The political anatomy of Ireland with the establishment for that kingdom when the late Duke of Ormond was Lord Lieutenant ... : to which is added Verbum sapienti, or, An account of the wealth and expences of England, and the method of raising taxes in the most equal manner ... / by Sir William Petty ... Petty, William, Sir, 1623-1687. 1691 Approx. 302 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 125 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-11 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A54620 Wing P1931 ESTC R4596 12579614 ocm 12579614 63710 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A54620) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 63710) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 328:10) The political anatomy of Ireland with the establishment for that kingdom when the late Duke of Ormond was Lord Lieutenant ... : to which is added Verbum sapienti, or, An account of the wealth and expences of England, and the method of raising taxes in the most equal manner ... / by Sir William Petty ... Petty, William, Sir, 1623-1687. Tate, Nahum, 1652-1715. [17], 205 p., [3], 24 p. Printed for D. Brown and W. Rogers ..., London : 1691. Dedication signed: N. Tate. Reproduction of original in Columbia University Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. 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In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Ormonde, James Butler, -- Duke of, 1610-1688. Taxation -- England. Ireland -- Politics and government -- 17th century. 2003-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-08 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-09 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2003-09 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE Political Anatomy OF IRELAND WITH The Establishment for that Kingdom when the late Duke of ORMOND was Lord Lieutenant . Taken from the RECORDS . To which is added VERBUM SAPIENTI ; or an Account of the Wealth and Expences of England , and the Method of raising Taxes in the most Equal manner . Shewing also , That the Nation can bear the Charge of Four Millions per Annum , when the occasions of the Government require it . By Sir WILLIAM PETTY , late Fellow of the Royal Society , and Surveyor-General of the Kingdom of Ireland . LONDON : Printed for D. Brown , and W. Rogers , at the Bible without Temple-Bar , and at the Sun over-against St. Dunstans Church , Fleetstreet . 1691. To His Grace the Duke of ORMOND . MY LORD , THE Celebrated Author of the following Treatise , had not only the Honour to be known to Your Grace's Grand-Father , the late Illustrious Duke of ORMOND , but was likewise held by Him in that just Esteem , which he never fail'd of expressing towards Men of Learning and Ingenuity . This was a sufficient Encouragement to me ( having the Manuscript-Copy deliver●d into my Hands by a Worthy and Intimate Friend of the Authors , to dispose of it to the Press for the publick Benefit ) to Address it to Your Grace's Patronage . You are so true a Successor in all the generous Virtues of Your Ancestry , that I cannot doubt of Your favourable Reception of this Posthumous Work. Your Generosity , that takes all occasions of exerting it self towards the Living , cannot fail in doing Justice to the Memory of the Dead . More especially to such Persons as in their Life took care to oblige Posterity . The usefulness of the ensuing Discourse at this time , when there is so fair a prospect of a new Settlement in IRELAND , were sufficient to recommend it to Your Grace's Protection . Your Grace's Interest in the Re-establishment of that Kingdom ( tho it be considerable ) yet is much less than your Share in the glorious Enterprize towards its Recovery . You had the Honour of accompanying His MAJESTY in an Adventure that shall shine in the Annals of Fame , as long as the Boyne shall maintain its Course . But a single Gallantry appear'd not sufficient for the Heir of ORMOND and OSSERY . You have since accompanied our Royal Master to other Shores , to be partaker with him in new Scenes of Action , Undertakings of no less Consequence and Importance , than the Deliverance of Europe . This will afford sufficient matter for Panegyrick , and oblige the Muses to place you in the same high Rank of Renown with Your Noble and Heroick Predecessors . In the mean time , be pleas'd to permit this useful Treatise to wait on you to the Camp , and bring you the hearty wishes of all good Men here , for Your happy Expedition , and Your safe Return , which is desir'd by none with a more particular Zeal , than by Your GRACE'S Most Devoted Servant , N. TATE . THE Author's Preface . SIR Francis Bacon , in his Advancement of Learning , hath made a judicious Parallel in many particulars , between the Body Natural , and Body Politick , and between the Arts of preserving both in Health and Strength : And it is as reasonable , that as Anatomy is the best foundation of one , so also of the other ; and that to practice upon the Politick , without knowing the Symmetry , Fabrick , and Proportion of it , is as casual as the practice of Old-women and Empyricks . Now , because Anatomy is not only necessary in Physicians , but laudable in every Philosophical person whatsoever ; I therefore , who profess no Politicks , have , for my curiosity , at large attempted the first Essay of Political Anatomy . Furthermore , as Students in Medicine , practice their inquiries upon cheap and common Animals , and such whose actions they are best acquainted with , and where there is the least confusion and perplexure of Parts ; I have chosen Ireland as such a Political Animal , who is scarce Twenty years old ; where the Intrigue of State is not very complicate , and with which I have been conversant from an Embrion ; and in which , if I have done amiss , the fault may be easily mended by another . 'T is true , that curious Dissections cannot be made without variety of proper Instruments ; whereas I have had only a commōn Knife and a Clout , instead of the many more helps which such a Work requires : However , my rude approaches . being enough to find whereabout the Liver and Spleen , and Lungs lye , tho' not to discern the Lymphatick Vessels , the Plexus , Choroidus , the Volvuli of vessels within the Testicles ; yet not knowing , that even what I have here readily done , was much considered , or indeed thought useful by others , I have ventur'd to begin a new Work , which , when Corrected and Enlarged by better Hands and Helps . I believe will tend to the Peace and Plenty of my Country ; besides which , I have no other end . ADVERTISEMENT . THE Reader is desired to take notice , That by Letter●es , are meant persons restored to Land by virtue of the Letters of King Charles the Second ; and by Nominees , such persons are intended , as were restored to their Lands by being named in the Act of Settlement ; and Papists per Proviso , were such as had Provisoes in that Act for their Lands : And by the 49 Officers , are meant such Commission Officers under the King , who served in Ireland before the year of our Lord , 1649. The following Treatise of Sir William Petty's Political Anatomy of Ireland , is Printed after a Copy Transcribed from the Original , writ by the Author 's own hand ; and all the Blanks , as here Printed , were in that Original : And which , tho' it may be suppos'd he could easily have fill'd up , yet was it not held proper for any other to attempt , or to add to any thing done by so great a Master . This his work of The Political Anatomy of Ireland ends in page 113. P. 114. begins the famous Report from the Council of Trade in Ireland , which was not only Drawn , but wholly Composed by Sir William Petty ; and with which that Council concurred unanimously . P. 132. followeth the Copy of the Commission of the late Duke of Ormond to be Lord Lieutenant ; and an Account of the Establishment of the Civil and Military List in his time ; faithfully and carefully taken out of Authentick Records : And to the Nature of which , the continued Title of The Political Anatomy of Ireland , on those Pages , agrees well enough . The Volume concludes with Sir William Petty's Verbum Sapienti , which relates wholly to England , and shews how Taxes may be equally laid , and how the Nation may well bear the Tax of Four Millions per Annum . The Reader is now left with his most Critical attentive Judgment , to enjoy the benefit of the great Political knowledg that Sir William Petty hath taught the Age ; and for which ( as one of the greatest Ornaments of it ) he deserveth perpetual celebrations . Know Reader in a word , That Nulla ferent talem saecla futura virum . The CONTENTS of the Political Anatomy of IRELAND . OF the Lands of Ireland , with the present distribution and Values of the same . Page 1 Of the People , Houses and Smokes ; their Number , Differences and Values , 7 Of the Church and Benefices , 16 Concerning the late Rebellion and its effects , 17 Of the future Settlement of Ireland , Prevention of Rebellions , and its Union with England , 25 Of the Government of Ireland , Apparent and Internal . 36 Of the Militia and Defence of Ireland , 42 Of the Coelum , Solum , & Fruges ; or the Air , Soil and Product of Ireland , 48 Of the Rate which the Lands in Ireland do bear to each other , with the History of the several Valuations of the same , 58 Of the Money of Ireland , and the Causes of its Decrease , with the Remedy for the same , 68 Of the Trade of Ireland , and its Impediments ; the Commodities , and aptitude for Traffick , and incidently of the Cloaths and Dyet of the People : Of Sumptuary Laws , Absentees , &c. 75 Of the Religion , Language , Manners , and Interest of the present Inhabitants of Ireland ; as also of the Present and Ancient Divisions and Names of the Lands , 93 Some Miscellany Remarques and Intimations concerning Ireland , and the several matters aforementioned , 103 A Report from the Council of Trade in Ireland , to the Lord Lieutenant and Council , &c. 114 Considerations relating to the Improvement of Ireland , 115 Inferences from the Premises , 120 Propositions to His Majesty concerning the Government of Ireland , 146 The List for Civil Affairs , &c. 157 The Establishment and List , containing all the Payments to be made for Military Affairs , &c. 181 Officers Provincial , 184 Constables , 186 Sundry Ministers belonging to the Ordnance , viz. in Lemster , 188 Connaught , 189 Munster , 190 Ulster , 191 Temporary Payments , 196 A Catalogue of the Peers , 199 A List of the Arch-Bishopricks and Bishopricks , 200 Barons , 201 A List of those Places that return Parliament-Men , &c. 202 Verbum Sapienti . INtroduction , Page 1 Chap. 1. Containing several Computations of the Wealth of the Kingdom , 3 Chap. 2. Of the Value of the People , 7 Chap. 3. Of the several Expences of the Kingdom , and its Revenue , 10 Chap. 4. Of the Method of apportioning Taxes , 11 Chap. 5. Of Money , and how much is necessary to drive the Trade of the Nation , 13 Chap. 6. The Causes of Irregular Taxing , 15 Chap 7. The Collateral Advantages of these Taxes , 16 Chap. 8. Of the Expence of the Navy , Army , and Garisons , 18 Chap. 9. Motives to the quiet bearing of Extraordinary Taxes , 19 Chap. 10. How to imploy the People , and the end thereof , 22 LICENSED , May the 11th . 1691. THE Political Anatomy OF IRELAND 1672. Of the Lands of Ireland . THERE are in Ireland of Acres of Land , Irish Measure ( whereof 121 Acres makes 196 English Measure ) near about M. Ac. 10,500 Whereof there is of Rivers , Highways , Loughs , unpassable Bogs , Rocks and Shrubs , about M. 1,500 Of very course Land , commonly call'd unprofitable 1,500 Consequently of good Meadow , Arrable and Pasture 7,500   10,500 Of which Anno 1641 , there did belong to Papists and Sequestred Protestants 5,200 To the Church , viz. Bishops , Deans , Chapters and Glebes 300 To the Protestants planted by Queen Elizabeth and King Iames 2,000   7500 Of the 5,200 belonging to Papists and Sequestred Protestants Anno 1641. There was restored to 26 that proved their constant good Affection , per est . 40 210 To His Grace the D. of Ormond . 130 To the Lord Inchiquine , Lord Roscommon , and others 40 To innocent Papists , near 1,200   To the Church , near 20 140 To the Duke of York , near 120 To Letterees and Nominees Irish-men 60 420 To Papists , per proviso with Collonel Vernon 360 Left in the Common-Stock of Course-Land 80 470 To Adventurers 390 To Soldiers since 49. 1,440   To the 49 Officers 280 550 To Protestants per proviso 270 Upon Transplantation Decrees 700   Restored to Mortgagees Protestants , about 100       5,200 So that of all the Lands seiz'd by the Usurpers , the Papists have recovered about M. 2,340 The new Protestants and Churches Additions 2,400 Of a more indifferent Nature , ut supra 460 / 5200 Mem. That Protestants in Connaught purchased of the Transplantees per estimate . M. 60 Wherefore of the whole 7500 M. of good Land , the English , and Protestants and Church have this Christmas 1672. 5,140 And the Irish have near ½ as much , viz. 2,280   7,500 Remains in the Common-Stock , near 80 M.   The said 7,500 Acres of good , and the 1,500 of course , making together 9000 M. is worth per Annum . M. l. 900,000 Out of which the King's Quit-rents , Old-rents , and Composition , 90,000 Rests 810,000 The Tythes whereof are one fifth , viz. 162,000 Rests 648,000 The benefit of Leases , and the value of Tenants Improvements upon the said Lands , is ⅓ viz. 216,000 For the Landlords 432,000 If the whole 7500 be clearly worth but 432000 l. per Ann. then the 2,520 gain'd by the Rebellion , is worth but about ⅓ thereof ( the 80 M. in the Common Stock being worth very little ) , viz. 144,000 And the Adventurers and Soldiers Lands , who served since 1649 , worth about ¾ of the same , viz. 108,000 And the said Soldiers alone ⅗ of the whole , viz. M. 86,400 per An. Mem. That by the Successes of the Army , who serv'd since 1649. and who have 854 col . per An. for their labour , His Majesty hath received the several Advantages following , viz. 1. Augmented the Church , the Duke of York , and by Provisoes . 770 M. Acres . 2. Hath paid the Adventurers , and 49 Officers , besides Housing in Walled Towns 670 M. Acres . 3. Gain'd a Revenue worth above 80000 l. per Ann. and 15 Years Purchase l. 1200,000 4. Gain'd the Years value , &c. worth . 300,000 5. Hath freed himself from the 1648. Articles with the Irish. 6. Restored many of his Friends to their own Estates . The value of the said Army's Lands at ten Years Purchase , is 854000 l. Out of which deduct a years value and charge , there remains now but l. 700,000 Mem. That whereas until Anno _____ England always sent Money and other Supplies into Ireland , now the Revenue is 200,000 l. and the charge Civil and Military but 170,000 l. which is the gain or ease of England . The Debentures of Commission Officers , who serv'd eight years till about December 1649. comes to l. 1,800,000 Wherefore the Pay of private Soldiers to 5,400,000   7,200,000 The ⅛ whereof is 900,000 l. The one half whereof being for Foot , was , 450,000 l. per Ann. which , at 15 l. each , maintains 30,000 Foot , and the rest 15000 Horse , General Officers , and Train of Artillery included ; so as there was a British Army , for eight Years , of at least 45000 Men. The Army who reduced the Rebelllon , did Anno 1652 , consist of near 35000 Men , as per Debentures . The Irish transported into Foreign parts , between 1651 and 1654. were 34,000 Men. The Irish Army could not but be more than double to the English. The Claymants of Land , or the number of Proprietors before the War was . Of all that claimed innocency 7 in 8. obtained it . The restored Persons by innocence and proviso have more than what was their own , Anno 1641. by at least ⅕ They have gotten by forg'd Feofments of what was more than their own , at least ⅓ . Of those adjudged Innocents , not 1 / 20 were really so . The King's Revenue in Ireland Anno 1641. The yearly charge of the Army for 20 years last past . Of People , Houses , and Smoaks ; their Number , Differences , and Values . THere are of People , Men , Women and Children . 1,100,000 There are of Families 200,000 Of Smoaks 250,000 VIZ Of the People , there are English 200,000 Of Papists 800,000 Of Non-Papists 300,000 Scots 100,000 Irish 800,000   2,200,000 The Scots are Presbyterians , and the Irish , Papists . But the English are above 100,000 legal Protestants or Conformists , and the rest are Presbyterians , Independants , Anabaptists and Quakers . Of the Families . Such as have no fix'd Hearths , are 160,000 Such as have but one Chimney 24,000 Such as have more than one 16,000 Of Smoaks . The Single-Smoak-houses , are ut supra 184,000 And those Houses that have more than one Chimney , have but one with another above four in each House , viz. in all 66,000   250 , M. The Number of them of all degrees , who paid Poll-money , Anno 1661. was about 360,000 Dublin hath Houses of more than one Smoak . 3,400 Other Cities , Towns , and Corporations of the like . 6,000 The rest of Ireland of the like 6,600   165 , M. And of Smiths Forges , near the same number , or rather more . A more particular Account of the Houses in Ireland , which have more than one Chimney , viz. The Castle of Dublin hath Chimneys 125 The Earl of Meath's House in Dublin 27 The Houses of Dublin which have above 10 , are 164 T he Number of Coaches , besides Hackneys , near the same Number , or rather fewer . There be ( ut supra ) 160,000 Cabins without Chimneys , whose worth are not reckoned ; but as for the others , we rate as follows , viz. Houses of 1 Chimny of 24000 at 5 l. each 120,000 l. of 2 , and 3 , 6800 at 40 l. 272,000 l. 4 , 5 , 6 , 5600 at 100 l. 560,000 l. 7 , 8 , 9 , 2500 at 300 l. 750,000 l. 10 , 11 , 12 , 700 at 600 l. 420,000 l. 13 , 14 , 15 , 16 , 17 , 18 , 19 , 20. 400 at 1000 l. 400,000 l.     2,522,000 For 20 Transcendental-houses , per estimate   78,000   Total 2,600,000 Memorandum , That not ● / 8 ; part of the Value of all those Houses do belong to other than English Protestants .   325,000   To the English 2,275,000 There are of Non-papists in Dublin   28,000 In the other Cities , Towns , Corporations , &c.   72,000 In the Country   100,000     2,000,000 There is in Nature but one in 500 at most who are Blind , Lame , and under incurable Impotence ; so as not above 2000 in Ireland , whom 12000 l. would maintain without Scandal . The number of young Children under seven years old , and not fit for Labour , is ¼ of the whole , viz. 275,000 The said number of Impotents 2000 The number of Soldiers 3000   280,000 The Masters and Mistresses of 360 Families , wherein are above six Smoaks , are 7,200 Their Servants to their Persons 14,400 The Servants to the Persons of such as live in 5600 Families of 4 , 5 , 6. Smoaks , are 11,200 Servants in Families of 2 , and 3 , Smoaks 6800 Ministers , Students , &c. 400   320,000 People in all 1100 M. Of above 6 years old 704 16 462 26 297 36 198 46 132 56 88 66 77 So as there are in Ireland fit for Trade 780,000 Which are Imployed as followeth , viz.   For the Tillage of 500,000 Acres of Land for Corn , Men , and their Wives 100,000 For Cowherds and Shepherds to Cattel , grazing upon Seven Millions of Acres , viz. six Millions of black Cattel , or their equivalent in Horses and Sheep . Men and their Wives . 120,000   220,000 By the other side . 220,000 Imployed about the taking of 5000 Hogsheads of Pilchards , Boats , Nets , Hewers , &c. Men and Women . 1000 Imployed about making 1000 Tuns of Iron , Men and Women 2000 Smiths as by account , Men and Women 15,000 Their Servants to the Trade 7,500 Taylors and their Wives 45,000 Carpenters and Masons , and their Wives 10,000 Shoemakers and their Wives 20,000 and Servants 2500 Millers and their Wives 1600 Workers of Wooll and their Wives . 30,000 Tanners and Curriers , and their Wives . 10,000   331,600 Trades of Fancy and Ornament and their Wives . 48,400   380,000 Wherefore if the present Employment be performed with 380,000 Persons , it follows that there are to spare for other uses 400,000 Memorandum , That in Dublin , where are but 4000 Families , there are at one time 1180 Ale-houses , and 91 publick Brew-houses , viz. near ⅓ of the whole ; it seems , that in Ireland , there being 200 M. Families , that about 60 M. of them should use the same Trade . And consequently , That 180,000 viz. 60 Men , 60 Women , and 60 Servants do follow the Trade of Drink . 180,000 So as there are yet to spare , who are Casherers and Fait-neants . 220,000   400,000 Whereas it is manifest , that ⅔ of the Alehouses may be spared , even although the same quantity of Drink should be sold ; then there will yet be further to spare of them 120,000 and 220,000   340,000 Having shew'd that 340,000 of spare hands are in Ireland , it follows to find Employments for them , which is at 7 l. per head , to earn per Ann. 2,380,000 This Imployment may be either in order to Local Wealth , or Universal Wealth . Local Wealth I understand to be the building of 168,000 small Stone-wall Houses , with Chimneys , Doors , Windores , Gardens and Orchards , ditch'd and quicksetted ; instead of the lamentable Sties now in use ; the which may cost 3 l. each , in all l. 544,000 The planting 5 Millions of Fruit-Trees at 4 d. each . 83,000 Planting 3 Millions of Timber-Trees upon the Bounds and Meers of every Denomination of Lands at 3 d. each 360,000 l. Of Inclosures and Quicksets one Million of Perches at 12 d. per Perch . l. 50,000 Fortifying the City of Dublin 30,000 Building a new Palace for the chief Governour . 20,000 Making there a Mold for Shipping . 15,000 Making several Rivers navigable and mending High-Ways . 35,000 Building of 100 Churches , at 200 l. each 20,000 Workhouses of several sorts , Tan-Yards , Fishing Crofts , Rape-Mills , Allom and Copperas-works , as also Madder , Lead , Salt , &c. 50,000 In order to Money and Vniversal Wealth . For Ten Thousand Tuns of Shipping 100,000 For a Stock of Wool , Hemp , Flax and Rawhides for one Years Work 400,000 For the Labour of Men to Manufacture the same . 1000,000 Of the Church and Benefices . IF 1 / ● the Non-Papists are Non-Conformists , then there are but 50000 Legal Protestants in Dublin and all other Cities , Towns , &c. which require but 50 preaching Ministers . And if there are but 50 M. Legal Protestants in the rest of Ireland , they require but 100 Ministers , at 500 to a Flock , whereof ● / 3 , viz. 166 are Children . If there be in England and Wales about 9000 Parishes , and under 30 Bishops , then every Bishop must have above 300 Parsons in his Charge . So as one Bishop in Ireland is more than 30 in England . Wherefore 25,000 l. would afford 150 l. per Ann. of each of 150 Ministers , and 2500 l. to the Bishop . The value of the Church Lands and appropriate Tythes , is per Ann. above the Kings Rent due out of them . If 100 Ministers can serve all Ireland , they must have Precincts of neer 13 / 14 Miles square , and consequently they must be Itinerants , and as Lecturers on week-days ; and other honest ordained Men must be Priests . If 150 , nay , if 250 Ministers would serve all Ireland , then 10 per Ann. will supply their Mortality : And consequently a Nursery of 100 will send forth 10 yearly of 10 years standing . Perhaps the Nursery need not be above half so large . Concerning the Late Rebellion . THE number of the People being now Anno 1672 about 1100,000 . and Anno 1652. about 850 M. because I conceive that 80 M. of them have in 20 years encreased by Generation 70 M. by return of banished and expelled English ; as also by the access of new ones , 80 M. of New Scots , and 20 M. of returned Irish , being all 250 M. Now if it could be known what number of people were in Ireland , Ann. 1641. then the difference between the said number , and 850 , adding unto it the encrease by Generation , in 11 years will shew the destruction of people made by the Wars , viz. by the Sword , Plague , and Famine occasioned thereby . I find , by comparing superfluous and spare Oxen , Sheep , Butter and Beef , that there was exported above ⅓ more Ann. 1664. than in 1641. which shews there were ⅓ more of people , viz. 1466,000 ; Out of which Sum take what were left Ann. 1652. there will remain 616,000 . destroyed by the Rebellion . Whereas the present proportion of the British is as 3 to 11 ; But before the Wars the proportion was less , viz. as 2 to 11. and then it follows that the number of British slain in 11 years was 112 thousand Souls ; of which I guess ⅔ to have perished by War , Plague and Famine . So as it follows that 37,000 were massacred in the first year of Tumults : So as those who think 154,000 were so destroyed , ought to review the grounds of their Opinion . It follows also , that about 504 M. of the Irish perished , and were wasted by the Sword , Plague , Famine , Hardship and Banishment , between the 23 of October 1641. and the same day 1652. Wherefore those who say , That not ⅙ of them remained at the end of the Wars , must also review their opinions ; there being by this Computation near ⅔ of them ; which Opinion I also submit . There were transported of them into Spain , Flanders , France , 34,000 Soldiers ; and of Boys , Women , Priests , &c. no less than 6000 more , where not half are returned . 