit ab Ecclesiâ separatus . Ibid. De Unit : Eccles : (b) Hanc Ecclesiae unitatem qui non tenet , tenere se fidem credit ? Cypr : de Unit : Eccles : Dum conventicula sibi diversa constituunt , veritatis caput atque originem reliquerunt . Ibid. Fidem destruit , pro Fide perfidus . Ibid. (c) Schisma non faciendum , etiamsi in unâ fide & eâdem traditione permaneat qui recedit . Cypr : Testim : l. 3. c. 86. (d) Quam ver● dilectionem custodit & cogitat , qui discordiae furore vesanus Ecclesiam scindit , pacem turbat , charitatem dissipat . Cypr : de Unit : Eccles : Arma ille contra Ecclesiam portat . Ibid. (e) Quisquis ab Ecclesia segregatus adulterae jungitur , à promissis Ecclesiae separatur . Cypr : de Unit : Eccl : Habere jam non potest Deum patrem , qui Ecclesiam non habet matrem . Ibid. Quomodo potest ei cum aliquo convenire , cui cum corpore ipsius Ecclesiae , & cum vestra Fraternitate non convenit ? Quomodo possunt duo aut tres in nomine Christi colligi , quos constat à Christo & ab ejus Evangelio separari ? Ibid : Extra Ecclesiam consistens , & contra pacem & dilectionem Christi faciens , inter adversarios — computetur . Ep : 76. (f) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Ignat : Ep : ad Eph : Audet precem alteram illicitis vocibus facere , Dominicae hostiae veritatem per falsa sacrificia profanare ? Cypr : de Unit : Eccl : Vnum manifestum est apud omnes Spiritus Sancti gratiam non esse , nec corum sacrificiis posse Deo placere , neque spiritualis gratiae sanctificationem sacrificiis corum tribui , qui offerunt ab Ecclesiastici corporis unitate disjuncti , solius enim Ecclesia Deus delectatur sacrificiis , quòd sacrificium Deo facit unit as spiritualis , ubi pacis tenacitas fraternam servat in charitate concordiam . Fulgent : ad Monim : l. 2. (g) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Chrys : in Ep : ad Eph : Edit : Savil : p. 823. (h) Quis unquam haereses instituit , nisi qui se priùs ab Ecclesiae Catholicae universitate , & antiquitatis consensione discreverit ? Vincent : c. 34. (i) Nullum schisma non sibi aliquam fingit haeresim , ut rectè ab Ecclesiâ recessisse videatur . Hieron : ad Tit : c. 3. (k) Non esse quicquam gravius sacrilegio schismatis . Aug : contra Parmen : l. 2.2 . Ingens flagitium schismatis Tradition ▪ junxerunt . Optat : p. 23. Edit : Casaub : (l) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Dionys : ap : Euseb : l. 6. c. 36. Pejus hec crimen est quàm quod admisisse lapsi videntur . Cypr : de Unit : Eccl : (m) Vide Optatum l. 8. c. 25. (n) Quàm sine spe sint , & perditionem sibi maximam de indignatione Dei acquirant , qui schisma feciunt , declarat in libro R●g : scriptura , ubi à tribu Juda & Benjamin decem tribus scissae sunt , & indignatus est , inquit , Dominus in omne semen Israel . Cypr : Ep : 76. (o) Addendo autem civitatem Samaritanorum debere omitti , ubi erant schismatici , ostendit schismaticos Gentilibus adaequari . Ibid. (p) Exemplo Core , Dathan , &c. ostenditur & probatur obnoxios omnes & culpae & poenae futuros , qui se schismaticis irreligiosâ temeritate miscuerunt , Ibid. Deus quod in sacrilegos & parricidam non secerat , [ Cain & Ninive ] in schismaticos fecit , Core , &c. Optat : l. 1. p. 25. (q) Novatianus nec debet nec potest excipi , quo minus ipse extra Ecclesiam consistens , inter Antichristos computetur , Ibid. Apparet Antichristos omnes esse quos constet à charitate atque ab unitate Ecclesiae recessisse , Ibid. Videndum quis foras exicrit , quis altare contra altare erexerit , quis jaceat sub sententiâ Johannis Apostoli , qui dixit multos Antichristos feras exituros , Optat : p. 1. l. 18. Ab Ecclesiâ separatus haereticus est , & Antichristus , Prosper de Prom : & Praedict : implend : c. 5. (r) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Ignat : Ep : ad Smyrnens : (ſ) Tales e●si occisi in confessione nominis fuerint , macula ista nec sanguine abluitur , inexpiabilis & gravis culpa discordiae nec passione purgatur , Cyprian : de Unit : Eccl : No excuse for it . (t) Caeteri tantùm vel simplicitate capti , ve● errore inducti , vel aliqua sallentis astutiae calliditate decepti , à fallaciae laqueis vos solvite , Cypr : de Unit : Eccl : (u) Judicabit spiritalis & eo●s qui schisma operantur , qui propter modicas & quaslibet causas , magnum & gloriosum corpus Christi conscindunt , & dividunt , verè liquantes culicem , & camelum diglutientes , Irenae : l. 4. c. 62. (x) Nulla ab eis tanta potest fieri correptio , quanta est schismatis pernicies ▪ Irenaeus l. 4. c. 62. (y) Si possunt aliqui ( quod fieri non potest ) habere causam justam quo communionem separent à communione Orbis terrarum . Aug : Ep : 48. The Parts of the ensuing Tract . (a) Non attendisti inter schismaticos & haereticos quàm sit magna distantia . Optat : l. 1. p. 13. (b) Inter haeresim & schisma hoc interesse arbitramur , quòd haeresis perversum dogma habeat , schisma propter Episcopalem dissensionem ab Ecclesiâ pariter separet . Hieron : ad Tit : c. 3. The Original of the word Schism . Reciprocal passion noted by the word . Schisme a voluntary recession . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Jude 19. (a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 1 Joh. 2.19 . (b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Heb. 10.38 . Excommunication no Schisme . (c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Concil : Laod : Can : 40. (d) Propriae conscientiae videtur esse damnatio , cùm quispiam suo arbitrio ab Ecclesiâ recesserit . Hieron : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Cod : Can : Afric : Can : 22. Interpretative Excommunication . Continuance out of actual Communion , without Schisme . Unjust excommunication hurts no man. * Papae à Christo dictum , Quicquid ligaveris super terram , erit ligatum , non quicquid dixeris esse ligatum . Jacob : Angularis in Ep : ad Wesselum ap : Goldast : l. 1. p. 575. Which holds in the Interpretative Excommunication . M r Knots Concession in this matter . c. 7. p. 471 , 472. Severe conditions of some Churches Communion . Make Communion with them impossible . Such are prescribing subscription of errors . or Profession against Conscience . Application to the Church of Rome ; in relation to the present Church of England . Unity Ecclesiastical wherein it consists . Unity of Members subordinate . Of fellow brethren . The former . The later . Communion . The branches of Schisme as it is an offence against Subordination . Schism against the Deacons or Presbyters . Against the Bishop . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . † Contra Episcopatum meum &c. Ep. 40. Hi tribuebant , ne concordarent cum Episcopo suo - Ibid. contra sacerdotium Dei partionem ruptae fraternitatis armare voluisse . This of a lighter & a grosser sort . Against the Metropolitan . The original of Metropolitans . In Titus . Eccl. Hist . l. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . In Timothy . Hom. 15. in 1. Tim. 5.15 . Photii lib. num . 254. Eccl. hist . l. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In James , &c. Epist . 247. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — Theod. in 1. Tim. 3.1 . In Arg. Ep. ad Eph. L. Obser . D. de Offic. procons . Eccl. hist . l. 4. c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Or. ad Afiat . Geogr. l. 5. c. 2. Act. 5. Nat. Hist . l. 5. c. 29. Ibid. c. 30. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Steph. Byzant . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . In Ignatius . In the Bishop of Rome . ( what his Province . ) * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Euseb . Eccl. Hist . l. 7. c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Syn. Sardic . Epist . ad Alex. ap . Athan. Apol. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Athan. Epist . ad solit . vit . agent . Ex Provinciâ Italiae , civ . Med ex Prov. Romanâ , Civitate Portuensi . Syn. Arelat . 1. in nominibus Synodo praefixis . Hist . Eccl. l. 1· c. 6. In Alexandria . Eccl. Hist . l. 2. c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibid. c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . In S. Cyprian . The subjection of Bishops to Archbishops . Of Archbishops to Primates , &c. ( Original of Primates . ) Eccl. Hist . l. 5. c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibid. c. d. In Notit . Galliae p. 8●2 . The Primates power equal to that of the Patriarch . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Concil . Chalced. Can penult . † Or. 32. ad Alexandrin . see Aristid . Or. de Rom. Laud. And no power but of the Prince above them . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Socrat. l. 5. Prooem . Ex Superioribus habetur Imperatores Sanctos congregationes Synodales Universalium Conciliorum totius Ecclesiae semper ●●cisse . Ita ego perlustrans gesta omnium Universalium usque ad octavum inclusivè Basiliitempore celebratum verum esse r●peri . Cusan . de concord . Cathol l. 3. c. 16. and c. 13. See S. Hierom in Apol. ad Ruffin . l. 2. where speaking of a pretended Synod , he adds , Quis Imperator hanc Synodum jusserit congregari ? The Primitive Power of Primates &c. Act. 15 Can. 9. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ulp. Obser . D. de Offic. Procons . The first charge against us , Our casting out the Popes Supremacy . The Supremacy of S. Peter examined . Evidences against it . First from his being Apostle of the Circumcision peculiarly . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Theoph. in 1 Cor 15.7 . ex Sentententiâ Chrysostomi . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Photius Epist . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . So Nicephorus l. 2 c. 38. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Euseb . Eccl. Hist . l. 2. c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Euseb . ex Clement : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 5 ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Hegesippus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ap . Euseb . l. 2. c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Euseb . l. 2. c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vide Athan. in Synops . Epiph. Haer. 78. Nyssen . de Resur . Or. 2. Hieron . in Gal. 1. & in Catal. Euseb . in Chron. p. 43. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — . The Gentiles were not S. Peters Province . a Hom. 4. in Luc. b l. 2. c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . c de Syn. Arim. & Seleuc. d Ex com . Ignat. e l. 3. c. 3. Euseb . l. 4. c. 6. f l. 1. adv . Carpocrat . a l. 2. c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . b Euseb . Ibid. c Euseb . Ibid. d De Prom. & Praedict : implend : c. 5. Nor all the Circumcision . Not the Jewes of Asia , a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ap . Euseb . l. 3. c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ibid. c Joannes apud Ephesum Ecclesiā sacravit . De Prom. & Praed . impl . c. 5. d Phot. Bib. num . 254. As neither the Gentiles there . Hom. 5. in 1 Tim. 5.19 . Nor in Crete , Nor in Britannie . * de Petr : & Paul : ad diem 29. Junii . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Prospers testimony to this matter . A second evidence against S. Peters supremacy from the donation of the keyes . Power of the keyes given to all and each . in Mat. 18. Epist . 27. De Dign . Sacerd . c. 5. & 6. Ep. ad Dracont . The Romanists argument from Tu es Petrus evacuated . No privilege by succession from S. Peter , but such as S. Peter is proved to have himself . * De Praescript . c. 32. * The privileges attending S. Peters successor belonging rather to the Bishop of Antioch then of Rome . The Primacy belonged to Rome upon another score . Can. penult . The Canon of the Councel of Chalcedon rejected by the Romanists . The dignity of Patriarchs reconcileable with the independency of Primates . The Canon of Ephesus against encroaching on any others Province . Instances of Independent power in Archbishops . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a Caetera Provinciae sub ejus sint authoritate , i. e. tam ipsa mediterranea Dacia , quàm Dacia Ripensis , nec non Mysia , Secunda Dardania , & Praevalitana Provincia & secunda Macedonia , & pars secunda etiam Pannoniae , quae in Bacen●i est civitate . Justin : de Privileg : Archiep : Just : Prim : ed : à Gothofred : b Volumus ut Primae Justinianae patriae nostrae pro tempore sacrosanctus Antistes , non solùm Metroplitanus , sed etiam Archiepiscopus fiat . Ibid. c Multis & variis modis nostram patriam augere cupientes , in qua Deus praestitit nobis ad hunc modum ( So Gothofred reads , but certainly it should be ad , or in hunc mundum ) quem ipse condidit , venire . Ibid. Necessarium duximus ipsam gloriosissimam Praefecturam , quae in Pannoniâ erat , in nostrâ foelicissimâ patriâcollocare . Ib. * Quando autem te ab ●âc ▪ luce decedere contigerit , pro tempore Archiepiscopum ejus à venerabili suo Concilio Metropolitanorum ordinari sancimus , quem ad modum decet Archiepiscopum omnibus honoratum Ecclesiis provehi . Ibid. The unreasonablenesse of confining the Catholick Church to the number of those that live in the Roman subjection . The plea from Planting the Faith unreconcileable with the former . A Dilemma to the Romanist . The Faith planted here before Augustine the Monk. * Suscepistis nuper in Regno Britanniae legem & fidem Christi . And not quite destroyed by Dioclesian . * See S. Hen : Spelman , Concil : Anglic : pag. 26. out of the Annales of Gisburne . † à Samsone usque tempus Henrici primi , sederunt Meneviae undecim Episcopi , & usque ad hoc tempus Episcopi Meneviae à suis su●fraganeis Wallensibus ibidem fuerunt consecrati , nullâ penitus professione v●l subjectione factâ alteri Ecclesiae . Ibid. The Britains rejection of the Bishop of Rome . † Concil : Anglic : p. 188. The invalidity of the argument from conversion , when the Britains were certainly not converted by Augustine . No title from conversion for subjection . The power of Kings to erect Patriarchates . † Examples in Justiniana Prima , c. 5. §. 