40,000 . If Ireland had continued in peace for the said 11 years , then the 1466 M. had increased by Generation in that time to 73 M. more , making in all 1539 , which were by the said Wars brought Anno 1652 , to 850 , viz. 689 M. for whose Blood some body should answer both to God and the King. M. 689 Anno 1650. there were before the great Plague , above one Million of People , viz. 2½ more than in London Anno 1665. But in that year there died in London by account 97,000 people , but really were 110 M. Wherefore , if the Plague was no hotter in Ireland than in England , there must have died in Ireland 275 M. But 1300 dying in a Week in Dublin , the Plague of London was but ⅔ as hot ; Wherefore there died in Ireland M. 450 So as substracting 412 M. 500 dying of the Plague , and 37 Massacred English , it follows that 167 M. died in 11 years by the Sword and Famine , and other Hardships . Which I think not incredible ; for supposing ½ the Number , viz. 87 M. died in 11 years , of Famine and Cold , Transportation to Spain and Barbadoes , &c. it is not hard to believe , that the other 87 M. perished by the Sword , when the British had Armies of near 40 M. Men , and the Irish of near double , sometimes on Foot. Ann. 1653. Debentures were freely and openly sold for 4 s. and 5 s. per l. And 20 s. of Debenture , one place with another , did purchase two Acres of Land ; at which rate all the Land of Ireland , if it were 8 Millions of profitable Acres , might have been had for a Million of Money , which Ann. 1641. was worth above 8 Millions M. 1. The Cattel and Stock which Ann. 1641. was worth above 4 Millions , reckoning one Beef of 20 s. value , or the Equivalent in other Stock to two Acres ; but Ann. 1652. the people of Dublin fetch'd Meat from Wales , there being none here , and the whole Cattel of Ireland not worth l. 500,000 Corn was then at 50 s. per Barrel , which is now , and 1641. under 12. The Houses of Ireland , Ann. 1641. was worth 2½ Millions ; but Ann. 1652. not worth ⅓ of the same l. 500,000 The value of people , Men , Women and Children in England , some have computed to be 70 l. per Head , one with another . But if you value the people who have been destroyed in Ireland , as Slaves and Negroes are usually rated , viz. at about 15 l. one with another ; Men being sold for 25 l. and Children 5 l. each ; the value of the people lost will be about 10,355,000 The Forces kept on Foot by all Parties for the said 11 years , were at least 80,000 Horse and Foot ( for even Ann. 1652. the English were 35,000 and 34,000 Irish transported ) the Charge whereof , Train of Artillery , and General Officers included , cannot be less than 15 l. per Head per Ann. which for 11 years comes to 13 Millions and 200 M. l. 13,200,000 The superlucration above expressed , of all which adult Men ( among which were no Women nor Children ) cannot be reckoned at less than 5 l. per Head , or ⅓ of the last mentioned Sum , viz. M. 4,400,000 Wherefore the effects of the Rebellion were these in pecuniary value , viz. By loss of people 10,335,000 By loss of their superlucration of Soldiers 4,400,000 By the superlucration of the people lost , at 10 l. per Head for the whole 11 years , deducting 80 M. Soldiers 6,000,000 By impairing of the worth of Lands 11,000,000 Of the Stock 3,500,000 Of the Housing 2,000,000   37,255,000 And the 20 years Rent of all the Lands forfeited , by reason of the said Rebellion , viz. since the year 1652 , to 1673. hath not fully defray'd the Charge of the English Army in Ireland for the said time ; nor doth the said Rents at this day do the same with ½ as much more , or above 100 M. l. per An. more And the Adventurers after 10 years being out of their Principal Money , which now ought to be double by its Interest , they sold their Adventures for under 10 s. per l. Ann. 1652. in open and free Market . The Number of Landed Irish-Papists , or Freeholders before the Wars , was about 3000 ; whereof , as appears by 800 Judgments of the Court of Claims , which fate Ann. 1663. upon the Innocence and Effects of the Irish , there were not above 1 / 7 part or 400 guilty of the Rebellion , unto each of whom I allow 20 Followers , which would have made up an Army of 8000 : But by the 49 Officers account , the British Army before 1649. must have been about 40 M. men ; upon whom the said 8000 Nocent Irish so prevail'd , as that the Peace ended in the Art●cles of 1648. By which the Irish were made at least equal Partners with His Majesty in the Government of Ireland ; which sheweth , that the Irish were men of admirable Success and Courage : Unless we should rather think , that the said Court of Claims were abused by their Perjuries and Forgeries , which one would think , that a Nation , who caus'd the destruction of so many thousand Lives , for the sake of God and Religion , should not be so guilty of . The Estates of the Irish before the Wars , was double to that of the English ; but the number and natural force of the Irish quintuple to that of the English. The Cause of the War was a desire of the Romists , to recover the Church-Revenue , worth about 110 M. l. per Ann. and of the Common Irish , to get all the Englishmens Estates ; and of the 10 or 12 Grandees of Ireland , to get the Empire of the whole . But upon the playing of this Game or Match upon so great odds , the English won and have ( among , and besides other Pretences ) a Gamester's Right at least to their Estates . But as for the Bloodshed in the Contest , God best knows who did occasion it . Of the future Settlement of Ireland , Prorogation of Rebellions , and its Union with England . THE English invaded Ireland about 500 years since ; at which time , if the Irish were in number about 1,200,000 . Anno 1641. they were but 600 M. in number , 200 years ago , and not above 300,000 M. at the said time of their Invasion ; for 300,000 people will , by the ordinary Course of Generation , become 1200 M. in 500 years ; allowance being made for the Extraordinary Effects of Epidemical Diseases , Famines , Wars , &c. There is at this Day no Monument or real Argument that , when the Irish were first invaded , they had any Stone-Housing at all , any Money , any Foreign Trade , nor any Learning but the Legend of the Saints , Psalters ; Missals , Rituals , &c. viz. nor Geometry , Astronomy , Anatomy , Architecture , ●nginery , Painting , Carving , nor any kind of Manufacture , nor the least use of Navigation , or the Art Military . Sir Iohn Davys hath expressed much Wit and Learning , in giving the Causes why Ireland was in no measure reduced to English Government , till in Queen Elizabeths Reign , and since ; and withal offers several means , whereby what yet remains to be done , may be still effected . The Conquest made by the English , and described in the Preamble of the Act of Parliament past Ann. 1662. for the Settlement of Ireland , gave means for any thing that had been reasonable of that kind ; but their Forfeiters being abroad , and suffering with His Majesty from the same usurping hands , made some diversion . Wherefore ( Rebus sic stantibus ) what is now to be done is the Question , viz. What may be done by natural possibility , if Authority saw it sit ? Some furious Spirits have wished , that the Irish would rebel again , that they might be put to the Sword. But I declare , that motion to be not only impious and inhumane , but withal frivolous and pernicious even to them who have rashly wish'd for those occasions . That the Irish will not easily rebel again , I believe from the memory of their former Successes , especially of the last , had not many Providences interpos'd ; and withal from the consideration of these following Particulars , viz. 1. That the British Protestants and Church have ¾ of all the Lands ; ⅚ of all the Housing ; ●●● of all the Housing in wall'd Towns , and Places of strength ⅔ of the Foreign Trade . That 6 of 8 of all the Irish live in a brutish nasty Condition , as in Cabins , with neither Chimney , Door , Stairs nor Window ; feed chiefly upon Milk and Potatoes , whereby their Spirits are not dispos'd for War. And that although there be in Ireland 8 Papists for 3 others ; yet there are far more Soldiers , and Soldierlike-Men of this latter and lesser Number , than of the former . That His Majesty , who formerly could do nothing for , and upon Ireland , but by the help of England , hath now a Revenue upon the Place , to maintain , if he pleases , 7000 Men in Arms , besides a Protestant Militia of 25000 more , the most whereof are expert in War. That the Protestants have Housing enough within Places of strength within 5 Miles of the Sea-side ; to receive and protect , and harbour every Man , Woman and Child belonging to them , and have also places of strength of their own properly , so situate in all parts of Ireland , to which they can easily travel the shortest day of the year . That being able so to secure their Persons , even upon all sudden Emergencies , they can be easily supplied out of England with Food sufficient to maintain them , till they have burnt 160 M. of their afore-described Cabins , not worth 50 M. l. destroy'd their Stacks and Haggards of Corn , and disturbed their Tillage , which the embody'd British can soon and easily atchieve . That a few Ships of War , whereof the Irish have none , nor no Skill or Practice of Navigation , can hinder their relief from all Foreign help . That few Foreigners can help them if they would . But that none , not the King of France , can gain advantage by so doing , even tho he succeeded . For England hath constantly lost these 500 years by their medling with Ireland . And at this day , than when Ireland was never so rich and splendid , it were the advantage of the English to abandon their whole Interest in that Countrey ; and fatal to any other Nation to take it , as hath been elsewhere ( as I think ) demonstrated ; and the advantage of the Landlords of England , to give them the Equivalent of what they should so quit out of their own Estates in England . Lastly , Let the Irish know , That there are , ever were , and will be men discontented with their present Conditions in England , and ready for any Exploit and Change , more than are sufficient to quell any Insurrection they can make and abide by . Wherefore , declining all Military means of setling and securing Ireland in peace and plenty , what we offer shall tend to the transmuting one People into the other , and the thorough union of Interests upon natural and lasting Principles ; of which I shall enumerate several , tho seemingly never so uncouth and extravagant . 1. If Henry the II. had or could have brought over all the people of Ireland into England , declining the Benefit of their Land ; he had fortified , beautified and enrich'd England , and done real Kindness to the Irish . But the same Work is near four times as hard now to be done as then ; but it might be done , even now , with advantage to all Parties . Whereas there are now 300 M. British , and 800 M. Papists , whereof 600 M. live in the wretched way above mentioned : If an Exchange was made of but about 200 M. Irish , and the like number of British brought over in their rooms , then the natural strength of the British would be equal to that of the Irish ; but their Political and Artificial strength three times as great ; and so visible , that the Irish would never stir upon a National or Religious Account . 3. There are among the 600 M. above-mentioned of the poor Irish , not above 20 M. of unmarried marriageable Women ; nor would above two thousand per Ann. grow and become such . Wherefore if ½ the said Women were in one year , and ½ the next transported into England , and disposed of one to each Parish , and as many English brought back and married to the Irish , as would improve their Dwelling but to an House and Garden of 3 l. value , the whole Work of natural Transmutation and Union would in 4 or 5 years be accomplished . The charge of making the exchange would not be 20,000 l. per Ann. which is about 6 Weeks Pay of the present or late Armies in Ireland . If the Irish must have Priests , let the number of them , which is now between 2 and 3 thousand Secular and Regulars , be reduced to the competent number of 1000 , which is 800 Souls to the pastorage of each Priest ; which let be known persons , and English-men , if it may be . So as that when the Priests , who govern the Conscience , and the Women , who influence other powerful Appetites , shall be English , both of whom being in the Bosom of the Men , it must be , that no massacring of English , as heretofore , can happen again . Moreover , when the Language of the Children shall be English , and the whole Oeconomy of the Family English , viz. Diet , Apparel , &c. the Transmutation will be very easy and quick . Add hereunto , That if both Kingdoms , now two , were put into one , and under one Legislative Power and Parliament , the Members whereof should be in the same proportion that the Power and Wealth of each Nation are , there would be no danger such a Parliament should do any thing to the prejudice of the English Interest in Ireland ; nor could the Irish ever complain of Partiality , when they shall be freely and proportionably represented in all Legislatures . The Inconveniencies of the Not-Union , and Absurdities seem to be these , viz. 1. It is absurd , that English-men born , sent over into Ireland by the Commission of their own King , and there sacrificing their Lives for the King's Interest , and succeeding in his Service , should therefore be accounted Aliens , Foreigners , and also Enemies , such as were the Irish before Henry the VII . time ; whom , if an English-man had then killed , he had suffer'd nothing for it ; for it is but Indulgence and Connivance , that now the same is not still in force . For such formerly was the Condition of Irishmen ; and that of English-men is now the same , otherwise than as Custom has relieved them . It is absurd , that the Inhabitants of Ireland , naturally and necessarily bound to obey their Sovereign , should not be permitted to know who , or what the same is , i.e. Whether the Parliament of England , or that of Ireland ; and in what Cases the one , and in what the other . Which uncertainty is or may be made a pretence for my Disobedience . It is absurd , that English-men in Ireland , should either be Aliens there , or else to be bound to Laws , in the making whereof they are not represented . It is absurd if the Legislative Power be in Ireland , that the final judgment of Causes between man and man , should be in England , viz. the Writs of Error should remove Causes out of Ireland , to the King's Bench in England . That the final determination of Admiralty-Causes , and of some Causes-Ecclesiastical , should be also ended in England ; nor that men should know whether the Chancery of England have jurisdiction in Ireland ; and whether the Decrees of Chancery in one Chancery , can be executed in the other . As for Inconveniences , it is one , That we should do to Trade between the two Kingdoms , as the Spaniards in the West-Indies do to all other Nations ; for which cause all other Nations have war with them there . And that a Ship trading from Ireland into the Islands of America , should be forced to unlade the Commodities shipt for Ireland in England , and afterwards bring them home ; thereby necessitating the Owners of such Goods to run unnecessary hazard and Expences . It is inconvenient that the same King's Subjects should pay Customs as Aliens , passing from one part of the same their own King's Territories to another . The chief Objection against the remedy of these Evils is ; That his Majesty would by the Union lose much of his Double-Customs . Which being true , let 's see what the same amounts unto ; and if it be sufficient to hinder the remedy of these Evils , and if it be irreparable by some other way . Ann. 1664. which was the best year of Trade that hath been these many years in Ireland , when neither Plague nor Wars impeached it , and when men were generally disposed to Splendor and Liberality , and when the Act for hindring Cattel coming out of Ireland into England , was not yet made ; nor that made for unlading in England Ships bound from America into Ireland ; I say , in that year the Customs upon exported and imported Commodities , between Ireland and England , was but — but not ⅙ thereof , which since , how easily may it be added to the other Charges upon England and Ireland , which are together perhaps 1500 M. per Ann ? 2. If it be for the good of England to keep Ireland a distinct Kingdom , why do not the predominant Party in Parliament ( suppose the Western Members ) make England beyond Trent another Kingdom , under Commerce , and take Tolls and Customs upon the new Borders ? Or why was there ever a Union between England and Wales , the good effects and fruits whereof were never questioned ? And why may not the entire Kingdom of England be farther Cantoniz'd , and infinitely for the advantage of Parties ? As for the Practice ; The Peers of Ireland assembled in Parliament , may depute so many of their number , as make the ⅛ part of the Peers of England , to be call'd by Writ into the Lords House of England : And the Commons in Ireland , assembled in like manner , may depute the like proportion of other Members to sit with the Commons of England , the King and that House admitting of them . But if the Parliament of England be already the Legislative Power of Ireland , why may they not call a competent Number out of Ireland , 〈◊〉 , or in some other more convenient manner ? All these Shifts and Expedients are necessary but for the 〈◊〉 tim● , until the matter be agreed upon by both Nations , in some one Parliament . 'T is s●ppos'd that the Wealth of Ireland is about the ● or ● of that of England ; and the King's Revenue in both Kingdoms seems about that proportion . Of the Government of IRELAND . THE Government of Ireland is by the King , 21 Bishops ( whereof four are Arch-Bishops ) and the Temporal Peers ; whereof some part , — by reason of the late Rebellion , do not sit in Parliament . By about 3000 Freeholders , and the Members of about 100 Corporations , the University at Dublin reckoned for one , represented in the House of Commons , by about 270 Knights , Citizens and Burgesses . The Parliament so constituted , have a Negative upon any Law that the Lord Lieutenant and Councel shall offer to the King , and which the King and his Councel in England shall under the Great Seal remit to the said Parliament . The Sheriffs of Counties , and of Cities and Counties in Ireland are 40 , finally appointed by the Lord Lieutenant , each of which hath about Ten Bailiffs . The Chief Governour , called sometimes Lord-Lieutenant , sometimes Lord-Deputy , sometimes Lords Justices , with a Council , at this time consisting of about 50 Members , do govern in all Matters belonging to the Peace , Prerogative , &c. There be five Courts , viz. a Chancery , consisting of a Lord-Chancellor , Master of the Rolls , and two , three or four Sallariated Masters of Chancery . The King's-Bench , of a Lord-Chief-Justice , and two other Judges . The Common-Pleas of the like : The Exchequer , of a Lord-Chief-Baron , and two other Barons , with the Treasurer and Chancellor of the Exchequer : And a Prerogative , whereof the Primate of Armagh is Judge . There is also a Palatinate-Courtih Tipperary , whereof the Duke of Ormond is Lord of the Liberties and Regalities to it belonging . There is also a Court of Admiralty : Every Bishop hath also two Courts . And there have been formerly and lately ( but now An. 1672. suspended ) a Presidency of Munster , and another of Connaght , who meddle not with Life or Limb , nor Titles of Land. There is also a Court - Marshal , for the Affairs of the Army , who in times of peace often transmit accus'd persons to the Civil-power . To all these Courts do belong — Officers , — Councellors of Law , whereof I reckon — are of the first Classis , gaining by Estimation about 600 l. per Ann. each — of the 2d . gaining about 300 l. per Ann. And — of the 3d gaining not above 100 l. per Ann. There are also — sworn Attornies , gaining about 120 l. per Ann. one with another . There are in Ireland about 950 Justices of the Peace , appointed by the Lord-Chancellor ; an Head-Constable for each Barony or Hundred , being 252 ; and a Petty Constable for each Parish ; whereof are about 2278. The Ecclesiastical Government is by Arch-Bishops , Bishops , Arch-Deacons , Deans of Cathedral-Churches , in all which there are now actually but one Quire entire , and that in Dublin , serving both at Christ-Church , and St. Patrick's . And the Parsons , Vicars and Curates for the Protestant-Religion , are in all Ireland at this day near 500 , and about half the Tythes are Impropriate , and belonging to Lay-men . This is the State of the External and Apparent Government of Ireland , so far as it concerns the Number and Species of Persons managing the same . But the Internal and Mystical Government of Ireland is thus , viz. 1. There are always about Twenty Gentlemen of the Irish Nation and Popish-Religion , who by reason of their Families , good Parts , Courtly Education and Carriage , are supported by the Irish to negotiate their Concernments at the Court of England , and of the Vice-Roy in Ireland These men raise their Contributions by the Priests ( who actually and immediately govern the People . ) The Priests are govern'd by at least 24 Romish Bishops , all of whom have a long time been conversant in France , Spain , Italy , Germany , England , whereas Chaplains and Almoners , &c. they have made an interest with the governing Men and Ministers of State in those several Kingdoms , and have obtained some Benefits and Preferments from them . So as the Body of the Irish-Papist's ( being about 800 M. whereof near 700 M. do live in wretched Cabbins , without Chimney or Window ) are govern'd by about 1000 Secular Priests , and 2500 Friars and Regulars of several Orders ; whereof most are Franciscans , next Dominicans and Augustins , but few Capuchins and Iesuits or Carthusians . These , I say , are govern'd by their respective Bishops and Superiors , whom the Ministers of Foreign States do also govern and direct . So as upon the whole matter , the Irish , who are the Bulk of the Nation , are govern'd indirectly by Foreign Power ; and so are the aforenamed Lay-Patriots , their support coming from the Clergy constituted as aforesaid , and who do notoriously exercise their Spiritual Jurisdiction in Ireland : And do also exert a Temporal Power , by prevailing with Papist Justices of the Peace , to send such to Gaol as are disobedient to the Clergy , upon feigned or frivolous Complaints , which they cause to be brought against them . The Judges aforenamed , all but the Chancellor , go Circuits , whereof there are five twice every year , excepting only the one County of Kerry . There is an University at Dublin , but lying for the most part within one College , wherein are a Provost and seven Senior and Ruling Fellows ; Nine Junior Fellows ; sixty Sch lars ; and at this time — Commoners and other Students There was about the year 1669 erected a College of Physicians , consisting of a President , and 13 Fellows . There are belonging to the Prerogative , Arch-Deacons Courts , Court-Martial and Admiralty-Courts , not above to Advocates , and 30 Proctors . There are in the City of Dublin a Lord-Mayor , 2 Sheriffs , 24 Aldermen , 48 Sheriffs Peers , and 96 of the Common-Council . There are besides , Companies or Corporations of Trades-men . There is lately instituted an Hospital for poor Children , not yet fully perfected nor endowed . There is also an Hospital for Sick , Lame , and Old Soldiers , but without Endowment , and standing but at discretion and pleasure . There are in and near Dublin , three Publick Prisons , and one House of Correction . Lastly , I must intimate , that the Footmanship for which the Irish 40 years agone were very famous , is now almost quite lost among them , every man now keeping a small Garran to ride on , unless in such rocky and craggy places , where 't is easier to go a foot than to ride . Of the Militia and Defence of IRELAND . THERE be in Ireland , as elsewhere , two Militias ; one are the Justices of Peace , their Militia of High and Petty Constables ; as also the Sheriffs Militia of his Servants and Bailiffs , and Posse Comitatus upon extraordinary occasions . Of these all together there are in Ireland near 3000 ; all of which are bound within their several Districts , there to act , and not elsewhere . There is , or hath lately been an Army in Ireland , of about thirty Troops of Horse , and sixty Companies of Foot , with a Regiment of Guard at Dublin , as a Life-Guard for the Lord Lieutenant , making in all about five thousand Men. There is also a Protestant Militia , of about 24000 Men , viz. about ten thousand Horse , and the rest Foot. The people of Ireland are all in Factions and Parties , called English and Irish , Protestants and Papists : Though indeed the real distinction is vested and devested of the Land belonging to Papists , Ann. 1641. Of which the Irish that are vested by Restoration , seem rather to take part with the devested . And the chief Pique which the Popish-Clergy have at the Protestants is , that they have the Church Livings and Jurisdictions ; for the exercise of their Function they have most freely , and had , when they undertook their Project in 1641. The differences between the Old Irish , and Old English Papists is asleep now , because they have a Common Enemy . The Old Protestants of Queen Elizabeth and King Iames's Plantation ( till of late ) did not much love the New English ; who came over since 1641. or rather since 1646. & 1648. because they envied the great Shares which they had gotten of the forfeited Lands from the Late Usurpers . But now they also are well enough together , since the said Old Protestants have had good Proviso's in the Acts of Settlement and Satisfaction for their Service before Iune 1649. and since the Church-Revenues have been augmented by the Forfeitures ; but chiefly , for that the said Old Protestants have all the Power and Preferments Civil , Military , and Ecclesiastical . Of the New English , some are Conformists , others not : And some have fallen in with other Parties , and others not . Of the Old Protestants , there are also Parties , I cannot say Factions , chiefly denominated by the Names of their Families , as the Butlers and Fitz-Gerralds were of old . But to return ; The chief Factions are the vested and devested of forfeited Lands : all Irish and Papists generally fearing the latter , and most English and Protestants the former , as appears in all Juries and Testimonies given where the Lands or Lives of one or other are concerned . Now in some Counties , as in Kerry , many Forfeitures happened , and few Restorations , and there also few English were ever planted , nor can well endure to live : So as the first sort of Militia in these and other like Counties , are Irish-Papists , devested and discontented Persons . Whereby the few English there , can have no Justice executed , for want of hand wherewith to do it : Nor can they easily get indifferent Juries , but that the Sheriffs are English for the most part , and most commonly Protestants . In which Case , some have been of opinion , that the other Militia , namely the Army , may both in Law and Reason supply this defect in times when there is not occasion for them , to guard the Land from Invasion and Rebellion . For why might not 30 Sheriffs be taken out of 120 Officers of the Army , viz. 60 Captains and Lieutenants of Horse , and 60 Captains of Foot ? And why may not such be as responsible for executing just Sentences , as any other ? And what Tenor is there in the Force which a Bailiff useth , more than in that which one call'd a Soldier carries with him . And why should the Military Officer or Sheriff use more force or terror than to make the Debtor or Malefactor answer the Law , and obey the Sentence of a Civil Court ? And is it not more convenient and easy in great riotous Contempts , to bring a Troop or Company , whose Trade it is to use Arms and apply Force dexterously , than to use the Posse-Comitatus ; that is , to call abundance of men from their Labour and Calling , to attempt things of Danger , which they do not understand ? Moreover , if the General can quarter the Army where he pleases , and that the Sheriffs or Constable can , in their respective Precincts , call whom he pleases to his assistance ; then the General can cause such a competent Force to be quartered in those thin peopled Counties . And the Sheriffs and Justices can call such to their assistance , excepting where such Soldiers are in formal Garisons upon actual Duty , or in other cases to be agreed upon between the Civil and Military Powers so call'd , although there can be no Countrey without Force , nor any Army without a Policy and Discipline . But of this let the Lawyers talk further . As for the Military Force of Ireland , vulgarly and properly so call'd , 1. The standing Army is such as the present Revenue can well maintain , which perhaps is , or very lately was about 6000 , and is every year or other year changed , as to his Majesty seems best . 2. The Protestant Militia now already established and formed , is about 24 or 25 thousand men , most of them already experienc'd in the Wars of Ireland . The Third , of grand Force against Foreign Invasions , I conceive may be 70 M. Men of the best affected , and least Popeaffected Irish ; for so many I conceive the 30000 of the standing Army and present Militia could well Officer and Command . Now that 100 M. may be spar'd to send as Soldiers in a time of extremity , I think it plain , for that there are 550 M. Males in Ireland , whereof 150 M. can perform all the necessary Labor of Husbandmen and Trades-men ; 200 M. of them are perhaps under 16 , and above 60. Nor doth the quality of the remaining , exempt them from service , who are to stand for a reserve . And this Force I take to be sufficient to resist any number of men which any Prince of the World hath Shipping enough to bring into Ireland , with such Horse , Arms , Ammunition and Victuals as are for such an Enterprize . To say nothing , that the substance of Ireland is chiefly Cattel , which be easily removed to waste the Countrey where the Enemy shall land . And how considerable the standing Army of 6000 men , and the Veteran Militia , of above 24000 , who have not only the Command , but the possession and propriety of all the strong and terrible Places in Ireland , and ¾ of all the Horse serviceable in War , and at least ¾ of all Shipping , and England to help and countenance , hath been competently mentioned before ; and that the Bulk of the Irish are the Inhabitants of the aforenamed 160 M. wretched Cabins-men , slavishly bred and dealt with by their own Lords and Patriots ; and that the restored Irish , restored to their Estates almost by Miracle , will be careful how they engage any more upon a frivolous , impious Undertaking . Of the Coelum and Solum of Ireland . BY the Coelum or Sky , I understand the Heat , Coldness , Drowth , Moisture , Weight and Susceptions of Air , and the Impressions made upon it , viz. The state of the Winds , as whether the Wind blows in Ireland in comparison with , or differently from other Places ; as from what points of the Compass the Wind blows most frequently or fiercely , and what proportion of the whole year from each Point . 2. As to Heat and Cold , I conceive the same ought to be measur'd by the Weather-Glass or Thermometer . 3. As to Wetness or Moisture , by the shrinking of Lute-strings , by the quantity of Rain falling upon a certain quantity of level superficies , and by the quantity of Water dried up with the same time out of a Vessel of like Figure , and equal dimensions . As for other changes in the Air , supposed to depend upon the gravity or levity thereof , I suppose the same is to be known by the Instrument call'd the Barrimeter . Lastly , To the much or ●ittle Sunshine , whereof Ireland hath be●n much abus'd ; the same is to be measur'd by an Instrument found for that purpose . Wherefore since it is small satisfaction to say the Air of Ireland is mild and temperate , inclin'd to moisture , &c. And since the true and clear knowledge thereof depends upon several long , tedious , and r●terated Observations , simple and comparative , made in the several parts of Ireland , in the several Seasons of the Year , and compar'd with the like Observations , made with the same or like Instruments , in the several parts of the Earth ; we must for the present only say , that there are in being the several Instruments following , viz. 1. An Instrument to measure the motion of the Wind , and consequently its strength . 2. How many Hours in the day in the whole year it blows from any point of the Compass . 3. To measure what quantity of Rain falls in the year upon any quantity or space of ground . 4. What Air is most desiccative of moistness . 5. What Alterations are made in the gravity and levity of the Air from Hour to Hour . 6. The Thermometer or Weather-Glass of the better sort . 7. The Instrument to measure and foretel Frost and Snow . Which Instruments many men must make use of in the several parts of Ireland , and the rest of the World , and corresponding with each other , communicate and correct their Observation by Reason . In the mean time let it suffice to say , that at Dublin the Wind blows 2 parts of 5 from the South-West to the West , one part from South-West to the South ; one other from the West to North-East , and the rest from the North-East to the South ; 3 parts of 10 between West and South-West 2 / 10 between S. W. and S. S. ● . 2 / 10 between S. S. E. and N. E. by N. 2 / 10 N. E. by N. to N. & W. or very near thereabouts . 2. That from the 10th of Septemb. to the 10th of March , it blows a kind of Storm for some time or other almost every day . 3. That the Snow lies not long in the lower ground of Ireland . Nor doth it freeze more than what it doth in France , Holland , or England . 4. The Rain falling at Dublin and London for the Month October , 1663. was but 20 to 19. That the windiness of the same Month was at Dublin 20. and at London but 17. 5. As for the healthfulness of the Climate , City , or other space of Land ; It must be first known how many people are in a certain day living in it , and then the quota pars which die per Ann. for many years together ; and for the fruitfulness , how many Births . 6. As to Longaevity , enquiry must be made into some good old Register of ( suppose ) 20 persons , who all were born and buried in the same Parish , and having cast up the time which they all lived as one man , the Total divided by 20 is the life of each one with another ; which compared with the like Observation in several other places , will shew the difference of Longaevity , due allowance being made for extraordinary contingences , and Epidemical Diseases happening respectively within the period of each Observation . Wherefore Matters being not as yet prepared for these Experiments , I can say nothing clearly of them ; Only , That it seems by the best Estimates and Approaches that I have been able to make , that London is more healthful than Dublin by 3 in 32. Having said thus much of the Coelum or Air , or rather of the Ingenium , and way of distinguishing Airs in a better manner than usual : We come next to try the nature of the Soil by the like Expedients . To which purpose , first know , that the Perch of Ireland is 21 Foot , that of England but 16½ ; Wherefore the Acre of 160 Perches is as 121 to 196 , that is 121 Irish Acres do make 196 English Statute Acres . Now in Ireland a Milch-Cow , if English breed , upon two Acres of Pasture , and with as much Hay as will grow upon ½ Acre of Meadow , will yield prae●er propter 3 Gallons of Milk for 90 days , one with another , and one Gallon at a Medium for 90 more , and for 90 more scarce ¼ of a Gallon one day with another , and for 90 more , dry . Wherefore it follows , that such a Cow upon such feeding , gives above one Tun and half ; nay , 384 Gallons of Milk per Ann. And that if the Rent of the said two Acres of Pasture be 5 s. per Ann and of the half Acre of Meadow 3. in all 8 s. That the Gallon of Milk comes but to a Farthing , expecting what the value and hazard of the Cow , and the labour of milking and looking to her , shall add unto that price ; which I suppose not above as much more . The said quantity of Milk will make 2● C. of Raw-Milk-Cheese , and 1 C. of Whey-Butter , besides Whey for the Swine : Or else 2 C. of Butter , and 1 C. of Skim-Milk-Cheese , besides Whey as abovesaid , for Drink to the People , and Food for Swine . Mem. That one Bull suffices for about 20 Cows . That a Cow continues Milch and bearing , from 3 or 4 years old to 12 , sometimes 20 , tho seldom suffer'd to live so long . And that three Dairy-women will manage 20 Cows , and do much work of other kind between while ; and that one Man will look to them and their Food . An Ox of 6 or 7 years old will not require so much feeding as a Milch-Cow , but will be maintained with two Acres of good Pasture only , or with 1½ Acres of Pasture , and ½ Acres of Hay , in hard Winters . An Horse requires 2½ Acres , as a Garran , and a small Horse or Irish Garran ⅔ , or thereabouts . Eight or ten Sheep are equivalent for feeding to an Ox. It is further to be noted , that a Calf at a Month old weighs 1. C. ½ That an Ox is come to its full growth at 6 years old , and then may weigh alive 7 C. The 4 quarters of such an Ox weighs 5 C. The Hide , ¾ The Tallow 80 l. And consequently the said Ox gaineth every year of weight in Flesh to eat l. In Hide — In Tallow — The Offal Worth , besides half of the whole .   The difference between lean-Beef and fat Beef in value is as 5 to 9. In Sheep the increase of their Flesh , Skin and Tallow , is about the same proportion . And yet Sheeps Flesh is sold dearer than Beef , because of the great trouble and hazard about Sheep . A Fleece of Wool in Ireland is about 2 l. weight . An Hog eats such things as Sheep and Oxen do not , viz. Roots , Acorns , and consequently the same Land will maintain a proportion of Hogs above Sheep and Oxen. One-Cowherd will serve an hundred Oxen ; one Shepherd 1000 Sheep . From all that hath been said , we collect , that the natural and genuine Rent of Lands in Ireland , not that of Money , or Gold and Silver ; is Of Milk , deducting Charges — Gall. Of Beef and Mutton — Of Hides and Skin — Of Offall — Of Wooll . — So as where Lands produce more or less per Ann. communibus annis of these Commodities , the same is to be accompted more or less fertil than that of Ireland . Moreover from hence we shall endeavour to gather the number of Cattel in Ireland , as followeth , viz. There being 7½ Millions of Acres of good Meadow , Arrable , and Pasture-Land in Ireland , besides Bog with Shrub-wood , &c. commonly call'd unprofitable Land ; and for that ½ a Million supplies the Inhabitants with Corn for Bread and Drink , Man and Beast , Hemp Flax and Rape , as shall be hereafter shewn ▪ from the number of the people , their manner of eating , from the number of Mills , and from the value of the Tythes , &c. supposing the other 7 Millions to be competently well stockt , let us first see how many Houses there may probably be . To which purpose , remember that there are 184 M. Families , whose Houses have but one or no Chimney . Now I guess , that about ● of this number keep a small Horse call'd a Garran , which is 61,000 Garrans for Tillage ; and I suppose that the 16,000 Families have for the Coach and Saddle near 4● M. Horses . So as in Ireland there are about 100 M. Horses , whose Food requires 100 M. Acres of good Pasture , 50 M. Acres of Meadow , and the ⅙ of an Acre of OatLand , viz. about 16,000 Acres . In all 166 M. Acres : Or if the Horses be such as require little or no Hay and Oats , as the Horses of poor people do not , then as aforesaid 2 or 2● Acres is allowed to each Horse . The Wooll which is usually exported , being a little above 2 Millions of pounds , grows upon 1000 M. Sheep : And the Wooll which cloaths the Nation , being about 1100 M. Bodies , at — l. each for Cloths , Hats and Stockins , requires 6000 M. more ; and so 3 Millions more of Sheep , in all 4 Millions . The feeding whereof at 5 to an Acre , require 800 M. Acres . So as Horse and Sheep require one Million of Acres . So as there remains ½ , a Million being allow'd for all other Cattel , Beasts and Vermine ) 5½ Millions for great Cattel , which will feed about 3 Millions of that Species . If there be 3 Millions of Black Cattel , there be 1500 M. of Males , viz. 25 M. Bulls . 700 M. under 3 years old . 600 between 3 and 6.175 above 6. Of Females 1500 M. whereof ⅕ are milchCows , viz. 600 M. 600 M. Calves and Heifers under 3 , and 300 of other sorts . Where note , that of all the Black-Cattel above-named , there are 60 M. exported alive , and 30 M. dead in Barrels . Of the Sheep not 100 M. Of Butter , whereof one of the 600 M. Milch-Cows may well yield 1 C. weight per Ann. but 26000 C , or the proceed of 26000 Cows . From whence may be seen whether the Trade of those Commodities be yet at best : For I guess that the ⅙ of the whole Stock may be annually spent at home , or exported abroad . It remains only to say , that one Irish Acre of Irish Land , requires of Seed , and returns as followeth . Seed .   Wheat 4 Bushels , and produces 16 to 36. Rye 4 20 to 40. Bean-Barly 6 20 to 48 Oats 6 16 to 32 Barley 4 20 to 40 Pease 4 12 to 18 One Horse plows 10 Acres , and there goes 1 Man to 3 Horses . Of the Proportion in value , which the several Counties in Ireland do bear to each other , viz. THE value or proportion of the several Counties in Ireland , doth seem much to depend upon the number of Acres which each doth contain . And therefore , and for several other Reasons , most of the Land of Ireland hath , within these last 10 years , been admeasured by the Chain and Instrument , viz. The King and Queens Counties , about the Year 1630. The County of Londonderry , when the City of London undertook the Plantation by one Mr. Raven ; Connought and Tipperary , in the Earl of Strafford's time , by several hands , sometimes conducted by Mr. William Gilbert . The Lands belonging to Papists Ann. 1641. in the three Provinces of Munster , Lemster and Vlster , by Sir William Petty . Other Protestant Lands in the same three Provinces , in order to regulate Contributions , by the Owners of the said Lands themselves : But in so divided and separated a manner , that little Accompt can be given of them , besides what was collected by the said Sir William Petty ; who at his own charge , besides those Maps of every Parish , which by his Agreement he delivered into the Surveyor-General's Office , he hath caused distinct Maps to be made of every Barony , or Hundred ; as also of every County , engraven in Copper , and the like of every Province , and of the whole Kingdom . All which , could the Defects of them be supplied with the yet unmeasured ▪ Lands , would be exposed to publick view . Now as to the value of these Lands , they were Ann. 1642. rated to and by the Adventurers as followeth , viz. in Lemster at 12 s. per Acre ; in Munster at 9 s. in Connaught at 6 s. and in Vlster at 4 s. and to pay 1 Farthing per Ann. Quit-rent to the King out of each Shillings-worth of Land so rated , viz. 3 d. or 12 Farthings for an Acre in Lemster rated at 12. s. 9 q. or 2¼ an Acre for Lands in Munster , rated at 9 s. & sic de caeteris . Wood , Bog , and Mountain , to be cast in over and above . Afterwards the Soldiers , who were to have the satisfaction of their Arrears at the same rate , not being willing to cast Lots upon such desperate hazards , did Ann. 1653. equalize Counties within each Province , viz. took some in Lemster , at 1 l. 2 s. per Acre , some at 1 l. &c. And those who were satisfied Ann. 1655. and afterwards , did equalize not only Counties , but Baronies also , valuing some Baronies in Lemster at 1 l. 4 s. per Acre , and some but at 6 s. and others at all rates between these two extreams . But so as that , notwithstanding all the said differences , the whole Province should be given and taken at 12 s. per Acre , according to the then Law. And the Inequality remaining after this Equalization , was to be corrected by a Lot. I could here insert all the particulars of these Transactions , but conceive it impertinent to my purpose , especially since they may be seen upon Record . The next and best of all preceding equalization , was that which the Concernees of each County made in order to regulate the heavy Contributions paid to the Usurpers before His Majesties Restoration , and when no Quit-Rent was yet due . And in order to this work , not Baronies as before , but Parishes , nay , particular Farms were also equalized . What was done herein , was not publickly recorded , but collected by the curious , and too Bulky to be here inserted . Only take notice , that these Valuations were made as Parties interested could prevail upon and against one another by their Attendance , Friends , Eloquence , and Vehemence ; for what other Foundation of Truth it had in Nature , I know not . Next to this Valuation , there was , in order to a certain Gift presented to His Majesty , by the Adventurers and Soldiers , of a years value of all their Lands as it yielded Ann. 1659. next immediately before his Restoration . There issued a Commission , Ann. 1663. to enquire and settle the said Values . And about 1667. there were made two several Valuations more ; the one in order to reprize such who had restored Lands to the Innocent Irish in equal value ; and another was a Determination what each Land was worth Ann. 1659. ( whatever it yielded ) : Both which , especially the latter , are upon Record most authentically . Moreover , Ann. 1653 , and 1654. there were Inquisitions taken of the Values which all and every parcel of Land in Ireland yielded Ann. 1641. There have been also several Acts of the chief Powers pro tempore , for apportioning what proportion of a certain Sum to be levied in general , should in particular be charg'd on each County , viz. Ann. 1657. there was an Act of the Usurper's Parliament to that purpose . Ann. 1662. There was an Act for raising 30 M. l. as a Present to his Grace the Duke of Ormond ; and another for raising of 〈◊〉 for several publick Uses . And Ann. 1672. for the equal raising of 30000 l. per Ann. upon all the Lands and Houses of the whole Nation . There be also Accompts of what was raised out of each County by way of Subsidy and Pole-money , paid Ann. 1661. All which may be of much light to those who have such designs as the same will answer . But I being assur'd by whom , and for what ends , and by what means every such Valuations and Inquisitions were respectively made , had rather attempt some Rule in nature , whereby to value and proportionate the Lands of Ireland : The first whereof I propose to be ; That how many Men , Women and Children live in any Countrey Parish , that the Rent of that Land is near about so many times 15 s. be the quantity and quality of the Land what it will. 2. That in the meanest of the 160 M. Cabbins , one with another are five Souls , in the 24000 six Souls . In all the other Houses Ten a piece , one with another . The TABLE . BUT to make nearer approaches to the perfection of this Work , 't would be expedient to know the Content of Acres of every Parish , and withal , what quantity of Butter , Cheese , Corn , and Wooll , was raised out of it for three years consequent ; for thence the natural Value of the Land may be known , and by the number of People living within a Market-days Journey , and the Value of their housing , which shews the Quality and Expence of the said People ; I would hope to come to the knowledg of the Value of the said Commodities , and consequently the Value of the Land , by deducting the hire of Working-People in it . And this brings me to the most important Consideration in Political Oeconomies , viz. how to make a Par and Equation between Lands and Labour , so as to express the Value of any thing by either alone . To which purpose , suppose two Acres of Pasture-land inclosed , and put thereinto a wean'd Calf , which I suppose in twelve Months will become 1 C. heavier in eatable Flesh ; then 1 C. weight of such Flesh , which I suppose fifty days Food , and the Interest of the Value of the Calf , is the value or years Rent of the Land. But if a Mans labour — for a year can make the said Land to yield more than sixty days Food of the same , or of any other kind , then that overplus of days food is the Wages of the Man ; both being expressed by the number of days food . That some Men will eat more than others , is not material , since by a days food we understand 〈◊〉 part of what 100 of all Sorts and Sizes will eat , so as to Live , Labour , and Generate . And that a days food of one sort , may require more labour to produce , than another sort , is also not material , since we understand the easiest-gotten food of the respective Countries of the World. As for example , I suppose a pint of Oatmeal equal to half a pint of Rice , or a quart of Milk , or a pound of Bread , or a pound and quarter of Flesh , &c. each , in the respective place where each is the easiest gotten food . But if Rice be brought out of India into Ireland , or Oatmeal carried from Ireland thither ; then in India the pint of Oatmeal must be dearer than half a pint of Rice , by the freight and hazard of Carriage , & vice-versa , & sic de caeteris . For , as for pleasant tast , I question whether there be any certainty , or regularity of the same in Nature , the same depending upon Novelty , opinion of Virtue , the recommendation of others , &c. Wherefore the days food of an adult Man , at a Medium , and not the days labour , is the common measure of Value , and seems to be as regular and constant as the value of fine Silver . For an ounce , suppose , of Silver in Peru is equivalent to a days food , but the same in Russia is equivalent to four days food , by reason of the Freight , and hazard in carrying the same from Peru to Russia ; and in Russia the price of Silver shall grow to be worth more days labour , if a Workman can by the esteem and request of Silver Utensils earn more than he can on other materials . Wherefore I valued an Irish Cabbin at the number of days food , which the Maker spent in building of it . By the same way we must make a Par and Equation between Art and Simple Labour ; for if by such Simple Labour I could dig and prepare for Seed a hundred Acres in a thousand days ; suppose then , I spend a hundred days in studying a more compendious way , and in contriving Tools for the same purpose ; but in all that hundred days dig nothing , but in the remaining nine hundred days I dig two hundred Acres of Ground ; then I say , that the said Art which cost but one hundred days Invention is worth one Mans labour for ever ; because the now Art , and one Man , perform'd as much as two Men could have done without it . By the same way we make an Equation between Art and Opinion . For if a Picture-maker , suppose , make Pictures at 5 l. each ; but then , find that more Persons would employ him at that rate than his time would extend to serve them in , it will certainly come to pass that this Artist will consider whether as many of those who apply to him at 5 l. each Picture , will give 6 l. as will take up his whole time to accommodate ; and upon this Computation he pitcheth the Rate of his Work. By the same way also an Equation may be made between drudging Labour , and Favour , Acquaintance , Interest , Friends , Eloquence , Reputation , Power , Authority , &c. All which I thought not amiss to intimate as of the same kind with finding an Equation between Land and Labour , all these not very pertinent to the Proportionation of the several Counties of Ireland . Wherefore to return to the matter in hand , I say , that the Quantity of Commodity produced , and the Quantity of the — shews the effects of the Land ; and the number of People living thereupon , with the Quality of their housing , shews the Value of the Commodity ; for one days delicate and exquisit Food may be worth ten of ordinary . Now the Nature of Peoples feeding may be estimated by the visible part of their Expence , which is their housing . But such helps of knowing the Value of Lands , I am not yet able to furnish . Of the Money of IRELAND . MOney is understood to be the uniform Measure and Rule for the Value of all Commodities . But whether in that sence there be any Money , or such Rule in the World , I know not , much less in Ireland , tho most are perswaded that Gold and Silver Money is such . For 1. The proportion of value between pure Gold and fine Silver , alters as the Earth and Industry of Men produce more of one than of the other ; that is to say , Gold has been worth but twelve times its own weight in Silver ; of late it has been worth fourteen , because more Silver has been gotten . That of Gold proportionably , i. e. about twelve times as much Silver has been raised as of Gold , which makes Gold dearer . So there can be but one of the two Metals of Gold and Silver to be a fit matter for Money . Wherefore , if Silver be that one Metal fit for Money ; then Gold is but a Commodity very like Money . And as things now stand , Silver only is the matter of Money ; and that elsewhere as well as in Ireland . 2. The value of Silver rises and falls it self ; for Men make Vessels of coyned Silver , if they can gain by the Workmanship enough to defray the Destruction of the Coynage , and withal , more than they could expect by employing the same Silver as Money in a way of Trade . Now the Accidents of so doing , make Silver rise and fall , and consequently take from the perfect Aptitude for being an uniform steady Rule and Measure of all other things . The Mischiefs and Inconveniences hitherto mentioned , are common to all times and places ; but in Ireland are more particular ; and stand thus , viz. A piece of 8 Rials being full 17. penny weight , passeth for 4 s. 9 d. if it want but ½ a grain of the weight , tho half a grain of Silver be worth but the ¼ of a Farthing , or ⅙ of a Penny , then it passes for 3 d less , viz. 4 s. 6 d. and if it weigh ten grains above 17 d. weight , it passes but for 4 s. 9 d. On the other hand , if it weigh but 12 d. weight , it passes nevertheless for 4 s. 6 d. And if the Silver be course , if not so course , as not to be called Silver , yet still it passes for the same Moreover , the fineness cannot be determined by common Eyes scarce at all , by the best not within 4 d. in an Ounce , by the Touchstone not within 2 d. and by the Test it self not within an half-penny . Lastly , The Scales and Weights differ so much from each other , as what is 4 s. 9 d. in one House , is but 4 s. 6 d. in the next , & vice versa . From whence it comes to pass , that all pieces weighing above 17 d. weight , are cull'd out to buy or make pieces of 14 d. weight pass for 4 s. 6 d. 2. Other Species of Coyn , which pro rata contain the same quantity of the like Gold and Silver , with the piece of eight Rials , goes in one Species for more , in another for less . What hath been said of the Silver-species , may be said of the Gold-species ; and what differences are between Silver and Silver , and between Gold and Gold , is also between Silver and Gold Coyns . So as it becomes a Trade to study and make Advantages of these Irregularities , to the prejudice of the good People , who are taught , that whatever is called Money , is the same , and regular , and uniform , and a just Measure of all Commodities . From whence it hath happened , that all English Money which hath a great and deserved Reputation in the World for its intrinsick Goodness , is quite carried away out of Ireland , and such Money brought instead of it , as these studied Merchants do from time to time bring in for their Advantage upon the Common People , their Credulity and Ignorance . But Money , that is to say , Silver and Gold , do at this day much decrease in Ireland , for the following Reasons . 1. Ireland , Anno 1664. did not export to a much greater Value than it imported , viz. about 62 M. Since which time there hath been a Law made to prohibit the Importation of great Cattel and Sheep , alive or dead , into England ; the Value whereof carried into England in that very year 1664. was above 150 M. l. The which was said to have been done , for that Ireland drained away the Money of England . Whereas in that very year England sent to Ireland , but 91 M. less than it received from thence ; and yet this small difference was said to be the reason why the Rents of England fell ⅖ , that is 1600 M. in 8 Millions . Which was a strange conceit , if they consider farther , That the value of the Catrel alive or dead , which went out of Ireland into England , was but 132 M. the Hides , Tallow , and Freight whereof were worth about ● that Money . 2. Whereas the Owners of about ¼ , both of all the real and personal Estate of Ireland , do live in England , since the business of the several Courts of Claims was finished in December 1668. all that belongs to them goes out , but returns not . 3. The gains of the Commissioners of that Court , and of the Farmers of the Revenue of Ireland , who live in England , have issued out of Ireland without returns . 4. A considerable part of the Army of Ireland hath been sent into England , and yet paid out of Ireland . 5. To remit so many great Sums out of Ireland into England , when all Trade between the said two Kingdoms is prohibited , must be very chargeable ; for now the Goods which go out of Ireland , in order to furnish the said Sums in England , must for Example go into the Barbados , and there be sold for Sugars , which brought into England , are sold for Money to pay there what Ireland owes . Which way being so long , tedious and hazardous , must necessarily so raise the exchange of Money , as we have seen 15 per Cent. frequently given , Anno 1671 , and Anno 1672. Altho in truth , exchange can never be naturally more than the Land and Water-carriage of Money between the two Kingdoms , and the ensurance of the same upon the way , if the Money be alike in both places . But Men that have not had the faculty of making these Transmissions with dexterity , have chose rather to give 15. per Cent. Exchange , as aforesaid , than to put themselves upon the hazard of such undertakings , and the mischief of being disappointed . Now the extraordinary decrease of Gold and Silver , put Men , whose Affairs were much disturb'd , thereby upon extraordinary Conceits , and some very absurd ones for Remedy , as namely the raising of Spanish pieces of Eight , called Cobs in Ireland , from 4 s. 9 d. to 5 or 6 Shillings , which were before about 5 d. above the Value of English , that is 4 s. 4 d. English Money weighed the same with a Cob called 4 s. 9 d. For these distracted People thought , that calling their Money by a better Name , did encrease its value . 2. They thought that no Man would carry Cobs of 5 s. out of Ireland into England , where they were called but 4 s. 4 d. altho he was necessitated to pay 4 s. 4 d. in England , and had no other effects to do it with . They thought that all Men who lived in England , would return to their Estates in Ireland , rather than pay 15. per Cent. for Exchange ; not considering , that when Cobs were raised , that Exchange would also rise proportionably . They fancied , that he who sold a Stone of Wooll for two Cobs , call'd 9 s. when Cobs were rais'd , would sell his Stone of Wooll of 1● Cob when called 9 s. Nor did they think how this frivolous conceit would have taken away a proportionable part of all Land-lords Estates in Ireland . As for Example , those who acted moderately , would have the Money rais'd 1 / 20 part , and the 1 / 20 part of all the Money of Ireland , was then thought to be but about 20,000 l. The whole Cash of Ireland being then estimated , but 400 M. l. whereas the Landlords of Ireland , whose Revenue is 800 M. l. per Annum , must have lost 1 / 20 part of their whole Estates for ever , viz. 40 M. l. per Annum upon that empty expedient . But others , no less sensible of the distress of the People , and the obstructions of Trade by reason of the said decay of Bullion , considering that about 600 M. l. would drive the Trade of that Kingdom ; for that 300 M. would pay one half years Gale of all the Land ; 50 M. would pay ¼ rent of all the Housing , and that 150 M. would more than pay a Weeks expence of all the People of Ireland ; and that the whole Cash moved chiefly in those Three Circles ; They therefore thought to make up their 400 M. l. present Cash by a Bank of 200 M. l. more , the bottom and support whereof should be Land ; for the Lands and Houses of Ireland being worth about 8 Millions , whereof 200 M. l. was but the 1 / 4● part . 'T was thought easy to find many Fortieth parts so free from Incumbrances or question as to give a being to such a Bank. Note , that Interest in Ireland is 10 per Cent , which is a great hinderance to Trade ; since the Interest must enflame the price of Irish Commodities , and consequently give to other Nations the means of underselling . Of the Trade of IRELAND . IF it be true , that there are but about 16,000 Families in Ireland , who have above one Chimney in their Houses ; and above 180 M. others ; It will be easily understood what the Trade of this latter sort can be , who use few Commodities ; and those such as almost every one can make and produce . That is to say , Men live in such Cottages as themselves can make in 3 or 4 Days ; Eat such Food ( Tobacco excep●ed ) as they buy not from others ; wear such Cloaths as the Wool of their own Sheep , spun into Yarn by themselves , doth make ; their Shoes , called Brogues , are but ¼ so much worth as a Pair of English Shoes ; nor of more than ¼ in real use and value . A Hat costs 20 d. a Pair of Stockins 6 d. but a good Shirt near 3 s. The Taylors work of a Doublet , Breeches and Coat , about 2 s. 6 d. In brief , the Victuals of a Man , his Wife , Three Children , and Servant , resolved into Money , may be estimated 3 s. 6 d. per Week , or 1 d. per Diem . The Cloaths of a Man 30 s. per Ann. of Children under 16 , one with another 15 s. the House not worth 5 s. the Building ; Fuel costs nothing but fetching . So as the whole Annual expen●e of such a Family , consisting of 6 in Number , seems to be but about 52 Shillings per Ann. each head one with another . So as 950. M. Inhabitants of these Edifices , may spend 2,375 . M. l. per Ann. And the 150,000 who inhabit the 16,000 other Houses , may spend 10 l. per Ann. each one with another , viz. One Million and half . So as the whole People of both sorts spend under 4 Millions , whereof 1 / 10 part , viz. 400 M. l. is for Forreign Commodities , Tobacco included , whereof every 1000 Souls spend one Tun per Ann. or every 1000 Tobacco-takers , viz. People above 15. Years old , spend two Tuns one with another : for it appears by the latest accompt of importance , that what is here said , is true to a trifle . From whence I observe by the way , that the King's Revenue , viis & modis , being about 200 M. l. per Ann. that it is ● part of the whole Expence ; which in some of the Grecian Commonwealths was thought too much , although the Israelites allowed 1 / 10 to the Levites only , tho perhaps to defray the whole charge of the Government , the Supremacy amongst that People being then Sacerdotal . I observe also by the way , that the Lands and Housing of Ireland being worth about one Million per Ann. that the Labour of the People may be worth three Millions , which is earned by about 750,000 ( of the 1,100 M. ) who by their Age and Quality are Fit and Applicable to Corporal Labours , and consequently each Labouring Person Earns but 4 s. per Ann. if all Work. Or if each earns 8 l. then but half of them work , or all but half their full time , or otherwise in other proportions . But be it one way or the other ; I am as certain that the Hands of Ireland may Earn a Million per Ann. more than they now do , as I am certain that there are 750,000 in Ireland who could earn 2 s. a week , or 5 l. per Ann. one with another , if they had sutable employment , and were kept to their Labour . I further observe , that if there be naturally but 2000 Impotents in Ireland , and that 50 Shillings per Ann. doth maintain the poorer sort of People ; It follows , that 8,000 l. per Ann. would amply maintain all the Impotent● of Ireland , if well apply'd . For other Beggers , as also Thieves , and Rebels , which are but bigger Thieves , are probably but the faults and defects of Government and Discipline . As for the fitness of Ireland for Trade , we say as followeth . 