8. Carthage . † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : 131. Ravenna . * de privileg : Patriar : † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * l. 4. c. 34. Grado . Frequent in the East . So also to translate . Examples in England . Concil : Angl : p. 26. So to exempt from Episcopal jurisdiction . Kings Founders of Bishopricks and Patrons , The Reason of all , supreme power of Kings , * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the King is as it were the common directer and ruler of the Church , both in title and reality . Demetrii Chomateni Resp : ad Const : Cab : Jur. Graec : Rom : l. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Ye are Bishops of the Church for those things which are celebrated within it , but for external things , I am constituted overseer or Bishop by God , saith Constantine the Great in an assembly of Bishops . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , I am King and Priest , saith Leo Isaurus to Gregory the second , Nec tamen eo nomine à Pontifice reprehenditur , and was not for this reprehended by the Pope , see J. C. de lib. Eccl : ap : Goldast : Monarch : t. 1. p. 686. So Socrates the historian , of the Emperours in general , after their receiving the faith of Christ , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the affairs of the Church depended on them , in Prooem . l. 5. And by Optatus l. 2. it is noted , and censured as a Schismatical piece of language in the Donatist● , Quid enim Imperatori cum Ecclesiâ ? And all this according to the principles of civil policy acknowledged by Aristotle Pol. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the King hath power of those things that belong to the Gods ; and by Diotogenes in S●obaeus , that a perfect King ought to be both a good Captain , and a Judge , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 yea and a Priest also ; And accordingly among the ancient Roman regal Lawes , this is one , Sacrorum omniū potestas sub Regibus esto , Let the power of all sacred things be under the Kings , and so in the practice , Caius Caesar in Suetonius c. 13. was both Augur and Summus Pontifex ▪ Galba tres Pontificatus gerebat , Ibid : Gal. c. 8. Claudius is by Josephus called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the greatest High-priest , and Tacitus makes it his observation , Deûm nunc munere summum Pontificem summum hominum esse . Annal : l. 3. The same appears among the Jewish Kings in Scripture , David ordering the courses of the Priests , Solomon consecrating the temple , Hezekiah 2 Chron : 29. 2 Kin : 18. and Josiah 2 Kin : 22. ordering many things belonging to it . And so S. Paul appealed from the judgement of the chief Priests to the tribunal of Caesar , see G : de Heimberg : de usurp : Pap : so in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the whole third book is made up of Justinians , i. e. the Emperours constitutions , de Episcopis , Clericis & Sacris , concerning Bishops , Clergy men , and sacred offices . And the Canons of Councels have mostly been set out ( and received their authority ) by the Emperours , and accordingly in the Theodosian Code we shall find many of those which are now called Papal decrees . and Ecclesiastical division of Provinces following the Civil . This Power of Kings if taken away by forein laws &c. resumable . So if alienated by prescription . † Clav : Reg : l. 9. c. 12. The history of what was done against the Bishop of Rome in the Reformation . The Praemunire . The Right of the Bishop of Rome considered . The concession of Kings . † in Goldast : de Mon : A Dilemma against the plea drawn from that . Two sorts of gifts . Some revocable . The reasonablenesse of revoking it . Title & power of Supreme head of the Church retained by Queen Mary . The advance of the Reformation in K ng Edward's daies . In Queen Elizabeth's . The Creation of new Bishops in Queen Elizabeth's time , vindicated . Three branches of the second sort of Schisme . 1. A departure from the Unity of Doctrines , or Traditions Apostolical . Our Church vindicated from this , in two branches . In the first , Christs Rules for upholding the truth . In the Second , Particular doctrines . The Church of Englands temper in respect of particular doctrines . This Church free from breach of Communion Ecclesiastical . As appears by six Considerations . The first . The second . The third . The fourth . The fift . The sixt . A consideration concerning our Church . Contrary to charity due from all to all . 1. Judging ▪ 2. Despising . Separating the effect of both . Of Judging & separating the Romanists guilty ex Confesso Of despising . We are guiltlesse of it . The Romanists argument frō our present condition of Persecution . Answered . What this may come to in the future . The Conclusion .