1 st . That Ireland consisting of above 18,000 square Miles ; it is not one Place with another above 24 Miles from the Sea , because it is 750 Miles about . Wherefore forasmuch as the Land-carriage of Gross that will be easy in such a Country ; it is fit for Trade , because the greatest and most profitable part of Trade , and the Imployment of Shipping , depends upon such Goods , viz. Metals , Stones , Timber , Grain , Wood , Salt , &c. 2 dly . Ireland lieth Commodiously for the Trade of the new American world ; which we see every day to Grow and Flourish . It lyeth well for sending Butter , Cheese , Beef , Fish , to their proper Markets , which are to the Southward , and the Plantations of America . Thus is Ireland by Nature fit for Trade , but otherwise very much unprepared for the same ; for as hath been often said , the Housing thereof consists of 160 M. nasty Cabbins , in which neither Butter nor Cheese , nor Linnen , Yarn nor Worsted , and I think no other , can be made to the best advantage ; chiefly by reason of the Soot and Smoaks annoying the same ; as also for the Narrowness and Nastiness of the Place ; which cannot be kept Clean nor Safe from Beasts and Vermin , nor from Damps and Musty Stenches , of which all the Eggs laid or kept in those Cabbins do partake . Wherefore to the advancement of Trade , the reformation of these Cabbins is necessary . It may also be consider'd , whether the Institution of these following Corporations would not be expedient , viz. 1. of Cattel , 2. of Corn , 3. of Fish , 4. of Leather 5. of Wool , 6. of Linnen , 7. of Butter and Cheese , 8. of Metals and Minerals : For unto these , almost all the Commodities exportable out of Ireland , may be referred . It may also be consider'd , whether the Taxing of those Cabbins with Hearth-money be proper , but rather with Days Labour ; the former being scarce possible for them to have , but the latter most easy . Insomuch as 't is more easy for them to give 40 Days Labour per Ann. at seasonable times , than to pay 2 s. in Silver at a pinch , and just when the Collectors call for it . The Dyet , Housing and Cloathing of the 16,000 Families abovementioned , is much the same as in England : Nor is the French Elegance unknown in many of them , nor the French and Latin Tongues . The latter whereof is very frequent among the poorest Irish , and chiefly in Kerry , most remote from Dublin . The Housing of 160 M. Families , is , as hath been often said , very wretched . But their Cloathing far better than that of the French Peasants , or the poor of most other Countreys ; which advantage they have from their Wooll , whereof 12 Sheep furnisheth a competency to one of these Families . Which Wool , and the Cloth made of it , doth cost these poor people no less than 50 M. l. per Ann. for the dying it ; a trade exercised by the Women of the Countrey . Madder , Allum , and Indico , are import●d , but the other dying Stuffs they find nearer home , a certain Mud taken out of the Bogs serving them for Copperas , the Rind of several Trees , and Saw-dust , for Galls ; as for wild and green Weeds , they find enough , as also of Rhamnus-Berries . The Diet of these people is Milk , sweet and sower , thick and thin , which also is their Drink in Summer-time , in Winter Small-Beer or Water . But Tobacco taken in short Pipes seldom burnt , seems the pleasure of their Lives , together with Sneezing : Insomuch , that 2 / 7 of their Expence in Food , is Tobacco . Their Food is Bread in Cakes , whereof a Penny serves a Week for each ; Potatoes from August till May , Muscles , Cockles and Oysters , near the Sea ; Eggs and Butter made very ra●cid , by keeping in Bogs . As for Flesh , they seldom eat it , notwithstanding the great plenty thereof , unless it be of the smaller Animals , because it is inconvenient for one of these Families to kill a Beef , which they have no convenience to save . So as 't is easier for them to have a Hen or Rabbet , than a piece of Beef of equal substance . Their Fewel is Turf in most places ; and of late , even where Wood is most plentiful , and to be had for nothing , the cutting and carriage of the Turf being more easy than that of Wood. But to return from whence I disgressed , I may say , That the Trade of Ireland , among 12 / 22 parts of the whole people , is little or nothing , excepting for the Tobacco abovementioned , estimated worth about 50,000 l. for as much as they do not need any Forreign Commodities , nor scarce any thing made out of their own Village . Nor is above ⅓ part of their Expence other than what their own Family produceth , which Condition and state of living cannot beget Trade . And now I shall digress again to consider , whether it were better for the Common-wealth to restrain the expence of 150 M. Optimates below 10 l. per Ann. each ; or to beget a luxury in the 950 M. Plebeians , so as to make them spend , and consequently earn double to what they at present do . To which I answer in brief , That the one shall encrease the sordidness and squallor of living already too visible in 950 M. Plebeians , with little benefit to the Common Wealth ; the other shall increase the splendor , Art and Industry of the 950 M. to the great enrichment of the Common-Wealth . Again , Why should we be forbid the use of any Foreign Commodity , which our own Hands and Countrey cannot produce , when we can employ our spare Hands and Lands upon such exportable Commodities as will purchase the same , and more . 3. The keeping or lessening of money , is not of that consequence that many guess it to be of . For in most places , especially Ireland , nay , England it self , the Money of the whole Nation is but about 1 / 16 of the Expence of one Year ; viz. Ireland is thought to have about 400 M.l. in Cash , and to spend about 4 Millions per Ann. Wherefore it is very ill-husbandry to double the Cash of the Nation , by destroying half its Wealth ; Or to increase the Cash otherwise than by increasing the Wealth simul & semel . That is , when the Nation hath 1 / 10 more Cash , I require it should have 1 / 10 more Wealth , if it be possible . For , there may be as well too much money in a Country , as too little . I mean , as to the best advantage of its Trade ; onely the Remedy is very easy , it may be soon turn'd into the magnificence of Gold and Silver Vessels . Lastly , Many think that Ireland is much impoverished , or at least the money thereof much exhausted , by reason of Absentees , who are such as having Lands in Ireland , do live out of the Kingdom , and do therefore think it just that such , according to former Statutes , should lose their said Estates . Which Opinion I oppose , as both unjust , inconvenient , and frivolous . For 1st . If a man carry Money or other Effects out of England to purchase Lands in Ireland , why should not the Rents , Issues and Profits of the same Land return into England , with the same Reason that the Money of England was diminished to buy it ? 2. I suppose ¼ of the Land of Ireland did belong to the Inhabitants of England , and that the same lay all in one place together ; why may not the said quarter of the whole Land be cut off from the other three sent into England , were it possible so to do ? and if so , why may not the Rents of the same be actually sent , without prejudice to the other three parts of the Interessors thereof ? 3. If all men were bound to spend the Proceed of their Lands upon the Land it self ; then as all the Proceed of Ireland , ought to be spent in Ireland ; so all the Proceed of one County of Ireland , ought to be spent in the same ; of one Barony , in the same Barony ; and so Parish and Mannor ; and at length it would follow , that every eater ought to avoid what he hath eaten upon the same Turf where the same grew . Moreover , this equal spreading of Wealth would destroy all Splendor and Ornament ; for if it were not fit that one place should be more splendid than another , so also that no one man should be greater or richer than another ; for if so , then the Wealth , suppose of Ireland , being perhaps 11 Millions , being divided among 1,100 M. people , then no one man having above 101. he could Probably build no House worth above 31. which would be to leave the face of Beggery upon the whole Nation : And withal such Parity would beget Anarchy and Confusion . Of the other Impediment of Trade , the not raising of Money above the value which the generality of the whole World hath of it , that is , the intrinsick value , I have spoken before : And now return to other matters relating to the Trade of Ireland . Having shewn that there is little or no Trade or Commutation of Commodities , where people live so simply , and as it were exsponte creatis ; as the Inhabitants of 184 M. do live ; It follows , that what Trade is in Ireland must be found in the 16,000 other Houses of above one Chimney in each , and amongst the Inhabitants of them . Though Trade , properly speaking , be the Commutation of Commodities ; that generally speaking , 't is the way whereby to purchase Riches and Power , the Parents of Pleasure : Not only by getting Commodities out of the Earth and Sea ; by ploughing , fishing , Mines , Vecture , &c. by getting away those Commodities from them , who first got them out of the Earth and Sea , as aforesaid . And not only , or at all encreasing the whole Wealth of the Nation , but ones own former share and proportion of the whole , though diminish'd ; that is to say , Supposing the whole Wealth of Ireland were 10 Millions , and the Share of A. was 1000 1. thereof ; I say , 't is commonly more the care of A. to make his 1000 l. 3000 , though by lessening the whole Stock 2000 l. than to make the whole Stock 30 Millions , by lessening his own 1000 l. to 300.l . Now this is the Trade of Ireland , and I think of most other places , but exercised in Ireland by the following ways , viz. Whereas the Lands of Ireland have within 150 years been most of them forfeited , and the Lands of Monasteries have since then fallen into the King's hands , by the dissolution of the said Monasteries , and several Defects found in the Titles , older than that of time ; It hath come to pass , that all the said Lands have been granted to several others ; some legally and formally , some otherwise ; some under one Condition , some under another . So as by several Defects in the said Grants , or by non-performance of Conditions , and many other ways needless to enumerate , the King in strictness may find a Title to the Estates of many men who have been long in possession of their respective Holdings , ( tho some more , some less , some upon better , and some upon worser grounds . ) A principal Trade in Ireland , to find out these Flaws and Defects , to procure Commission for such Inquiries . And a Branch of this Trade , is to give to such seekers flattering and delusive Informations to bring on other Designs ; and withal , prevail with persons conversant with the Higher Powers , to give Grants of these Discoveries , and thereupon , right or wrong to vex the Possessors , at least into such a Composition , as may be of profit to the Prosecutors . Whereby it falls out , that the time of all the persons exercised pro & contra in these matters , who do only take from one another like Gamesters ( the Lawyers taking from both ) is lost , without advancing at all the Publick Wealth . Now this is no Trade , but a Calamity upon the Nation . 2. Whereas the Branches of the Publick Revenue being manifold ; and the Accompts of the same vast and numerous , and the Laws , with the Cases and Accidents relating to the same , intricate and new ; but chiefly the Officers employed about the Premises , such as could make Friends for their Places , whether Persons of Skill , Experience and Trustiness , or not ; It hath come to pass , even in Ireland , in former times , that Principal Officers of the Exchequer have represented the State of the Publick Treasury near 200 M. l. differently from each other : So as new men have been admitted to take the whole to farm , who expected vast Advantages , by mending and clearing what others had marr'd and confounded , though they had still their Places and Perquisites notwithstanding : And in this case the people thought fit to pay any thing that was required , rather than to pass the Fire of this Purgatory , even tho they need no burning . This and other Practices of Farming , taken with the whole Doctrine of Defalcations , hath been a great Trade in Ireland , but a Calamity on the people who have paid great Wages to them that have made Faults , but three times greater to those who would but undertake to mend them , tho indeed they could not . A Third great Trade and Calamity to the people of Ireland , hath been the Gains made by the aforementioned . Difference , Confusion , and badness of Coins , exorbitant Exchange , and Interest of Money , all following also from the Premises . A Fourth Calamity is implicating poor Work-men , and trapanning them into Crimes , Indictments , Bishops-Courts , &c. feigning and compounding of Trespasses , not without making benefit by the Office of Justice of Peace . A Fifth may be from the manner of making Sheriffs , the execution of their Offices , Accompts in the Exchequer , &c. A Sixth , from raising Moneys at the Assizes , by Authority of the Grand Juries , but raising too much , and in spending or not spending what was to be raised . None of these Six Trades do add any more to the Common-wealth than Gamesters , and even such of them as play with false Dice , do to the Common-Stock of the whole Number . And in these Trades 't is thought ⅔ of those who inhabit the aforementioned 16,000 Houses , do exercise themselves , and are the Locusts and Catterpillars of the Common-wealth , as the Inhabitants of the other 184 M. Cottages are the untilled part of the same . Wherefore it remains to see what Trade is to be found among the rest ; which I take to be as followeth , viz. 1. In Domestick Wealth : Of which sort is building fine Houses and Gardens , Orchards , Groves , Inns , Mills , Churches , Bridges , HighWays , Causeys ; as also Furniture for Houses , Coaches , &c. In which kind I guess the Improvement of Ireland has since the Year 1652. 1673. advanc'd from one to four , and I think to a better state than before 1641. that is , than perhaps ever it yet was . The Foreign Trade , if you will believe the Accompts of Customs , Ann. 1657. and now , hath been advanced from one to seven , but in reality , I think , from one to two : For the Customs yielded Ann. 1656. clear under 12,000 l. but were within a year or two , let for above three times the sum , but are now at about 80,000 intrinsecally . But to speak more clearly and Authentically upon this Subject , I shall insert the following Tables of exported and imported Commodities , and from them make the subnexed Observations , viz. The TABLES . 1. THAT the Customs , managed by the States-Officers , yielded Anno 1657. under 12,000 l. but was farm'd Ann. 1658. for above thrice that Sum. 2. That the Stock which drives the Foreign Trade of Ireland , doth near half of it belong to those who live out of Ireland . 3. That Ann. 1664. before the Cattel-Statute , ¾ of the Ireland Foreign Trade was with England , but now not ¼ part of the same . 4. That the Manufacture bestowed upon a years Exportation out of Ireland , is not worth above 8000 l. 5. That because more eatables were exported Anno 1664. than 1641. And more Manufactures 1641. than Ann. 1664. It follows , there were more people in Ireland , Ann. 1641. than 1664. and in that proportion as was formerly mention'd . 6. That the Exportations appear more worth than the Importations , excepting that the Accompts of the former are more true , but of the latter very conjectural , and probably less than the Truth . Of the Religion , Diet , Cloaths , Language , Manners , and Interest of the several present Inhabitants of IRELAND . WE said , that of the 1100 M. Inhabitants of Ireland , about 800 M. of them were Irish ; and that above 600 M. of them lived very simply in the Cabbins aforemention'd . Wherefore I shall in the first place describe the Religion , Diet , &c. of these , being the major part of the whole ; not wholly omitting some of the other species also . The Religion of these poorer Irish , is called Roman Catholick , whose Head is the Pope of Rome , from whence they are properly enough called Papists . This Religion is well known in the World , both by the Books of their Divines , and the Worship in their Churches : wherefore I confine my self to what I think peculiar to these Irish. And first , I observe , that the Priests among them are of small Learning ; but are thought by their Flocks to have much , because they can speak Latin more or less ; and can often out-talk in Latin those who Dispute with them . So as they are thereby thought both more Orthodox and Able than their Antagonists . Their Reading in Latin is the Lives of the Saints , and Fabulous Stories of their Country . But the Superior Learning among them , is the Philosophy of the Schools , and the Genealogies of their Ancestors . Both which look like what St. Paul hath Condemned . The Priests are chosen for the most part out of old Irish Gentry ; and thereby influence the People , as well by their Interest as their Office. Their Preaching seems rather Bugbearing of their flocks with dreadful Stories , than persuading them by Reason , or the Scriptures . They have an incredible Opinion of the Pope and his Sanctity , of the happiness of those who can obtain his Blessing at the third or fourth hand . Only some few , who have lately been abroad , have gotten so far , as to talk of a difference between the Interest of the Court of Rome , and the Doctrine of the Church . The Common Priests have few of them been out of Ireland ; and those who have , were bred in Covents , or made Friars for the most part , and have humble Opinions of the English and Protestants , and of the mischiefs of setting up Manufactures , and introducing of Trade . They also comfort their Flocks , partly by Prophecies of their Restoration to their Ancient Estates and Liberties , which the abler sort of them fetch from what the Prophets of the Old-Testament have delivered by way of God's Promise to restore the Iews , and the Kingdom to Israel . They make little esteem of an Oath upon a Protestant Bible , but will more devoutly take up a Stone , and swear upon it , calling it a Book , than by the said Book of Books , the Bible . But of all Oaths , they think themselves at much liberty to take a Land-Oath , as they call it : Which is an Oath to prove a forg'd Deed , a Possession , Livery or Seisin , payment of Rents , &c. in order to recover for their Countrey-men the Lands which they had forfeited . They have a great Opinion of Holy-Wells , Rocks , and Caves , which have been the reputed Cells and Receptacles of men reputed Saints , They do not much fear Death , if it be upon a Tree , unto which , or the Gallows , they will go upon their Knees toward it , from the place they can first see it . They confess nothing at their Executions , though never so guilty . In brief , there is much Superstition among them , but formerly much more than is now ; for as much as by the Conversation of Protestants , they become asham'd of their ridiculous Practices , which are not de side . As for the Richer and bettereducated sort of them , they are such Catholicks as are in other places . The Poor , in adhering to their Religion , which is rather a Custom than a Dogma amongst them , They seem rather to obey their Grandees , old Landlords , and the Heads of their Septes and Clans , than God. For when these were under Clouds , transported into Spain , and transplanted into Connaught , and disabled to serve them as formerly , about the year 1656. when the Adventurers and Soldiers appeared to be their Landlords and Patrons , they were observ'd to have been forward enough to relax the stiffness of their pertinacity to the Pope , and his Impositions . Lastly , Among the better sort of them , many think less of the Pope's Power in Temporals , as they call it , than formerly ; and begin to say , that the Supremacy , even in Spirituals , lies rather in the Church diffusive , and in qualified General-Councils , than in the Pope al●ne , or than in the Pope and his Cardinals , or other Iuncto . The Religion of the Protestants in Ireland , is the same with the Church of England in Doctrine , only they differ in Discipline thus , viz. The Legal Protestants hold the Power of the Church to be in the King , and that Bishops and Arch-Bishops , with their Clerks , are the best way of adjusting that Power under him . The Presbyterians would have the same thing done , and perhaps more , by Classes of Presbyters National and Provincial . The Independents would have all Christian Congregations independent from each other . The Anabaptists are Independent in Discipline , and differ from all those aforemention'd in the Baptism of Infants , and in the inward and spiritual Signification of that Ordinance . The Quakers salute not by uncovering the Head , speak to one another in the second Person , and singular Number ; as for Magistracy and Arms , they seem to hold with the Anabaptists of Germany and Holland ; they pretend to a possibility of perfection , like the Papists ; as for other Tenents , 't is hard to fix them , or to understand what things they mean by their Words . The Diet of the poorer Irish , is what was before discoursed in the Chapter . The Cloathing is a narrow sort of Frieze , of about twenty Inches broad , whereof two foot , call'd a Bandle , is worth from 3● to 18 d. Of this , Seventeen Bandles make a Man's Suit , and twelve make a Cloak . According to which Measures and Proportions , and the number of People who wear this Stuff , it seems , that near thrice as much Wooll is spent in Ireland , as exported ; whereas others have thought quite contrary , that is , that the exported Wooll is triple in quantity to what is spent at home . As for the Manners of the Irish , I deduce them from their Original Constitutions of Body , and from the Air ; next from their ordinary Food ; next from their Condition of Estate and Liberty , and from the Influence of their Governours and Teachers ; and lastly , from their Ancient Customs , which affect as well their Conscien●es as their Nature . For their Shape , Stature , Colour , and Complexion , I see nothing in them inferior to any other People , nor any enormous predominancy of any humour . Their Lazing seems to me to proceed rather from want of Imployment and Encouragement to Work , than from the natural abundance of Flegm in their Bowels and Blood ; for what need they to Work , who can content themselv●s with Potato's , whereof the Labour of one Man can feed forty ; and with Milk , whereof one Cow will , in Summer time , give meat and drink enough for three Men , when they can every where gather Cockles , Oysters , Muscles , Crabs , &c. with Boats , Nets , Angles , or the Art of Fishing ; can build an House in three days ? And why should they desire to fare better , tho with more Labo●r , when they are taught , that this way of living is more like the Patriarchs of old , and the Saints of later times , by whose Prayers and Merits they are to be reliev'd , and whose Examples they are therefore to follow ? And why should they breed more Cattel , since 't is Penal to import them into England ? Why should they raise more Commodities , since there are not Merchants sufficiently Stock'd to take them of them , nor provided with other more pleasing foreign Commodities , to give in Exchange for them ? And how should Merchants have Stock , since Trade is prohibited and fetter'd by the Statutes of England ? And why should Men endeavour to get Estates , where the Legislative Power is not agreed upon ; and where Tricks and Words destroy natural Right and Property ? They are accused also of much Treachery , Falseness , and Thievery ; none of all which , I conceive , is natural to them ; for as to Treachery , they are made believe , that they all shall flourish again , after some time ; wherefore they will not really submit to those whom they hope to have their Servants ; nor will they declare so much , but say the contrary , for their present ease , which is all the Treachery I have observed ; for they have in their hearts , not only a grudging to see their old Proprieties enjoyed by Foreigners , but a persuasion they shall be shortly restor'd . As for Thievery , it is affixt to all thin-peopled Countries , such as Ireland is , where there cannot be many Eyes to prevent such Crimes ; and where what is stolen , is easily hidden and eaten , and where 't is easy to burn the House , or violate the Persons of those who prosecute these Crimes , and where thin-peopled Countries are govern'd by the Laws that were made and first fitted to thick-peopled Countries ; and where matter of small moment and value must be try'd , with all the formalities which belong to the highest Causes . In this case there must be thieving , where is withal , neither encouragement , nor method , nor means for Labouring , nor Provision for Impotents . As for the Interest of these poorer Irish , it is manifestly to be transmuted into English , so to reform and qualify their housing , as that English Women may be content to be their Wives , to decline their Language , which continues a sensible distinction , being not now necessary ; which makes those who do not understand it , suspect , that what is spoken in it , is to their prejudice . It is their Interest to deal with the English , for Leases , for Time , and upon clear Conditions , which being perform'd they are absolute Freemen , rather than to stand always liable to the humour and caprice of their Landlords , and to have every thing taken from them , which he pleases to fancy . It is their Interest , that he is well-pleased with their Obedience to them , when they see and know upon whose Care and Conduct their well-being depends , who have Power over their Lands and Estates . Then , to believe a Man at Rome has Power in all these last mentioned Particulars in this World , and can make them eternally happy or miserable hereafter , 't is their Interest to joyn with them , and follow their Example , who have brought Arts , Civility , and Freedom into their Country . On the contrary , What did they ever get by accompanying their Lords into Rebellion against the English ? What should they have gotten if the late Rebellion had absolutely succeeded , but a more absolute Servitude ? And when it fail'd , these poor People have lost all their Estates , and their Leaders encreas'd theirs , and enjoy'd the very Land which their Leaders caus'd them to lose . The poorest now in Ireland ride on Horse-back , when heretofore the best ran on foot like Animals . They wear better loaths than ever ; the Gentry have better Breeding , and the generality of the Plebeians more Money and Freedom . Several Miscellany Remarks and Intimations , concerning Ireland , and the several Matters aforementioned . WIthout recourse to the Authority of Story , but rather diligently observing the Law and Course of Nature , I conjecture , that whatever is fabled of the Phoenicians , Scythians , B●scayers , &c. their first Inhabiting of Ireland ; that the places near Carrickfergus were first peopled , and that with those , who came from the parts of Scotland opposite thereunto . For that Ireland was planted by some body in Caesar's time , is most certain . That the Art of Navigation was not before Caesar's time so well understood and practis'd , as to bring Men from any other Part of the World thither , save from Great Britain : That from St. Davids-head in South-Wales , and from Holy-head in North-Wales ; Ireland is not clearly at any time discern'd , nor often at all . That the Inhabitants of those two Brittish Head-lands had neither Boats sit to pass that Sea , is most probable . But that Carrickfergus may be always seen from Scotland , is well known ; and that a small Boat may Row over in three or four hours , is experienc'd . That the Language of those Parts differ very little . That the Country about Carrickfergus is far better than that of Scotland opposite . That the chief Bishops Seat of Ireland , and probably the first , is near those Parts , are all notorious Truths . From all which 't is more probable , that Ireland was first Peopled from Scotland , than all the other remote Parts aforementioned . It hath been much observed , That the Lieutenants and Chancellors of Ireland have often been at variance ; the reason whereof seems to be at their Powers , and too near an Equilibrium ; for the Lieutenant Commands an Army perhaps of 3000 , and the Chancellor makes 900 Justices of Peace , who make 2500 Constables , which are the Civil Sword , who Act in times of Peace , and every where , and in all matters ; whereas the Army acts only upon rare occasions , and are more Mercenary Men. So as the Civil-Sword seems of far more extent and effect than the Military-Sword . The Lieutenant disposes perhaps of four or five hundred Places and Imployments ; but the Chancellor , of the said nine hundred Justices of Peace , and several others . The Lieutenant can hurt very few Persons , who do not depend upon the favour of Imployments ; but the Chancellor can affect all Men , of Estates and Dealing in the World , by the Power of his Court , and by the Harmony of his own Will with the King's Conscience . The Lieutenant is for the most part a Stranger to Ireland ; but the Chancellor seldom such , but a Person of great Family and Acquaintance . Moreover , all the Lieutenants , Deputies , and Lords Justices , that have been these 150 years , have not , one with another , continued two years in the Office ; but the Chancellors have much more , and are seldom remov'd but by Death , and General Revolutions . The Chancellor has ordinarily some other Dignity and Office annex'd , for they be often Eminent Prelates and Church-men ; but the Lieutenant is confin'd to Temporals . The Chancellor is Speaker in Parliament , and by keeping the Seal , can check the Lieutenant in many cases . The Chancellors are bred to Eloquence and Arguing ; the breeding of a Lieutenant is casual . Men that bring great Estates into Ireland , do not encrease them proportionably with them who come over with nothing . Not to quote the Examples hereof on both sides , the reason seems not to be very abstruse , viz. The Language of Ireland is like that of the North of Scotland , in many things like the Welch and Manques ; but in Ireland the Fingallians speak neither English , Irish , nor Welch ; and the People about Wexford , tho they agree in a Language differing from English , Welch , and Irish , yet 't is not the same with that of the Fingalians near Dublin . Both these two sorts of People are honest and laborious Members of the Kingdom . The Irish Language , and the Welch , as also all Languages that have not been the Languages of flourishing Empires , wherein were many Things , many Notions and Fancies , both Poetical and Philosophical , hath but few words ; and all the names of Artificial things brought into use , since the Empire of these Linguists ceased , are expressed in the language of their Conquerors , by altering the Termination and Accents only . Ireland is now divided into Provinces , Counties , Baronies , Parishes , and Farmlands , and those , so as that they may be , and have been Geometrically delineated ; but formerly it was not so , but the Country was cal'ed by the names of the Lords who governed the People . For as a Territory bounded by Bogs , is greater or lesser as the Bog is more dry and passible , or otherwise : So the Country of a Grandee or Tierne in Ireland , became greater or lesser as his Forces waxed or weaned ; for where was a large Castle and Garison , there the Jurisdiction was also large . And when these Grandees came to make peace , and parts one with another , the limits of their Land-agreements were no lines Geometrically drawn ; but if the Rain fell one way , then the Land whereon it fell , did belong to A. if the other way , to B. &c. As to their Town-lands , Plough-lands , Colps , Gneeres , Bullibos , Ballibelaghs , Two's , Horsmens , Beds , &c. they are all at this day become unequal both in Quantity and Value , having been made upon grounds which are now Obsolete and Antiquated . For sometimes lands were divided by what certain Societies of men held , which I conceive were Town-lands or Tythings . Sometimes by Plow-lands , viz. such a — of Lands as contained enough of every species of Land Arrable , Meadow , and Pasture , Mountain , Turf-bog , Wood , &c. as serv'd for the whole Use of man , especially of the Owner of such a Plow-land . Sometimes by the Share or Proportion of Land , which an Undertaker would engage to plant and defend according to Articles . Sometimes by the Share which each Servitor had given him in reward for his Service , after a Rebellion or Insurrection . Sometimes by what belonged to the Cell of some Religious Man or Men. But now all the Lands are Geometrically divided , and that without abolishing the Ancient Denominations and Divisions abovementioned . So that it is yet wanting to prevent the various spelling of Names not understood , that some both comprehending the Names of all publick Denominations according as they are spelled in the latest Grants , should be set out by Authority to determine the same for the time to come . And that where the same Land hath other Names , or hath been spelled with other Conscription of Letters or Syllables , that the same be mentioned with an alias . Where the publick and new authenticated Denominations is part of a greater antiquated Denomination , that it be so expressed , as by being called the East , West , South or North part thereof . And if the said Denomination comprehend several obsolete or inconsiderable Parcels , that the same be expressed likewise . The last Clause of the Explanatory Act , enabled men to put new Names on their respective Lands , instead of those uncouth , unintelligible ones yet upon them . And it would not be amiss if the significant part of the Irish Names were interpreted , where they are not , or cannot be abolished . SOME have thought that little Shipping belongs to Ireland , by the great Policy of the English , who ( as they wittily expressed it ) would keep the Chain or Draw-Bridge between both Kingdoms , on the English side : But I never perceived any Impediment of Building , or having Ships in Ireland , but mens own indisposition thereunto , either for not having Stock for so chargeable a Work , or not having Workmen of sorts enough to sit out a Ship in all particulars ; as for that they could hire Ships cheaper from the Dutch , than to build them ; or , that the Irish had rather eat Potatos and Milk on dry Land , than contest with the Wind and Waves with better Food ; or that there is not encouragement , to a full Employment , for an able Ship-wright to reside in Ireland . Nevertheless at this day there belongs to several Ports of Ireland Vessels between 10 and 200 Tuns , about 8000 Tuns of several sorts and Sizes : And there are Five Light-Houses erected for the safety of sailing upon the Coasts . Concerning the Ambergreece , taken upon the Western Coasts of Ireland , I could never receive any clear satisfaction , neither of its Odor , nor any other Vertue , nor what use was or could be made of that Stuff which has been so call'd , which is of several Appearances . What is said of the Herb Mackenbory , is fabulous , only that 't is a Tythemal , which will purge furiously , and of which there are vast quantities in that part of Kerry call'd Desmond , where the Arbutus Tree groweth in great numbers and beauty . There be in Ireland not ten Iron Furnaces , but above 20 Forges and Bloomeries , and but one Lead-work , which was ever wrought , tho many in view , which the pretended Patents of them have hindred the working of . There is also a place in Kerry , fit for one Allum-work , attempted , but not fully proceeded upon . There are in the West of Ireland , about 20 Gentlemen , who have engaged in the Pilchard-fishing , and have among them all about 160 Saynes , wherewith they sometimes take about 4000 Hogshheads of Pilchards per Ann. worth about 10,000 l. Cork , Kingsale , and Bantry are the best places for eating of Fresh Fish , tho Dublin be not , or need not be ill supplied with the same . The Clothing-Trade is not arrived to what it was before the late Rebellion . And the Art of making the excellent , thick , spungy , warm Coverlets , seems to be lost , and not yet recovered . Near Colrane is a Salmon-Fishing , where several Tuns of Salmon have been taken at one Draught , and in one Season . The English in Ireland before Henry the VII's time , lived in Ireland as the Europians do in America , or as several Nations do now upon the same Continent ; so as an Englishman was not punishable for killing an Irish-man , and they were governed by differe●t Laws ; the Irish by the Brehan-Law , and the English there by the Laws of England . Registers of Burials , Births and Marriages , are not yet kept in Ireland , though of late begun in Dublin , but imperfectly . English in Ireland , growing poor and discontented , degenerate into Irish ; & vice versa ; Irish , growing into Wealth and Favour , reconcile to the English. Eleven Iri●● Miles make 14 English , according to the proportion of the Irish Perch of 21 Feet , to the English of 16● . The admeasurement of Land in Ireland , hath hitherto been made with a Circumferencer , with a Needle of 3⅔ long , as the most convenient Proportion ; but 't will be henceforth better done by the help of some old Geometrical Theoremes , joyn'd with this new property of a Circle , demonstrated by Dr. R. Wood. The DIAGRAM . ALtho the Pro●estants of Irel●nd , be to Papists , as three to eight ; yet , because the former live in Cities and Towns , and the Scots live all in and about five of the 32 Counties of Ireland ; It seems , in other open Counties , and without the Corporations , that the Irish and Papists are twenty to one . A Report from the Council of Trade in Ireland , to the Lord Lieutenant and Council , which was drawn by Sir William Petty . IN Obedience to your Lordship's Act of Council , of January the 2●th . 1675. we have spent several days in considering how , as well the Wealth of this Kingdom in general , as the Money thereof in particular may be increased . And in order thereunto , we have first set down to the best of our knowledge , the state of this Kingdom in reference to Trade . Secondly , We have noted such Inferences from the same , as do sh●w the several Causes of the smalness of Trade , want of Money , and the gen●ral Poverty of this Nation . And in the last place , we have offered such general Remedies and Expedients , in the respective Cases , as may be obtained and practised , without any new Law to be made in Ireland . And we are ready so to inlarge upon the Branches we have offered , as to make such of our Proposals practicable , as your Lordships shall please to select and approve of for that purpose . March the 25th . 1676. Considerations relating to the Improvement of IRELAND . 1. THE whole Territory of Ireland consists of about 12 Millions of Acres ( English Measure ) of Arrable , Meadow , and good Pasture Land ; with about two Millions of Rocky , Boggy , and Scrubby Pasture , commonly call'd Unprofitable , ( tho not altogether such ) : The rest being absolute Boggs , Loughs , Rocks , Sands , Strands , Rivers and High-ways , &c. Of all which , several Lands , the yearly Rent ( comprehending Their Majesties Quit-Rents , Tythes and Tenants Improvements ) is supposed to be about 9●0,000 l. and worth to be purchased at Nine Millions . 2. The value of all the Housing in Ireland , which have one or more Chimneys in them , ( excluding all Cabbins which have none ) is supposed to be Two Millions and a half . 3. The Cattel and Live-Stock , Three Millions . 4. Corn , Furniture , Merchandise , Shipping , &c. about One Million . 5. The Coyned and Currant Money , now running in Trade , is between 300 , and 350 , ●00 l. or the 5●th part of the value of the whole Kingdom , which we suppose to be about 16 Millions . 6. The number of people in Ireland is about 1100,000 , viz. Three Hundred Thousand English , Scotch , and Welch Protestants , and 800,000 Papists , whereof ●th are Children unfit for Labour , and about 75,000 of the Remainder are , by reason of their Quality and Estates ; above the necessity of Corporal Labour ; so as there remains 750,000 Labouring Men and Women , 5●0,000 whereof do perform the present Work of the Nation . 7. The said 1100,000 people do live in about 200,000 Families or Houses , whereof there are but about 16,000 which have more than one Chimney in each ; and about 24,000 which have but one ; all the other Houses , being 160,000 , are wretched nasty Cabbins , without Chimney , Window or Door shut , and worse than those of the Savage Americans , and wholly unfit for the making Merchantable Butter , Cheese , or the Manufactures of Woollen , Linnen or Leather . 8. The Houses within the City and Liberties of Dublin , are under 5,0●0 , viz. in the City 1150. And the Ale-Houses within the same about 1200. And it seems , that in other Corporations and Countrey Towns , the proportion of Ale-Houses is yet greater than in Dublin , viz. about ⅓ of the whole . 9. The Counties , Baronies and Parishes , of Ireland , are now become marvellously unequal , so as some are twe ty times as big as others , the County of C rk seeming in respect of people and Parishes to be ●th of the whole Kingdom , and other Counties not being above the 2●th part of the County of Cork ; It hath been found very difficult to get fit persons for Sheriffs , and Juries ; and the often holding of Assizes and Quarter-Sessions in the said smaller Counties , hath been found an unnecessary burthen upon them . 10. There are now in Ireland 32 Counties , 252 Baronies , and 2278 Parishes ; so as the number of Sheriffs , and Sub-Sheriffs , Sheriff Bailiffs , High and Petty-Constables , are about three thousand Persons , whereof not above ● are English or Protestants . So as the remainder ( being about 27●0 ) are Irish Papists , and are the Civil Militia of this Kingdom , and have the executing of all Decrees of Courts , and of Justices of the Peaces Warrants . 11. This Civil Militia , and the rest of the Irish Papists being ' about 80●,000 , are influenced and guided by about 3000 Priests and Fryars , an● they governed by their Bishops and Superiors , who are for the most part , of the Old Irish Gentry , men of Foreign Education , and who depend upon Foreign Princes and Prelates , for Benefices and Preferments . 12. The Irish Papists ( beside● Sundays and the 29 Holidays appointed by the Law ) do one place with another , observe about 24 days more in the year , in which they do no Corporal Labour , so as they have but about 266 Working-days ; whereas Protestants not strictly observing all the Legal Holy-days , by a total forbearing of Labour , have in effect 300 Working-days in the year , that is , 34 days more than the Papists , or at least five of six days in each , or ● part of the whole year . 13. The expence of the whole people of Ireland is about four Millions per Ann. the ⅓ part whereof being 80,000 l. and the Quarter of Annual House-Rent being about 6●,000 l. together with 450 , ●00 l. more , being the value of half a years Rent , Tythes and Quit-Rent , do make 59●,000 l. as that sum of Money which will compleatly and plentifully drive the Trade of this Kingdom . 14. The value of the Commodities exported out of Ireland , and the Fraight of the Shipping imployed in the Trade of this Nation , together with the fishing of Herrings , is about Five Hundred Thousand pounds per Annum . 15. The value of the Estates in Ireland of such persons as do usually live in England ; the Interest of Debts of Ireland , due and payable to England ; the pay of the Forces of Ireland , now in England ; the Expence and Pensions of Agents and Solli●itors commonly residing in England about Irish Affairs ; the Expence of English and Iri●h Youth now upon their Education beyond the Seas ; and lastly , the supposed Profit of the two great Farms now on Foot , do altogether make up near 2●0,0●0 l. per Ann. as a Debt payabl● to England out of Ireland . 16. The value of the Cattel , viz. live Oxen and Sheep , carried out of Ireland into England , was never more than 140,000 l. per Annum ; the Fraight , Hides , Tallow , and Wooll of the said live Cattel , were worth about 60,000 l. of the said 140,000 l. And the value of the Goods imported out of England into Ireland ( when the Cattel-Trade was free ) was between Treble and Quadruple , to the neat value of the Ox , and She●ps Fle●h transported from hence into England . 17. The Customs of Exported and Imported Goods , between England and Ireland , abstracted from the Excise thereof , was in the freest Trade , about 32,000 l. per Ann. Inferences from the Premisses . 1. BY comparing the Extent of the Territory with the number of people , it appears that Ireland is much underpeopled ; for as much as there are above 1● Acres of good Land to every Head in Ireland , whereas in England and France there are but four , and in Holland scarce one . 2. That if there be 250 000 spare●●ands capable of Labour , who can earn 4 or five l. per Ann. one with another , it follows that the people of Ireland , well employed , may earn one Million per Ann. more than they do now , which is more than the years Rent of the whole Country . 3. If an House with Stone-Walls , and a Chimney well covered , and half an A●re of Land well ditched about , may be made for 4 or 5 l. or thereabouts ; then ⅓ of the spare hands of Ireland can in one years time build and fit up 160,000 such Houses and Gardens , instead of the like number of the wretched Cabbins above-mentioned : And that in a time when a Foreign-Trade is most dead and obstructed , and when Money is most scarce in the Land. 4. The other third part of the said spare hands within the same year ( besides the making of Bridges , Harbors , Rivers , High-ways , &c. more fit for Trade ) are able to plant as many Fruit and Timber-Trees , and also Quick-set Hedges , as being grown up , would distinguish the Bounds of Lands , beautifie the Countrey , shade and shelter Cattel , furnish Wood , Fuel , Timber and fruit , in a better manner than ever was yet known in Ireland or England . And all this in a time when Trade is dead , and Money most scarce . 5. If the Gardens belonging to the Cabbins above mentioned , be planted with Hemp and Flax , according to the present Statute , there would grow 120,000 l. worth of the said Commodities , the Manufactures whereof , as also of the Wooll and Hides now exported , would by the labour of the spare hands above-mentioned , amount to above One Million per Annum more than at present . 6. The multitude and proportion of Alehouses above-mentioned , is a sign of want of Employment in those that buy , no less than those that sell the Drink . 7. There being but 800 Thousand Papists in Ireland , and little above 2,000 Priests ; It is manifest that 500 Priests may , in a competent manner , Officiate for the said number of People and Parishes . And that two Popish Bishops if any at all be necessary ) may as well Govern the said 500 Priests , and two Thousand Parishes ; as the 26 Bishops of England do Govern near Ten Thousand Parishes . 8. If the Protestants , according to the present practice and understanding of the Law , do work one tenth part of the Year more than the Papists : And that there be be 750 Thousand working People in Ireland , whereof about 600 Thousand Papists . It follows that the Popish Religion takes off 60 Thousand workers , which , at about 4 l. per Annum each , is about 250 Thousand Pounds per Annum of it self ; besides the Maintenance of 25 Hundred superfluous Churchmen , which at 20 l. per Annum each , comes to fifty thousand pounds per Annum more . 9. The Sheriffs of Ireland at 100 l. per Annum , the High Constables at 20 l. per Annum , and the Petty Constables at 10 l. per Annum , each , being all English Protestants ( with some other incident Charges for the Administration of Justice ) may be fallarated and defrayed for thirty thousand Pounds per Annum , consistent with His Majesty's present Revenue , Forces , &c. which said Sallaries , may also be lessened , by Uniting some of the smaller Countie's , Baronies and Parishes , according to the proportion of People Inhabiting within them . 10. If there be not 350 ●housand Pounds Coyned Money in Ireland ; And if 590 Thousand Pounds ( or near double what there now is ) be requisite to drive the Trade thereof ; then it follows , that there is not enough in Ireland to drive the Trade of the Nation . 11. If the Lands of Ireland and Housing in Corporations , be worth above 10 Millions to be now sold ( and if less than One Million of stock will drive all the Trade afore-mentioned , that Ireland is capable off ) reckoning but two returns per Annum : It is certain that the lesser part of the said Ten Millions worth of real Estate , being well contrived into a Bank of Credit , will with the Cash yet remaining , abundantly answer all the ends of Domestick Improvements , and Foreign Traffick whatsoever . 12. If the whole substance of Ireland be worth 16 Millions , as above said : If the customs between England and Ireland , were neverworth above thirty two thousand Pounds per Annum : I● the Titles of Estates in Ireland , be more hazardous and expensive , for that England and Ireland be not under one Legislative Power : If Ireland till now , hath been a continual Charge to England : If the reducing the late Rebellion did cost England three times more in men and money , than the substance of the whole Countrey , when reduced , is worth : If it be just , that men of English B●rth and Estates , living in Ireland , should be represented in the Legislative Power ; and that the Irish should not be judged by those who , they pretend , do usurp their Estates : It then seems just and convenient , That both Kingdoms should be United and Governed by one Legislative Power . Nor is it hard to shew how this may be made practicable , nor to satisfy , repair , or silence those who are Interested or Affected to the contrary . 13. In the mean time , it is wonderful that men born in England , who have Lands granted to them by the King , for service done in Ireland to the Crown of England , when they have occasion to reside or negotiate in England , should by their Country-men , Kindred and Friends there , be debarred to bring with them out of Ireland food whereupon to live , nor suffered to carry money out of Ireland , nor to bring such Commodities as they fetch from America directly home , but round about by England , with extream hazard and loss , and be forced to trade only with Strangers , and become unacquainted with their own Country ; especially when England gaineth more than it loseth by a free Commerce ; as exporting hither three times as much as it receiveth from hence : In so much as 95 l. in England , was worth about 100 l. of the like Money in Ireland , in the freest time of Trade . 14. It is conceived that about ⅓ d of the Imported Manufactures , might be made in Ireland and ⅓ d of the remainder might be more conveniently had from Foreign parts , than out of England , and consequently that it is scarce necessary at all for Ireland to receive any goods of England , and not convenient to receive above th part from hence of the whole which it needeth to Import , the value whereof is under 100 Thousand Pounds per Annum . The application of the Premisses , in order to remedy the defects and impediments of the Trade of Ireland . 1. Forasmuch as the consideration of Raising Money , hath already , and so lately , been before your Lordships ; therefore without giving this Board any further trouble concerning the same : We humbly offer , in order to the regulation of the several species thereof ; That whereas Weighty Plate pieces , together with Ducatoons , which estimate to be three quarters of the Money now currant in Ireland ; do already pass at proportionable Rates ; and for that all other species of Silver Money , are neither rated proportionably to the said weighty pieces , nor to one another ; That Whole , Half and Quarter Cobbs of Sterling Silver ( if light ) may pass at 5 s. 7 d. per Ounce ; but that the other Species of courser Silver , as the Perrues , &c. may pass as Commodity , or at 5 s. per Ounce , until there shall be conveniency for new Coyning thereof into smaller Money . 2. That forthwith Application may be made unto England , to restore the Trade from the Plantations , and between the two Kingdoms ( and particularly that of Cattel ) as heretofore ; and in the mean time to discover and hinder , by all means possible , the carrying of Bullion out of Ireland into England ; to the end that those in England who are to receive Moneys from hence , may be necessitated to be very earnest in the said Negotiation . 3. That Endeavours be used in England , for the Union of the Kingdoms under one Legislative Power , proportionably , as was heretofore and successively done in the case of Wales . 4. For reducing Interest from Ten to Five , or Six , per Centum , for disposing moneyed men to be rather Merchants than Usurers , rather to trade than purchase , and to prevent the bad and uncertain payments , which Gentlemen are forced to make unto Tradesmen , whose Stock and Credit is thereby soon buried in debts , not to be received without long and expensiv● Suits , and that a Bank of Land be forthwith contrived and countenanced . 5. That the Act of State which mitigates and compounds , for the Costoms of some Foreign goods , purposely made high to hinder their Importation , and to encourage the Manufacture of them here , be taken into consideration ( at least before it be renewed ) . 6. That the Lord Lieutenant and Council , as also the Nobilit , Courts of Justice and Officers of the Army , and other Gentlemen in and about Dublin , may by their engagement and example , discountenance the use of some certain Foreign Commodities , to be pitched upon by your Lordships : And that Gentlemen and Freeholders in the Country , at their Assizes , and other Country meetings ; and that the Inhabitants of all Corporations , who live in Houses of above two Chimneys in each , may afterwards do the same . 7. That there be a Corporation for the Navigation of this Kingdom , and that other Societies of men may be instituted , who shall undertake and give security to carry on the several Trades and Manufactures of Ireland ; and to see that all goods Exported to Foreign Markets , may be faithfully wrought and packt : Which Societies may direct themselves , by the many several proposals and reports formerly , and of late made by the Council of Trade , and which they are now again ready to enlarge and accommodate to the said several proposals respectively , and more particularly to the Manufactures of Woollen , Linnen , and Leather . 8. That the Corporations of Ireland , may be obliged to engage no Manufactures , but according to their Primitive Instructions ; which was to carry on such great works , as exceeded the strength of single Persons ; and particularly that they may cause some such like proportions of Yarn , Linnen , and Woollen , as also of Worsted , to be Spun , as Mr. Hawkins hath Propounded . 9. That the Pattents , which hinder the working of Mines may be considered . 10. That the Justices of Peace , may be admonished to protect the Industrious , and not suffer their Labours to be interrupted by vexatious and frivolous Indictments . 11. That the Inhabitants of the wretched Cabbins in Ireland , may be encouraged to reform them ; and also compelled thereunto , as an easy and Indulgent Committing for the Penalty of Nine-Pence per Sunday payable , by the Statute ; and likewise to make Gardens , as the Statute for Hemp and Flax requires . And that other the wholesome Laws against Idlers , Vagabonds , &c may be applied to the prevention of Beggary and Thievery : Whereunto the orderly disposing of the said Cabbins into Townships would also conduce . 12. That the People be dissuaded from the observations of superfluous Holy-Days . 13. That the exorbitant Number of Popish-Priests and Fryars , may be reduced to a bare competency , as also the Number of Ale-houses . 14. That the Constable , Sheriff , and Bailiffs , may also be English Protestants , ( though upon Salary ) From all which , and from the settlement of Estates ; it is to be hoped , that men seeing more advantage to live in Ireland than elsewhere , may be invited to remove themselves hither ; and so supply the want of People , the greatest and most fundamental defect of this Kingdom . CAROLUS Secundus , Dei Gratia , Angliae , Scotiae , Franciae & Hiberniae Rex , Fidei Defensor , &c. Omnibus ad quos praesentes literae pervenerint salutem . Cum praedilectus , perquam fidelis consanguineus & Consiliarius noster Jacobus Dux Ormondiae in r●gno nostro Hiberniae , qui plurima egregia servitia serenissimo patri nostro Beatissimae memoriae in eodem regno , in loco & qualitate Domini Locum-tenentis generalis & generalis Gobernatoris ejusdem regni nostri per multos annos in temporibus maximae calamitatis summa cum prudentia & integritate praestiterit , ac sese fidum & fortem assertorem Coronae Angliae jurium continuè comprobaverit , ut pote qui dicto patri nostro per totam flagitiosam illam Subditorum suorum nuperam defectionem , magnanimiter adhaerescens in praelio primus & audax , in consilio prudens , & nemini secundus extiterit ; at que nobis etiam tum extremis exilii nostri angustiis , tum restitutione nostra , inseparabilis & indesatigabilis adfuerit comes & adjutor : Nos praemissa perpendendentes aequum duximus , in tesseram favoris nostri , eundem Ducem Ormondiae Locum-tenentem nostrum generalem regni nostri Hiberniae praedicti , & generalem in eodem regno Gubernatorem constituere . Sciatis , quod nos de provida circumspectione & industria praefati Iacobi Ducis Ormondiae plurimum consitentes de advisamento Concilii nostri & ex certae Scientia & mero motu nostris assignavimus , fecimus , or●inavimus , constituimus & deputavimus & per praesentes assignamus , facimus , ordinamus , constituimus & deput amus eundem Duc●m Ormondiae Locum-tenentem nostrum generalem regni nostri Hiberniae praedict ' necnon G●bernator nostrum generalem regni nostri illius , Habendum tenendum , gaudendum , exercend ' & occupand ' offic ' praed ' praefato Jacobo Duci Ormondiae una cum omnibus & singulis vad ' feod ' stipend & assocation ' eidem officio spectan ' & pertinen ' durante beneplacito nostro ; Dante 's & concedentes èidem Locum-tenenti nostro generali & Gubernatori nostro generali plenam tenore praesentium potestatem & authoritatem ad pacem nostram & ad leges & consuetudin●s regni nostri praedict ' custodiend ' & custodi●e faciend ' & ad omnes & singulos Ligeos nostros tam Anglicos quàm Hibernicos dicti regni nostri ac alios quoscunque , per nos super dictum Locum-tenent ' nostrum generalem & Gubernatorem nostrum generalem , stipendiatos & alias quascunque personas , ibidem contra nos , aut pacem , consu●tudinem & leges praedict ' qualecùnque delinquend ' & contraveniend ' juxt a eorum demerita , secundum leges & consuetudines nes praedictas , viis & modis quibus melius pro honore & proficuo nostro fieri poterit : ac pro bana gubernatione dicti regni nostri ac Ligeorum & Subditor ' nostrorum ibidem juxta discretionem dicti Locum-tenentis nostri general ' & Gubernatoris nostri general castig and ' & puniend ' ac puniri & castigari faciend ' necnon ordinationes & Statuta pro salvo & bono regimine regni nostri praedict ' juxta advisamentum consilii nostri ibidem ordinand ' Statuend ' & stabiliend ' ac super inde proclamationes faciend ' debitaeque executioni demandand ' ac quoscunque contravenientes & delinquentes castigand ' & incarcerand ' at que incàrceratos solvend ' & deliberand ' Necnon ad recipiend ' & admittend ' per dictum advisament ' Consilii nostri ad fidem & pacem nostram , tam Anglicos quàm Hibernicos , & alios quoscunque infra praedict ' regnum nostrum Hiberniae habitantes vel commorantes intutand ' seu commorand ' qui nobis , legibus nostris consuetud ' praedict ' Rebelles & contrarii extiterint aut existunt vel existent ; & ad concedend ' faciend ' & dand ' per hujusmodi advisament ' plenam pardonationem , remissionem , relaxationem & absolutionem tam general ' quàm Specialem , illis & eorum cuilibet hujusmodi pardonationem petent ' aut habere volen ' ac sectam pacis nostrae quae ad nos pertinet tam pro Homicid Rober ' Felon ' Murdr ' Rapt mulierum , Latrociniis , falsis allegation ' adhaesion ' inimicis Vtlagar ' transgression ' contempt ' & aliis offensis quibuscunque in dicto regno nostro per aliquas hujusmodi personas ante haec tempora fact ' seu in posterum faciend ' & corum forisfactur ' & firmam pacem nostram eis & eorum cuilibet literas patentes sub magno sigillo quo ●timur in regno nostro praedicto in forma debita concedend ' donand ' & deliberand ' ac etiam eosdem alios quoscunque ad fines & redemptiones hujusmodi offens ' & eorum quamlibet qui fines & redemptiones facere debuerunt seu voluerunt ' accipiend ' & recipiend ' Et singul ' personis juxta leges & consuetudines praed ' justitiam faciend ' & fieri niandand ' Ac etiam ad universos & singulos tam Anglos Rebelles quàm Hibernicos dicti regni nostri & alios quoscunque dictum regnum nostrum in posterum invadend ' ac ipsum regnum nostrum subditosque nostros ejusdem depraedare , gravare seu alio modo destruere seu devastare intendent ' ac se juxta leges , & consuetudines praedict ' justificare volentes , si necesse fuerit , cum potestate nostra Regia , ac aliis viis & modis , quibus melius fieri poterit juxta eorum demerita puniend ' & si opus fuerit ultimo supplicio demandand ' ac Subditos nostros providè commovend ' convocand ' & levand ' ac cum eisdem Subditis nostris sic levat ' contra dictos Rebelles congrediend ' cesque invadend ' vincend ' & castigand ' & si opus fuerit terr' ipsorum aliis qui nobis servire volunt & intendunt de advisamento praedict ' locand ' & demittend ' Ac etiam cum eis pacisicand ' & pacem componend ' ac ipsos paci nostrae restorand ' toties quoties in praemissis vel circa ea opus fuerit . Proviso tamen semper , quod super quamlibet talem dimissionem & location ' per praefat Iacobum Ducem Ormondiae ac praedict ' advisament ' Consilii nostri praed ' in posterum virtute harum literarum nostrarum patentin ' saciend annual ' reddit ' superinde debit sit nobis , haeredibus & Successoribus nostris , omnino reservat ' Damus insuper & concedimus eidem Iacobo Duci Ormondiae Locum-tenenti nostro generali & Gubernatori nostro generali , tenore praesentium , plenam potestatem & authoritatem omnes proditiones , necnon felon ' murdr ' rapt ' mulier ' ibidem & alias causas & offensam quascunque per Subditos ejusdem regni nostri Hiberniae , vel alios ibidem residend ' commiss ' sive comittend ' prodition ' quae destructionem vitae nostrae concernerunt tantummodo except ' pardonand ' abolend ' remittend & relaxand ' literasque nostras Patentes sub dicto magno Sigillo nostro superinde cuicunque personae regni nostri Hiberniae praed nomine nostro concedend ' componend ' & ad casdem Sigilland ' Cancellar ' nostro vel Custod ' Sigilli dicti nostri regni nostri Hiberniae mandand ' tradend ' & deliberand ' . Damus praeterea & concessimus eidem Iacobo Duci Ormondiae Locum-tenenti nostro generali & Gubernatori nostro generali , plenam potestatem & authoritatem quoscunque de Stirpe Anglicano existend ' in officio in regno praedict tam secundo Baroni Scaccar ' nostri & quorumcunque computand ' ac aliar ' officiar ' persicere , ipsosque officiar ' intra regnum nostrum praedictum facere , deputare & constituere ; Habendum eis & corum cuilibet & quibuslibet , durante beneplacito nostro , & quamdin in eodem se bene gerunt ad libitum ejusdem Locum-tenentis nostri general ' & Gubernatoris nostri general ' una cum vad ' & . regard ' eisdem officiar ' ab antiquo , debit ' & consuet ' offic ' Cancellar ' Thesaurar Subthes●urar ' Iusticiar ' utriusque Banci & Capital ' Baron ' Scaccar ' nostri offic ' Magistri Rotulorum ac offic ' ●hesaurar ' ad gueram offic ' Marescall ' offic ' magistri ordination Clerici de le Checque ' offic ' praesiden ' Munster & Connaght , ac officium Attor & Sollicitator ' nostri ejusdem regni nostrae Hiberniae tantumodo except ' Statut & Parliamen ' Domini Henrici nuper Regis Angliae Septimi Progenitor nostri inclytae memoriae , Anno regni sui decimo , coram Edwardo Poyning Milite tunc deputato regni nostri Hiberniae tent ' edit ' & provis ' non obstante . Concessimus etiam praefato Locum-tenenti nostro generali potestatem quod ipse durante beneplacito nostro omnia officia Ecclesiastica , tam jurat ' quam non jurat ' viz. Vicar ' Parsonat Praebendar ' Cantur ' Capeil ' Hospital ' Dignitat ' Archionat ' & alia beneficia quaecunque nominatione Archiepiscopor ' & Episcopor ' tantum except ' tam in Ecclesiis Cathedral ' quam Collegiat ' Hospitat ' & Paroch ' in quocunque loco in regnum nostrum Hiberniae quocunque titulo jam vacan ' seu in posterum ex causa quacunque vacare contingen ' & ad praesentationem , collationem sive donationem nostram quocunque modo spectan ' personis idoneis quibuscunque sibi placuerit dand ' concedend ' & conferend ' & ad eadem omnia & Singula quorum ad nos praesentationis , donationis sive collationis spect ' & pertinent , & stat ' & possess ' omnium & singulorum qui de eorum aliquibus possessionat ' existunt ratificand ' approbanda ' & confirmand ' ac privileg ' libertat ' imunitat ' & concess ' per praedecessores nostros quoscunque aut aliquos alios ante haec tempora fact ' sive concess ' prout eidem Locum-tenenti nostro general ' & gubernatori nostro general ' per advisament ' & consensu Consilii nostri in regno nostro praed ' melius expedire videbitur ratificand ' approband ' & confirmand ' Concessimus in super eidem Iacobo Duci Ormondiae Locum-tenenti nostro generali & gubernatori nostro General ' potestat ' & fidelit ' provision ' & renuntiation ' Archiepiscopor ' & Episcopor ' in codem regno nostro Hiberniae , tempore praeterito sive futuro , fact ' ordinat ' & consueta acceptand ' faciend ' ordinand ' & constituend ' ac omnia alia ad nos debit ' nomine nostro recipiend ' eisdem Archiepiscopis , Episcopis & car ' quilibet temporalia sua Cancellar ' nostro regni nostri praedict ' deliber ' mandand ' cum omnibus & singulis juribus Emolumen ' proficuis & reven tionibus ratione vacationis deor ' beneficior ' dignitat ' Archiepiscopat ' sive Episcopat ' nobis reservat ' ac etiam Homag ' omnium & singulorum tam Spiritual ' quàm temporal ' tenen & Subditor ' nostrorum quorumcunque in regno nostro praedicto nomine nostro recipiend ' & terras & tenement ' sua de hereditate sua Cancellar ' nostro deliba●i mandand ' manusque nostras exinde amovend ' ac Victual ' sufficien ' & necessar ' pro expens ' Hospitii sui & soldar ' suor ' in quocunque infra dictum regnum Hiberniae per provisor ' Hospitii sui & alios Ministr ' suos una cum carria● ' sufficien ' pro eisdem , tam infra libertates quàm extra , pro denar ' suis rationabil ' solvend ' providend ' & capiend juxta formam Statuti de hujusmodi provision ' ante haec tempora fact ' nisi aliter per composition ' fact ' cum intutan ' Com' infra partes vulgariter vocatos The English Pale aliosque Com' extra deces partes provisum sit aut post hac provideatur , quod praed Locum-tenens general ' & Gubernator noster general habeat vel habere possit summam pecuniae annuatim in dicta compositione ante haec limitat ' pro compensatione & recompensatione pro hujusmodi Virtual ' providend ' & capiend ' pro provisor hospitii sui , quam quidem compositionem censemus observand ' pro beneficio Subditor ' nostror ' necnon ad Summonend ' & Sumonire faciend ' atque tenend ' secundum Leges , Statut ' & Consuetudin ' regni nostri Hiberniae praedict ' unum duntaxat Parliament ' quandoquidem sibi melius expediri videbitur , consensu tamen nostro in ea parte semper habit ' & ad idem Parliament ' prorogand & adjournand ' toties quoties necesse fuerit , & infra deos annos à tempore interceptionis ejusdem plenè determinand ' & siniend ' & quoscunque sic Summonit ' absentes & non legitime impedit ' mulctand ' & puniend ' Concessimus insuper dicto Locum-tenenti nostro general ' & Gubernator ' nostro ' general ' plenam & sufficien ' authoritatem & potestat ' ad omnimod ' officiar ' computabil ' Thesaurar ' & Subthesaurar ' regni nostri praedict ' duntaxat except ' coram eisdem Thesaurar ' , Subthesaurar ' nostris & Baron Seaccarii nostri dicti regni nostri Hiberniae , computare faciend ' & ad hujusmodi comput ' reddend ' compelland ' ac etiam ad inquirend ' & inquiri faciend ' viis & modis quibus melius sibi videbitur , faciend de quibuscunque bonis & cattallis quae fuer ' ill ' sive alior qui erga nos seu Progenitores nostros forisfecerunt vel forisfacient , & à nobis concelat ' existunt vel imposterum existent , & ad omnia & singula alia quae ad offic ' locum tenentis nostri generalis & Gubernatoris nostri generalis jure , usu & consuetud ' regni nostri praed ' pertinent aut pertinere deberent & pro bono regimine & Salvatione & pro bono custod ' pacis regni nostri praed & quiete populi nostri ibidem , & recuperatione jurium nostrorum in regno nostro Hiberniae necessar ' fuerit ; Salvis super reservatis faciend ' exercend ' exequend ' & ordinand ' omnia alia nomine nostro & pro nobis in dicto regno nostro Hiberniae faciend ' exercend ' & ordinand sicut nos faceremus aut facere possemus si ibidem in propria persona nostra essemus . Damus insuper praefato Iacobo Duci Ormondiae Locum tenenti nostro Generali & Gubernatori nostro generali potestatem & authoritatem Navibus nostris quibuscunque aut aliis quae circa littora dicti regni nostri Hiberniae sunt in Servitio nostro , aut in posterum quacunque occasione erunt & mittentur pro defensione dicti regni nostri Hiberniae , imperand & utend ' pro servitio nostro & tutamine dicti regni nostri , prout ipse secundum discretionem suam & per advisamentum Concilii nostri ejusdem regni nostri Hiberniae visum , erit ' nisi nos Special ' Commission ' nostra aut Admiralli nostri Angliae ordinatione special ' Gubernator ' & Capitan ' praed ' Navium nostrarum aut aliis mittend ' speciali instructione mandat ' & servic ' imperaverimus aut imperaverit . Constituimus etiam praesat . Iacobum Ducem Ormondiae Gubernator ' & Praefect . nostrum general ' exercitûs nostri in dicto regno nostro Hiberniae , tam praesentis quàm futuri , quàm diu nobis placuerit , cum Alacationibus inde debit ' & consuet . Ac eidem Duci Praefecto generali ex ercitus nostri ibidem plenam potestatem & authoritatem concedimus faciend ' constituend ' & ordinand ' leges , ordinationes & proclamationes de tempore in tempus , ut casus exegerit , pro bono regimine exercitus nostri praedict ' ac omnes quorumcunque sub mandato & Gubernatione ejusdem praefectus generalis exercitûs nostri eas demque leges , ordinationes & proclamationes exequendi ac debitae executioni mandand ' ac etiam insligere , adjudicare & assidere timor ' poenas corporales , imprisonamenta , fines , forissactur ' ac omnes alias poenas & penalitates quascunque in & super omnes delinquentes si ve offendentes contra hujusmodi leges , ordinationes & proclamationes qualis & quae eidem Gubernatori & praefecto nostro exercitûs nostri requisit ' & necessar ' fore videbuntur ' Quae omnia leges , ordinationes & proclamationes , sic ut praefert ' faciend ' observari volumus sub poenis in eisdem continend ' . Et ei damus potestatem & authoritatem utendi & exercendi infra regnum nostrum praedictum si opus fuerit , lege Mariscal ' Sive Martial ' necnon substituend ' assignand ' & appuntuand ' sub se infra dictum regnum nostrum per literas nostras Patentes sub magno Sigillo nostro dict' regni nostri praedict ' faciend ' tot & tales Marriscallos , Commissarios & al' officiar ' ad legem Armor ' sen legem Martial ' exercend ' & exequend ' prout praefat ' Locum-tenenti nostro general ' & Gubernator ' nostro general ' de tempore in tempus expedire videbit ad exercend ' utend ' & exequend ' praed ' leges , quotie● opus & necesse fuerit , & juramenta praestare , aliaque omnia per se vel per alios facere , erigere , quae ad leges praedictas exercend ' aliqualiter pertineant . Et quia valde necessar ' nobis videatur ut praefat ' Locum tenens noster generalis & Gubernator noster generalis pro negotiis nostris magni momenti personam nostram Regiam in propria persona sua sicut nobis visum suerit attendat ' Ideo ulterius damus , & per praesentes praefato Iacobo Duci Ormondiae Locum-tenenti & Gubernator ' nostro general ' plenam potestatem & authoritatem concedimus nominand ' & assignand per literas nostras Patentes sub magno Sigillo nostro , dicti regni nostri Hiberniae nomine nostro , tam nunc quàm de tempore in tempus imposte um , consiciend ' quamcunque aut quoscunque dictus Locum-tenens & Gubernator noster general ' in hac pa●te idoneum sive idoneos duxerit sore deputat vel deputatos quocunque nomine assignatos durante beneplacito nostro pro Gubernatione dicti regni nostri Hiberniae in a●sentiae sua , donec idem Locum-tenens & Gubernator noster in dictum regn ' Hiberniae gubernatione ejusdem ut praefert ' redierit , volentes tamen quod in eisdem literis Patentibus alicui personae seu personis sicut praefert ' faciend Deputat ' aut Deputatos in absentia sua tantum provis & nomine nostro mand ' sit quod non licebit alicui tal Deputat ' vel deputatis The saurar ' seu pecunias nostras cuicunque solvere vel erogare , authoritat ' seu warrant ' ipsius Deputat ' vel ipsorum Deputat ' tantum sed quod omnia erod ' mandat ' & Warrant ' per Thesaur ' & pecuniis nostris per ipsum sient & Signabunt non solum manu propria praefat ' Deput ' vel praefator ' Deputator ' sed etiam manibus praedilectorum & sidel Consiliar ' nostrorum Magistri Curiae Wardor ' Capital ' Baron ' Scaccar nostri ' Cancellar ' Scaccar ' nostri & primar ' Secretarii nostri ibidem pro tempore existente vel saltem manibus duorum illorum . Damus ulterius universis , singulis Archiepiscopis , Ducibus , Comitibus , Vice-Comitibus , Episcopis , Baron ' Iusticiar ' Militibus , liberis hominibus & aliis Subditis nostris de regno nostro praedict ' firmè in mandatis , quòd praefato Iacobo Duci Ormondiae Locum-tenenti nostro general & Gubernatori nostro general ' in eodem regno nostro intendentes sive assidentes , auxiliantes & consultantes , ac ipsius mandatis in omnibus prout decet aut decebit obedientes sint , aliquo statut ' Actu , Ordinatione , provisione , jure , usu , consuetudine sive restriction ' in contrar ' inde fact edit ' ordinat ' sive provis ' aut aliqua alia re , causa vel materia quacunque in aliquo non obstante . In cujus rei testimonium has literas nostras fieri fecimus Patentes Teste meipso apud Westmonaster ' Vicessimo primo die Februarii Ann. regni nostri quarto decimo Inrotulat ' in Rotulls patentibus Cancellariae Hiberniae de Ann. regni Regis Caroli Secundi decimo quarto & Examinat ' per I. TEMPLE . Per ipsum Regem BARKER . At the Court at Hampton Court , IUNE 22. 1662. Propositions to be consider'd of by his Majesty , concerning the governing of Ireland . CHARLES R. 1. THAT his Majesty may declare his express Pleasure , that no Irish Suit by way of reward be moved for by any of his Servants , or others , before the Ordinary Revenue there become , able to sustain the necessary charge of that Crown , and the Debts there of befully cleared . This is most reasonable , it standing with no sound rule of Judgment , to exercise the Acts of bounty in a place which doth not discharge it self , and will prove the readiest and most expedient way to recover his Majesties affairs thereby , thus carrying the Revenues in their natural Channell ; and indeed this course being constantly pursu'd , will much encrease the annual profits above what they now are , and intirely draw the dependance of the inferiors from the great Lords upon his Majesty , and so the interest and assurance the Crown shall have in the Natives thereof , be of no less consequence and advantage than the very profits : 2. That there be an express Caveat entred with the Secretary , Signet , Privy Seal and Great Seal here , That no Grant , of what nature soever , concerning Ireland , be suffered to pass , till the Lord Lieutenant be made acquainted , and it first pass the seal of that Kingdom , according to the usual manner . This will be of great intelligence and safety to his Majesty ; for on the one side he will clearly see into the true inward value all things , which formerly , albeit of very great worth , have from so great a distance slipt away here , as little understood by the Crown ; as is acknowledged by those that obtain them ; who generally , in these causes , sacrifice rather to their own Wit , than the Goodness and Bounty of Kings . And on the other side , nothing can pass to the disadvantage of the Crown ; and proper Ministers , instructed with these Affairs , may be immediately faulted and justly called to a severe Account for their Negligence and Unfaithfulness therein ; which will give them good reason to look more narrowly into his Majesties Rights , and their own Duties . 3. That His Majesty Signify his Royal Pleasure , that special Care be taken hereafter , that sufficient and credible Persons be chosen to supply such Bishopricks as shall be void , or admitted of his Privy Councel , or sit as Iudges , and serve of his learned Councel there ; that he will vouchsafe to hear the advice of his Lieutenant before he resolve of any in these cases , that the Lieutenant be commanded to inform his Majesty truly and impartially , of every mans particular Diligence , and Care in his Service there , to the end his Majesty may truly and graciously reward the well-deserving , by calling them home to better preferment here . This will advantage the service ; it being altogether impossible for the Lieutenant , be he never so industrious and able , to administer the publick Justice of so great a Kingdom , without the round assistance of other able and well-affected Ministers . This will encourage the best men to spend their stronger years there , when they shall see their elder age recompensed with ease and profit in their own native Soyl ; and content and settle the Natives , when they find themselves cared for , and put in the hands of discreet and good men to govern them . 4. That no particular Complaints of Injustice or Oppression be admitted here against any , unless it appears , That the Party made first his Address unto the Lieutenant . This is but justice to the Lieutenant , who must needs in some measure be a delinquent , if the complaint be true ; for that he ought as in chief , universally to take care that his Majesties Justice be truly and fully administered ; and therefore good reason that his Judgment should be informed , and his integrity first tryed , before either be impeached ; Nay , it is but justice to the Government it self , which would be exceedingly Scandalized through the liberty of complaints , and the Ministers therein extreamly discouraged upon any petty matter , to be drawn to answer here , when as the thing it self is for the most part either Injurious or such as the party might have received good satisfaction for at his own doors : but where the complaint appeareth formally grounded , that is , where due application hath been made to the Lieutenant , without any help or relief to the party , as may be pretended ; let it in the name of God be throughly examined , and severely punished , wheresoever the fault prove to be ; especially if it be found to be corrupt or malitious : for thus shall not his Majesty only magnify his own Justice , but either punish an unfaithful Minister , or a clamorous Complainer ; and so his Service be better'd by either example . 5. That no Confirmation of any Reversion of Office within that Kingdom be had , or any new Grant of Reversion hereafter to pass . That disposing of Places thus aforehand , much abates mens endeavours , who are many times stirred up to deserve eminently in the Commonwealth , in hope of those preferments ; and being thus granted away , there is nothing left in their Eye , for them to expect and aim at , which might nourish and quicken those good desires in them , besides Places there closely and covertly passed , the persons are not for the most part so able and fitted to the Duties thereof , as when there is choice made out of many publick pretenders , which commonly occur , when they actually fall void by Death . 6. That the Places in the Lieutenants Gift , as well in the Martial as Civil List , be left freely to his disposing ; and that his Majesty may be graciously pleased not to pass them to any person , upon Suits made unto him here . This course held , preserves the Rights of the Lieutenants Place , and his Person in that Honour and Esteem which can only enable him to do service ; and if the contrary happen , it is not only in diminution to him , but draws off all necessary dependance upon him , and regard that ought to be had of him , in all ready obedience in such things he shall command , for the Kings Service , when they shall discern that the natural Powers of the Place are taken from him , whereby he might kindle their chearful endeavours by the preferring and furnishing such as deserve those places . 7. That no New Offices be erected within that Kingdom before such time as the Lieutenant be therewith acquainted ; his opinion first required and certified accordingly . Suits of this Nature , however they pretend the publick , their chief end is the private Profit of the Propounder ; and for the most part , in the Execution prove burthens , not benefits to the Subjects ; therefore throughly to be understood before they pass , as more easy and less scandalous to the State , to be staid at first than afterwards recalled , and if they be really good , his Majesty may be better informed by his Lieutenants approbation , and so proceed with more assurance to the effecting thereof . 8. That his Majesty would be pleased , not to grant any Licence of absence out of that Kingdom , to any Councillors , Bishops , Governours of any Province or County , or Officers of State , or of the Army , or to any of the Iudges , or learned Council , but that it be left to his Lieutenant to give such Licence . This is but reasonable , because the Lord Lieutenant who is chiefly intrusted under his Majesty with the Care and Government of that Kingdom , is the most competent and proper Judge , who in publick employment may be spared , and how long , without Prejudice to his Majesty , or the publick . 9. That all Propositions moving from the Lieutenant , touching matters of Revenue , may be directed to the Lord Treasurer of England only , and that the Address of all other Dispatches for that Kingdom be by special direction of his Majesty applyed to one of the Secretaries singly , and his Majesty , under his hand-Writing doth Specify , that his Majesty will have this done by Mr. Secretary Nicholas . These Propositions made unto his Majesty , by his Grace the Duke of Ormond Lord Steward of his Majesty's Houshold , and Lord Lieutenant of Ireland , were received and approved at the Council board , the 22 day of Iune 1662 , there being present the King 's most excellent Majesty his Royal Highness the Duke of York , his Highness Prince Rupert , the Lord Chancellor , the Lord Treasurer , Duke of Albemarle , Duke of Ormond , Marquess of Dorchester , Lord Great Chamberlain , Lord Chamberlain , Earl of Barkshire , Earl of Portland , Earl of Norwich , Earl of Anglesey , Earl of Lauderdail , the Lord Hatton , Lord Hollis , Lord Ashly , Sir William Compton , Mr. Treasurer , Mr. Vice Chamberlain , Mr Secretary Nicholas , Mr. Secretary Morris . By His Majesties Command , EDWARD NICHOLAS At the Court at Hampton-Court , IUNE 22. 1662. Present , The King 's Most Excellent Majesty . His Highness , the Duke of York . His Highness , Prince Rupert . Lord Chancellor . Lord Treasurer . Duke of Albemarl . Duke of Ormond . Marquess of Dorchester . Lord Great Chamberlain . Earl of Berkshire . Earl of Portland . Earl of Norwich . Earl of Anglesey . Earl of Lauderdale . Lord Hatton . Lord Hollis . Lord Ashly . Sir William Compton . Mr. Treasurer . Mr. Vice-Chamberlain . Mr. Secretary Nicholas . Mr. Secretary Morris . Charles R. HIS Majesty's express pleasure is , That the Masters of Requests , and every of them , in their several Months of attendance at Court , do Constantly observe these ensuing Directions , viz. Not to move his Majesty in Petitions for any Irish Suit , by way of Reward , either for any of His Majesty's Servants , or others before the ordinary Revenue of that Kingdom become able to maintain the necessary Charge of that Crown , and the Debts thereof be fully cleared . For any particular Complaint of Injustice or Oppression , pretended to be done there , unless it appear the Party made his first Address unto the Lord Lieutenant , for confirmation of any Reversion of Offices within that Kingdom , or any new Grant of Reversion hereafter ; any places in the Lord-Lieutenants gift , either of the Civil or Military List , when any such shall fall void . Any erection of a new Office in that Kingdom , before such time as the Lord-Lieutenant be therewithall acquainted , his Opinion required and certified back accordingly . By His Majesty's Command , EDWARD NICHOLAS . CHARLES R. THere being nothing more conducible to the quiet and safety of a Kingdom , than a frugal and regular ordering and disposing of the Revenue that is to maintain the Publick Charge and Expence of the Government , both Civil and Military ; We have thought fit , with the advice of our Council , upon a Prospect made of all our Revenue , certain and casual , and the just means in view upon the settlement of Estate in that Kingdom , now in hand for improveing thereof , to begin by this Establishment , both to bring our Payments as near as may be to the compass of our Receipts , and to provide especially for our Publick Affairs , by supporting Civil Justice and Government , and by maintaining our Forces in the present Strength and Fulness ; intending hereafter , as our Charge may grow less , and our Means encrease , to extend our Favour and Bounty according to our gracious Inclinations , and the Merit of persons , to the further encouragement of Particulars , as cause shall require : Whereof we have already given a proof , in the liberal Addition we have made to the Judges , for their better Support , in the impartial administration of Justice . The LIST FOR CIVIL AFFAIRS ; Containing the several Entertainments , by the Year , of all Officers and others , serving in our Courts of Justice , in the several Provinces of Ireland : Officers belonging to the State ; Officers of our Customs ; Officers of the Excise : Creation-Money ; with other Perpetuities and particular Payments for our Service ; Which We require henceforth to be duely paid out of our Revenues there , by the Hands of our Vice-Treasurer , or Receiver General for the time being , according to the Cautions here mentioned ; the same to begin for , and from the First day of April . 1666. THESE following Payments are the constant Fees to be continued to the several Officers , without change from time to time .   l. s. d. The Right Honourable Arthur , Earl of Anglesey , Vice-Treasurer , and General Receiver . 050 00 00 Sir Robert Meredith Kt. Chancellor of the Exchequer . 100 00 00 Iohn Busse Esq Lord Chief Baron of the Exchequer . 600 00 00 Sir Richard Kennedy Kt. Second Baron of the Exchequer . 300 00 00 Iohn Povey Esq Third Baron of the Exchequer . 220 00 00 Sir Audly Mervin Kt. His Majesty's prime Serjeant at Law. 020 10 00 Sir William Domvile Kt. His Majesty's Attorney General . 075 06 00 Sir Iohn Temple Kt. His Majesty's Sollicitor-General . 075 00 00 Philip Fernely , Esq His Majesty's Chief Remembrancer 030 00 0● Sir Iames Ware , Kt. His Majesty's Auditor-General , for his ancient Fee per Ann. ●84 l. 6 s. 3 d. and for an Augmentation thereof , allowed by the former Establishment 50 l. in all 234 06 0● Sir Allen Brodrick , Kt. His Majesty's Surveyor-General . 060 00 00 Frances Lee , Escheatour of the Province of Leinster . 006 13 04 Escheatour of the Province of Vlster . 020 05 00 Escheatour of the Province of Munster . 020 05 00 Escheatour of the Province of Connaght . 020 05 00 Henry Warren , Esq Second Remembrancer . 007 17 06 Nicholas Loftus , Esq Clerk of the Pipe. 015 00 00 Roger Moor , Esq Chief-Chamberlain . 010 00 00 Sir Robert Kennedy , Bart. Second Chamberlain . 005 00 00 Maurice Keating , Controllor of the Pipe. 007 00 00 Iohn Longfield , Usher of the Exchequer , for his Fee per Annum , 2 l. 10 s. and for his allowance for Ink , for the Exchequer , 10 l. per Annum . In all , per Annum . 012 10 00 Thomas Lea , Transcriptour and Forreign Opposer . 015 00 00 Edward Ludlow , Summonitor of the Exchequer . 007 05 00 Iohn Burniston , Marshal of the four Courts . 004 00 00 Sir Theophilus Iones , Kt. Clerk of the Pells . 030 00 00 Iohn Exham , Clerk of the first fruits , and twentieth parts . 027 10 00 Thomas Gibson , Cryer of the Court of Exchequer . 001 14 04 The Right Honourable Iames , Baron of Santry , Lord Chief Justice of His Majesties Bench. 800 00 00 Sir Will. Aston , Kt. second Justice of the said Court. 300 00 00 Thomas Stockton , Esq third Justice of the said Court. 300 00 00 Sir Will. Vsher , Kt. Clerk of the Crown , of the said Court. 007 10 00 The most Reverend Father in God , Michael Lord Arch-bishop of Dublin , Lord Chancellor of Ireland . 1000 00 00 Sir Iohn Temple Sen. Kn t. Master of the Rolls . 144 03 04 Dr. Dudley Loftus one of the Masters of the Chancery . 020 00 00 Robert Mossom , Esq another Master of the Chancery . 020 00 00 George Carlton Clerk of the Crown in Chancery . 025 00 00 The said George Carlton , Clerk of the Hanaper , for his Fee per Annum 10 l. 1 s. and for an allowance of Paper and Parchment for the Chancery , per Annum 25 l. In all 035 10 00   1244 13 04 Sir Edward Smith , Kn t. Lord Chief Justice of the Common-Pleas . 600 00 00 Sir Ierome Alexander , Kn t. Second Justice of the said Court. 300 00 00 Robert Booth , Esq Third Justice of the said Court. 300 00 00 Sir Walter Plunkett , Kn t. Prothonotary of the said Court. 007 10 00   1207 10 00 Sir George Lane , Kn t. Clerk of the Star-Chamber . 010 00 00 George Rutlidge , Marshall of the Star-chamber . 010 00 00   020 00 00 Sir Paul Davis , Knt. Secretary of State , for his Fee 200 00 00 The said Sir Paul Davis for Intelligences 100 00 00 The said Sir Paul , Clerk of the Council , for his ancient Fee , per Ann. 7 l. 10 s. and for an Allowance for Paper and Parchment 40 l. in all 047 10 00 Richard St. George , Esq Vlster King at Arms 026 13 04 Richard Carvy Athlong , Pursivant , 010 00 00 Philip Carpinter , Esq Chief Serjeant at Arms , at 5 s. 6 d. per diem 100 07 06 George Pigott , second Serjeant at Arms for like Allowance 100 07 06 George Wakefield , Pursivant , 020 00 00 William Roe , Pursivant , 020 00 00 Arthur Padmor , Pursivant , 020 00 00 Thomas Lee , Keeper of the Council-chamber . 018 05 00 Six Trumpeters and a Kettle-drum , at 60 l. each per Ann. 420. for their Fee , and 6 l. per An. each Board-wages 42 l. in all per Ann. 162 00 00   1125 03 04 The Chief , and other Justices of Assizes in every of the five Circuits twice a year , per Annum 1000 00 00 Robes for the Judges , viz. Three in the Exchequer , three in the King's Bench , three in the Common-Pleas , Master of the Rolls , and three of the King's Council , at 13 l. 6 s. 8 d. apiece per Annum , making in all 173 06 08 Liberates under the Seal of the Exchequer yearly , viz. the Chancellor of the Exchequer 13 l. 6 s. 8 d. the Chief Remembrancer 6 l. 13 s. 4 d. Clerk of the Pipe 6 l. 13 s. 4 d. the Usher 10 l. the Second Remembrancer 5 l. the Chief Chamberlain 5 l. the Second Chamberlain 5 l. Clerk of the Common-Pleas of the Exchequer 5 l. Summonister and Comptroller of the Pipe 5 l. The Customer at Dublin for Wax Paper , Parchment and Ink 3 l. 15. s. in all per Ann. 082 01 08 Rent of a House for the Receipts 025 00 00 Keeper of the House for the Receipts 005 00 00 Singers of Christ-church in Dublin for singing in the Exchequer , and praying for His Majesty , at 10 s. for every Term per Ann. 002 00 00 Pursivants of the Exchequer for carrying Writs 071 05 00 Paper and Parchments to the Courts 150 00 00 The Nobility , Bishops and Councellors which shall reside and keep house in Ireland for impost of Wines , according to His Majesty's special grace   508 13 04 William Halsy , Esq Chief Justice of the Province of Munster 100 00 04 Iohn Nayler , Second Justice of Munster 066 13 04 Henry Batthurst , Attorney of the Province of Munster 013 06 08 William Carr , Esq Clerk of the Council of the said Province 007 10 00 Walter Cooper , Serjeant at Arms there 020 00 00 Oliver Iones , Chief Justice in the Province of Connaght 100 00 00 Adam Cusack , Esq second Justice of that Province 066 13 04 Iohn Shadwell , Esq Attorny for the said Province 020 00 00 Sir Iames Cuss , Kn t. Clerk of the Council there 007 10 00 Thom. Elliot , Serjeant at Arms there 020 00 00 OFFICERS of the Customs . l. s. d. Thomas Worsop , Esq Customer of the Port of Dublin 007 10 00 Will. Maul , Esq Comptroller 007 10 00 Will. Scott , Esq Searcher 005 00 00   020 00 00 George Wakefeild , Customer 010 00 00 Hugh Poulder , Comptroller 005 00 00   015 00 00 Sir Iohn Stephens , Customer 015 00 00 Frederick Christian , Comptroller 015 00 00 Thom. Tint , Searcher 006 13 04   036 13 04 Rich. Scudamore , Customer 006 13 04 Robert Williams , Searcher 005 00 00   011 13 04 Robert Southwell , Customer 13 06 08 Iohn Brown , Searcher 06 13 04   20 00 00 Iohn Selby , Customer 05 00 00 The Customer 13 06 08 Montfort Westrop Comptroller . 13 06 08 Iohn Lynch , Searcher . 05 00 00   31 13 04 Iohn Morgan , Customer . 13 06 08 The Searcher . 05 00 00   18 06 08 Thomas Willis , Customer . 07 10 00 Iohn Bulteele , Comptroller . 07 10 00 Hugh Mountgomery , Searcher . 05 00 00   20 00 00 Roger Lindon , Customer . 07 10 00 Samuel Willby , Searcher . 06 13 04   14 03 04 Nicholas Ward , Customer at Strangford . 07 10 00 Robert Hard , Searcher at Newcastle , Dundrum , Killaleagh , Bangor , Hollywood , Bellfast , Olderst●ct , St. David , Whitehead , Ardglasse , Strangford , Ballintogher , and Donagh●dee . 06 13 04 For the Salaries due to the Officers of the Excise . 4269 00 00 The Contingent Charge of the Excise . 1200 00 00   5469 00 00 These two Sums are to be distributed and apportioned as the Lord Lieutenant , or other Chief Governor , or Governors , and Council , shall think fit , the Custom and Excise being now Farm'd . These two Sums are to cease for the time of the Farm , and are not cast up in the Total . The said Commissioners , which are to be but five in number , are to have the allowance of one Penny in the pound each , for all Money to be received for Customs and Excise .   l. s. d. For the Salaries of four Commissioners of Appeals in Causes of Excise , and New Impost . viz. Sir Iames Ware , Kt. Iohn Povey , Esq Sir William Vsher , Kt. and Peter Weybrants , Alderman , at 150 l. a piece , per Annum . 600 00 00 Dr. Robert Wood , and Iames Bonnell , Accomptants General of the Customs and Excise , per Annum . 200 00 00 The Duke of Ormond 40 00 00 The Marquiss of Antrim 40 00 00 The Earl of Castlehaven 20 00 00 The Earl of Desmond 15 00 00 The Earl of Westmeath 15 00 00 The Earl of Arglasse 15 00 00 The Earl of Carbury 15 00 00 The Earl of Cavan 15 00 00 The Earl of Donnegale 15 00 00 The Earl of Clanbrazill 20 00 00 The Earl of Inchiquin 20 00 00 The Earl of Orrery 20 00 00 The Earl of Montrath 20 00 00 The Earl of Tyrconnel 20 00 00 The Earl of Clancarty 20 00 00 The Earl of Mount-Alexander 20 00 00 The Earl of Carlingford 20 00 00 The Lord Viscount Grandison 10 00 00 The Lord Viscount Willmot 10 00 00 The Lord Viscount Valentia 10 00 00 The Lord Viscount Dillon 10 00 00 The Lord Viscount Nettervil 10 00 00 The Lord Viscount Killulla 10 00 00 The Lord Viscount Magennis 10 00 00 The Lord Viscount Sarsfield and Kilmallake 10 00 00 The Lord Viscount Ranelaugh 10 00 00 The Lord Viscount Wenman and Tuam 10 00 00 The Lord Viscount Shannon 13 06 08 The Lord Viscount Clare 10 00 00 The Lord Baron of Cahir 11 05 00   484 11 08 Where Creation-Money is granted to one and the same Person for two Honours , that Sum which is granted with the highest Title , is only to be paid .   l. s. d. The Provost and Fellows of Trinity-Colledge near Dublin , by Patent , dated 12. August , 1612. as a perpetuity , per Annum . 388 15 00 The Dean and Chapter of Christ-Church , Dublin , grant in perpetuity , 12. Iunii , 1604 per Annum . 045 06 08 The Lord Archbishop of Dublin , for Proxies due unto him out of divers Churches belonging to the late Monasteries of Thomas Court , St. Maries Abby , and St. Iohn of Ierusalem , near Dublin , per Annum . 018 05 06 The Lord Bishop of Meath out of the Mannor of Trim. 003 15 00 The Mayor , Sheriffs , Commons , and Citizens of Dublin , per Annum . 500 00 00 The Chaunter of Christ-Church , Dublin , for the Rent of a Plat of Ground , near His Majesties Castle of Dublin . 027 00 00 983 02 02 The Payments hereafter following , are to be continued to the present Gran●ees , during their Grants ; but to cease afterwards , and not to be regranted , or paid to any other .   l. s. d. The most Reverend Father in God , Mich●el Lord Arch-Bishop of Dublin , Lord Chancellor of Ireland . 814 17 06 The Right Honourable Richard Earl of Cork , Treasurer . 365 00 00 Nicholas Lostus Esq , Clerk of the Pipe. 025 00 00 Maurice Keating , Comptroller of the Pipe. 008 00 00 Sir Theophilus Iones K t. , Clerk of the Pells . 061 05 00 Bryan Iones Esq Auditor of the Foreign Accompt● and Prests , at 6 s. 8 d. per diem granted him by Letters Patents ; dated 2. April . Anno 2 do . Caroli primi , during his good behaviour , per Annum . 121 13 04 Edward Cook Esq , one of the Masters of the Chancery . 020 00 00 Iohn Westly Esq , one of the Masters of the Chancery . 020 00 00 Anthony Walsh , Keeper of the Room , as also of the Robes , Hanging and Clock in the Castle of Dublin at 12 d. per diem . 018 05 00 Iohn Crooke , Printer to His Majesty in Ireland . 008 00 00 Thomas Mall Esq , Surveyor General of the Customs . 100 00 00   1649 16 10 William Maule , Comptroller of the Customs at Dublin . 012 10 00 Marcus Viscount Dungannon , Master of the Game . 050 00 00 Sir George Lane K t. , for his Fee , as Keeper of the Records in Brimingham's Tower. 010 00 00 Iames Buck , Clerk of the Market of all Ireland . 020 00 00 The Countess of Tyrconnell . 300 00 00 Edward Fitz-Gerrald . 100 00 00 Sarah King , Widow . 080 00 00 Iane Cary , Widow . 050 00 00 Iohn Dogharty at 18 d. per diem . 027 07 06 Iepson Macquire . 040 00 00 Sir Robert Meredith . 100 00 00 Sir George Blundell at 6 s. per diem . 109 10 00 Ann Conocke . 050 00 00 William Awbry , at 1 l. per week 052 00 00 Patrick Archer . 205 00 00 To be paid unto him until he be satisfied the sum of 5883 l. 19 s. 6 d. and 410 l. 5 s. 6 d. by Letters Patents dated 13 March 1662. and His Majesties Letters of the 2 d of May 1663.   l. s. d. Dr. Iohn Sterne . 060 00 00 Luke German Esq , per annum 100 00 00 Patrick Cowurcey , and his Son Iohn Cowurcey , per annum . 150 00 00 Sir Iames Dillon per annum 500 00 00 Dr. Robert George , per Annum 109 10 00 Thomas Piggot Esq , per Annum 300 00 00 Mrs. Mary Warren , per Annum 080 00 00 Arthur Earl of Anglesey , per Annum 600 00 00 Captain William Rosse , per Annum 300 00 00   3313 07 06 Commissioners of Accompts , for the yearly Accompts by them to be taken by virtue of His Majesty's Commission at 20 l. each of them per Annum , 220 l. And to the Clerks and others imployed in the said Accompts , 65 l. 10 s. In all , 285 10 00 For Fraught and Transportation , carrying of Letters and other Expresses , Gifts and Rewards , Sea-service , Repairing and Upholding sufficiently our Houses , maintaining our Forts , finishing of needful undertakings of that kind , begun in other places , but not finished ; erecting of more strengths of the like kind , and other fit and necessary places . Diets and Charges , in keeping of poor Prisoners , and sick and maimed Soldiers in Hospitals ; Printing , Riding and Travelling Charges ; Prests upon Accompt , and all other payments by Concordat of our Lieutenant , or other chief Governor or Governors , and Council , not to be exceeded without special direction first had from us , or our Privy-Council in England . 9000 00 00 Sum total of the payments aforesaid upon the Civil List amounts unto per Annum . 25601 4 8 Memorandum . That the Impost of Wines , for the Nobility , Bishops and Councillors , the Officers of the Excise , and Commissioners-general of the Customs and Excise , are not included in the abovesaid Sum. AND Our Pleasure is , That no Payment or Allowance be made by Concordat , but by Warrant drawn by the Clerk of the Council of Ireland , and passed openly at our Council-Board there , and signed by our Lieutenant or other Chief-Governour , or Governour , Chancellor , Treasurer , or Vice-Treasurer , Chief-Baron and Secretary , or other four of them at the least , the Lieutenant or Chief-Governour being one ; and in default , either by exceeding the Sum limited by anticipation or otherwise , or by not observing of this our Direction and Commandment in every Point ; Our Pleasure is , That all Sums which shall otherwise be allowed and paid there , shall be set insuper , as Debts upon our said Lieutenant , or other Chief-Governour , or Governours ; and our Vnder-Treasurer , upon his Accounts to be defaulked to Our use , upon their several Entertainments . And Our further Pleasure is , That this Establishment and List , containing all our Payments to be made for Civil-Causes , be duly paid according to our Directions , and be not exceeded , nor any of the Payments which are no ed to be but temporary , or to cease after Death , or surrender of the Party , or upon determination of his Grant , to be continued or renewed to any other , either in concurrence , reversion or otherwise . And We require our Auditor-General , That once every Year , immediately upon the passing the Accounts of our Vice ●reasurer , or Receiver General , a Transcript of the same Accompts , both for Receipts of every nature , and the particular Payments , be returned to our Treasurer of England , to the end we may be truly informed , both of the increase of our said Revenues yearly , and also of the Abatements of Payments contained in this List. ARLINGTON . By the Lord-Lieutenant-General , and General Governor of Ireland . INstructions for our dearest Son , Thomas Earl of Ossory , nominated by Vs by virtue of His Majesty's Letters Patents , under His Great Seal of England , bearing date the 21st day of February , in the 14th Year of His Reign , and constituted by His Majesty's Letters Patents , under the Great Seal of this Kingdom of Ireland , bearing date the 21st day of May , in the 16th Year of His Reign , His Majesty's Deputy of this His said Kingdom , during His Majesty's Pleasure , and only in our Absence , until we shall return into this Kingdom . ORMOND . WHereas We the Lord-Lieutenant received Instructions from the King 's Most Excellent Majesty , under His Royal Signatures , bearing date the 22d day of June , 1662. We do herewith deliver you a Copy of the said Instructions signed by Vs. And We do hereby require you to observe those Instructions , inall such Parts of them , as were to be observed by Vs , and are now appliable to you , in the Place of His Majesty's Deputy of this His Kingdom . You are to take care , That in your giving Commands , or Warrants for Payments of any of His Majesty's Treasure , or Moneys , you observe the Rule prescribed to you , in such Cases , by His Majesty's Letters Patents , whereby you are constituted His Majesty's Deputy of this His Kingdom . Given at His Majesty's Castle of Dublin , the 30 th day of May , 1664. G. LANE . The ESTABLISHMENT and LIST ; Containing all the Payments to be made for Military Affairs in Ireland , to be duly paid by the Hands of our Vice-Treasurer , and Treasurer at Wars , according to the Cautions hereafter mentioned ; the same to begin for and from the 1st Day of April , 1666. Signed , CHARLES Rex . OFFICERS General .   l. s. d. THE Lord-Lieutenant and Governour-General of Ireland , for his Fee per Ann. viz. for his Diet , at 100 l. per mensem ; a Retinue of 50 Horse , with Officers at 2 l. 19 s. 6 d. per diem ; an Allowance of 1000 l. per Ann. in lieu of cess , an Allowance of 235 l. per Ann. in lieu of 235 Beefs , formerly paid to the Lord-Lieutenant , out of the County of Cavan ; an Allowance of 240 l. per Ann. formerly paid to the Lord Lieutenant out of the Tythes of Dunbogne , making in all per Ann. 3860 17 06 As General of the Army per Ann. 4331 06 08 As Cap t. of a Troop of Horse per Ann. 0723 18 04 As Collonel of Foot , per Ann. 0608 06 08 As Cap t. of a Foot-Company , per Ann. 0261 11 08   9786 00 10 For His Guard of Halberteers , consisting of a Cap t. at 11 l. 4 s. each Calendar Month ; a Lieutenant at 9 l. 16 s. two Serjeants at 3 l. 10 s. each ; and 60 Halberteers at 2 l. 2 s. each , making per Ann. 1848 00 00 The Lieutenant-General of the Army at 1 l. per diem . 365 00 00 To Cease post mortem , or other Determinations of the Grant made to Thomas Earl of Osserey .   l. s. d. The Serjeant Major-General of the Army , at 1 l. per diem , per Ann. 365 00 00 To Cease post mortem , or other Determinations of the Grant made to Roger Earl of Orery .   l. s. d. Sir Henry Titchburn , K t. Marshal of Ireland , for his Entertainment at 3 s. 9 d. per diem ; a Trumpeter at 6 d. ob q. per diem , and a Retinue of 30 Horse , at 9 d. a piece per diem , making per Ann. 489 06 07 The Commissary General of the Horse , at 1 l. per diem , per Ann. 365 00 00 To Cease post mortem , or other Determinations of the Grant , to Iohn Lord Kingston .   l. s. d. The Muster-Master General , and Clerk of the Cheque , for his Entertainment , at 4 s. per diem , at 10 Horse-Men , at 1 s. the piece per diem ; for any encrease of his Entertainment 3 s. 6 d. per diem , with an Allowance for one Clerk at 2 s. 6 d. per diem making per Ann. 365 00 00   3066 08 03 Six Commissaries of the Musters , at 100 per Ann. each . 600 00 00 One Corporal of the Field , viz. Collonel Beverly Vsher , at 5 s. per diem ; per Ann. 091 05 00 To Cease post mortem , or other Determinations of the Grant in being .   l. s. d. The Advocate General of the Army at 6 s. 8 d. per diem . 121 13 04 The Physician-General of the Army at 10 s. per diem . 182 10 00 Chirurgion of the Army in Ireland , and of the Hospital of Dublin . 121 13 04 OFFICERS Provincial .   l. s. d. q. THE Lord President of Munster , for His Fee at 100 l. Sterling per An. for his Diet , and the Councils there , at 7 l. 10 s. per Week , and for his Retinue of 30 HorseMen , and 20 Foot-Men , at 1 l. 2 s. 6 d. ob . per diem , in all per Annum . 908 19 09 ob . The Lord President of Connau●ht , for his Fee at 100 l. Sterling per Ann. for his Diet , and the Councils there , at 7 l. 10 s. per Week , and for his Retinue of 30 Horse-Men , and 20 Foot-Men , at 1 l. 2 s. ● d. ob per diem , in all per Ann. 908 19 09 ob . The Provost-Marshal of Lemster , for His Entertainment at 4 s. 2 d. ob . q. per diem , making per Ann. 077 03 07 ob .   2126 14 02 ob . The Provost-Marshal of Munster , for his Entertainment at 4 s. 2 d. ob q. per diem , making per Ann. 077 03 07 ob . The Provost-Marshal of Connaught , for his Entertainment , at 4 s. 2 d. ob . q. per diem , making per Ann. 077 03 07 ob . The Provost Marshal of Vlster , for his Entertainment at 4 s. 2 d. ob . q. per diem , making per Ann. 077 03 07 ob . All the said Provost-Marshals , with the Entertainment due unto them respectively , to cease post mortem , or other Determinations of their Grants . CONSTABLES .   l. s. d. q. The Constable of DublinCastle , for his Entertainment at 20 l. per Ann. 020 00 00   The Porter of Dublin-Castle at 9 d. per diem , per ann . 013 13 09   The Constable of LimerickCastle , for his Entertainment , at 10 l. per ann . and a Porter at 6 d. ob q. per diem , per ann . 018 07 09 ob . The Constable of Athlone-Castle , for his Entertainment , at 8 l. 2 s. 6 d. per ann , and a Porter at 6 d. ob q. per diem , per ann . 018 07 09 ob . The Constable of Roscomon-Castle , for his Entertainment , at 3 s. 4 d. per diem . 060 16 08   The Constable of Carrickfergus , for his Entertainment , at 2 s. 6 d. per diem , per ann . 045 12 06     178 06 00 ob . The Master of the Ordnance , with other Officers thereunto belonging , and Train of Artillery .   l. s. d. The Master of the Ordnance , for himself at 6 s. 8 d. per diem ; a Lieutenant at 1 ● . 6 d. per diem ; a Cornet ● 9 d. and 18 Horsemen at 1 s. the piece per diem , per an . 491 04 07 The Lieutenant of the Ordnance , at 7 s. per diem , per an 127 15 00 To cease after the death of Albert Cunningham , now Patentee , or other determination of his Grant.   l. s. d. The Ingineer , Overseer , Surveyor , and Director-General of His Majesties Fortifications , &c. at 5 s. per diem , per annum 091 05 00 To cease after the death of Captain Iohn Payne and Capt. Iohn Ha●●am , now Patentees , or other determinations of their Grant.   l. s. d. Captain Hugh Magill , Comptroller of the Ordnance , for his Fee , at 5 s. per diem , and for an allowance of 1 s. per diem for his Clerk , both per annum . 109 10 00   819 14 07 Sundry Ministers belonging to the Ordnance , viz. in LEMSTER .   l. s. d. A Master-Gunner at 3 s. per diem , his Mate at 1 s. 6 d. per diem ; six Gunners for the Train , at 1 s. 2 d. each per diem ; one Gentleman of the Ordnance at 3 s. per diem ; Clerk of the Ordnance and Stores at Dublin at 4 s. per diem , his Clerk at 1 s. per diem ; Gunsmith , Blacksmith , Carpenter and Wheeler , at 1 s. 4 d. per diem each , Armorer , Cutler , Cooper , at 9 d. each per diem ; six Matrosses at 8 d. each per diem ; three Waggoners at 10 d. each per diem ; at Duncannon , a Clerk of the Stores 1 s. 8 d. per diem , a Gunner at 1 s. per diem , a Matross , at 8 d. per diem ; at Passage , a Gunners-Mate at 10 d. per diem ; making per annum 774 02 01 CONNAVGHT .   l. s. d. At Athlone , a Clerk of the Stores at 1 s. 8 d. per diem ; a Gunner at 1 s. per diem ; a Matross at 8 d. per diem . Galloway , a Clerk of the Stores at 1 s. 8 d. per diem ; a Gunner at 1 s. per diem ; a Matross at 8 d. per diem . At Sligo , a Gunner at 1 s. per diem ; Isle of Arran , a Gunner at 1 s. per diem ; Innisbussin , a Gunner at 1 s. per diem ; making per annum , 176 08 04 MVNSTER .   l. s. d. Waterford , a Gunner , at 1 s. per diem ; a Matross at 8 d. per diem . Limerick , a Clerk of the Stores at 1 s. 8 d. per diem ; a Gunner at 1 s. per diem ; a Matross at 8 d. per diem . Cork , Clerk of the Stores at 1 s. 8 d. per diem ; a Gunner at 1 s. per diem ; a Matross at 8 d. per diem . At Halvowling , a Gunners-Mate 10 d. per diem ; Youghall , a Gunner , at 1 s. per diem ; Kingsale , a Gunner , at 1 s. per diem ; at the Block-house , a Gun-ners-Mate , at 10 d. per diem ; at Crook-haven , a Gunner , at 1 s. per diem ; at Innisherkin , a Gunners Mate , at 10 d. per diem ; Valentia , a Gunner , at 1 s per diem ; in all per annum . 270 14 02   1358 02 10 VLSTER .   l. s. d. Londonderry , a Clerk of the Stores , at 1 s. 8 d. per diem ; a Gunner at 1 s. per diem ; a Matross , at 8 d. per diem . At Culmore , a Gunners-mate at 10 d. per diem . At Carrickfergus , a Clerk of the Stores , at 1 s. 8 d. per diem ; a Gunner at 1 s. ; a Matross at 8 d. per diem . In all , per annum . 136 17 06 HORSE .   l. s. d. The King's Guard of Horse consisting of a Captain at ●9 l. 12 s. each Calendar Month ; a Lieutenant at 12 l. 12 s. ; a Cornet at 12 l. 12 s. ; a Quartermaster at 9 l. 16 s. ; six Corporals at 6 l 6 s. each ; two of the King's Trumpets at 6 l. 6 s. each ; four more of the King's Trumpets , and a Kettle drum at 3 l. 10 s. each , besides their standing-allowances in the Civil List : A Sadler , Farrier , and Armorer , at 4 l. 18 s. each ; and 100 Horsemen at 4 l. 18 s. each making in all per mens . 627 l. 4 s. which amounts for the whole Pay of the said Guard per An. unto 7526 8   The Lord Lieutenant's Troop , consisting of a Captain at 19 l. 12 s. each Calendar Month ; a Lieutenant at 12 l. 12 s. and a Cornet at 9 l. 16 s. ; a Quarter-master at 7 l. three Corporals and two Trumpets more at 6 l. 6 s. each ; and fifty private Horsemen at 2 l. 2 s. each ; making in all per mens . 184 l. 2 s. which amounts for the whole Pay of the said Troop per an . unto 2209 4   Five Troops more belonging to the General Officers , viz. to the Lieutenant General of the Army , the Serjeant Major General of the Army , the Lord President of Connaught , the Commissary General of the Horse , and the Scoutmaster-General of the Army , each Troop consisting of a Captain at 19 l. 12 s. each Calendar Month , a Lieutenant at 12 l. 12 s. a Cornet at 9 l. 16 s. a Quartermaster at 7 l. Three Corporals , and two Trumpets at 3 l. 10 s. each , and 50 private Horsemen , at 2 l. 2. s. each making in all per mensem for each Troop , 171 l. 10 s. which amounts for the whole pay of the said five Troops per annum unto 10290       1226 8   Twenty three Troops , which consisting of the like Officers , and forty five private Horsemen , making in all per mensem to each Troop 16 1 l. which amounts for the whole pay of the said twenty three Troops per annum unto 44436     FOOT   l. s. d. The Lord Lieutenant's Company , consisting of a Captain at 11 l. 4 s. each Callendar Month. A Lieutenant at 5 l. 12 s. an Ensign at 4 l. 4 s. Two Serjean●s at 2 l. 2 s. each ; three Corporals and two Drums at 1 l. 8 s. each , and one hundred private Footmen ●t 14 s. each , making in all per mensem 102 l. 4 s. which amounts for the whole pay of the said Company per annum unto 1226 8 0 Fifty nine Companies more , each consisting of a Captain at 11 l. 4 s. each Calender Month , a Lieutenant at 5 l. 12 s. an Ensign at 4 l. 4 s. two Serjeants at 2 l. 2 s. each ; three Corporals , and one Drummer at 1 l. 8 s. each , and sixty private Footmen at 14 s. each , making in all per mensem for each Company 72 l. 16 s. which amounts for the whole pay of the said fifty nine Companies per annum unto 51542 0 3 A Ward at Sligo under the command of Major Robert E●geworth consisting of two Serjeants at 2 l 2 s. each , every Calender Month ; three Corporals , and one Drummont 1 l. 8 s each and sixty private Footmen , a 14 s. each ; making in all per mensem 51 l. 16 s. which amounts per annum unto 0621 12     53390 8   Regiment of Guards .   l. s. d. The Royal Regiment of Guards , consisting of twelve Companies , viz. a Colonel as Colonel and Captain at 28 l. per mensem a Lieutenant-Colonel , and Captain at 21 l. per mensem . A Major and Captain at 16 l. 16 s. Nine Captains more at 11 l. 4 s. each ; twelve Lieutenants at 5 l. 12 s. each ; twelve Ensignes at 4 l. 4 s. each ; forty Serjeants at 2 l. 2 s. each ; thirty six Corporals at 1 l. 8 s. each ; Drum-Major at 2 l. 16 s. Twenty four Drummers at 1 l. 8 s. each ; a Piper to the Kings Company at 1 l. 8 s. Twelve hundred Soldiers at 1 l. 3 s. 4. d. each ; a Chaplain at 9 l. 6 s. 8 d. An Adjutant , Quarter-Master , and Chyrurgeon at 5 l. 12 s. each , and Chirurgeons Mate at 3 l. 10 s. making in all per mens . at 28 days to the Month 1886 l. 00. 08. which amounts unto per annum 24518 8 8 Temporary Payments .   l. s. d. Sir Henry Titchburn , Knight , Marshall of Ireland , 198 1 9 To cease Post-mortem or other Determination of his Grant.   l. s. d. Sir Theophilus Iones , Scout-master General of the Army , for his Entertainment at 6 s. 8 d. per diem , and for an encrease of his Entertainment at 100 l. per annum making in all 221 13 4 To cease Post-mortem or other Determination of his Grant.   l. s. d. Sir George Lane Knight , for his Entertainment as Secretary at War to his Majesty , at 1 l. per diem for himself , and 5 s. per diem for his Clerk per annum 456 5 0 To cease Post-mortem , or other Determination of his Grant.   l. s. d. Captain Richard St. George the pay of a Captain of Foot towards his maintenance during his life being 11 l. 4 s. per mensem ; per annum 134 8   Arthur Earl of Donnegall for his Entertainmont at 4 s. 2 d. per diem for himself and for nine Horsemen at 9 d. each per diem during his life , by vertue of a Grant thereof , dated the last of Iuly in the 13 th . year of King Iames , per ann . 199 4 7 The Mayor of the City of Dublin for his Entertainment at 8 s. per diem 146       2255 9 4 Particular Governours .   l. s. d. The Governour of the County of Clare for his Fee at 10 s. per diem ; per annum 182 10   The Governour of the Castle of Dublin for his Fee 1 l. per diem ; per annum 365     The Governour of the Fort of Sligo for his Fee at 10 s. per diem ; per annum 182 10   The Governour of the Fort of Halbolling for his Fee at 6 s. per diem ; per annum 109 10   The Constable of Hilsboro●gh at 3 s. 4 d. per diem ; per annum 060 16 8 These Temporary Payments to cease Post mortem , or other determination of the said Grants , except that of the Halboling .   l. s. d. Sum total of the payments aforesaid upon the Military List amounts unto per ann . 163810 3 11 ob . By His Majesties Command ARLINGTON . A Catalogue of the PEERS . DUke of Ormond Duke of Leinster Marquess of Antrim EARLS Kildare Thomond Cork Desmond Barrymore Meath Ossory Roscommon Londonderry Donnigall Arran Conaway Carberry Ardglass Rannalagh Cavan Inchiquin Clancarty Orrery Mamtroth Drogheda Waterford Mount-Alexander Down Longford Tyrone Bellomont . Clanrickard Castlehaven Westmeath Fing all Castlemaine Carlingford Viscounts . Grandison Wilmot Losius of Fly Swords Kilmurry Valentia Mareborough Castleton Chaworth Sligo Waterford Strangford Tuam Cashell Carlo Cullen Shannon Mazareene Dromoor Dungarvan Dungannon Kells Fitzharding Clare Charlemount Powerscourt Blesington Granard Lansborough Ross. Castalo Merrion Fairfax Fitz Williams Gormanston Rathcoole Barefore Brucher Galmoy Kingsland Mountgarret Douth Evagh Killmallock Ikernie Glanmalegra Claine Downe Trazey . Archbishopricks and Bishopricks in Ireland . ARchbishoprick of Armagh — Dublin — Cashells Archbishop . of Tuam Bishoprick of — — Meath — Kildore — VVaterford — Clonfert — Elphin — Fernes & Laghlin — Clogher — Dromore — Ossory — Derry — Down — Killallow — Cork — Limerick — Cloyne — Killalla — Rapho — Kilmore BARONS . Kingsale Kerry Hoath Mountjoy Folliot Maynard Dundalk Digby Lifford Herbert Lochlin Colraine Leitrim Donamore Blare Killard Kingston Colooney Sautrey Lough Glawnalley Castle-Steward Atheury Cashir Baltimore Strabane Slane Trimleston Dunscany Dunboyne Vpper Ossery Castle-Comell Brittas A List of those Places that return Parliament Men in Ireland Leinster . County of Catherlough 2 Burrough of Catherlough 2 B. of Old-Leighlen 2 County of Dublin 2 City of Dublin 2 University of Dublin 3 Bur. of Newcastle 2 B. of Swords 2 Village de Drogheda 2 County of Killkenny 2 Bur. of Callen 2 B. of Thomas-Town 2 B of Gowrin 2 B. of Kells 2 B. of Emisteogue 2 B. of Knoctopher 2 B. of St. Kennis 2 City of Kilk●nny 2 County of Kildare 2 Bur. of Kildare 2 B. of Nass 2 B. of Athy 2 Com. Regis 2 Bur. of Phillipps-Town 2 B. of Byrr 2 B of Banagher 2 County of Meath 2 Bur. of Trim 2 B. of Kells 2 B. of Navan 2 B. of Athbuy 2 B. of Duleeke 2 B. of Ratooth 2 Com. Regine 2 Bur. of Bellakill 2 B. of Marlborough 2 Port Arlinton 2 County of Westmeath 2 Bur. of Athlone 2 B. of Fower 2 B. of Kilbegan 2 B. of Mullingar 2 County of Wicklow 2 Bur. of Wicklow 2 B. of Carisford 2 B. of Baltinglass 2 County of Wexford 2 Town of Wexford 2 Town of Ross 2 Bur. of Eniscourthy 2 B. of Featherd 2 B. of Bannow 2 B. of Cloghmaine 2 B. of Arkloe 2 B. of Taughman 2 B. of Newburrough 2 County of Longford 2 Burrough of Lanisborough 2 County of Louth 2 Bur. of Dundalke 2 B. of Arthdee 2 B. of Carlingford 2 Munster . County of Cork 2 City of Cork 2 Burrough of Mallow 2 B. of Baltimore 2 B. of Clognekilty 2 B. of Bandonbridge 2 B. of Kingfaile 2 B. of Youghall 2 County of Clare 2 Bur. of Insh 2 County of Kerry 2 Bur. of Traly 2 B. of Dinglecough 2 B. of Ardsart 2 County of Limerick 2 City of Limerick 2 Bur. of Kilmallock 2 B. of Askaton 2 County of Tipperary 2 Town of Tipperary 2 Bur. of Clonmell 2 B. of Feathard 2 Town of Cashell 2 B. of Thurles 2 County of Waterford 2 City of Waterford 2 Bur. of Dungarvan 2 B. of Lismore 2 B. of Tallow 2 Ulster . County of Armagh 2 Burrough of Armagh 2 B. of Charlemont 2 Connty of Antrim 2 Bur. of Belfast 2 B. of Carickfergus 2 B. of Lisborne 2 B. of Antrim 2 County of Cavan 2 Bur. of Cavan 2 B. of Bellturbet . 2 Co●nty of Down 2 Bur. of Down 2 B of Newtown 2 B. of Newry 2 Ballkillaleagh 2 B. of Bangor 2 B. of Hilsburough 2 County of Donnegal 2 Bur. of Lisford 2 B. of Ballishannon 2 B. of Kilbegs 2 B. of Donnigall 2 Bur. of St. John's Town 2 County of Farmanaugh 2 Bur. of Inniskilling 2 County of Londonderry 2 City of Londonderry . 2 Bur. of Colerain 2 B. of Lanmevaddy 2 County of Monaghan 2 Bur. of Monaghan 2 County of Tyrone 2 ●ur . of Donnegall 2 ●own of Clogher 2 〈◊〉 of Agber 2 ●●● . of Strabaine 2 Connaught . ●●ounty of Galloway 2 ●ur . of Galloway 2 ●● of Athenry 2 ● . of Tuam 2 ●ounty of Leitrim 2 ●●r . of James-Town 2 Bur. of Carickdrumrusk 2 County of Mayo 2 Bur. of Castle-Bar 2 County of Roscomon 2 Bur. of Roscomon 2 B. of Tulsk 2 County of Sligo 2 Bur. of Sligo 2 The whole Number . 285. VERBUM SAPIENTI . THE INTRODUCTION . 1 VVHEREAS many are forced to pay 1 / 10 of their whole Estates towards the raising of but 70000 l. per Mensem , besides what they pay more insensibly and directly , as Customs , Excise , Chimny-Money , &c. ( viz. in London , they pay 2 d. per Mensem per Pound Rent , that is 2 s. per Annum , or 1 / 10 of the whole . ) It must come to pass , that the same Persons must from Christmas , 1665. pay ⅓ of their whole Estates , if the War with Holland continue two years longer● at the value of the last years Expence , provided His Majesty be kept out of Debt . 2. But if the Publick Charge were laid proportionably , no Man need pay above 1 / 10 of his whole Effects , even in case the Tax should rise to 250 000 l. per Mensem , which God forbid . 3. That is to say , according to the present ways , some pay four times as much more as they ought , or needed ; which disproportion is the true and proper Grievance of Taxes , and which must be felt when the Tax happens to be great and extraordinary : Whereas by meer Method and Proportion , the same may be corrected as aforesaid ; and withal , just Accounts might be kept of the People , with the respective Increases and Decreases of them , their Wealth , and Foreign Trade . CHAP. I. Containing several Computations of the Wealth of the Kingdom . 1. THERE are of Men , Women , and Children , in England and Wales , about six Millions , whose Expence at 6 l. 13 s. 4 d. per Annum , or near 4½ d. per Diem , for Food , Housing , Cloaths , and all other necessaries , amount to 40 Millions , per Annum . 2. There are in England and Wales , of Acres of Land ( worth 6 l. 1 s. 8 d. per Acre , and 18 years purchase ) 24 Millions , that is , which yields 8 Millions per Annum Rent , and which are worth 144 Millions to be sold. 3. There be 28000 Houses within the Liberties of the City of London , worth 15 l. per Annum , and twelve years purchase ( viz. which yield 420,000 l. per Annum , and are worth 5,040000 l. There are without the Liberties , but within the Bills of ●ortality ¼ more in number , perhaps not of greater value , viz. 5,040000 l. 4. There is in all England and VVales near ten times as many Chimneys as within the Liberties of London , as appears by the Returns ; Whereof those within the Bills are ⅓ of the whole . 5. 'T is probable , that the Housing of all the Cities and Market-Towns , are double in number to those of all London , though of no more worth . 6. 'T is also probable , that the Housing without the Cities and Towns , are more in number than those within ( London excepted ) but of no more value . 7. So as the Housing of England may be estimated worth 30 millions ; and that if their values be estimated by Chimneys , those of London are worth 12 d. per Chimney ; those in the Suburbs 10 d. other Cities and Market-Towns 6 d. and those without both , about 4 d. 8. The Shipping of England , &c. is about 500 000 Tuns , which at 6 d. per Tun , including their Ordnance , Apparel , &c. is worth three millions . 9. The Stock of Cattel on the aforementioned 24 millions of Land , and the Waste thereunto belonging , is worth ¼ of the said Land , viz. 36 millions comprehending Horses , Oxen , Sheep , Swine , Deer , Fisheries , Parks and Warrens . 10. The Coined Gold and Silver of the Kingdom , is scarce worth six millions 11. The Wares , Merchandizes , and Utensils of Plate , and Furnitures , may be estimated at 31 millions to make the Ships and Money 40. and the whole 250 millions . 12. The most uncertain part of this Estimate , seems to be rating personal Estates at above 30 Millions , which I make probable thus . ( 1 ) First it is not unlikely that what is contained in all the Shops , Warehouses , Cellars , Barns , and Graineries , together with Household Furniture , Cloaths , Ornaments , &c. should be less worth than Housing it self that contains them . ( 2 ) If the value of all the Cattel , viz. 36 millions , were added to the 31 personal Estates , making 67 together ; both will not make up 1¾ years Provision for the whole Nation , whose Expence we estimated at 40 millions per annum ; and poorer than so , we hope it is not . ( 3. ) I find by the particular estimate of the values of all the Plate , Lead , Iron , Copper and Tin , and of all the Timber , Planks , and Woods , and of all Silks , Linnen , and Callicoes ; of all Clothes , Stuffs , and Leathers ; of all Grains , and Salts , and of all Wines , Oyles , and other Liquids ; of all Grocery and Spicery , and Drugs ; of Jewels , and Hangings , Beds , and other Ornaments , ( too troublesome to particularize ) that this general Account may stand . ( 4. ) The City of London being commonly esteemed and rated at the 15 th part of the whole , which we reckon at 250 Millions , that is 16 ⅔ . I think the sum may be well made up by reckoning 5 ⅙ Millions for the Housing as aforesaid , and 1 ½ for the Shipping ( half the Shipping of the Nation belonging to London ) and about the double of the value of the Housing for what is contained in them . The which upon considering many several Houses , I find not unreasonable . ( Lastly , ) supposing that in the Houses within the Liberties of London ( worth 5 Millions ) there be 10 Millions worth of Goods ; I conceive that to allow about as much more , viz. 21 Millions ) to all the rest of the Houses in the Kingdom , which are ten times as many as aforesaid , will not overcharge them . 13. Now if the Land worth 144 Millions , yield 8 Millions per annum , the other Estate converted into the like Species must yield 5 8 / 9 more ; but because Money and other personal Estates yield more per annum than Land ; ( that is ) doubles it self under 17 years purchase at 6 l. per centum , then instead of 5 8 / 9 , suppose it to yield 7 , making the whole Annual Proceed 15. CHAP. II. Of the Value of the PEOPLE . NOW if the Annual proceed of the Stock , or Wealth of the Nation , yields but 15 millions , and the expence be 40. Then the labour of the People must furnish the other 25 ; which may be done , if but half of them , viz. 3 millions earned but 8 l. 6 s. 8 d. per annum , which is done at 7 d. per diem , abating the 52 Sundays , and half as many other days for accidents as Holy days , sickness , recreations , &c. 2. If ⅙ of these 3 millions earned but 2 d. per diem ; another ⅙ 4 d. another ⅙ 8 d. per diem , another 10 d. and another 12 d. The medium will be this , 7 d. per diem . 3. Whereas the Stock of the Kingdom , yielding but 15 Millions of proceed , is worth 250 Millions ; then the People who yield 25 , are worth 416 ⅔ Millions . For although the Individiums of Mankind be reckoned at about 8 years purchase ; the Species of them is worth as many as Land , being in its nature as perpetual , for ought we know . 4. If 6 Millions of People be worth 417 millions of pounds Sterling , then each head is worth 69 l. or each of the 3 millions of Workers is worth 138 l. which is 7 years purchase , at about 12 d. per diem ; nor is superlucration above his subsistence to be reckoned in this Case . 5. From whence it follows , that 100,000 , persons dying of the Plague , above the ordinary number , is near 7 Millions loss to the Kingdom ; and consequently how well might 70,000 l. have been bestowed in preventing this Centuple loss ? 6. We said , that the late mortality by the Pest , is a great loss to the Kingdom ; whereas some think it but a seasonable discharge of its Pestilent humours : to clear which difficulty , I say , 7. If the Plague discerned well , between the well and the ill-affected to Peace and Obedience , or between the Bees and the Drones , the Fact would determine the Question : But if it destroy promiscuously , the Loss is proportionable to the Benefit we have by them that survive ; for 't is they that make England worth above 600 millions , as aforesaid : It being certain , That if one person only had escaped : the whole Territory , and all that is in it , had been worth but a livelihood for that one ; and he subject to be a prey to the next two that should invade him . 8. It seems reasonable , that what we call the Wealth , Stock , or Provision of the Nation , being the effect of the former or past labour , should not be conceived to differ from efficiencies in being , but should be rated alike , and contribute alike to the common necessities : And then of all and every summ to be raised , the Land and Stock must pay 3 parts ; and the People considered without any Estate at all , 5 more ; the whole into 8 divided . 9. If the expence of the Nation be 40 Millions ; it seems but the same hardship to set apart 4. viz. 1 / 10 of the whole for the publick use , as what now lies upon many already : But 4 Millions would afford one for the ordinary Expence , and three for the extraordinary Wars , that is 250 000 l. per mensem ; that is 3 ½ as much as 70. For the raising whereof , many now pay above a 1 / 10 of their whole Estates , for want of Method and Proportion . 10. Labouring men work 10 hours per diem , and make 20 meals per week , viz. 3 a day for working-days , and two on Sundays ; whereby it is plain , that if they could fast on Fryday nights , and Dine in one hour and an half , whereas they take two , from eleven to one ; thereby this working 1 / 20 more , and spending 1 / 20 less , the 1 / 10 abovementioned might be raised , at least with more ease , than to take up Arms , and resist it . CHAP. III. Of the several Expences of the Kingdom , and its Revenues . 1. THE ordinary Expence of the Kingdom for the Navy , Ordnance , Garisons , Land-forces , Tangier , Iamaica , Bombay , Ambassadors , Pensions , Intelligence , Kings and Royal Families Expence , consisting of the Houshold , of the King , Queen , Duke , &c. Privy-Purse , Wardrobe , Robes , Angel-Gold , Master of the Horse , Mews , Armory , Tents , Parks , Lodges , Goldsmiths , Jewels , &c. hath been computed to be about one Million ; Reckoning 200 000 l. for the Navy , 60 for the Ordnance and Powder , 290 for Land-forces , Garisons , &c. and 450 000 for other things . 2. Towards this , there is in Crown-Lands 70 000 , Post-Office 20 , Coynage and Pre-emption of Tinn 12 , Forest of Deer 4 , Courts of Justice 6 , First Fruits 18 ; in all 1,30 000. Customs at 2 per Centum 170. in all 300 000. without the Duties of Wares , Wine-Licence , Aulnage or Butlerage , Excise , Chimney-money , Land-tax , Pole and Assesments , being regulated and proportionated as followeth : viz. CHAP. IV. Of the Method of apportioning Taxes . 1. IF a Million is to be raised above the 300 000 l. last mentioned , then 375000 l. is to be levied on the Stock , and 625000 l. on the People . Of the 375,000 . on the Stock , 216 on the Lands , 54 on the Cattel , &c. 60 on the Personal Estates , 45 on the Housing . in all 375   2. To raise 216,000 l. out of 8,000,000 M. Rent , requires 1 / 37 of the Rent , and 1 / 27 of 1 / 37 ; but allowing the charge of Collecting , we may express it to a 1 / 3● part . 3. To raise 5 1000 l. per annum , out of 36,000000 M. requires the annual payment of a 666 th part of the whole value ; but in regard of Charges , let it be reduced to a 600 th part . 4. The like for the 60000 l. of Personal Estates . 5. To raise 45000 l. per annum , from all the Housing worth 30 Millions , or 7500 for the Housing in London-Liberties , worth about 5 Millions , and whose Rent is 4,20 000 l. per annum , requires but 1 / 33 of the annual Rent , which cannot be above 12 d. a Chimney per Annum , reckoning 5 to each House . Without the Liberties , about 10 d. the Chimney will effect the same ; 6 d. in the Cities and Market-Towns , and 4 d. elsewhere . 6. As for the 625,000 l. to be raised by the People , it requires but 2 s. 1 d. per Pole per Annum , which let rather be divided into a Pole of 6 d. a Head , and an Excise of 19 d. which is not the full 1 / 84 part of the mean expence , 6 l. 13 s. 4 d. so as the 11 / 84 of the value of Consumptions , will with the said 6 d ▪ Pole , raise 625,000 l. per Annum . CHAP. V. Of Money ; and how much is necessary to drive the Trade of the Nation . 1. IT may be asked , If there were occasion to raise 4 Millions per Annum , whether the same 6 Millions ( which we hope we have ) would suffice for such revolutions and circulations thereof as Trade requires ? I answer yes ; for the Expence being 40 Millions , if the revolutions were in such short Circles , viz. weekly , as happens among poor Artizans and Labourers , who receive and pay every Saturday , then 40 / 52 parts of 1 Million of Money would answer those ends : But if the Circles be quarterly , according to our Custom of paying rent , and gathering Taxes , then 10 Millions were requisite . Wherefore supposing payments in general to be of a mixt Circle between One week and 13. then add 10 Millions to 40 / 52 , the half of the which will be 5 1⅓ , so as if we have 5 ½ Millions , we have enough . 2. And thus I have shewed , That if one half of the Subjects of England ( playing 78 days in the year ) will earn 7 d. per diem all the rest of the days one with another ; And if they would work 1 / 20 more , and spend 1 / 20 less , they might enable their King to maintain double the Forces he now doth , without suffering in the general more than many well affected persons do now through negligence , or mistakes in their Particulars . Nor is Money wanting to answer all the Ends of a well Policed State , notwithstanding the great decreases thereof , which have happened within these Twenty Years . Nor were it hard to substitute in the place of Money ( were a competency of it wanting ) what should be equivalent unto it . For Money is but the Fat of the Body-Politick , whereof too much doth as often hinder its Agility , as too little makes it sick . 'T is true , that as Fat lubricates the motion of the Muscles , feeds in want of Victuals , fills up uneven Cavities , and beautifies the Body ; so doth Money in the State quicken its Action , feeds from abroad in time of Dearth at home ; evens accounts by reason of it's divisibility , and beautifies the whole , altho more especially the particular persons that have it in plenty . CHAP. VI. The Causes of irregular Taxing . 1. THE Causes of Error in this great Affair of Publick Levies , have been these . First , Laying too great a stress on the matter of Money , which is to the whole effect of the Kingdom but as 6 to 667. That is , not one to 100. Secondly , Laying the whole Burthen on the past Effects , and neglecting the present Efficiencies , exceeding the former as 417 doth 250. Thirdly , Reckoning all the personal Estates of the City of London ( Shipping included ) at scarce ½ the value of the very Housing , whereas they are double : Which happens because the Housing of London belongs to the Church , Companies , or Gentlemen , and are taxed by the Citizens their Tenants . Fourthly , A fallacious tenderness towards the poor , ( who now pay scarce 1 s. per head per ann . towards all manner of charges ) interwoven with the cruelty of not providing them Work , and indulging Laziness in them , because of our own indisposition to employ them ; so some are overcharged through evil Custom , and others left to sordid Want , and bruitish Irregularity . Fifthly , An Opinion , that certainty of Rules is impossible , and but an idle Notion ; and then having made such as are not so , and training them to be applied by Affection and Humour ; so as ¼ of the whole paying needlesly four times too much , may be thereby so netled , as to do more mischief than the other unconcerned , and thankless ¾ can allay . CHAP. VII . The Collateral Advantages of these Taxes . 1. BEsides the equality of Taxes , we make this further use of trying it by way of Customs , Poles , Excises , Chimney-money , Land-tax , and Assesments upon the personal Estates , viz. ( 1. ) Of the Customs , which we reduce from 1 / 40 to 1 / 50 , to keep an account of Foreign ▪ Trade , and of its Balance ; for by Levying , a Duty , and encreasing the Penalty , these Accounts will be less obscured . ( 2. ) The simple and universal Pole keeps an account of the great Wealth and Strength of the Kingdom , the People . ( 3. ) Rating the Houses per Chimney , gives a good account of Improvements and Dilapidations . ( 4. ) Excize gives an account of Domestick Expences , and publisheth Exorbitances . ( 5. ) Land-taxes keep the Payments to the proportion of entire value , not of Annual Rent : So as an Estate in Housing pays no more than if it were in Lands , nor considerable less than Goods , and may bring Mortgages to their just contribution ; many Lenders not being so formidable for their Money , as some have thought them . ( 6. ) Assessments upon personal Estates ( if given in as elsewhere upon Oath ) would bring that Branch which of it self is most dark , to a sufficient clearness . 2. There is also a Pole upon Titles and Dignities worth consideration , tho we now omit it ; which as it may check mens forwardness to undeserved Pre-eminence , so it may be employed in the encouragement of true worth . 3. We have hitherto computed the old immutable Revenue at but 130,000 l. per annum , nor supposed above 170,000 l. ( viz. less than ½ what it is at present ) to be raised by Customs ( wholly neglecting Wards , Butlerage , Aulnage , and other obsolete Imposts . ) We have also designed the several Proportions towards the raising of a Million more per Ann. to be raised by the Pole , Excise , Land-Tax , Assessments and Chimneys . CHAP. VIII . Of the Expence of the Navy , Army , and Garisons . WE come next to shew , That if 3 Millions per ann . or 250,000 l. per mensem ( to make up the whole 3,300,000 l. per ann . ) were raised , what might be performed thereby for the safety , establishment , and Honour both of the King and Subject . Unto which , I say , considering the present condition of the Navy , two Millions will maintain 50,000 men , in Ships of War for eight Months of the Year , and 30000 for the other four Months : Which I take to be near double the best Fleet we ever have seen in Europe , computing the Ordnance , and Harbor-Charges of the Navy : Nor will the Maintenance of 12,000 Foot , and 3000 , Horse , allowing 100,000 l. for Inland Garisons , and 60,000 l. for Tangier , &c. put all together , exceed 600,000 l. so as there remains 700,000 l. for other Matters , whereof His Majesty's Royal Family , by all the Accounts I have seen , doth not spend 500,000 l. per ann . Nor need the Charge of all those Levies be above 1 of the 33 , ( viz. 〈◊〉 part for the 500 Officers , without ever going five Miles from the Centre of their abode ) who might perform this Work ; nor would more than 200 l. per an . for each of them , and their under Instruments be necessary for their respective Sallaries : For there are 450 Areots of 10 Miles square in England and Wales . CHAP. IX . Motives to the quiet bearing of extraordinary TAXES . HAving shewed how great and glorious things may be done with no less difficulty than what ¼ of the King's Subjects do already endure ; I offer these further Reasons to quiet mens Minds , in case this utmost 250,000 l. per mensem should be ever demanded upon this Holland-War . 1. That of all Naval Expence , not 1 / 20 is ●or Forreign Commodities , nor need it be ●f , if the people would do their part , and the Governours direct them the nearest ways . 2. That stoppage of Trade is considerable , but as one to eight ; for we exchange not above five Millions worth per ann . for our 40. 3. That the Expence of the King , &c. being about 400,000 l. per ann . is but 1 / 100 part of the Expence of the Nation , who all have the Pleasure and Honour of it . 4. That the Money of the Nation being but about 5 Millions and ½ , and the earning of the same 25 ; It is not difficult for them to encrease their Money a Million per ann . by an easie advance of their Industry , applyed to such Manufactures as will fetch Money from abroad . 5. The Wealth of England lies in Land and People , so as they make five parts of six of the whole : But the Wealth of Holland lies more in Money , Housing , Shipping and Wares . Now supposing England three-times as rich as Holland in Land , and People ( as it is ) and Holland twice as rich as we in other Particulars ( as it scarce is ) ; We are still upon the Balance of the whole near twice as rich as they : Of which I wish those that understand Holland , would consider and calculate . 6. There are in England above four Acres of Arrable , Meadow and Pasture-Land , for every Soul in it ; and those so fertile , as that the labour of one man in tilling them , is sufficient to get a bare Livelihood for above 10 : So as 't is for want of Discipline that any Poverty appears in England , and that any are hanged or starved upon that account . CHAP. X. How to employ the People , and the End thereof . WE said , That half the People by a very gentle labour , might much enrich the Kingdom , and advance its Honour , by setting apart largely for publick uses ; But the difficulty is , upon what shall they employ themselves . To which I answer in general , Upon producing Food and Necessaries for the whole People of the Land , by few hands ; whether by labouring harder , or by the introducing the Compendium , and Facilitations of Art , which is equivalent to what men vainly hoped from Polygamy . For as much as he that can do the Work of five men by one , effects the same as the begetting four adult Workmen . Nor is such advantage worth fewer years purchase than that of Lands , or what we esteem likest to perpetual . Now the making Necessaries cheap , by the means aforesaid , and not by raising more of them than can be spent whilst they are good , will necessitate others to buy them with much labour of other kinds . For if one man could raise Corn enough for the whole , better than any one man ; then that man would have the natural Monopoly of Corn , and could exact more labour for it in exchange , than if ten others raised ten times as much Corn as is necessary ; which would make other labour so much the dearer , as men were less under the need of engaging upon it . 2. By this way we might recover our lost Cloth-trade , which by the same the Dutch got from us . By this way the East-Indians furnish us from the other end of the world with Linnen cheaper than our selves can make them , with what grows at our own Doors . By this means we might fetch Flax from France , and yet furnish them with Linnen ( that is ) if we make no more than we can vend , but so much with the fewest hands , and cheapest food , which will be when Food also is raised , by fewer hands than elsewhere . 3. I answer generally we should employ our selves by raising such Commodities , as would yield and fetch in money from abroad : For that would supply any wants of ours from the same , or any other place at all times . Which Stores of Domestick Commodities could not effect , whose value is to call a Temporary ( i. e. ) which are of value but pro hic & nunc . 4. But when should we rest from this great Industry ? I answer , When we have certainly more Money than any of our Neighbour States , ( though never so little ) both in Arithmetrical and Geometrical proportion ( i. e. ) when we have more years provision aforehand , and more present effects . 5. What then should we busie our selves about ? I answer , in Ratiocinations upon the Works and Will of God , to be supported not only by the indolency , but also by the pleasure of the Body ; and not only by the tranquility , but serenity of the mind ; and this Exercise is the natural end of man in this world , and that which best disposeth him for his Spiritual happiness in that other which is to come . The motions of the mind being the quickest of all others , afford most variety , wherein is the very form and being of pleasure ; and by how much the more we have of this pleasure , by so much the more we are capable of it even ad Infinitum . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A54620-e2490 For all their Pay and Hazard . By Sir John Bodly . The Court of Exchequer . The Court of Kings Bench. The Court of Chancery . The Court of Chancery . The Court of Common-Pleas . Star-Chamber . Officers attending the State. Charge of Circuits . Incidents . Besides impost of Wines . Provincial Officers . 〈◊〉 Waxford Waterford and R●st . Corke . Kingsale . Dingle , ●oush . Limerick . Galloway : Drogheda , Dundalle , and Carlingsord . Carricksergus . Strangford Newcastle , Dundrum , &c. The Office and Officers of the Excise Commissioner-General of the Customs and Excise . Commissioners of Appeal . Accomptants-General of the Customs and Excise . Creation-Money . Perpetuities . Temporary payments . Pensions and Annuities . Commissioners of Accompts and Clerks allowances . Payments for extraordinaries by Concordatum . Lord Lieutenant . General Officers . Provinci Officers . Officers of the Ordnance . 〈…〉 .